inclusive revitalisation dissertation

Inclusive Revitalisation

- Introduction -

Inclusive Revitalisation?

1970s: The influx of the middle classes to Islington and its effect on housing, public space and social relations.

University of Liverpool

Liam Howley,

BA History V100 Words: 10,285Contents Introduction

P.2 Chapter One: Safe as Houses? Revitalisation

P.15 Chapter Two: Public Space or Private Space?

P.27 Chapter Three: Did Revitalisation provide Social Integration? P.39 Conclusion

P.51Introduction : As Dominic Sandbrook depicts in his lecture to the RSA on the Way We Were: Britain in the 70s, we remember the 70s like this: a decade with the biggest social and economic problems since World War 2, with coal stocks running out, too many strikes, power cuts, an economy plunging in to oblivion and a decade when politicians lost their grip. Furthermore, the decade saw the continued collapse of the British Empire, increased globalisation as well as a continuing increase in consumerism. Shopping centres increased in number and McDonalds made its first appearance in London in 1974. In amongst these changes, the Bank of England made a radical reform in the autumn of 1971 which would truly change the structure of the British Economy. It loosened restrictions on major banks lending in a system known as Competition and Credit control. This loosened lending controls and allowed greater mobility, particularly for the middle classes, regarding house ownership and access to mortgages. The lights for increased action in the housing market turned from red to green and this may explain the volatile situation in inner London, an attractive base for professional middle class couples looking for a new place to live now that they could own their own property. Observed issues of race and immigration also have their place in defining the decade. In the wake of Enoch Powells 1968 Rivers of Blood speech, 20 million people regularly tuned in to the black and white minstrel show and Enoch Powell was voted Britains most popular politician for three years on the trot. It has also been said that since the mid-70s, divisions between a prosperous minority and a depressed minority have indeed deepened, as private rents have become higher and council housing harder to get. These issues had an impact on Inner London. Increased globalisation and the need for London to be a centre for international trade, plus the rise in consumerism meant cities needed to redesign themselves; leading to a rise in the amount of new service and consumer industries (especially in London). Post War immigration was also concentrated on inner London. Thus the housing market was put under pressure (indeed today London has the worst index for overcrowding) and issues of race and diversity were a hot topic in 1970s Islington.

Nonetheless, this narrative of the decade neglects important changes at local level. This is a local history study of Islington which by the 1860s was becoming encompassed into the surrounding inner city slums which were oozing out over Inner London. Estates and terraces were originally built for city clerks, junior executives and local merchants. But, as the slums began to cover more of inner London, rich occupants of Angel, Canonbury and Barnsbury left their houses which rapidly went in to multi-occupation. More recently things have changed and this project has chosen the 1970s as the period from which to begin to measure this historical change.

As a result of its changing structure, Islington has received a lot of academic attention, specifically regarding the issue of gentrification, since Ruth Glass coined the term in reference to Islington in 1964. Since 1964 gentrification has remained a pressing subject and has caused immense economic and social change in Inner London. Nonetheless, since illustrations of the change in 1964, Tom Slater explains that the term gentrification has been dropped from use more recently, being replaced by terms such as regeneration and revitalisation by people such as Richard Florida in his book The Rise of the Creative Class. Richard Florida argues that economic growth is driven by concentrations of educated people. Although he cautions it, he does not pay enough attention to the idea that poverty, unemployment and other social ills may be made worse without appropriate human interventions and sufficient attempts to build stronger communities based on diversity and social cohesion.

This dissertation will examine 6 different interviews with people who resided in Islington since the 70s. The choice of Islington as an area of study is partly due to the prevalent nature of gentrification in this borough. Close proximity to the centre of London helps explain its desirability to young professionals looking for a place to live nearby work:

Figure 1.1: Islington in relation to the rest of London

Source:

Figure 1.2: The following maps explain the difference in location my interviewees had within Islington.

Raymond Whatley

and Pete Fabbri:

Spa Green Estate (Finsbury)

Hassan: The Avenue Hair Salon (Finsbury)

Cauline Braithwaite: Battledean Road (Highbury)

Cauline Braithwaite: Bryantwood Road (Holloway)

Betty Foley: Colebrook Row (Angel Islington)

Russell Craig: Upper Street: (Angel Islington)

Source:

Oral HistoryOral history has been chosen because it allows a clearer insight into the local history of Islington. There has not been enough research done on the economically and socially vulnerable during the regeneration of Islington. There are limits to such a research method that must be taken in to account, however. For example, nostalgia (the wistful longing for a past age) and composure (the impact of narrators wanting to portray a positive version of their life) may affect the way people spoke to me. On top of this reverse-imaging, may have led to interviewees overstating the happiness of their past as they compared it to their loneliness or worry today. Furthermore, respondents may often draw on common culture, cultural circuits and collective discourses and their opinion is perhaps not always completely their own. For example, collective dialogue and media discourse may enter the memory and help structure it: like popular anecdotes told between members of a Trade Union or stories in a particular magazine or newspaper. Nonetheless, the bias, and misremembered stories or facts, can work to our advantage as they provide evidence of what the interviewee considers most important in hindsight. Even where collective discourses have had an impact on ones memory, we can make inferences about popular opinions or the ideologies of particular groups of people. Further, who is considered a villain (symbolically) in the stories the interviewees tell, even when inaccurate, inform one of the internalised stresses, worries and perceived enemies of the interviewer and so help achieve a clearer picture of how the past is imagined by those who lived it. The time between the interview and the event means that we are hearing what one thinks in hindsight. Perhaps the interviewees opinions have changed; these changes in opinion remind us of historical change. The interviews also remind us that there is no essential oneness to experiences in social history. Thus, although like all historical sources there are hazards one must be aware of when studying oral history in terms of complete authenticity, an awful lot can be learned from oral testimonies about how real people imagine the past to have been. Their memories can also lead us towards researching topics we may never have thought to look at. This way more access to the complexities of mental life in Islington and Finsbury is gained.

NameYear of birthPlace of BirthResidence in the 1970sGender, occupation during the 70s and social class

Peter Fabbri1947Islington(Community housing)

Spa Green Estate, Rosebery Avenue, London,

EC1R Male

Catering

Working class

Raymond Whatley1944Islington(Community housing)

Spa Green Estate, Rosebery Avenue, London,

EC1R Male

Train signal box

Working class

Cauline Brathwaite1957Guyana (Squatted in)

Battledean Road,

Higbury,

London,

N5

----------------------------------

(Shared house with teacher from school)

Priorswood Road,

Highbury,

London,

N5

Female

Student/political activist

Working class

Hassan (surname not disclosed)Est. late 40s, early 50s (not disclosed)Cyprus(Privately rented accommodation)

Rosebery Avenue,

London,

EC1R Male

Hairdresser

Working class

Betty Foley1939Scotland(Privately rented room)

Colebrooke Row, Islington, London,N1 Female

Social service secretary

Working class

Russell Craig1948New Zealand (Privately rented accommodation)

Upper Street,

Islington,

London,

N1 Male

Self-employed theatre stage director Middle class

The project will use interviews from participants of varied backgrounds. Nonetheless, this can give us an insight as to whether different types of people considered the area inclusive. The interviewees have in common that they lived in either community housing or rented accommodation. Thus, analysis of their opinions and experiences with housing can be used together. Furthermore, each interviewee resided in an area which could be considered gentrified today. Likewise, they are all of an age which means that they were still relatively young adults during the 70s. Thus, changes in terms of housing and the nature of public space and who is prioritised within it during the process of gentrification can be analysed by using these interviews together.

The incoming gentrifiers, rather than the displaced, seem to receive much of the academic attention. Perhaps this has been due to the ease of access to gentirifiers as opposed to difficulty in contacting the displaced. Thus this dissertation has sought to interview people who lived in cheap (private or community) housing in the 70s and have witnessed and experienced the change. They will have different perspectives to the incoming middle and upper classes. This dissertation seeks to determine the influence of the influx of middle classes it has to measure change since. Thus, some of the information used to measure change touches on more recent sociological research.

Through these methods, this dissertation hopes to debate long-running questions like the idea that through gentrification mono cultures of race and class can be dissolved. The project would like to contest more modern ideas of revitalisation that Tom Slater scorns (claiming talk of structural change in gentrified areas is now being focused on the street level spectacle such as trendy bars and cafes). Essentially this project wants to support Tom Slaters contestation of the idea that gentrification is a sign of healthy economic growth for future cities across the globe. As the real effects of gentrification are often hidden from the view of the outsider the interviews are an important piece of research. There are limits to the research method; still though, I believe if these limits are taken in to account the research will prove to be of great value. Alongside these transcripts, other secondary literature and primary sources (such as local newspaper articles) will help develop a refined argument that revitalisation is not all it seems to be to an outsider.

The metanarrative of gentrification often overlooks problems that existed prior to gentrification (often idealising the nature of the communities displaced) and does not give enough attention to acts of unity in the face of increased class polarisation. So the most pressing questions will be about whether gentrification and the right to buy affected the tenants using cheaper privately rented accommodation and council flats; whether change in Islingtons public space since 1970 affected ordinary people and whether revitalisation provided social integration and inclusion.

Chapter One: Safe as Houses? Revitalisation In the Radio 4 analysis of gentrification there were two main arguments about displacement from housing in inner London. All the participants on the show in 2008 acknowledged the potential for private renters displacement. Nevertheless, Dr Tom Slater argued that one of the things that has been happening in London is that council houses are being bought up and then let out to very transient people. You see an area that used to provide social housing, becoming dominated, too, by profit. While Sophie Watson countered this, saying social housing meant that London was provided with a genuine social mix; thus suggesting that those in council homes were safe from displacement. This chapter will take issue with these two narratives and hopes to offer a more nuanced depiction of the extent to which both privately rented and publically housed people, historically, have been threatened by displacement in Islington. The chapter will argue that on one hand, there have been worrying signs of displacement of the two council-housed interviewees influence over their estate, but on the other hand it would be patronising to ignore their resistance to this danger of displacement. Furthermore, the threat of displacement to people in cheap privately rented homes is supported by analysis of the interviews.

Firstly, to understand the extent of the threat to the council tenants in Islingtons property, one must have some understanding of the changing attitudes to council housing nationwide. Since the 70s there has been less government investment in the production of council housing, the introduction of right to buy rule (which gave council tenants a chance to buy up their property for a subsidised price) and a change in law (brought in means testing) which meant that council housing was only made available for those who were in dire need of it. Nonetheless, local authorities were not allowed to use the profit of the sales from right to buy for reinvestment in to housing. Instead, they were barred from using the capital made by such sales.

Thus across Britain, by 1995, 1.6 million homes had been bought from councils leaving their housing stock severely depleted and 95% of those housed by local authorities qualified for some form of means tested benefits. The lack of investment in council homes and the ability of tenants to buy up (and so adapt and refurbish their council homes) mean that a gap has opened up in some housing blocks. This gap is between (dependent) council housed tenants and the classes who can afford to buy up their council homes. This is good on the one hand as the bland nature of modernist architecture is overcome by the ability of people to decorate their homes. On the other hand though, it has allowed government and flat-livers to prioritise individual wealth over preserving the collective wealth of the country. Such class fragmentation within blocks threatens Council Tenants influence over decisions made about where to spend money on the estate (as their interests may differ from the transient incomers) as well as increasing the potential for their social alienation (even if they are not directly displaced from their homes).

Spa Green Estate: Displacement and Resistance in the Face of RevitalisationOn first glance of the Spa Green Estate in Islington (used as a case study here), you would expect council tenants to be outnumbered and overpowered by private tenants. The architect of Spa Green Estate, Lubetkin made a huge contribution to British modernist architecture. He was convinced that architecture was a tool for social progress. Tecton, a firm he founded showed the capacity for logical organisation which has rarely graced British architecture; Spa Green was one of Tectons well-built structures and still impresses architects today after more than sixty years. Thus, Spa Green Estate (as a well-made piece of modernist architecture by Lubetkins firm and in an up and coming area in Islington opposite Saddlers Wells Theatre) would surely be more desirable than most tower blocks and so lose more flats to private-owners. Indeed, a certain pride concerning the durability of the flats is reflected in the interviews with Peter and Raymond. Their praise of the quality of the housing is indicative of its durability. This is evident here in Raymond Whatleys tale of two painters (from English Heritage) who came to his flat:

These cupboards are originals When the painters came in to repaint all of this, they took one look at these cupboards and they said, blimey, look what we got here! and I said whats the matter? And he said, these doors are perfect!! He said they are! and he called his mate in and they said weve never seen a kitchen layout like this they are perfect you know.

Peter Fabbri supports this with his declaration that: he lived here (Spa Green) for 63 years and never wanted to move anywhere else. These interviews agree then, with the Sunday Times that It is a tribute to the late, great architect Berthold Lubetkin that while modernism came to be blamed for every ill-planned, ugly council block, the tenants of the real thing never wanted to leave. If it has been argued that council tenants voices struggle to be heard in the average tower block or council home as they are written off as an underclass, surely this situation would be worst in Spa Green (as it an attractive block for private investors). Raymond Whatley and Peter Fabbri, council residents in Spa Green for the past half-century have noticed some changes. Raymond has recognised a transformation of the social structure: Some flats have been bought upYou might bump in to people (private tenants) coming in and out of the block, but who they are I havent the faintest clue Its not being anti-social you just dont see em! While similarly, Peter Fabbri explains differences in interests between private and council tenants regarding the management of the estate: The leaseholders now they dont care about the tenants, all they care about is their own property, and they care about the estate grounds, they want to put plants there, this that and the other. On top of this, Peter Fabbri tells a story of how the better-off leaseholders pinched their playground: Motorists, were coming in, driving over the wire fencing and using our playground as a car park, thats how its been ever since. Here we see again the divide in interest and lack of correspondence between the tenants and the leaseholders. The legitimacy of these quotes must be taken with caution, however, because in his younger days Raymond virtually knew everyone in this block. Upstairs, downstairs we knew em all. Furthermore, Peter used to be heavily involved in the Tenant Managers Association. Due to contrasts between then (their younger days of more able involvement) and now, reverse-imaging (a contrast between then and now) and nostalgia (a wistful longing for a past age) must be taken in to account as possible influences on their current opinion. Still, these quotes are symbolic of a growing atmosphere of division between tower-block tenants of different social classes. It has been argued that this problem of divisions between owner-occupiers and council tenants could be solved by the de-commodification of housing so that it was no longer seen as a financial asset.

Thus it seems that relations between council-housed tenants and flat-owners on Spa Green Estate were not completely harmonious. Nevertheless, private tenants have not completely taken over and Raymond and Peter have had an impact on the estate throughout their residence there. Especially since the Tenants Charter Act of 1992 (added to the Housing Act of 1980), which allowed the creation of Tenant Management Organisations so that tenants could form management co-operatives to decide how available funds should be spent on repairs, maintenance and improvement. Many communities voted to set up TMOs to manage estates. As Peter Fabbri explains, Spa Green was one of these estates:

In the late 80s, the work wasnt getting done on the estate, the caretaker I wont swear, but he was doing nothing you know. The grounds was always dirty. N we kept on complaining, complaining, complaining. The council was taking no notice of us, so we started up a tenants association which I chaired for 3 years. Someone moved in as a leaseholder, and said, Why dont we start a TMO? N I said whats a TMO? Tenant Manager Organisation.

The lack of influence Peter felt, when the council was in charge is noteworthy here. The lack of influence Peter felt prior to the creation of the TMO is reinforced by another symbolic tale of the local authoritys unfair control over a council tenants lifestyle in Spa Green Estate:

my mother put the washing out on the balcony one day N (rent collectors) used to walk in an they said to my mother, whose is all that washing out there. N they said remove that, thats not allowed (there was a drying room upstairs in the block that tenants were supposed to use) you know, n so this fella went in and he got a knife an cut the rope. My mum nearly shinned him. Peter tells two more tales; one of a woman who owned a dog despite a ban on pets and another tale of his father removing the door from the kitchen despite this not being allowed. These tales may be symbolic of the fact the local authorities in charge of council housing were seen as an enemy in some respects. This supports Lynsey Hanleys idea that in a lot of council estates the lack of control and the feelings of dependency (on a faceless local authority) were bad for a council tenants well-being and implies that Peter felt a need for something like a TMO. The fact that a leaseholder suggested the TMO is important; it indicates the potential for TMOs to help leaseholders and council tenants integrate. Peter Fabbri feels that this was the right decision and to this day supports the organisation: thats what we went for and I think its better. Furthermore, to keep it representative, a TMO has to contain a certain amount of council tenants. Thus, it seems as though the Tenant Management Organisation has been a sustainable method of looking after this estate. So, although there appears to be a certain amount of division between certain social classes on Spa Green, the creation of the Tenant Management Organisation in 1995 has meant that council tenants voices have not been displaced even in the face of gentrification.

Displacement from Rented Accommodation during RevitalisationThe other pressing topic in terms of housing regards affordable rent and the effect gentrification has had upon it; as one of my interviewees (Betty) explains:But I mean growing up, as a young adult people could see there was a lot of money to be made out of property and things. A lot of them were old and run down, but I swears, people could see ahead of that. So you had people coming in, affluent people, buying up the properties, and it was a case of like theyd pay people to move out so as they could take over the houses. Theyd buy them, but they couldnt actually throw them out, so what theyd do is theyd buy them and then pay them to move out...

Betty Foley sums up the idea of displacement here with her experience of growing up in Islington in the 1970s. This is supported by other stories told on this Radio 4 Programme and in other secondary literature of winkling which refers to the concept of people being thrown out of their homes and techniques of displacing low rent tenants. One example on Radio 4 was given of a landlord in Islington threatening to shoot a tenant if she took legal action against him. With gentrification: Betty Foley, Hassan and Russell Craig all mentioned a significant change in rented housing since the 1970s, some with more of a sense of loss than others. For example Betty Foley tells a story of her mother-in-law being forced out of her dwelling by an American couple who wanted the house due to the fact it was Charles Lambs old house Colebrooke Cottage and because it was an up and coming area. The sense of loss was clear: my mother in law moved down there and died, and she never wanted to go and we never wanted her to go. Similarly Bettys brother also lived on Colebrooke Row and was displaced in the 70s. Russell Craig explains: Upper Street was quite run down The real reason for living in upper Street was that rent was cheap. He has given me a document which shows that his rent was 84 pounds a month for a two-bed sitting room. Hassan agreed that rent has increased dramatically in Islington. Thus, for those in cheap rented accommodation gentrification was a worry and a problem. The interviews here have been useful in confirming the argument that since gentrification, dearth of supply of cheap housing in inner London has worsened, as have mobility rates and inequality.

Those (apart from the poorest who qualify for council housing) who did not have the resources to stay have been displaced from areas they sustained throughout periods of neglect. Not many interviewees noted the poor conditions of houses in the 60s and 70s. Russell Craig did. He moved to Islington due to the cheapness of the property and its convenient location, but notes it was quite run down. The other interviewees do not really mention the run-down nature of 1970s Islington. Perhaps this is due to the interviewees wanting to retain their composure; composure may have led to certain issues (that the narrators did not feel comfortable talking about and/or did not feel would help them compose the correct image of themselves) being left out of the testimonies. In these cases, being born and bred in Islington and Finsbury, perhaps means that criticising the history of the area may tarnish their presentation of self. Furthermore, the freedom of youth is often remembered in contrast to later life where one tends to have more commitments; this is why youth is often spoken about in an optimistic tone in the transcripts. Thus, although Betty, Raymond and Peter are not critical of the quality of housing in their younger days this must not wholly take away from the contradiction that they put up with poorly maintained housing, only to be punished with the threat of displacement during gentrification.

So during revitalisation were Islingtons poorer residents as safe as houses?

It appears, from analysis of just two council tenants from one estate, that the history of council housing in gentrified Islington is more complex than some academics have assumed. The commodification of council homes under the right-to-buy law, and a lack of government investment, has created a degree of class division within council blocks. The interviewees from the Spa Green Estate were concerned that the private tenants may have held different interests to themselves. Despite this worry, the interviewees from the estate offered accounts of good relations with some private tenants as well as a description of their Tenant Management Organisation which has evidently been a good means of developing a representative estate community. On top of this, the interviewees from cheap privately rented accommodation supported widely held beliefs that during Islingtons gentrification those with less financial might were displaced. The limitations of the interviews did become clear in regards to housings change, as the interviewees composure and perhaps an element of nostalgia led to the run-down nature of Islington and Finsbury in the past being neglected by some interviewees. So, houses may have improved in condition since the 70s, but this has been at the expense of those renting cheap accommodation and has threatened council tenants interests in their own estates. Nonetheless, it must not be forgotten that some degree of resistance to displacement of council tenants has been shown by those in Spa Green Estate throughout its recent history.

Chapter Two: Public or Private Space? Similarly to how all of the interviewees noticed a change in the nature of housing since the 1970s, they will all have experienced some change in the usage of local public space. Culturally, Angel is perhaps the biggest draw of the area with Finsbury, also culturally filled, not far away so will most likely have changed their aesthetics the most out of all postcodes in this study. Nonetheless, there are cultural attractions all over Islington and all the interviewees are nearby each other. All of the areas hold a train station which is just a short journey from Central London, Camden and the West End. Thus these residents of Islington can draw on some similar experiences regarding gentrification.

The changes in public space are related to changes to housing. With the influx of middle-classes, the nature of public space has changed over time. As a result of the slow development of public space to suit middle class interests in certain areas this chapter has drawn upon a large deal of recent sociological research. The aim of this chapter is to assert that working class needs have not been taken in to account in Islington via case studies of public spaces considered important in its revitalisation such as Angel (Upper Street, Chapel Market and Camden Passage) and Exmouth Market in Finsbury. The dissertation will critique the idea that redevelopment, through private investment, can improve the areas cultural image synonymously with the surrounding communities collective well-being.

The changes to public space are also related to concerted council efforts to improve the areas aesthetics for the greater good of everyone in the area. For example, as seen in a (non-confidential) plan concerning the use of Clerkenwells public space (with imput from the Planning Committee; the Islington Recreation Committee; The Transportation Sub-Committee; The Housing Committee and the Social Services Committee) in 1976 (Agenda Item P(a)2); the aim of changes to space was to improve employment opportunities and the appearance of the area. This would be achieved by replacing vacant floor space with space available for letting for offices and other non-industrial purposes. Furthermore, in this plan in 1976, existing community buildings such as schools, social facilities like the Adult Education Institute and specialised shops and pubs, and shops of use value were all supposed to be kept as they provided a valuable service to the working population. Indeed, it could be argued that City and Islington Adult Education Institute has remained useful to the local population in keeping with this original ideal of regeneration; Cauline states that five years ago, she went to redo her maths GCSEs there and: It was amazing, a fantastic college because the staff were amazing, and the college provided for a range of people: It was the first time ever I had really got to mix with people who were new refugees and asylum seekers. Nonetheless, the term regeneration (which should provide inclusivity) should not be considered a totally accurate term in the region of Islington since 1970.

Upon examination of changes in the use of public space in Islington, a paradox is evident. On the one hand, public spaces aesthetic is seen as a major factor in the revitalisation of cities. On the other hand, the changes during revitalisation are supposed to be beneficial for all. This is a contradiction because as the aesthetics of an area becomes a prioritised, some are likely to be socially and economically excluded. For example as the council invites private investors with the resources to try to improve the social capital (the collective status) of the local area as a whole (with the help of individuals with superior skills and expertise to draw upon), gastro-pubs and other tasteful trades which provide for the affluent incoming middle-classes succeed at the expense of other businesses which provide greater use-value to ordinary people. Although on the surface it appears that individuals with cultural capital (in this case with better education in the realms of property development or in service and business industries) may help the area improve (aesthetically), in reality the area has largely become more privatised and more exclusive.

To understand this contradiction further, it is important to examine the meta-narrative of positive changes that the idealist version of revitalisation would encompass. The main aim of regeneration it could be argued, is to show displays of success and vitality. Such displays of vivacity supposedly increase the cultural reputation of the space and counter negative stigmas attached to previously run down areas. For example, Exmouth Market was specifically chosen as an anchor for redevelopment for the reason of bettering the image of South Islington. Part of the aim was to make the street available to all. As Sophie Watson affirms, markets have the potential to impact heavily on the social life of the local residents; Markets have been key focal points in the centre of British towns and cities for as long as they have been in existence. Ideally, Watson suggests, markets can offer an opportunity for social interaction and connection, social interaction and the mingling of different cultures and the building of a sense of local community. This would be achieved economically; providing cheap goods that may not be available elsewhere as well as spaces of inclusion for marginalised people to escape the monotony of life at home. (For example, in Sophie Watsons study of Ridley Road Market in Hackney it was concluded that it provides every imaginable fruit and veg and provides everything from fish, to loans, to African hair pieces; objects of use value to a range of consumers. Many interviewed from there in saw the market as a place for meeting old acquaintances). It is important to consider that, even in the most gentrified areas of Inner London, such as Islington, the middle class is never a numerical majority. Ideally then, a positive and inclusive redevelopment of Islington would take into account the surrounding cultures needs, including the working class. Indeed, Exmouth Market was described in 1968 as a cheery oasis in a desert of concrete, and a place where people of Finsbury still pack looking for a bargain. Nonetheless, since 1968 there have been many changes in rules about what the market space can be used for and it now attracts a totally different cliental.

Accordingly, it could be argued that opportunities for local businesses to succeed have declined. For example, Hassan (a hairdresser on Exmouth Market) describes the struggle for customers due to the increased competition from the numerous hairdressers that begun to spring up in the area:

In one sense, competition is good, but if there is more than 10 in the trade, there is too much competition. It is very difficult to keep the custom. Because if you do not have time to queue for us you will go somewhere else. Excuse my English, someone will get pissed off very easy, cos they say how long I wait?.

Perhaps this was after 1996 when a change to letting policy allowed 50% non-retail frontage from below 33%, which led to business, entertainment, service and leisure industries all having a new opportunity to invest in space on the market. Before this, space had been designated to accommodate retail businesses serving more useful purposes. With this change, the plan of inclusive redevelopment in 1976 was contradicted. So, the lifting of a limit on how many types of each business there was, allowed harsher competition and this competition has adversely affected Hassans hair-salon.

Although at the expense of others, this lack of regulation has been positive for some incoming businesses with more financial might that have targeted the incoming middle classes. There was a more flexible attitude to use of the property on Exmouth Street by the late 90s and encouragement of Cafs, bars, restaurants and wine bars. For example, The chair The Chair of Urban Regeneration of Islington Council, James Winston, talked of how different restaurants and wine bars could help regenerate a dilapidated area, especially in close proximity to Saddlers Wells. Thus, many new businesses such as Gastro-pubs and Cafs made use of the area, appealing to and attracting an increasingly affluent cliental.

The success of the street as a result of more flexible property laws resulted in rent hikes and so some local businesses being forced out (the butcher and a fruit and veg stall, as well as one pub and a spare parts dealer). Meanwhile, cafs and bars and/or restaurants doubled between 1995 and 2002. Indeed, Betty told me Exmouth Market no longer exists, emphasising its lack of appeal to her. This perception of Exmouth market as irrelevant reverberated throughout Raymonds interview and he declared:

If you go down Exmouth Street, its full of these fancy restaurants and cafs, where you sit on the pavement and have these cups of coffee and it costs you about 5 and all that nonsense.

Raymond also says Exmouth market is half what it used to be and explains how shops such as old furniture shops a bike shop (where hed get his bike done up) and a little grocer have disappeared as a result of redevelopment and the creation of flats for incoming residents. The feeling of loss of relevant, local businesses is further reinforced by Hassans interview as he tells a tale of a family opposite his Hair Salon which moved away: The Estrada across the road... That was a family business which was a cafeteria restaurant you know, because he tried to open a classy business up the road but did not have the quality food despite very good dcor. This tale indicated the pressure to respond to the changing shape of the market environment, and the increased competition to family business. Hassan insinuates that this atmosphere has affected the whole market: It used to be a proper market. So it appears as though Exmouth Market, as a place for social interaction, has gradually lost touch with ordinary people.

The loss of businesses of use-value and places for social interaction which ordinary residents used is not confined to Exmouth market. Betty Foley lived in Angel and described the change in the nature of spaces for interaction: Theres no pubs. All the pubs have gone! Along the Upper Street, all it is, is restaurants; furthermore, she explains the loss of shops, we used to have shops on Upper Street, different types of shops. Betty says Camden Passage also had loads of little antiques shops and now its a bit up market. Russell Craig agrees that there were good local shops on Upper Street, and explains that it had a very community atmosphere and describes how the last shop that was there in 1983 has gone, not one place is the same, as shops have either turned into 99p shops, Tesco Metros or estate agents. Though this sense of loss may have been made worse by an element of nostalgia and reverse-imaging; these descriptions of useful public spaces and service-industry amenities being lost to ones that provide for the more affluent has coincided with concrete changes and is thus indicative of a change in prioritisation from inclusive change in regeneration, to favouring aesthetic change through encouraging superior private investors. Thus, some businesses have thrived with the changes, while many local businesses (of greater use value to working class residents) have been forced out.

Similarly, Peter Fabbri describes The Emirates Stadium as a place where access is only allowed to those who can afford the tickets he considers too expensive where in his younger days a ticket was 6 bob (shillings). Football as a commodity is a good example of how a lack of regulation in terms of ticket prices has allowed positive aesthetical change as a new stadium has been built, but while the success of football as a cultural attraction owes a lot to the working class it has been made unavailable to them.

These losses were often depicted as related to the increase in businesses targeting more affluent users as well as the increase in Supermarkets. Hassan blames factories for why local businesses are failing. Similarly, mass production of big supermarkets (made possible by factories) and its negative impact on local business is spoken about by 4 of the other interviewees. Russell Craig subscribes to a middle class discourse of Waitrose as a good place to shop with good-quality, trustworthy produces now Im very much a Waitrose shopper; insinuating that the bad quality economy food in supermarkets only affects those with financial disadvantages. (Supermarkets and business monopolies relation to the change must not go unmissed and gentrification must not be entirely blamed for these changes; Andrew Simms explains supermarkets impact on the economy well in his book Tescopoly). Simms explains that, planning decisions often work in favour of supermarkets despite the fact that in terms of use value (healthy eating) cheaper supermarkets are failing (citing National consumer council 2006) as many economy range foods contain more salt, fat and sugar than their standard equivalents: supermarket methods can be detrimental to the way those with a lower income eat. This culture of poverty is tied in to political decision; until 1964, price maintenance existed. Price maintenance protected small shops by preventing larger stores, with greater economies of scale, from discounting many goods. By 1997 there were 1,102 superstores in England as opposed to 457 in 1986. Their market share over groceries shot up to 30% with this change. So in other words: as markets provide less affordable food, supermarkets (partly built on the ideal of healthy eating) that seem detrimental to working class health have progressed. So the changes that affected my interviewees both relate to a lack of regulation regarding competition against those who provide the community with use-value goods and affordable cultural amenities. This contributed to some market places alienating marginalised people from using them.So, critiques of revitalisation seem to have been supported by this analysis. Though there is always the possibility of other factors influencing the positivity in which the past is described, the historical authenticity of the testimonies regarding public space seems to be accurate. The affluent moving in to Islington means the production of space progressively for their use. This change is also bound up in a general switch to large-scale shopping. The aesthetic appeal is specific to the incoming young professionals. Markets during revitalisation often in reality serve as a cultural attraction rather than providing what appeals to ordinary people. Thus, though markets can ideally offer a space of integration and diversity and although regeneration often intends to provide this, the reality is often redeveloped market places are often only available to those who can afford it. For example (as Whitelegg says of Exmouth market) table football at expensive caf Kick is there for those with funds, while the glaring reality of a lack of a youth club for locals remains. While similarly, Upper Street seems to have become increasingly exclusive. The reality then, is that to commodify space of consumption degrades opportunities for real social interaction. This is what has occurred in several public spaces in Islington, denying the ideology of revitalisation as being beneficial for all.

Chapter Three: Did Revitalisation Provide Social Integration?Some people see gentrification as an inevitable process and a way in which impoverished areas can be improved and mono cultures of race and class can be dissolved. Nonetheless, one social theorist suggested in reality the middle classes often move past other cultures (like tectonic plates) and would have almost nothing to do with them. Of course generalisations about the incoming middle class are dangerous as gentrifiers identities are multiple and their ambivalent political theorising often contradicts assumptions about the group. Still, it is necessary to critique the idea Andres Duany holds that: Gentrification rebalances the concentration of poverty. This dissertation will now seek to debate such suppositions about the middle class impact. This chapter, in contrast to the first two which focused more on economic and material inequalities, will focus on social divisions and will contend that although a middle class presence is encouraged under the ideal of integration; middle class presence in a working class, multi-ethnic area is not the same as integration. Integration requires social responsibility rather than property and business investment alone. Of course my research only allows me an insight in to 6 peoples experiences of social life and only limited conclusions can be made from this. Often social divisions and inequalities are encouraged from an early age. The idea that youth finds its experiences and opportunities differentiated by gender, geography, social and ethnic background is a convincing one when examining the interviews. Cauline Braithwaite tells stories which may be seen as symbolic of the idea that social barriers can affect a youths opportunities:And when I went to Hackney Free I was in the middle stream, and I kept coming first in class, um.. and so when it got to GCSEs or about to, my mum went in and said. she keeps coming first you should have put her up There were no black people in the top set I think that was racism actually.

I remember one day doing that, (dance lessons) and I really loved it because I loved dancing, but one day I noticed that every time we were kinda doing something where we had to hold hands, afterwards all the kids were wiping their handsThis (although not this alone) created a reaction where Cauline (to stand up for herself) became a fighter and got involved in black politics. Cauline was made to feel different; this lack of social inclusion, both institutionally and in social life at school was something that prompted a reaction, but it does not seem as though Cauline strived in the first place to distinguish herself as other. Similarly, social expectations affected Betty who talks of her lack of work in the 1960s like so: cos you didnt (work) in those days (as a woman). Further Peter and Raymond have casually depicted how they entered work straight from school rather than entering higher education. Perhaps this casual depiction can be put down to the lack of expectation the school had of working class males rubbing off on their outlook of their prospects. Thus the interviews to some extent confirm that institutions held suppositions and highlight the consequent social barriers this causes. A study of Caulines interview highlights the potentially detrimental effect of such social and institutional discrimination. Autonomous political groups representing unrest about racial inequality mobilised many in Inner London during the 1970s. It seems as though this may be put down to the marginalisation of ethnic minority groups by institutions of power and in social life. West Indian, Pakistani and Indian migration increased rapidly between the 1950s and 1971; synonymously overemployment (the cause of the original encouragement of West-Indian migration) turned to underemployment; this led to social unease and political agitation for immigrations control. Indeed the concept of a take-over by other, coloured immigrants was portrayed as a threat to British society in some of the media. For example, muggings were considered black crimes and were part of a media scare about black culture, and the coverage of the phenomenon reflected some of the general publics assumptions. As put by Stuart Hall blacks become the bearers, the signifiers of the crisis of British society in the 1970s Consequently; many in the 1970s saw the sending away of those of another race as a way to solve societal problems. It appears as though non-white people were subjected to a hostile reception by many in Inner London; the following paragraphs would like to explore whether this has changed with the influx of commendable middle-classes to Islington. It has been argued that, despite there being persistent problems of institutional racism and media stereotypes (which reflect continuing public perceptions of race), the second black generation is more integrated than the first, and according to the grassroots black newspaper The Voice in 1997 40% of (black) males have a relationship with a white woman. Furthermore, Cauline explains how she went to live with some of the incoming middle-classes in the 70s, when unemployed: if youve got nowhere to stay you can stay at mine the woman (a teacher) said. Thus, it could be argued that some of the incoming middle-class and the ever-present white working class residents in Islington have integrated with people in the area considered by some as different and threatening in the 1970s. Thus, although stereotypes remain, the interview with Cauline includes an important reminder; some of the incoming middle classes have attempted to integrate and divisions between races are by no means concrete. Nonetheless, even where people made political efforts for change in the 1970s Cauline maintains that there was some political factionalism; for example middle class feminists could be disrespectful about women with children. Cauline goes on to explain that sexism and racism also existed in political circles and that even where some politicos spouted theory they did not live up to in personal relationships. The difference between the liberal theory of integration and the reality of continued divisions is explained in Tim Butlers article: Living in the Bubble: Gentrification and its Others in North London. He explains the educational strategies of the incoming middle classes involved sending their children to schools outside of the borough or of a private nature. (This lack of integration applies to class too. Raymond and Peter spoke about their immediate entry from school to work as if college was not even considered, insinuating that they were never expected to go to higher education as working class men). He concludes that the middle class and their children inhabit entirely different spaces from the other; In a city which is massively multi-ethnic, its middle classes group together. One of Tim Butlers interviewees (a middle class incomer to Barnsbury) said: my kid wont go out of fear of local gangs; we have to collect our son from wherever he is here, a discourse of fear of a class considered separate and threatening to theirs is evident thus bringing into doubt the idea that the incoming middle classes were totally in favour of integration. Another respondent to Tim Butler said: This end of the street was much more colourful and mixed when I first came we even had a brothel! Thus, the idea of moving to a diverse area was perhaps seen as an edgy attraction to some: an exciting social wallpaper as it were. The stereotyped crime-ridden lives of these other cultures appear to some to have been a cultural attraction to view out of the window of a middle class house. Although the liberal middle class idea of diversity is used a lot in reference to Inner London, the reality is that real social relationships do not appear to have got a lot more integrated with the middle class incomers.

There appear to have been changes in terms of race relations since the 70s. Divisions and stereotypes still exist however, for example as Ambalavaner Sivanandan explains: a black intellectual is considered un-black, but in his race is considered not-white. With black sports stars entertaining at club and national level in Britain, there has been some praise for them in the media. There is, however, now a worry about the education of black youth today pushing them towards sport due to presumptions about innate physical ability and intellectual interest being determined by race. Indeed, as Cauline says: theres this narrative that black people arent that fussed about education and they (academics) love to write about you know, black youth and gangs... In one sense the media praise the success of black individuals in certain cultures such as sports; but stereotyping often still exists in these representations. These factors reflect popular notions of black culture and reinforce them. Caulines interview echoes this idea; Have you heard of the writer called Dreda Say Mitchell? Shes a black woman, she writes thrillers, and shes in East London Shes a really well known thriller writer. And she says that she was at school and she was doing really well, at javelin or something and you know she was told you really could go far and she was really pushed to be professional and then she suddenly realised that only the black girls were being pushed for sport and she didnt even discuss it, she dropped it and she did her A-levels and she went on to go to LSE.

Here, Cauline reflects on what is perhaps a popular story in her political cultural circuit (where personal memories of events and experiences draw upon public constructions of the past and in turn the popular accounts draw on memories of individuals). The quote suggests that although individuals (Dreda Say Mitchell in this case) have had the charisma to challenge presumptions about their intellectual ability, societal and institutional assumptions about black culture may have impaired the intellectual education of black youth in schools. Cauline explains that she believes this idea still holds black people back to an extent today; There are ideas that there are things that we are not interested in and cant do. The idea of an all-encompassing black culture thus had and still has the potential to be a barrier to black people with certain interests. Furthermore, Cauline explains new immigrants still receive some bad treatment on street level; an 8 month pregnant woman in a hijab was beaten up for wearing her religious clothes this decade. Middle class influence on racial divisions and stereotypes and their attempts to deconstruct difference and integrate, thus, must not be overstated. The state education system was perhaps underfunded and affected by racial and class prejudice. While, many of the middle-class incomers submitted to middle-class conceptions of class consciousness and of schooling. So, although Richard Florida argues that economic growth is driven by increased concentrations of educated people, this appears quite untrue through the lens of the more marginalised. Florida puts forward the idea that through tolerance and efforts to envelop the changes with diversity the region can be improved for everybody. The vision of the redevelopment of Exmouth market for example always suggested, it was growing, keeping and creating an urban mix and going some way to deconstructing difference. Nonetheless case study examples suggest otherwise. Examine the Almeida Theatre; the redevelopment of the theatre since the 70s played a substantial role in the areas resurgence. Rusell Craig a theatre-director talks about his support of the Almeida: The Almeida started which was just round the corner from there. I was a bit involved in that Do you think that thats partly the reason why, you know, Finsbury and Islington have got so smart and expensive?That might be because of the Almeida

So it is true that culture did help Russell and reciprocally Russell helped revitalise the theatre. Nonetheless, it has been said that the real consequence of this revitalisation in Islington did not do much to counter specific problems of poverty, housing, unemployment and education. The problem with the idea of bolstering the citys image is that it is often given more importance than grassroots of local communities. Indeed, Peter, Raymond and Betty (like Cauline) counter the idea that tolerance and inclusivity has been prevalent during the revitalisation of the area through (private) investment in cultural amenities. The one change in the area that is praised by Betty is of a more public nature on Sheringham Road (Holloway); Betty says: Well, take this park across the road for instance, in the 70s, that used to be all little streets, with little houses they knocked them all down and we got a park. That wasnt such a bad thing because they were old houses, and in the 70s, we only had one park in Islington and that was Highbury fields

Anyway they made that in to a park and its one of the best things they did with the old houses. You got a football pitch over there, you got a play area for children, youve got Martin Luther King place over there, and you know its like a club for children.

Betty describes how the children on the local estate access the park; the Martin Luther King adventure playground and a football pitch which were made available by the council. Thus the improvements that according to Betty, in reality, changed the lives of local people had nothing to do with attracting private investors with greater educational capacity. Similarly, Peter Fabbri describes a lack of understanding and passion in terms of meeting the needs of local communities from the incoming middle class private tenants:I mean when the Olympics started, about a month before that me and a lady across the road we organised a barbeque for everyone N then nothing ever happened with it, they thought it was all down to the (tenants) committee, and I thought come on you gotta get your hands dirty, you gotta go out and do some work.

As this statement about a lack of work from some private tenants regarding a barbeque for the estate suggests; incoming middle class have to do more than just invest economically in an area. Without getting their hands dirty they cannot integrate. Thus, the idea that educated people automatically improve the area for everyone appears faulty. The lives of ordinary people are often improved when more industrious attempts are made to get involved and there is more understanding of people who have lived in the harsh conditions they are trying to tackle. Private investment is not suggested, by any of the working class interviewees, to have improved life for ordinary people or increased their integration in to wider society. Of course, these are only four voices from a whole borough and many middle-classes may have integrated socially and private industries may have opened up some working class jobs. What these interviews do suggest though is that an increased presence of middle classes without effort does not necessarily mean integration. Private investment is not an effort to improve society and integrate. Too much stress on the issue of those with a more middle-class education improving an area by their presence alone by people like Richard Florida and Andres Duany appears wrong.

Thus, the idea of gentrifiers being commended for meeting the other certainly overstates the overall impact of the influx of middle classes since the 1970s. Though some attempts may have been made at integration, the concept of a larger concentration of educated people in an area being directly related to integration is flawed. The reality is that this often means increasing investment in amenities relating to middle class lifestyles and increased social polarisation in the locale. Class and racial divisions have remained to a large extent; schooling has largely remained segregated between classes and the real, concrete questions of local needs have largely remained unanswered by the incoming private investors. Where social progression since the 70s has been praised by my interviewees, there have been concerted efforts to inclusively improve things for the public; this has required an understanding of the local population which does not come from simply privately investing in an area.

ConclusionIn conclusion, the idea that gentrification is a sign of healthy economic growth for future cities across the globe appears false.

My research has shown that houses may have improved in condition as a result of gentrification of the 70s, but that this has been at the expense of those renting cheap accommodation and has threatened council tenants interests in their own estates. Furthermore, despite the narrative of regeneration of market places and cultural amenities as being beneficial for all, public space appears to have in fact become more exclusive and difficult to access for local residents as a result of the incoming middle classes. Finally, the ideals of integration and diversity are overstated in regards to revitalisation. In truth it appears that the introduction of middle classes with superior tastes and better-education has done little to improve the lives of ordinary people. Working class interests can be improved through concerted attempts to understand local needs (such as by building a public park in Holloway); middle class can indeed help with this but need to show a real effort to understand and act upon these needs. It appears that in 1970s Islington many of the incoming middle-classes did not make this effort and, encouraged by the council under the ideal of diversification and redevelopment, instead made private investments in the area. These investments were more to the detriment of working class social and economic lives.

Though the interviews helped me come to this conclusion, they have also provided me with a nuanced understanding of the impact of gentrification on my subjects. Forms of resistance to divisions which already existed and the divisions that opened up due to gentrification were identified via help from my interviewees. For example, the Tenant Manager Organisation on Spa Green Estate has allowed council-tenants a voice and a space to push for their own interests to be recognised despite an increasing middle-class presence (these Tenant Management Organisations have been a means of resistance on other council estates too). Furthermore, Cauline (despite overall confirming that there are still problems with racism in Islington) had an involvement in black politics and interactions with some middle class incomers; this provides a good counter argument to the perception of a concrete nature to racial divisions. Moreover, Bettys praise of a public space opened up in the 1970s for kids on the local estate is evidence of the potential for positive and inclusive regeneration. It appears that, the narrative of gentrification (as displacing all of those less-well-off) and the narrative of regeneration and increased presence of individuals with cultural capital being good for the local area are both confused. The gentrification narrative neglects the strength of working class and ethnic minority resistance in the face of hard times; while regeneration puts too much emphasis on the aesthetic changes made by private investment, neglecting the reality of increased exclusivity of public space.

This dissertation has highlighted the limits of oral history throughout, the potentially misleading impact of nostalgia and subscriptions to certain discourses and cultural circuits as well as the limiting factor of people wanting to compose a correct image of their self. Despite this, the nuanced understanding offered by this method appears to be worth it. This is only from 6 interviews too, which highlights the fact that reading a narrative of a British history of the 1970s for example can tell us only a limited amount. This dissertation, amongst its other conclusions on gentrification and regeneration, also suggests the need for more local studies and more attempts to understand the people who lived the past that we as academics often discuss in a sweeping fashion.

Appendix 1.

Russell Craig 1976-1977 Upper Street House Cost, Self-employment records

Source: Russell Craig interview Appendix 2.

Tenant Management Organisations in Islington 2013-04-10 / Source: Appendix 3 PP: 4,5,6,7 and 9,10 of Clerkenwell Planning Committee, Non-Confidential Report 1976, Agenda Item P(a)2

Source: Finsbury Library Local History Centre

Appendix 4 : Sunday Times 24/05/1992

Source: Finsbury Local History Centre Dominic Sandbrook, The Way we Were Britain in the 1970s lecture: accessed 11/03/2013

Dominic Sandbrook, State of Emergency, The Way we Were Britain 1970-1974 (Penguin UK 2011) PP.339,340

Dominic Sandbrook, The Way we Were Britain in the 1970s lecture: accessed 11/03/2013

Dominic Sandbrook, State of EmergencyPP.304-305

Dominic Sandbrook, State of Emergency PP.304-305

Alwyn W. Turner, Crisis? What Crisis? Britain in the 1970s (London 2008) Introduction P.i

Dominic Sandbrook, The Way we Were Britain in the 1970s lecture: accessed 11/03/2013

Lynne Chrisholm, Childhood, Youth and Social Change a Comparative Perspective ; a sharper lens or a new camera? Youth Research, Young People and Social Change in Britain P.44

Ed. By A.H. Halsey British Social Trends Since 1900, A guide to the changing social structure of Britain (London 1988) PP.575-578

Lynne Chrisholm, Childhood, Youth and Social Change a Comparative Perspective ; a sharper lens or a new camera? Youth Research, Young People and Social Change in Britain P.46

Finsbury museum

. Ed. Loretta Lees et. Al The Gentrification Reader, Ruth Glass: London: Aspects of Change (1964) P.7

Ed. Loretta Lees et. Al The Gentrification Reader, Loretta Lees A reappraisal of Gentrification: Towards a Geography of Gentrification (2004) PP.382-395

Florida, Richard Cities and the Creative Class (New York 2000) P.33

Florida, Richard The Rise of the Creative Class Review by Ted Naylor Canadian Public Policy, Analyse De Politiques, Vol.29 No.3 (Sep 2003) PP.378-379

Samuel, Raphael and Thompson, Paul The Myths We Live By (1990 London) P.8

Abrams, Lyn Oral History Theory (London 2010) Glossary

Elizabeth Tonkin Narrating Our Pasts: The Social Construction of Oral History (Cambridge 1995) Introduction

Tosh, J., The Pursuit of History, 3rd ed. (London, 1999) P.31 and Thompson, Paul. The Voice of the Past: Oral History (Oxford 1978) P.4

Thompson, Paul. The Voice of the Past: Oral History (Oxford 1978) P.1

Thompson, Paul. The Voice of the Past: Oral History (Oxford 1978) P.3

Slater, Tom. International Jorunal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30.4 The Eviction of Critical Perspectives from Gentrification Research.

Butler, Tim. Living in the Bubble: Gentrification and its 'Others' in North London, Urban Stud 2003 40: 2469 P.2473

Laurie Taylor BBC Radio 4

Slater, Tom. The Eviction of Critical Perspectives from Gentrification Research., International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30, Issue 4, pages 737757, December 2006 P.2

Ed. By Loretta Lees The Gentrification Reader (London 2011) P.11

Slater, Tom., Watson, Sophie., Thinking Allowed: Gentrification, BBC Radio 4 accessed 11/03/2013

Lynsey Hanley, Estates an Intimate History, P.135 and

Ibid, P.135 and The Great estate Michael Collins Documentary

Ibid, P.135-141 and Cox, Alan Public Housing, guide to Londons Archives (Guildhall London 2007) P.13

Lynsey Hanley, Estates an Intimate History, PP.98-101

The Great estate Michael Collins Documentary

Lynsey Hanley, Estates an Intimate History, New Edition (London: Granta Books 2012)PP.136, 143-146, 231-233

Design Museum and British Council., Berthold Lubetkin Biography, Designing Modern Britain A paper held at the Design Museum Exhibition until 26 November 2006 and Allan, John., World Architecture Issue No.24 1993 PP.65-77 and Glendinning. M, and Muthesius, S., Tower Block., (Yale 1994) P.110

Frampton, Kenneth., Modern Architecture, a Critical History 4th Ed. (Thames and Hudson World of Art London 2007) P.123

Raymond Whatley interview P.11

Peter Fabbri P.1

Sunday Times 24/5/92


Peter Fabbri interview P.7, P.8

Peter Fabbri P.8


Peter Fabbri P.8

Samuel, Raphael and Thompson, Paul The Myths We Live By (1990 London) P.8

Slater, Dr Tom., Thinking Allowed: Gentrification, BBC Radio 4 accessed 11/03/2013

Banchin, Paul and Rhoden, Maureen Housing Policy: an Introduction 4th Edition (London Routeldge 2002) P.182-183

Peter Fabbri P.3

Peter Fabbri P.2

Peter Fabbri P.1

Ibid P.3

Peter Fabbri P.8

Islington Peoples Plaques accessed 27/03/2013

Betty Foley interview P.1

Butler, Tim Thinking Allowed: Gentrification, BBC Radio 4 accessed 11/03/2013and Slater, Tom. The Eviction of Critical Perspectives from Gentrification Research., International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30, Issue 4, pages 737757, December 2006 P.740 cites Loretta Lees (1994:208)

Betty Foley interview P.2,

Betty Foley interview, P.6

Russell Craig interview P.1, PP.4-5

Hassan interview P.2

Lynsey Hanley, Estates an Intimate History P.100 and Dr Tom Slater BBC Radio 4

Russell Craig interview P.1

Samuel, Raphael and Thompson, Paul The Myths We Live By (1990 London)P.8

Samuel, Raphael and Thompson, Paul The Myths We Live By (1990 London)P.8


Appendix 2

Cauline interview P.13

Whitelegg, Drew From Market Stalls to Restaurant Row: the Recent Transformation of Exmouth Market, The London Journal, Volume 27, Number 2, November 2002 , PP.77-79

Ibid, PP.77-79


Ibid P.79

Ibid P.79

Ibid P.77

Ibid P.79

Watson, Sophie and Studdert, David., Markets As Sites for Social Interaction: Spaces of Diversity (Bristol 2006) P.1

Ibid P.3

Ibid PP.14 and 31

Ibid P.14

Butler, Tim Living in the Bubble: Gentrification and its Others in North London Urban Studies, Vol. 40, No. 12, 24692486, November 2003 P.2470

Islington Gazette, Friday 11th October 1968 P.11

Hassan the hairdresser P.2

Whitelegg, Drew From Market Stalls to Restaurant Row: the Recent Transformation of Exmouth Market, The London Journal, Volume 27, Number 2, November 2002 , P.81

Ibid P.84

Ibid P.84

Ibid P.87

Betty Interview P.5



Betty Interview P.3

Russell Craig interview P.1

Abram, Lyn., The Myths we Live by Glossary

Peter Fabbri P.6

Raymond Whatley P.5 Iceland, Waitrose and all these, Marks and Spencers

Russell Craig P.1 and P.6

Simms, Andrew., Tescopoly, How one shop came out on top and why it matters. (London 2007)

Ibid P.9

Ibid P.72

Ibid P.72

Ibid P.36

Ibid P.77

Ibid P.84

Ibid P.89


Watson, Sophie and Studdert, David., Markets As Sites for Social Interaction: Spaces of Diversity (Bristol 2006) P.1

Laurie Taylor BBC Radio 4

Ibid

The Eviction of critical perspectives from Gentrification Research (Tom Slater) P.7

The Eviction of critical perspectives from Gentrification Research (Tom Slater) P.5 Tom Slater cites Andres Duany - Three cheers for gentrification (2001:36)

Ed. By Chisholm, Lynne et al. Childhood, Youth and Social Change: A Comparative Perspective P.44

Cauline Braithwaite interview PP.1-2

Cauline Braithwaite interview P.2 and P.5

Betty Foley interview P.1

Raymond Whatley P.2 and Peter Fabbri P.3

Brunce, R.E.R.: Obi B. Egbuna, C.L.R. James and the Birth of Black Power in Britain: Black Radicalism in Britain 1967-1972 Twentieth Century British History, Vol.22, No.3, 2011, PP.391-414

Ed. By Owusu, Kwesi., Black British Culture & Society; A Text Reader (London Routledge 2000)Henry Louis Gates JR A Reporter at Large: Black London P.171

Find reference for pictures

Ed. By Owusu, Kwesi., Black British Culture & Society; A Text Reader (London Routledge 2000) Intro P.4

Ed. By Owusu, Kwesi., Black British Culture & Society; A Text Reader (London Routledge 2000) Henry Louis Gates JR A Reporter at Large: Black London (1997) P.176

Cauline Interview P.5


Ibid P.7-8


Ibid P.2469-2484

Ibid P.2479

Ibid P.2480

Ibid P.2471-P2476

Ed. By Owusu, Kwesi., Black British Culture & Society; A Text Reader (London Routledge 2000) The Liberation of the Black Intellectual A. Sivanandan P.70



Abrams, Lyn Oral History Theory (London 2010) Glossary

Cauline interview p.13


Florida, Richard The Rise of the Creative Class Review by Ted Naylor Canadian Public Policy, Analyse De Politiques, Vol.29 No.3 (Sep 2003) PP.378-379

From Market Stalls to Restaurant Row (Drew Whitelegg) P.89

Ibid P.89

Sharon Zukin P.2

Betty Interview P.7

Peter Fabbri interview P.8

Ibid P.8

Slater, Tom. The Eviction of Critical Perspectives from Gentrification Research., International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30, Issue 4, pages 737757, December 2006 P.2

Appendix 3

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inclusive revitalisation dissertation

Documents