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Thematic Roles 1 Running head: THEMATIC ROLES LEAVE TRACES Can thematic roles leave traces of their places? Franklin Chang, Kathryn Bock, and Adele Goldberg Beckman Institute, University of Illinois at Urbana- Champaign Postal Address: Franklin Chang Beckman Institute University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 405 N. Mathews Ave.

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Thematic Roles 1

Running head: THEMATIC ROLES LEAVE TRACES

Can thematic roles leave traces of their places?

Franklin Chang, Kathryn Bock, and Adele Goldberg

Beckman Institute, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Postal Address:

Franklin Chang

Beckman Institute

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

405 N. Mathews Ave.

Urbana, IL, 61801

USA

Email: [email protected]

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Thematic Roles 2

Abstract

An important question in the study of language is the nature of the information that

speakers use to create syntactic structures. Research using structural priming has

suggested that the construction of syntactic frames may be insensitive to variations in

thematic roles within messages (Bock & Loebell, 1990; Bock, Loebell, & Morey, 1992).

Because these studies involved structural alternations whose syntax covaries with the

order of thematic roles, it is difficult to assess any independent contribution that role

information makes to the positioning of phrases. In this study, we primed the order of the

roles without changing the syntactic structure, and found that the order of the roles was

influenced by the priming manipulation. This implies that thematic roles or the features

that differentiate them are active within the mapping between messages and sentence

structures.

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Thematic Roles 3

Can thematic roles leave traces of their places?

When we speak, we typically try to convey some notion or set of notions in a

sequence of words. Both of these tasks, conveying notions linguistically and developing

a sequence of words for doing so, have been argued to depend on their own specialized

representations (Garrett, 1988)f words from memory (Bock, 1987).

On their own, structural constraints cannot insure that a sentence conveys the

intended meaning, and the violations of sentence meaning seen in word exchanges and

other speech errors indicate that in fact, structural integrity is not incompatible with

semantic perfidy. Rather, another set of processes must mediate between intended

messages and syntax. For example, the relationship between man and dog is different in

the sentences The man bit the dog and The dog bit the man. In the first sentence, the dog

did the biting and the man was bitten, while in the second sentence the fillers of the roles

of the verb bit are reversed. Moreover, the same role can occur in different structural and

serial positions (compare the active The man bit the dog with the passive The dog was

bitten by the man). Accordingly, the cognitive mechanisms for encoding language must

provide some means for securing intended relationships among entities across variations

in the positions in which they occur. In theories of language production the maintenance

of this equation is the responsibility of functional processing (Garrett, 1988).

The nature of the functional equation that is formulated during production is

unknown, but an attractive hypothesis involves the construction (Goldberg, 1995). A

construction is a scheme that relates an array of thematic roles (such as agent, goal, and

patient) to a form, conceived as a set of structural positions. For example, in the sentence

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Thematic Roles 4

The man gave the girl the present, the the man is the agent, the girl is the goal, and the

present is the patient. This dative construction relates the three roles to three structural

positions (corresponding to the subject, direct object, and second object, respectively).

The construction thereby provides a mapping relating the agent to subject, the goal to

direct object, and the patient to the second object position.

The aim of the present work was to evaluate the role of constructions in language

production using the methodology of structural priming. Structural priming builds on the

phenomenon of structural repetition. Structural repetition is seen in a tendency to reuse a

previously produced sentence structure in a new, otherwise unrelated utterance (Bock,

1986). For example, after producing a double-object dative sentence like The artist

showed the police captain a sketch, speakers were more likely to describe a subsequent

event using another double-object sentence than if they had produced a structurally

different priming sentence (such as The artist showed a sketch to the police captain).

That is, having formulated one double-object structure, speakers were prone to use

another one to describe an unrelated situation (e.g., The children are giving the teacher

flowers). Conversely, the production of a prepositional object dative was associated with

an increased likelihood of using a prepositional dative later on (e.g., The children are

giving flowers to the teacher). Speakers thus tend to generalize structure from one

sentence to another. The existence of this generalization makes it possible to probe the

nature of the information that promotes it, exploring the kinds of relationships that

support alternative arrangements of constituents in sentences.

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A constructional account of functional processing predicts that constituents that

play the same thematic roles in sentences should tend to occur in the same structural

roles. Standing in the way of this kind of account is evidence that structural repetition

does not hinge on the identity of thematic roles in prime and target sentences. Bock and

Loebell (1990, Experiment 1) found that prepositional locatives (e.g., The wealthy widow

drove the Mercedes to the church) prime prepositional dative picture descriptions to the

same degree that prepositional datives (e.g., The wealthy widow gave the Mercedes to the

church) prime other prepositional datives. The prepositional locative and the

prepositional dative have a similar structural configuration (NP VP [V NP PP[P NP]]),

but they arguably differ in the event role of the prepositional argument. In the

prepositional locative, the prepositional phrase encodes the location of the action, while

in the dative it encodes the recipient of the action.

Another experiment found even stronger evidence against a purely thematic

construal of structural repetition (Bock & Loebell, 1990, Experiment 2). Locatives like

The 747 was landing by the control tower primed passive utterances as much as passives

like The 747 was alerted by the control tower The locatives and passives had similar

syntactic structures (NP VP[AUX V PP[P NP]]), but the locatives had agents as subjects,

while the passives had patients as subjects. These results suggest that structural repetition

does not depend on overlap in the thematic roles of prime and target sentences.

More puzzling from the standpoint of the constructional hypothesis is that role

overlap did not promote structural repetition: Locatives and passives were equally

effective primes, suggesting that the roles of the constituents did not influence their

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positioning. Instead, Bock et al. (1992) proposed that basic conceptual features help to

regulate functional mapping. Bock et al. varied the animacy of the subjects of active and

passive sentences, and found that the presence of an animate subject in priming sentences

increased the tendency to make animate entities the subjects of target sentences. Because

this type of priming occurred over and above the general tendency to re-use the active or

passive structure of priming sentences, the implication is that thematic roles per se may

not participate in functional mapping. At the same time, elemental conceptual features

(like animacy, which is a dimension of event-role taxonomies that distinguish agents

from instruments, beneficiaries from goals, and so on) promoted similar positioning -- as

subjects -- of like constituents in the primes and targets.

The paradox in these findings is that aspects of both sentence meaning (the

animacy of subjects) and sentence structure (active and passive form) appeared to be

susceptible to priming, when the functional mapping itself was not. This clashes with a

constructional account, where the mapping between meaning and form involves an

indissoluble association between them.

There is nonetheless a feature of existing research on structural repetition that

may allow these results to be reconciled with a constructional approach. Because English

typically confounds the structural position of a phrase with its thematic properties, it is

difficult to create changes to the thematic properties of primes and targets without

corresponding changes to their structural properties. For this reason, existing

experiments orthogonally manipulated the correspondence between thematic roles and

syntactic functions across primes and targets in just one sentence position, leaving the

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Thematic Roles 7

normal correlation in other positions intact. For example, in Bock et al. (1992), animacy

and structure were manipulated independently in the priming sentences, but of necessity,

not in the targets: In the targets, a speaker's selection of an animate subject controlled the

choice of the sentence structure and conversely, selection of a sentence structure

controlled the animacy of the subject. Such manipulations, relying on a single role

variation to drive a change in functional processing, may be insufficiently powerful to

create the consistent relational differences that would reveal the interaction of thematic

roles and syntactic structure. In contrast, the structural components of repetition were

supported by the entire gross configuration of priming sentences.

Beginning with Pickering and Branigan (1998)nd target sentences. Lexical

support may also increase the likelihood of priming between thematically dissimilar but

structurally similar sentences: Bencini, Bock, and Goldberg (2002) obtained significant

locative/passive priming when the preposition by was repeated (replicating Bock &

Loebell, 1990), but in the absence of by repetition, the priming effect was not significant.

This suggests that a shared preposition helps to support passive priming. Overlap in

thematic roles may also increase priming, according to findings from Hare and Goldberg

(2000). Hare and Goldberg found evidence of thematic-role priming using the provide-

with and the double-object constructions. The provide-with construction (e.g. The army

provided the soldiers with blankets) has the same syntactic structure as the prepositional

dative (NP VP[V NP PP[P NP]]), but the object argument is the recipient and the second-

object argument is a theme. This makes the order of the roles similar to the order in the

double-object construction, which also puts the recipient directly after the verb and

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Thematic Roles 8

before the theme. Hare and Goldberg found that provide-with sentences primed double-

object expressions as much as double-object priming sentences did. This suggests that

the order of thematic roles can be primed. However, because Hare and Goldberg used

role fillers that differ in animacy (animate recipients and inanimate themes), their results

could be explained in the same terms as Bock et al. (1992) rather than in terms of

thematic roles proper.

To achieve a straightforward test of thematic-role priming without the intrusion of

animacy or the confounding influence of structural repetition requires a different tactic.

What is needed are constructions in which the order of constituents varies without

corresponding changes in syntactic structure or the animacy of the arguments. One type

of sentence that fulfills these demands is the locative alternation (Anderson, 1971; Levin,

1993; Rappaport & Levin, 1985), also called the spray-load alternation. This alternation

varies the order of the theme (the object that moves) and the location (the place that is

moved to), both of which are typically inanimate. For example, in The man sprayed wax

on the car, wax is the theme and car is its final location. The alternative order puts the

location before the theme, as in The man sprayed the car with wax. The structure in both

cases is traditionally NP VP[V NP PP[P NP]], so priming of the structural configuration

should not differ. But if the order of the roles matters, then we should see theme-location

orders priming other theme-location orders more than location-theme orders.

Since spray-load constructions are not easy to elicit reliably with picture

description, we needed another task in which structural repetition occurs. One such task

is Potter and Lombardi's (1998) rapid serial visual presentation (RSVP) sentence

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Thematic Roles 9

repetition paradigm. In this paradigm, participants silently read from a computer screen

sentences shown one word at a time at a fast rate. The participants then performed a

distractor task before repeating the sentence aloud. Because of the difficulty of explicitly

remembering the surface forms of sentences, along with the high speed of presentation

and the intervening task, speakers sometimes changed the syntactic structure of the

sentences. Using this procedure, Potter and Lombardi (1998) found a tendency to reuse

previously produced structures, with participants tending to recall the sentence on a

current trial in the grammatical structure used to recall a different sentence on the

preceding trial. Potter and Lombardi attributed this to structural priming.

In addition, Potter and Lombardi found more priming of prepositional dative

structures by prepositional datives than by prepositional locatives, in contrast to Bock and

Loebell (1990). This suggests that their technique could be more sensitive to thematic

role variations than the sentence-picture priming technique, but an alternative explanation

is that the lexical contents of their thematically contrasting primes differed. So, in the first

experiment we set out to compare the RSVP paradigm to the sentence-picture priming

paradigm, using primes and targets with one thematic role difference and a preposition

difference, but no differences in open-class content (along the lines of Bock, 1989). Then,

in the second experiment, we turned to the spray-load alternation, where there are two

more substantial role differences.

Two competing hypotheses were tested. The first, which we call the no-roles

hypothesis, claims that the message representations that support sentence production do

not individuate thematic roles as primitives, making it impossible to prime the roles

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Thematic Roles 10

themselves. The second hypothesis, which we call the construction hypothesis, says that

thematic roles are a proper part of the messages that drive production mechanisms. The

hypotheses make the same predictions for the dative experiment, where the purpose was

primarily methodological, because either animacy or thematic roles (the order of the

patient and goal) could support priming. But in the spray-load experiment, the no-roles

hypothesis predicts no difference in priming between the different orders of theme and

location, while the construction hypothesis predicts just such a difference.

Experiment 1: Dative Priming

The first study examined the sensitivity of RSVP recall, as in Potter and Lombardi

(1990), to differences in thematic roles with the content words of priming sentences

controlled. If priming in the RSVP paradigm is more vulnerable to thematic role effects,

the dative priming observed by Bock (1989) between transfer and benefactive datives in

the sentence-picture task could be absent from the RSVP task.

Method

Participants

Sixty-one students from the University of Illinois took part in the experiment,

receiving partial credit toward fulfillment of an introductory psychology course

requirement. A total of 48 students were included in the analyses. The remaining

participants were excluded because of experimenter errors (2), non-native English speech

(1), empty cells (2), or low rates of codable prime and target repetitions (8).

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Materials

There were 16 dative items. Each contained two sets of sentences representing

transfer datives and benefactive datives (see Table 1 for examples). Transfer datives have

a verb that requires the preposition to in the prepositional form, with noun phrases

representing a theme and a goal. Benefactive datives have a verb that requires the

preposition for in the prepositional dative form, and noun phrases representing a theme

and a beneficiary. Both types of datives occurred in the prepositional structure and the

double-object structure. Priming trials were constructed from sentence pairs drawn from

each item, with the first sentence serving as the prime and the second as the target. The

primes occurred in both the prepositional and double-object structures, but the target

dative was always in the double-object form. This was done to reduce the overall number

of NP VP[V NP PP] structures in the experimental list as a whole. The pairings of prime

and target were made so as to minimize the lexical and semantic overlap between the

members of each pair, and were always different in thematic type (transfer or

benefactive). Table 1 illustrates one item, and Appendix A lists all of the experimental

sentences.

In addition to the experimental items there were 288 filler sentences (including

the 32 sentences from Experiment 2). The fillers came from a variety of constructions

including unaccusatives (The woman ran three miles a day), unergatives (The politician

coughed), there structures (There were free cookies yesterday), truncated passives (The

usual suspects were rounded up), clefts (It is strange to think that the Beaver has grown

up), copulas (The beautiful child was as good as gold), tough movement structures (The

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Thematic Roles 12

anger of the crowd was hard to understand), locative inversion structures (On the table

were pancakes and coffee), that complements (The professor believed that only half the

class was enrolled), and infinitival complements (The students wanted to cancel class).

The fillers were designed to avoid structures that might prime prepositional phrases at the

ends of sentences, and to avoid lexical overlap with each other and with the target

sentences.

Lists were assembled from the filler and experimental sentences so as to create

what appeared to be a series of 320 unrelated sentences. Embedded in the series were 16

sequences of two sentences derived from the experimental items. These constituted the

priming trials, each with a prime and target sentence. Eight versions of each prime-target

pair were created (2 orders x 2 priming structures x 2 verb types). There were two orders

of the sentences in an item, Benefactive – Transfer or Transfer – Benefactive. For each of

these orders, the prime could occur in one of the two structures, either prepositional or

double object. The target had either a transitive or a benefactive verb, always in the

double-object structure, with the prime verb type always mismatching that of the target.

To counterbalance these experimental conditions, eight lists were created. One

sequence of the 16 priming items was devised to rotate through the eight lists, with eight

different starting points within the rotation. The target verb-type alternated across the

item sequence. The fillers were randomized, with the same random order used regardless

of the rotation of priming trials. This served to distribute practice and fatigue effects

across experimental items and conditions while keeping their positions with respect to

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Thematic Roles 13

one another roughly the same. The priming trials were separated by a total of 18

sentences (8 fillers, a prime and target pair from Experiment 2, and another 8 fillers).

Procedure

Participants were tested individually, seated in front of a computer terminal in a

sound-attenuated room. Experimental trials were controlled by a Macintosh Quadra 800

running PsyScope software (Cohen, MacWhinney, Flatt, & Provost, 1993) with the

PsyScope button box. The monitor was an Apple Multiple Scan 17 Display (AK8

M2494) monitor. Participants viewed the screen from a distance of approximately 17

inches.

One sentence from the experimental list was presented on every trial. Figure 1

shows the sequence and timing of trial events. Each trial had three phases: a reading

phase, a number comparison phase, and a speaking phase. These phases unfolded

continuously, with the timing indicated in the figure, so that participants experienced an

uninterrupted series of stimulus and response events.

The reading phase began with a 200 ms fixation prompt, which was a horizontal

array of 5 asterisks in the center of the screen. The participants then silently read a

sentence presented one word at a time, which they were instructed to remember for later

recall. The words of the sentence were presented for 100 ms each in the center of the

screen.

Next came the number comparison phase, which was designed to obstruct

rehearsal of the to-be-remembered sentence and thereby decrease the likelihood of rote

recall. In this phase participants saw a horizontal array of five single-digit numbers for

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Thematic Roles 14

533 ms, followed after 100 ms by a number written out as a word, which served as a

probe. It was displayed for 500 ms. A prompt for a yes or no response followed the

probe, and participants were supposed to indicate by a button press whether the

corresponding number had been in the list of digits. The prompt remained until the

participant pressed either the left (mapped to no) or the right (mapped to yes) button on

the button box. Feedback about the response appeared for 500 ms (a happy face for a

correct response and a sad face for an incorrect response).

The final phase was speaking, when participants were to recall the sentence that

they had seen in the reading phase. This phase began immediately after number

comparison with a blank screen for 500 ms. Production was prompted with the word

“Repeat” centered on the screen, directing participants to produce the sentence that they

had just seen. The word “Repeat” stayed on the screen until participants pressed the

center button on the button box, to signal completion of the sentence.

Words and numbers were presented in 14-point Courier font. The spoken sentence

responses of the participants were recorded on a Sony Digital Audio Tape Deck (DTC-

ZE700) through a Shure head-worn microphone (SM10A) amplified by an Applied

Research and Technology Professional Tube Mic Preamplifier.

From a participant's point of view, the sentences that constituted the primes and

targets were not readily discriminable from the filler sentences. The participants were not

told about any of the differences in the sentences across the various trials, or of potential

relationships across consecutive trials. Objectively, however, filler-sentence trials

differed from prime and target trials during the number-comparison phase. Filler trials

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Thematic Roles 15

had either yes or no answers, and on positive trials the to-be-verified number could

appear anywhere in the array. Prime and target trials always had yes answers and the to-

be-verified numbers were always either the leftmost or rightmost numbers in the number

list, to decrease the occurrence of incorrect responses on these trials.

Participants received the following instructions on the screen:

In this experiment, you will be doing two things. The

first is reading and remembering a sentence. To do this, you

will read a sentence one word at a time, and then you will be

asked to repeat the sentence. The second task is a number

comparison task. In this task, you will see five numbers, like

this

4 5 2 9 1

Then the numbers will disappear, and you will be shown a

number, like this

Two

You should decide whether this number was in the list of

numbers you saw before. Press the “yes” button if it was on

this list, and the “no” button if it wasn’t.

The hard part about this experiment is that you have to

do the number task in the middle of the sentence task. So you

will read the sentence word by word, and then you will do the

number test, and then you will say the sentence when you see

the word “Repeat”. Here is how the experiment will proceed.

Press Yellow

The

couple

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Thematic Roles 16

skated

gracefully.

############

4 5 2 9 1

two

no yes ( press the “yes” button)

happy or sad face (happy means correct, sad means incorrect)

Repeat (say “the couple skated gracefully”)

Press yellow button to continue

So, you will press the yellow button to start. Then you

will see the sentence followed by ##########. Then you

will see the list of numbers, and then the number word. You

will be prompted to press no or yes on the button box. Then

you will see a happy or sad face depending on whether you

gave the right answer. Finally, you will see the word Repeat

and you should recall the sentence as best you can. If you can’t

remember the sentence exactly, try to put it into your own

words. To continue the experiment, you will press the yellow

button.

If you have any questions, please ask the experimenter.

After the participants finished reading the instructions, the experimenter paraphrased

them and led the participant through the trial sequence from the instructions. The

participants then began the experiment, starting with 8 filler trials that preceded the first

experimental trial. Each experimental session took approximately 45 minutes.

Design. Each participant received four items in each of the cells formed by

crossing the factors of prime type (Benefactive or Transfer) and prime structure

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Thematic Roles 17

(Prepositional or Double Object). Every item was seen by 12 participants in the four

cells of the same design.

Scoring. The tapes of the experimental sessions were transcribed by editing a file

that contained a list of the prime and target sentences as the participants had originally

seen them. The sentences were edited so that they matched what the speakers had

produced on the tapes, including partially produced words, rephrasing, and pauses.

The transcribed responses were categorized with respect to the constituents of the

presented sentences and the structures of the utterances produced. The utterances could

be scored either as prepositional datives (The artist showed a sketch to the police captain)

or double object (The artist showed the police captain a sketch). Prepositional datives had

to fit the template “A verb B preposition C” and double objects the template “A verb C

B” where A was the presented subject noun phrase (e.g.. The artist), B was the noun

phrase representing the theme (e.g., the sketch), and C was the noun phrase representing

the goal or beneficiary. The same scoring procedures were applied to both prime and

target responses. Pauses and minor changes in tense, number, and articles were ignored.

Other changes in form (including content-word changes) caused responses to be excluded

from the analyses. This conservative coding was used in all analyses reported, but

similar results were achieved with a looser coding that allowed all alternating structures

regardless of their fidelity to the presented sentence.

A trial was considered valid if both the prime and target were scored as either

double object or prepositional datives. Participants whose overall percentage of valid

trials was less than 50% were excluded. To insure that the sample of participants was the

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Thematic Roles 18

same in Experiment 1 and Experiment 2, participants were also excluded if their

percentage of valid trials for Experiment 2 was less than 50%. Eight participants were

excluded because they did not meet this criterion, and they were replaced. Overall, the

participants who met the criterion recalled 77% of the dative sentences in one of the two

forms, with a range of 50 –100 %. Two other participants yielded empty cells, and were

also replaced.

Analyses of variance were carried out on the proportions of prepositional datives

associated with each participant and item in each condition, with prime type

(prepositional dative or double object dative) and target type (transfer or benefactive) as

within subject and within items variables. Separate analyses were performed with

participants and items as random factors. Differences were considered significant when

their associated probabilities were less than or equal to .05.

Results

Table 2 shows the raw counts and the proportions of prepositional dative

structures produced out of all datives in each condition. Given a prepositional dative

prime, participants were significantly more likely to change the subsequent target to a

prepositional dative sentence (.06) than they were after a double object prime (.01),

F1(1,47) = 12.11. F2(1,15) = 7.35. Target type (transfer or benefactive) did not make a

difference in the number of prepositional datives produced (F1(1,47) = 0.13; F2(1,15) =

0.09) and did not interact with prime structure (F1(1,47) = 0.20; F2(1,15) = 0.14).

Participants were accurate at the number comparison task, getting 92% correct on

the datives and 91% on the fillers.

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Discussion

Speakers were approximately 5% more likely to produce target sentences as

prepositional datives after a prepositional dative prime than after a double object prime.

So, even though speakers were engaged in a sentence memory task, where they were

supposed to recall a double object sentence, they were also sensitive to the structure of

the previously recalled sentence. Furthermore, the magnitude of structural priming did

not differ between benefactive and transfer datives, consistent with the hypothesis that

priming does not require lexical (Bock, 1989) or thematic repetition (Bock & Loebell,

1990).

These findings also show that picture description and RSVP production tasks both

yield structural priming. This replicates Potter and Lombardi (1998), although our

priming effects are considerably smaller in magnitude than theirs (5% compared to 30%).

This may be due to the presentation of all the dative targets in double-object form, which

is sometimes preferred to the prepositional form (Bock & Griffin, 2000)rimental lists.

Because the prepositional dative has the same structure as the sentences examined in

Experiment 2, which was run concurrently with this experiment, repeated exposure to the

structure could have reduced the efficacy of priming (by eliminating the possibility of

further implicit learning; Chang, Dell, Bock, & Griffin, 2000).

Experiment 2: Spray-load Alternation

Experiment 1 demonstrated that identity of thematic roles is not necessary for

structural priming in the RSVP paradigm. In Experiment 2 we tested whether thematic

role identity is sufficient to prime the order of noun phrases in sentences, in the absence

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Thematic Roles 20

of differences in syntactic structure. For this purpose we used spray-load sentences with

alternative orders of themes and goals as primes for other spray-load sentences with the

same or different orders of thematic roles.

Method

Participants and procedure

The participants and procedures were the same in Experiments 1 and 2, because

the materials for both experiments were interleaved in the lists.

Materials

There were 16 spray-load alternation items. Each one contained noun phrases

representing a theme and location after the verb, either as the direct object or the object of

a prepositional phrase. Two types of spray-load items were used, theme-locative and

locative-theme. Theme-locatives place the theme in the object position and the location

in a prepositional phrase with a directional preposition. Locative-themes place the

location in the object position and the theme in a prepositional phrase with the

preposition with. Items were formed by combining two pairs of these sentences, so that

each item contained four sentences, two representing each order (location-theme and

theme-location). The combinations of sentences were designed to minimize the semantic

similarity in the actions. For example, liquid-propulsion actions like spray and splattered

were paired with non-liquid-propulsion actions like jammed or engraved. Table 3

illustrates one item in four conditions, and Appendix B lists all of the experimental

sentences.

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Eight versions of each prime-target pair were created (2 orders x 2 prime

structures x 2 target structures), counterbalanced and rotated through the experimental

lists as in Experiment 1. The prime type alternated across items within the lists, and the

target structure alternated in an ABBA order. The prime-target pairs were incorporated

into the same lists as Experiment 1, separated by 18 fillers (including the dative trials

from Experiment 1).

Design and Scoring

The experimental design and scoring procedures followed those in Experiment 1.

Prime and target utterances were scored either as locative-themes (“The witch doctor

stuck the doll with pins”) or theme-locatives (“The witch doctor stuck pins into the

doll”). Locative-themes had to fit the template “A verb B with C” and theme-locatives

the template “A verb C PREP B”, where A was the presented subject noun phrase (e.g..

The witch doctor), B was the noun phrase representing the theme (e.g., the pins), C was

the noun phrase representing the location (e.g., the doll), and PREP was a preposition

other than with. Pauses and minor changes in tense, number, and articles were ignored.

Other changes in form (including content-word changes) caused responses to be excluded

from the analyses. As in the previous experiment, looser coding yielded similar results.

The participants recalled 77% of the spray-load sentences in one of the two forms with a

range of 50 –100 %.

Analyses of variance were performed on the proportions of locative-theme

responses produced after locative-theme or theme-locative primes, given either locative-

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theme or theme-locative targets. Separate analyses were performed with participants and

items as random factors.

Results

Table 4 shows the raw counts and proportions of locative-theme structures

produced out of all targets in each condition. Participants were more likely to produce

locative-theme sentences after locative-theme primes (.415) than after theme-locative

primes (.335), F1(1,47) = 9.07, F2(1,15) = 6.11). There was also a main effect of target

sentence type (F1(1,47) = 322.82; F2(1,15) = 717.28) because participants tended to use

the target form that they had received, producing an average of .71 locative-theme targets

given that form, compared to .04 locative-theme targets given theme-locatives. These

two effects did not interact significantly (F1(1,47) = 0.27; F2(1,15) = .002).

Participants’ performance on the number comparison task was excellent, with

94% correct on the spray-load sentence trials.

Discussion

The results show that speakers tended to use the primed order of arguments when

they produced the target sentences, using the location-theme order more often in the

targets when the location-theme order had been used in the prime. These results support

the hypothesis that the order of thematic roles matters in language production.

As in Experiment 1, lexical overlap did not affect priming. The theme-locative

construction uses a variety of prepositions to mark the locative role (over, onto, into,

around, on), while the locative-theme construction uses only the preposition with. If the

preposition with had increased the tendency to use the locative-theme structure in the

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Thematic Roles 23

target, locative-theme primes for locative-theme targets should have been more effective

than theme-locative primes for theme-locative targets. They were not. This suggests that

priming was due primarily to the order of thematic roles, regardless of lexical overlap.

General Discussion

The results suggest that thematic roles may indeed leave traces of their places.

This supports the construction hypothesis. When the thematic properties of noun phrases

varied within a stable structural configuration, subsequent sentences tended to place noun

phrases playing analogous roles in analogous positions. These traces can be viewed as

implicit memory representations of the link between a role in an event and its structural

position. Such links are central to a constructional account of functional processing.

The first experiment helped to rule out an explanation of these findings in terms

of disparities with previous experiments in sensitivity to structural factors, lexical factors,

and methods. The datives in Experiment 1 behaved much as they have in previous

studies, with prepositional datives priming other prepositional datives despite differences

between primes and targets. This gives more empirical weight to the claim that thematic

roles play a part in sentence production of the kind envisioned in the construction

hypothesis.

The construction hypothesis suggests that the placement of thematic roles in

sentences reflects the selection of a construction that is used to map roles into structural

elements. In this approach, the use of a construction increases its likelihood of being

used again, and that is the basis for priming. For example, the ability of both

prepositional locatives and prepositional datives to prime prepositional datives (Bock &

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Loebell, 1990) is consistent with both being instances of the cause-motion construction,

differing only in the specifics of verbs and arguments used. The cause-motion

construction says that agents map to subjects, themes to objects, and goals to objects of

prepositional phrases. Similarly, Hare and Goldberg’s (2000) results offer evidence from

priming for the provide-with construction.

In order for the no-role hypothesis to be reconciled with our results, some

elaboration of the approach sketched in Bock et al. (1992) is needed. Bock et al.

proposed that conceptual features like animacy directly influence the assignment of

syntactic functions, without the need for mediation by specific thematic roles. On this

approach, the spray-load results can be explained in terms of the conceptual features of

themes and locations in the spray-load alternation. (water, gel, mud) and locations tend to

be more concrete objects (pan, truck, wagon). If object selection is sensitive to the

relative concreteness of arguments, our priming results would follow.

Regardless of how the debate between featural and role-based accounts of

functional processing is finally resolved, the present experiments provide strongsyntactic

processes at the interface between meaning and form. Likewise, the findings suggest a

tool for exploring these processes, in the form of priming the relationship between

thematic properties (either roles or their correlated features) and grammatical relations or

positions. The evidence that this kind of priming can occur when structural

configurations are held constant implies that such forces are normally active within the

mapping to sentence forms. The construction hypothesis offers a general, viable account

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Thematic Roles 25

of how, in the course of this mapping, thematically relevant meanings and the forms that

convey them interact.

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Cohen, J. D., MacWhinney, B., Flatt, M., & Provost, J. (1993). PsyScope: A new graphic

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Goldberg, A. E. (1995). Constructions : a construction grammar approach to argument

structure. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Hare, M. L., & Goldberg, A. E. (2000). Structural priming: Purely syntactic? In M. Hahn

& S. C. Stones (Eds.), Proceedings of the Twenty-first Annual Meeting of the

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Associates.

Levin, B. (1993). English verb classes and alternations: A preliminary investigation.

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633-651.

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Rappaport, M., & Levin, B. (1985). A study in lexical analysis: The locative alternation:

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Appendix A:

Dative Items:

Each item contained eight versions that occurred as primes or targets. Two sentences had

transfer dative verbs (T1 and T2) and two had benefactive dative verbs (B1 and B2).

Prepositional (PD) and double object (DO) structures served as primes; double objects

served only as targets.

Item Conditions Sentences

1 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

DO

An artist showed a sketch to the police captain.

An artist showed the police captain a sketch.

A soldier offered a cigarette to his pal.

A soldier offered his pal a cigarette.

An artist drew a sketch for the police captain.

An artist drew the police captain a sketch.

A soldier saved a cigarette for his pal.

A soldier saved his pal a cigarette.

2 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

DO

The caterers awarded a free banquet to the Lions Club.

The caterers awarded the Lions Club a free banquet.

A carpenter took a little birdhouse to the preschooler.

A carpenter took the preschooler a little birdhouse.

The caterers fixed a free banquet for the Lions Club.

The caterers fixed the Lions Club a free banquet.

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Thematic Roles 30

B2 PD

DO

A carpenter made a little birdhouse for the preschooler.

A carpenter made the preschooler a little birdhouse.

3 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

DO

Roger mailed a portrait of his horse to Sally.

Roger mailed Sally a portrait of his horse.

A cheerleader offered a seat to her friend.

A cheerleader offered her friend a seat.

Roger painted a portrait of his horse for Sally.

Roger painted Sally a portrait of his horse.

A cheerleader saved a seat for her friend.

A cheerleader saved her friend a seat.

4 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

DO

The chef passed some Eggs Benedict to the butler.

The chef passed the butler some Eggs Benedict.

The detective threw a rawhide bone to his German shepherd.

The detective threw his German shepherd a rawhide bone.

The chef cooked some Eggs Benedict for the butler.

The chef cooked the butler some Eggs Benedict.

The detective purchased a rawhide bone for his German shep-

herd.

The detective purchased his German shepherd a rawhide bone.

5 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

The children mailed a picture to the company.

The children mailed the company a picture.

A woodcarver promised a toy duck to the orphan.

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Thematic Roles 31

DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

DO

A woodcarver promised the orphan a toy duck.

The children painted a picture for the company.

The children painted the company a picture.

A woodcarver whittled a toy duck for the orphan.

A woodcarver whittled the orphan a toy duck.

6 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

DO

The eccentric old man passed some chicken to Sally.

The eccentric old man passed Sally some chicken.

The grandmother sent a quilt to her granddaughter.

The grandmother sent her granddaughter a quilt.

The eccentric old man cooked some chicken for Sally.

The eccentric old man cooked Sally some chicken.

The grandmother sewed a quilt for her granddaughter.

The grandmother sewed her granddaughter a quilt.

7 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

DO

The librarian read a short story to the handicapped boy.

The librarian read the handicapped boy a short story.

A secretary was taking a cake to her boss.

A secretary was taking her boss a cake.

The librarian wrote a short story for the handicapped boy.

The librarian wrote the handicapped boy a short story.

A secretary was baking a cake for her boss.

A secretary was baking her boss a cake.

8 T1 PD An architect showed a design to the company's president.

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DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

DO

An architect showed the company's president a design.

The manager was taking some peanut brittle to her cousins.

The manager was taking her cousins some peanut brittle.

An architect drew a design for the company's president.

An architect drew the company's president a design.

The manager was baking some peanut brittle for her cousins.

The manager was baking her cousins some peanut brittle.

9 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

DO

The teenager handed a model ship to his brother.

The teenager handed his brother a model ship.

The oil sheik gave a Rolls Royce to his mistress.

The oil sheik gave his mistress a Rolls Royce.

The teenager built a model ship for his brother.

The teenager built his brother a model ship.

The oil sheik bought a Rolls Royce for his mistress.

The oil sheik bought his mistress a Rolls Royce.

10 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

The duchess was loaning a weedeater to the gardener.

The duchess was loaning the gardener a weedeater.

The principal read a letter of recommendation to the teacher.

The principal read the teacher a letter of recommendation.

The duchess was buying a weedeater for the gardener.

The duchess was buying the gardener a weedeater.

The principal wrote a letter of recommendation for the teacher.

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DO The principal wrote the teacher a letter of recommendation.

11 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

DO

A maid tossed a towel to the hotel guest.

A maid tossed the hotel guest a towel.

A relative gave some flowers to the patient.

A relative gave the patient some flowers.

A maid found a towel for the hotel guest.

A maid found the hotel guest a towel.

A relative bought some flowers for the patient.

A relative bought the patient some flowers.

12 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

DO

The restaurant awarded a dinner to the customer.

The restaurant awarded the customer a dinner.

A rock star sold some pure cocaine to his manager.

A rock star sold his manager some pure cocaine.

The restaurant fixed a dinner for the customer.

The restaurant fixed the customer a dinner.

A rock star got some pure cocaine for his manager.

A rock star got his manager some pure cocaine.

13 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

The stepfather promised a boomerang to his stepson.

The stepfather promised his stepson a boomerang.

A guard tossed some keys to the prison warden.

A guard tossed the prison warden some keys.

The stepfather whittled a boomerang for his stepson.

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DO

B2 PD

DO

The stepfather whittled his stepson a boomerang.

A guard found some keys for the prison warden.

A guard found the prison warden some keys.

14 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

DO

A trapper sold some valuable furs to the explorer.

A trapper sold the explorer some valuable furs.

A waitress took a tray of appetizers to the customers.

A waitress took the customers a tray of appetizers.

A trapper got some valuable furs for the explorer.

A trapper got the explorer some valuable furs.

A waitress made a tray of appetizers for the customers.

A waitress made the customers a tray of appetizers.

15 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

DO

The woman was loaning a ladder to her neighbor.

The woman was loaning her neighbor a ladder.

An inventor handed a mousetrap to his elderly mother.

An inventor handed his elderly mother a mousetrap.

The woman was buying a ladder for her neighbor.

The woman was buying her neighbor a ladder.

An inventor built a mousetrap for his elderly mother.

An inventor built his elderly mother a mousetrap.

16 T1 PD

DO

T2 PD

The father threw a baseball to his six-year-old.

The father threw his six-year-old a baseball.

A seamstress sent a wedding dress to the bride-to-be.

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DO

B1 PD

DO

B2 PD

DO

A seamstress sent the bride-to-be a wedding dress.

The father purchased a baseball for his six-year-old.

The father purchased his six-year-old a baseball.

A seamstress sewed a wedding dress for the bride-to-be.

A seamstress sewed the bride-to-be a wedding dress.

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Appendix B:

Spray-load items

Each sentence in each pair occurred as prime and target, in both theme-locative and loca-

tive-theme structure. The sentences are shown in the theme-locative version.

Item Sentence

1 The Naval officer draped the flag over the coffin.

Sheila sprinkled some cinnamon onto her toast.

2 The contractor plastered stucco onto the wall.

The biologist injected an antibiotic into the rat.

3 The performer packed all of his belongings into the suitcase.

The butcher wrapped newspaper around the fish.

4 The undertaker engraved the date onto the tombstone.

The chef sprayed oil onto the pan.

5 The short order cook spattered grease on his apron.

The deliveryman loaded boxes onto the truck.

6 The fashion model powdered rouge onto her cheeks.

The bus splashed water on the pedestrian.

7 The gardener planted daffodils on the hillside.

The game contestant crammed the dollar bills into his pockets.

8 The witch doctor stuck pins into the doll.

The home economics teacher brushed butter onto the turkey.

9 The housecleaner stacked dishes on the countertop.

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Thematic Roles 37

Dad stuffed treats into the stockings.

10 The maid rubbed polish onto the table.

The farmer heaped straw onto the wagon.

11 The medic swabbed alcohol onto the wound.

The couple etched their initials into the tree.

12 The preschooler splattered paint onto the floor.

The policeman jammed the demonstrators into the paddy

wagon.

13 The prankster squirted disappearing ink onto his friend's shirt.

The children tracked mud onto the carpet.

14 The ranch hand branded a number onto the cow.

The plane dusted insecticide over the crops.

15 The technician smeared some gel onto the glass slide.

The sailor tattooed a new design onto his arm.

16 The storm showered hail onto the golf course.

The new resident marked his house number on the gate.

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Author Note

Franklin Chang, Kathryn Bock, and Adele Goldberg, Beckman Institute,

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.

Preparation of this article was supported by research and training grants from the

National Science Foundation (SBR 94-11627 and 98-73450) and the National Institutes

of Health (R01 HD21011, T32MH 1819990, and DC-00191). We thank Gary Dell for

comments on the manuscript, and Heather Pauley and Brooke Biff for help in subject

running, transcription, and data coding.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Franklin Chang,

Beckman Institute, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 405 North Mathews Av-

enue, Urbana, IL 61801 USA. Electronic mail can be sent to fchang@os-

good.cogsci.uiuc.edu.

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Table 1

Prime and Target Pairings for One Item from Experiment 1

Prime Target

Prepositional Dative (Benefactive)

An artist drew a sketch for the police captain.

Transfer

A soldier offered his pal a ciga-

rette.Double Object (Benefactive)

An artist drew the police captain a sketch.

Prepositional Dative (Transfer)

An artist showed a sketch to the police captain.

Benefactive

A soldier saved his pal a ciga-

rette.Double Object (Transfer)

An artist showed the police captain a sketch.

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Table 2

Counts and Proportions of Prepositional Dative Structures in Experiment 1

Prime Target Counts (Propor-

tion)

Prepositional Dative (Benefactive) Transfer 10 (0.060)

Double Object (Benefactive) Transfer 1 (0.006)

Prepositional Dative (Transfer) Benefac-

tive

10 (0.058)

Double Object (Transfer) Benefac-

tive

3 (0.02)

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Table 3

Example of Prime and Target Pairing for Spray-load Sentences in Experiment 2

Prime Target

Theme-locative

The maid rubbed polish onto the table.

Theme-locative

The farmer heaped the straw onto the

wagon.Locative-theme

The maid rubbed the table with polish.

Theme-locative

The maid rubbed polish onto the table.

Locative-theme

The farmer heaped the wagon with straw.

Locative-theme

The maid rubbed the table with polish.

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Table 4

Counts and Proportions of Locative-theme Structures in Experiment 2

Prime Target Counts (Proportion)

Locative-theme Locative-theme 121 (.791)

Theme-locative Locative-theme 105 (.705)

Locative-theme Theme-locative 12 (.076)

Theme-locative Theme-locative 1 (.006)

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Figure Caption

Figure 1. The sequencing and timing of events in a single trial.

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*****

200 msecsThe

100 msecspolitician

100 msecs coughed

100 msecs############

0 msecs4 5 2 9 1

533 msecs

100 msecstwo

500 msecsNo Yes

500 msecs (screen blanked)

500 msecsRepeat