THE TRANSITION TO ADULTHOOD IN A TIME OF CRISIS. THE EMERGENCE OF A NEW POPULATION GROUP, OF NEW NEEDS AND

NEW CHALLENGES TO PUBLIC POLICY.

Gemma VILÀ1

Catalina CHAMORRO2

Marta LLOBET3

UNIVERSITAT DE BARCELONA

Contribution to the stream 14: Young People and Social Policy in Europe: New Risks and Emerging Challenges.

2012 ESPAnet conference

1. Introduction

Changing from youth to adulthood is a complex transition as it depends on diverse other specific transitions such as financing one’s own education, leaving parents’ home, getting a job and setting up one’s own home, among others. The different ways they combine determines the creation of multiple life courses and defines various stages in the transition to adulthood. We believe that getting a job and housing are both two the main focal issues but also the major problems. The possibility or not of obtaining both resources generates life course uncertainty periods in which the biological age does not correspond to the social one.

Within the Mediterranean model, Spain has traditionally been considered a paradigmatic case. Despite the youth’s employment careers can be very diverse, they all have something in common, they all emancipate very late due to housing access problems and the role of families. In addition to the latter problems, the economic crisis has now worsened risk situations and increased the group’s vulnerability. As a result, there is higher job instability (48% of Spain’s youth is unemployed, one of the highest unemployment rates in Europe) and youth residential emancipation has been delayed even more, even though it already was one of the latest in Europe. In sum, all this issues together are leading to a new scenario based on a delayed transition into adulthood, life courses reversion –therefore making youths return to earlier life course stages–, and risk group and factor extension. As a result, there should be a redefinition of those most vulnerable youth group. As transition to adulthood has been prolonged, it supposes the emergence of a group that is not covered by youth policy because they exceed the established age in spite of not having finished the transition to adulthood. Therefore, the latter policies do not adapt to this group’s present real needs. 1 Dep. Sociological Theory, Philosophy of Law and Methodology for Social Sciences. Faculty of Economics and Business. Av. Diagonal, 690 08034 Barcelona (Spain). Tel: (+ 34) 934039856. E-mail: gvila@ub.edu2 Center for the Study of Culture, Politics and Society (CECUPS). Faculty of Economics and Business. Av. Diagonal, 690 08034 Barcelona (Spain). Tel: (+ 34) 934037233. E-mail: cchamorro@ub.edu3 Dep. Social Work and Social Services. Campus Mundet. Pg.Vall d'Hebron, 171 08035 Barcelona (Spain). Tel: (+ 34) 934034936. Email: mllobet@ub.edu

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This paper, presented within the Young People and Social Policy in Europe: New Risks and Emerging Challenges stream, intends to analyse present Spanish youth as a differentiated paradigmatic model within Europe. In addition, the impact of the crisis on the economy and on social policies has strengthened these differences. This paper intends to give further diffusion to the Welfare Innovations at Local Level in Favour of Cohesion (WILCO)4 European project results. By comparing ten European country cities, the project aimed to determine how social welfare systems were attempting to diminish social inequalities and promoting social cohesion by focusing on social innovation activities. To this aim, three main inequality dimensions –age, gender and immigration– were introduced in the project. Target groups were defined in each of them, so that the elements determining in each city the degree of social vulnerability could be better observed. Within this general picture, this paper focuses on the case of Catalan youth. Though many references are made to Catalan youth in general, it particularly addresses the issue of WILCO targets, that is to say, young vulnerable people who are in transition into adulthood5.

The paper has two sections. The first presents Catalan youth transition into adulthood. It reviews theoretical contributions to the subject and introduces the main changes which these transitions and the classical definition of youth as a life cycle stage have undergone. Then, Catalan youth’s specific case is analysed, the last Catalan studies on the subject reviewed and the last results and theoretical contributions recovered. Recent data on the impact of the crisis on these transitions are also introduced. The second section focuses on analysing a vulnerable youth group’s transition to adulthood in particular that of those at risk of being excluded from employment, that is to say, the unemployed or those who have highly precarious jobs. By studying their life cycle we can understand the elements differentiating their life courses from the rest of those completing a general youth to adulthood life course typology and which can normally be observed in studies. This section presents some of the results obtained from analysing the WILCO Project interviews6. This information is used to analyse these people’s specific situation, their life courses, their experiences and the challenges they pose to social policies. The latter would lead to the need to create new ways of intervention linked to social innovation, a fact which we have underlined and will be addressed in future analysis. The paper finishes by discussing conclusions and present social policies challenges.

2. Youth within the life cycle and transition to adulthood

4 Project number SSH-CT-2010-266929. Seventh Framework Programme. European Commission. For more information please see: http://www.WILCOproject.eu/5 Though the project is carried out at a local level, the regional and national contexts are also taken into account. In Spain, research has focused on two regions, Catalonia and Navarra, and the cities of Barcelona and Pamplona within them. This paper explains the results obtained in Barcelona for Catalonia. For a further analysis see Montagut, M. (2011). City Report: Barcelona. WILCO Publication no. 14. and Aguilar, M. (2011) City Report: Pamplona. WILCO Publication no. 27. Online documents. 6 Twelve interviews to young people who have already started their transition to adulthood and who are at risk of being excluded from employment have been carried out. Interviewees are either unemployed or people who have highly instable jobs. None of them have reached further than secondary education. Three men and three women are interviewed in each city. In Barcelona, interviewees were between 20 and 26 years old and, in Pamplona, between 20 and 33 years old.

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2.1. The challenge of becoming an adult: a transition in transformation

There is no doubt that particularly, advanced capitalism societies, nowadays consider youth as a life cycle stage. Several basic social and economic structural changes in these societies have entailed that transition from adolescence to adulthood is extended. Therefore, youth has become a life cycle stage in itself, one which has its own roles, identities and its social and individual expectations. However, age limits are blur, and if this is so when examining an specific society on its own, the analysis becomes much more complex when time and space comparative elements are introduced.

In effect, transition from youth to adulthood has presently become a complicated process which depends on other basic life cycle subtransitions. Miret et al. claim that there would be four main subtransitions –ending school, entering the labour market, residential emancipation and family formation– within it (Miret et al., 2008).The four occur simultaneously and develop during youth. Completing all of them is associated to the attainment of stability and the necessary conditions for full individual, family and social autonomy allowing –both from an individual and social perspective– to enter adulthood as a life cycle stage. However, in youths, these four transitions create life cycle uncertainties or even contradictions between the youth and adulthood stages. Additionally, as transitions do not all end at the same time and multiple life courses are created at this stage, the duration of youth varies between individuals. They would also create specific and diverse symbolic universes on the meaning of youth within the life cycle and on the social and individual expectations on this life stage.7 Therefore, youth can no longer simply be considered a quick step between adolescence and adulthood (Galland, 1999). As the latter author claims, youth is no longer “a quick social and labour market insertion process. Now, it is a proper stage, one characterised by individual autonomy and the desire to multiply vital experiences” (Miret et al., 2008).

The end of fordism and the consolidation of globalisation have led the so-called post-industrial societies to major changes. These have had a direct impact on these countries’ economic and social structures which, in turn, have affected the four formerly mentioned transitions8. Indeed, the linear model in which people ended their studies, found a stable job, a new home and formed their own families, characteristic of fordism, does no longer exist. Now, people start multiple life cycles and experience diverse situations. Within this changing context, personal and family resources, and social position largely determine the steps taken within the four transitions and therefore socially extremely vulnerable profiles which stop individuals from reaching complete adulthood, can be generated.

The present crisis has had its own direct effects on these processes, as now young middle class members are also affected by this vulnerability because they find more difficulties in entering the four transitions.

7 In her study, Cécile Van de Velde compares diverse European country (Denmark, the UK, France and Italy) transitions to adulthood. Major youth life cycle and youth symbolism differences are described. For further information see Van de Velde, C. (2008). Fer-se adult: sociologia comparada de la joventut a Europa. Col·lecció Aportacions núm. 34. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya.8 For a wider analysis of the effects of model change, see Miret, P. et al. (2008). Enquesta a la joventut de Catalunya 2007. Una anàlisi de les transicions educatives, laborals, domiciliars i familiars. Col·lecció Estudis, núm. 24. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya.

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Spanish and Catalan youth are both particularly significant cases of the formerly mentioned transformations, though, within the European context, they have their own specificities. The country’s social and economic structure, youth’s role in creating possibilities and opportunities, the rhythm and the way these transitions are undertaken by them and more recently, the economic crisis effects and youth’s greater vulnerability resulting in increasing delays in their entry to adulthood, underline these specificities while making it a particularly interesting case to study. Therefore, the rest of the paper will focus on these issues.

2.2. Catalan youth and their transitions into adulthood: a specific model

Once general transition to adulthood trends have been introduced, we will now analyse Catalan youth and the specific processes which lead their transition into adulthood9.

In 2011, Catalonia had 7,539,618 inhabitants. In recent years, it has become one of Europe’s oldest regions. However, this last decade ageing has improved, as immigration has rejuvenated its population structure10. Out of the whole population, 1,188,373 are young people -aged between 16 and 29 years old-, a 15.8% of the population. If this group is reduced to those between 16 and 24, it diminishes to 666,207 inhabitants or 8.8% of the population. Now it has 175,000 people less than two decades ago. In other words, it experienced a -13% population growth. As for the city of Barcelona itself, 254,622 young people live in it, that is to say, 15.8% of its population is of this age. If they are reduced to those from 16 to 24 years old, their figures only reach 132,916. One of the major changes Catalan young population has undergone these last years is its composition by nationality. While in 2000 foreigners only were 3.3% of the population, in 2011 they are 25.7% of it. Those same years, percentages for Barcelona are even higher, increasing from 3.9% to 31.4%11.

How does Catalan youth face transition to adulthood? By replying this question we can obtain a better profile of Catalan youth. Recent studies on Catalan youth would indicate that sub transitions to adulthood contain certain processes emphasising the need to redefine youth as a life cycle stage12. In the following paragraphs specificities of the Catalan four transitions into adulthood will be analysed.

Ending education

These last years, youth’s education main characteristic has been the growing number of years they dedicate to it. Obtaining qualifications is generally considered as the best

9 For a specific analysis about the characteristics of catalan young people see Alabart, A; Gavaldà, J; Vilà, G. (2008). “Els joves i l’habitatge”. In Bellet, C. (coord.) Vivienda y sociedad. Nuevas demandas, nuevos instrumentos. Lleida: Editorial Milenio.10 The reduction of the aging index from 126% in 2000 to 106% in 2011 would be a good indication of it.11 Source: 2000-2011 Padró Municipal d’Habitants. Institut d’Estadística de Catalunya. 12 The picture given by studies carried out by the Observatori de la Joventut de Catalunya and analyses derived from the Enquesta a la Joventut de Catalunya offer solid empirical information and theoretical conclusions on Catalan youth’s situation and their transition to adulthood. For this section of the paper, data and conclusions obtained by the Enquesta a la Joventut de Catalunya de 2007 and published by Generalitat de Catalunya (Miret et al., 2008) have been our main source. Others have also been used to update data and confirm suggested trends.

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way to successfully enter the labour market. Therefore, the amount of people in post-compulsory education has considerably increased, particularly during the crisis. The rate of 17 year old still in education –age at which non-compulsory education starts– is a good indication of this higher investment in education. In the 2001-2002 school year, this rate was 62.9% and in the 2009-2010 one, figures reached 80.5%. Likewise, the rate for 16 to 29 year olds is presently 27.9%13.

Labour market insertion

Catalan youth and labour market relationships are complex. These last years, delays in entering it have intensified due to their tendency to leave education late. Despite career dissimilarities, due to social class and education attainment differences, as a group, young people have some common elements. Their high unemployment rate would be the main one. At the beginning of the year 2000, when there was high economic growth, 16 to 24 years old had a 13.3% unemployment rate (21.3% in Spain). On the whole, since then, two large periods can be distinguished. The first would go from 2003 to 2007 and, during those years, unemployment rate would have fallen to 9.3%. From 2008, the effects of the economic crisis become clearly visible. Year after year, the rate increases and in the first semester of 2012 it reaches 50% in Catalonia and 52% in the rest of the country. For 16 to 24 year olds, figures are even higher.

Figure 1. Youth unemployment rate. Catalonia and Spain, 2000-2011.

13,3 13,0

15,216,5

14,6

12,010,1

9,3

15,7

27,928,8

30,6

21,3

16,818 18,1

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35

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Catalonia: 16-29 years old Catalonia: 16-24 years old Spain: 16-29 years old Spain: 16-24 years old

Source: Observatori Català de la Juventut. Sistema d’indicadors sobre la juventut de Catalunya. Generalitat de Catalunya and Encuesta de Población ActivaHowever, unemployment is not the only feature defining youth and labour market relationships. Some authors consider that youth has what they call structural instability and that this would be the result of their great difficulties in finding a first job, work temporality, low wages, the abundance of unskilled jobs in careers and the labour

13 Source: Observatori Català de la Juventut. Sistema d’indicadors sobre la juventut de Catalunya. Generalitat de Catalunya.

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market in general, and of those in which part of their education is not required -for those who have low education attainment, this would particularly, though not exclusively, be so. The economic crisis has strongly affected these trends, as it has not only incremented the number of socioeconomic categories touched by vulnerability and economic instability, but increased the ages of those concerned by the latter uncertainties. The 2011 youth and labour market report published by the Generalitat de Catalunya (Observatori d’Empresa i Ocupació, 2011), claimed that youth had three main problems:

Firstly, youth unemployment rates, which, as explained, have highly increased due to the economic crisis.

Secondly, particularly high job temporality and poor quality contracts. In 2011, youth temporary employment rates reached 40.4%. In other words, they doubled those of employed population as a whole (16 and over), i.e. 19.8%14. As the following figures show, temporary employment has become a structural element in youth’s employment, as this rate has only varied from 34% to 49%. From the year 2000 to 2011, at least 85% of the contracts signed by 16 and 29 year olds were temporary contracts. Though the use of this type of contract decreased between 2006 and 2008, they are now 90% of those signed between these ages.

Finally, training and labour market mismatch. On the one hand, there are too many jobs occupied by people who have a university degree, particularly technical ones, though on the other, too many low skill jobs occupied by young people who have very low education. In general, data would show that employment rate grows as education does and therefore, those who only have primary education or who abandoned school early, generally, remain out of the labour market. If we focus on the type of job offered, it becomes clear that it is becoming polarized. Offers concentrate at the two skill requirement extremes. In other words, directors, managers and professionals but also catering, industrial, agricultural, construction workers and elementary would have been the most affected groups. The highest annual unemployment rate increases have been observed in university degree holders. Moreover, one of Catalan youth labour market characteristics is that young workers are generally overqualified for their job. In Catalonia, between the year 2000 and 2011, 50% of the workers had more education than their job required, percentages for women were even have higher15. In sum, even though training is still considered the main way to enter the labour market, young people do not obtain enough advantages from their investments in education.

Low salaries would be another feature defining young people’s employment conditions. In average, these last years, the gross monthly salary of 16 to 29 year olds was around 1000 or 1100 euros, that is to say, between 600 and 1000 euros less than that of active population as a whole16.

Table 1. Active population’s monthly earnings. Catalonia and Spain, 2004-2009.

14 Source: Observatori d’Empresa i Ocupació (2011). Butlletí de joves i mercat de treball. 4t trimestre de 2011. Generalitat de Catalunya. 15 Ibídem.16 From this point of view, there are extremely clear gender differences. According to the Observatori Català de la Joventut, in average, women have lower salaries and earn about 15 to 20 percent less. Female unemployment rates are also higher. Though this paper does not focus on gender issues, given the importance that some of this data have in explaining women’s vulnerability, they have also been introduced.

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2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009Catalonia: 16-24 years old 1.051,25 € 1.079,26 € 1.067,38 € 1.052,42 € 1.114,32 € 1.062,91 €Catalonia (all) 1.645,84 € 1.672,26 € 1.767,50 € 1.833,18 € 1.947,96 € 1.987,61 €Spain: 16-24 years old 990,10 € 1.053,20 € 1.026,40 € 1.036,80 € 1.079,50 € 1.047,20 €Source: Observatori d’Empresa i Ocupació, 2011. Generalitat de Catalunya.

Residential emancipation

Youth’s difficulties in being able to leave their parents’ home and delays in doing so would be the main features defining youth’s present residential emancipation process. Spanish youth –16 to 29 year olds– has one of the lowest residential emancipation rates in Europe as in 2000 it was only 20.2%. The real estate bubble, bank loans and family large economic investments allowed young people to leave their parents’ home and, therefore, the rate started to increase, achieving, in 2007, a maximum of 33%. However, due to the present economic crisis and the subsequent higher employment instability, the rate fallen once again. Therefore, in 2011, it had reduced to 27.7%17. Finally, it should also be noted that, compared to the rest of Europe, Spanish youth also leaves their parent’s home for the first time later than the rest of the countries –at 27 years old18.

Figure 2. Residential emancipation rate (16-29 year olds). Catalonia and Spain, 2000-2011.

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Spain

Source: Observatori Català de la Joventut. Sistema d’indicadors sobre la joventut a Catalunya. Generalitat de Catalunya. There would be several reasons behind it: a) the prolongation of the other two transitions due to youth’s difficulties in entering the labour market, the role of education and training systems, and investments in both b) economic problems involved in buying a flat as housing prices are high –the housing market, basically based on property

17 Source: Observatori Català de la Joventut. Sistema d’indicadors sobre la joventut a Catalunya. Generalitat de Catalunya.18 Van de Velde, C. (2008). Fer-se adult: sociologia comparada de la joventut a Europa. Col·lecció Aportacions núm. 34. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya.

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instead of rents is extremely rigid19–, jobs are unstable and salaries low c) public policies and d) the role of families, and cultural and symbolic issues making parents and youth’s co-residence, during the latter’s transition to adulthood, to be considered normal20. In this sense, comparing young Catalan and Spanish people’s residential emancipation processes and those undergone by other European country youths can both help find the specificities of the case in which we are focusing and bring light upon youth' symbolic universe in comparison to that built by population in general. According to Van de Velde, “Spanish society, like other Mediterranean ones, favours that young people wait in their parents’ home until they have the necessary conditions for a stable adult life. Only when the unemployment and job instability life cycle closes, do they leave” (Van de Velde, 2008). Family legitimates it, so youth remains within the family household during the transition processes. “In this sense, adult youth autonomy life cycles are mainly built by constructing of their individuality within the family unit by gaining reciprocity with their parents, and preparing to be able to move out” (Ibídem).

Forming a family

Forming a family continues to be considered as the moment of entering adulthood, particularly when this transition is understood as a result of consolidating the other three. However, this is not always so. Scenarios are so diverse from this point of view, that youth life courses become increasingly diverse. Spain and Catalonia have delayed both the mean age to start cohabitation with the first partner and the mean age of women at first birth (Miret et al., 2008). While in 2011, the average mother’s age was 29.7 years, in 2000 it was 29 years, and 27.4 years, in 199121. This trend would be related to other delayed transitions, but also reinforced by public policies. Young Spanish and Catalan people’s values on forming a family have also changed, so therefore the variety of situations found is larger. The growth of the percentage of children born to unmarried young mothers from 26% in 2000 to 42.2% in 2011 would be an indication of it. At the same time, the 16–29 age specific marriage rate considerably diminished, from 29.4% in 2000 to 12.3% in 201122, to be more exact.

The latter can be combined in many different ways, and as a result, many situations can be created and, therefore, life course diversity has increased. However, above all, this leads to the need to revise the classical concept of youth and its role in life courses both from a personal and social point of view. Some authors claim that life courses to adulthood have undergone three main transformations: prolongation, diversification and reversibility (Miret et al., 2008). In effect, as a consequence of having to go through four transitions and the subsequent delays in full adulthood acquisition, youth has not only become a longer period within the life cycle, but it has also diversified. “The limited series of transition life courses have become a large group of different possibilities Fordist times’ standardisation has been substituted by diversity and unpredictability”

19 Firstly the real estate bubble, and then the economic crisis, have had a direct impact on the housing market and created a dificult situation. Even though loans were easily accessible during the real estate bubble, prices rocketed up. For a deeper analysis of this process see Vilà, G; Alabart, A. (2011). “Realitat urbana i habitatge a la Catalunya de 2010. Anàlisi d’un procés”. In Masjuan, JM (coord.) Societat catalana 2011. Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans.20 For further information see Alabart, A; Gavaldà, J; Vilà, G. (2008). “Els joves i l’habitatge” . In Bellet, C. (coord.) Vivienda y sociedad. Nuevas demandas, nuevos instrumentos. Lleida: Editorial Milenio.21 Source: Institut d’Estadística de Catalunya. 22 Source: Observatori Català de la Joventut. Sistema d’indicadors sobre la joventut a Catalunya. Generalitat de Catalunya.

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(Ibídem). In fact, reversibility has become one of this transition’s main characteristics. Now, processes do not follow one another, in a linear progressive way, but overlap –break-ups and employment instability have even led to take steps back towards former life stages. This has been a description of Spain and Catalonia’s main trends before economic crisis. However, the picture has worsened since then. Job losses and keeping housing make life course reversibility much easier. In other words, though the person concerned has already left their parents’ home, residential emancipation is lost again and individuals –mainly broken couple members– or even the whole new family, is obliged to return to their family’s home. In sum, youth life cycles are becoming increasingly heterogeneous and unstructured.

The formerly explained scenario has had a direct impact on the structure of inequalities and therefore, youth has become a particularly vulnerable group. Additionally, possibilities of succeeding these four transitions are influenced by the socioeconomic position and resources invested in them according to the social position occupied23. Therefore, less affluent and resourceful youths become increasingly vulnerable, adding importance to the need to focus this group’s life courses and study their strategies and their effects when finally entering adulthood. Without any doubt, they are consolidating a specific and complex transition. The second section of the paper will further discuss these issues by concentrating on several testimonies given by diverse young people.

Life courses towards adulthood

The 2007 Enquesta de la Jovetut Catalana survey, allowed defining Catalan youth’s transition in a seven life course typology, resulting from combining the formerly mentioned sub transitions (Miret et al., 2008). Though, over the years, the latter underwent significant changes, the present economic crisis will undoubtedly have even larger effects, though relevant data to confirm this is still not available). According to these authors, there would be seven different life courses.

1. Residential emancipation before university and late labour market incorporation. This life course combines early residential emancipation, due to moving to college, with delays in other transitions to adulthood. Despite they generally have a good education level and skilled stable jobs, they have high unemployment rates. They mainly are single and childless.

2. Unstable university life courses. These people possess university degrees, though also, employment instability –temporary and low skill jobs and frequent unemployment, a somewhat more delayed residential emancipation process than the former group to move to slightly deficient rented apartments. They declare having economic problems.

3. University linear life courses. This would be the classical life course. Ending education would be followed by a skilled and stable job, home purchase, emancipation from parents and family formation. Nearly a quarter of Catalan youths would be included in this group.

4. Middle-class linear life courses. Though this group’s life course is also linear and progressive, youth pertaining to it ended their education earlier in life, so

23 For a deeper analysis of youths’ social differences see Sánchez, C. (2010). Condicions de vida i hàbits socials de la joventut de Catalunya. Col·lecció Aportacions, núm. 44. Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya.

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they posses lower degrees and, therefore, their life course stages progress slower. Residential emancipation is not reached until age 30 or more.

5. Non-residential emancipation life courses. This group contains young people in very diverse circumstances, though most have secondary education. Their labour market incorporation is unstable and none of them have yet residentially emancipated.

6. Residential emancipation working-class life courses. School abandonment and early labour market incorporation would be these people’s life course main features. They would have low skill jobs, high unemployment though low temporality and would have left their parents home to live with their partner when they were still very young and have rapidly had children. However, more than half of these couples have been broken.

7. Working-class life courses. Earliest school abandonment group –full primary or secondary education– and early labour market incorporation. They emancipated from their parents' home young, purchased their own housing and have a partner. They had their first child before they were 30 years old. One of this group’s main characteristics would be their unstable and precarious relationship with labour market, their low skill jobs and general economic problems.

Figure 3. Transition to adulthood typology.

Residential emancipation before university ; 11,2%

Unstable university life courses; 2,9%

University linear life courses; 23,9%

Middle-class linear life courses; 22,2%

Non-residential emancipation life courses;

17,3%

Residential emancipation working-class life courses;

5,7%

Working-class life courses; 16,9%

Source: Miret et al., 2008.

This typology shows 2007 Catalan youth’s main life courses to adulthood, that is to say, those they had before the economic crisis started. By analysing each sub transition, the main changes affecting each of the groups and especially harsh turning points become increasingly clear. The last edition of the 2012 survey, which has still not been published, will allow researchers to closely analyse the impact of the economic crisis on these transitions. Given the general picture described by the typology, and Spain’s present economic circumstances, the information obtained from the project’s young interviewees would be particularly relevant. Therefore, it will be the following pages’ main focal point.

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3. Young vulnerable people living in Barcelona and their life courses

3.1. A vulnerability profile

Young interviewee’s instability during transition underlines the importance of deepening vulnerable youth life course analysis24 to understand how the different processes involved in the transition determines the group’s present and future risks. Moreover, present economic circumstances make this analysis even more interesting.

Focusing on these young people is not only interesting to the WILCO project, but to define Spanish transition to adulthood’s characteristics. In the following paragraphs, Barcelona young interviewees’ life courses will be analysed considering the decisions, strategies, circumstances, experiences, expectations and identity development followed. The impact of the economic crisis and public policy’s role will also be taken into account.

3.2. Transition to adulthood

When the four sub transitions which compose interviewees' life courses are more closely observed, it can be perceived that their independence is extremely precarious. There are several reasons why some of these individuals have become independent and, the consolidation of an individual autonomy project would only be applicable to very few cases. Instead, the urgent need to move out of the family home or events which break the origin family nucleus’ stability would be much more relevant motives, here. On the other hand, a socio-cultural component could also be affecting how and when these people initiate their residential emancipation. A part of the interviewees are gypsies and youth belonging to this ethnic group usually form family and move out of their parents’ home earlier than the rest of Spanish young people

Interviewees have a complex transition to adulthood, characterised by: 1) an unstable life course towards residential emancipation and 2) a strong influence of social structure elements –such as gender, education level, ethnicity, economic resources, etc.– or of family events in their possibilities to face transition to adulthood. Therefore, these youths can be considered to have extremely vulnerable emancipation life courses. In the next paragraphs, their life course transitions and their present situation will be analysed by focusing on the four, formerly mentioned, sub transitions. The effects of the present economic crisis will be taken into account and the challenges this specific group poses to public polices discussed.

1. Ending education

Despite the educational level of Spanish people is now better, this improvement has not reached members of the study group. Half of the interviewees did not end 24 The main aim of interviews carried out within the WILCO project is to observe elements determining social vulnerability in the specific European cities under study. For more information on it please see Ranci, C; Costa, G; Sabatinelli, S. & Brandsen, T. (2012). Measures of Social Cohesion: Comparative Report. EMES Working Papers Series. WP no. 12/02. Llobet, M. (2012) The Preliminary Report on the interviews in Barcelona and Pamplona (Spain) (WILCO working paper) has also been used.

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secondary compulsory education, though the others did. These last 15 years, Spain has been one of the European Union countries in which more children and youths have abandoned compulsory education (30.6%)25. Interviewees explain that their main reasons for abandoning school were their incorporation to the labour market or starting a family. On the other hand, those who have finished secondary education followed intermediate level vocational training and others finished the so-called bachillerato26.

These people mainly get once more involved in education by joining job training programs intending to get better job opportunities. Many of these respond to local policy market insertion programs, though sometimes youths themselves find and attend to courses they searched on their own. Interviewees are increasingly participating in officially promoted programs, since they all have become unemployed, due to the economic crisis.

Their identity has been built around the idea of being workers and not their education life course attainments. Their decision to study is related to this identity and therefore they have trained in many diverse fields. From this point of view, their educational life course is not continuous and depends more on the employment opportunities they perceive when they attend training programs. In most of the cases, they hope to be introduced into the labour market after training, trought the work experience offered. Interviewees has the expectation to continue working in the same place where they have trainee period, once they have finished it.

“Well, when I left school I was already 16 years old, I wasn’t small but I wasn’t big and there was no work. There was a carpentry training course in the year 2000, and they paid me, I stayed for a year. When I was 17 years old, I got into Caprabo [supermarket chain], a year and a half, till the contract finished. Then I got to know my husband, we got engaged, and I married. Then, I needed a job and trained as a instructor, and I worked as a instructor for 6 months but without paying, as to get work experience... and l kept looking and looking and I didn’t find anything, then I do cleaning services for some moths. Not long ago I trained in trade and I liked it a lot, and got trainee at C&A, 15 days, and they didn’t hire me. I had to work in anything, because I received benefits but now I don’t have anything, they don’t give me anything. I’ve sent some curriculums but nothing, and then Paqui told me that there was the same training course but for shops, and there I am now” (26 year old woman)

Even though these people have obtained negative results from adopting this strategy, they were ready to pursue participating in training programs. This is not necessarily because they value their educational experience, but because they are willing to do all they can to find a job. In fact, they say that it is presently their main aspiration.

According to interviewees, the best training programs to get a job are those including work experience, since the people they know who have received public help to find a job and are working, found it through the training courses which offered it.

2. Labour market insertion

25 García, Juan Ramón (2011) Desempleo juvenil en España: causas y soluciones. Madrid: 11/30 Documentos de Trabajo BBVA26 Bachillerato is the post-compulsory secondary education. It consists of two courses and allows following either a specific vocational training or the University.

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These people have unstable and discontinuous labour life courses. Independently from small education level differences, nearly all of them have only found temporary jobs as low skilled workers with low salaries. They have mainly been employed for specific projects or services, in seasonal jobs, as substitutes or acquiring work experience at companies. Some of them have also worked in the informal economy for a short time.

On the other hand, during economic crisis, the young interviewees who had even managed to get certain employment stability, have also hardly been hit by unemployment. As a result, they have been obliged to expand the areas at which they search for a new job and not only insist in those where they have already worked. Therefore, the economic crisis has downplayed the role of their previous job experience. This would also help to explain why those who already have work experience are increasingly participating in training courses. Even if they value these courses negatively, they are ready to assume it as part of their strategy to find work.

“I worked as an electrician in the centre of Barcelona; I also went to a computer skills course here and some others over there. Yes, one of those teaching you how to make an interview, how to talk, how...I also went to a carpentry one and like that all the time, going to courses, because there’s been no work (....) ...then I’ve not worked in all this time, without stopping to look for work, and now even more with the girl, I’m desperately looking for work everywhere, and I don’t find.... and only for going to courses and courses. In my situation I don’t want to continue going to courses... you understand me. I’ve a daughter, I’ve a house and I need to keep them going and I’d really like to improve much more my education level but my situation doesn’t allow me... and 'there we are', looking for work where you can” (21 year old man).

Interviewees do not consider that the reason why they are unemployed is their low work skills. Interviewees men, that have less unstable labour life courses than women, clearly think that it is the economic crisis which has destroyed the jobs to which they had access before. Women instead, do tend to relate more their unemployment to their lack of skills. Despite the differences observed about this idea, interviews do not give enough information to explain whether this trend is influenced or not by gender factors.

On the other hand, these different views would be related to different labour market insertion careers. Insertion processes have not been equally consolidated for all the interviewees. They have not all needed or had the same will to build a career and fully enter the labour market. Receiving money which has not been earned by working, like family aid or an orphan’s pensions (for those who have lost their parents) delays labour market insertion. Therefore, this latter group would mainly link their need to work and become economically independent to their objective need to have an income and keep their house running, but not necessarily to their desire to complete their transition to adulthood. As mentioned, it is one of the key factors to understand this group situation and determines the own proper characteristics of their early transition to adulthood.

Spanish welfare polices offering a “salary” to the unemployed contemplate they receive contributory benefits and means-tested. Though considered as aid, the latter also requires that the worker has contributed for some time to the social security system27.

27 Unemployment benefits are contributory, that is to say, the amount received depends on how much has the person who gets them contributed to social security when working. Therefore, though it is considered as assistance it also requires that the person who receives them has

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As a result, young people searching their first job or those who have had unstable employments which do not include them are at risk of not receiving any economic unemployment support28. Therefore, a considerable part of interviewees do not receive them and depend on family support or on that of other welfare state policies (as would be the case of those benefiting from orphan’s pension).

Then, there is minimum income insertion benefits (RMI) for those who do not have any income at all, though, to receive it, some requirements, proving there is a risk of social exclusion, need to be met. None of the interviewees are on these benefits yet or have asked for them, and even when they hope not to require them, they foresee the possibility of requesting them due to unemployment developments. Most of the interviewees are finishing the period in which they can receive benefits and have not found another job. This is one of their present main worries and perceives their future as very bad. They declare that this insecurity is both emotionally and physically affecting them.

Interviewees have received support from active unemployment policies in several ways. They have either used information and orientation services, courses on how to search employment or training programs. However, independently from their expectation to take advantage of the opportunities these activities and services offer, or how they value them, the truth is that these aid source has never given none of the interviewees a stable job, independent from social services. They have only obtained internships or have allowed them to join a temporary occupational program (six months the longest ones).

Finally, temporary employment agencies which had once been regarded as good intermediaries to reduce the gap between job supply and demand are presently no longer considered by interviewees as an effective option. The opportunities they now offer them are very low level and short duration ones29. It is also worth mentioning that, searching a job, some of the interviewees have found that some businesses have very specific requirements which they have not been able to meet due to their lack of resources (special training courses, driving license, etc.). Their incapacity to spend and invest in their job hunt makes these young people’s reality ever more complex.

3. Residential emancipation

Interviewees live in working class neighbourhoods situated in Barcelona’s periphery. Though they have had traditional residential emancipation experiences, that is to say, driven by their decision to form a family and buy a house of their own, these young people’s sub transition has had some particularities which should be mentioned. Many of their life courses were strongly affected by their family of origin’s situation. In other words, by the material and life conditions these had. These not only stopped them from being protected from having a precarious residential emancipation process but pushed these young people towards them.

contributed to social security while working (90 days for those who have family responsibilities and 180 for those who have none). For more information on how the Spanish social protection system works please see Aguilar, M; Escobedo A; & Montagut, M. (2011) Local welfare policies in Spain: Employment, housing and child care. WILCO Publication no. 6.28 Ranci, C et al., op. cit.29 Ranci, C et al., op. cit.

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An interviewee decided to emancipate from his parents and form a family independently from whether he was economically able to acquire a dwelling or not. He was pushed to do it because he could not stay in his parents’ or his in-laws homes. The couple chose to squatter a flat, with the idea that they could latter negotiate to pay a rent for it. In this sense, the interviewee insisted on the importance of paying according to what he earned. This would not only imply a lower amount, but an agreement which would not oblige him to guarantee the landlord he has a stable job or a high salary. His case is extremely complicated as he has very vulnerable life conditions. However, these problems are very commonly observed in many other young people living in Barcelona and intending to leave their parents’ home. As it was observed in the first part, job temporality is one of youth’s major problems, as it does not only affect their capacity to pay and stops them from being sure that they can regularly do it, but does not allow them to meet the formal requirements to get their own housing. Therefore, sub-renting and squatting, as a residential strategy, have increased in the city. Problems that come with them, such as bad accommodation conditions and tenancy irregularities, also have.

“Q: When you say you are a squatter you mean you’ve squatted a flat?. A: Yes, a flat owned by the bank, I’ve already done it twice. I was first in one, I was there for two years and a half, and they threw me out... and now I’m in process of, because they’re going to throw me out again. None of them have wanted to reach an agreement to pay a rent. They’ve not tried to make things easy. (…) Q: Are there a lot of people who are doing the same? A: Yes, lots of people, many many people and it’s normal because there are no opportunities for young people, there is no work. Then when you do work it is very difficult to get approved for rental, you have to... someone needs to give a guarantee to the bank, it has to be a high salary, which is... There are no opportunities, and there is no work as well, it’s normal that young people or old people don’t have a home where to live. The first thing to live is a roof, and if I see a dwelling, well, I’ll get into it, and someone later will come... I’ll never refuse to pay. 'I pay what I can, the standard of life I’ve got... I pay you how I can,.. if I ‘m receiving between three hundred and fifty and four hundred Euros in benefits, don’t ask me to pay a six hundred euro rent, because I’m not going to have it'... then, well lots and lots of people, here, in Barcelona and all around in Spain, you see it on TV”. (21 year old man)

On the other hand, the conditions of life of origin's family can also determine a precarious residential transition. The death of both parents is a good example as it impels it, in the sense that it obliges youths to be in charge of the house. This do not implies necessarily a tenancy problem, as they will probably inherit their home and therefore, the above mentioned difficulties –obtaining a dwelling– would be solved. It however involves taking charge of other intrinsic costs of this transition (bills, debts, etc.) and youths may not be economically ready to face them.

These circumstances are worsened by the role which families have in southern Europe’s welfare model as they give economic support to youths both when they are not yet independent, and when they are. As orphan youths cannot receive it, they form another different, especially vulnerable group, particularly in those formerly mentioned matters.

4. Forming a family

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Interviewees have been forming their families under very diverse circumstances. In some cases this sub transition has not led these young people to their transition to adulthood, but in others it has. Those who have actually formed a family did it at early stages in life, and independently from their possibilities to undertake other sub transitions. A explanatory variable should be introduced at this point, not neither a economic nor a political, but a cultural one. As exemplified in this case, some of the decisions taken by these young people can be explained by the membership of some interviewees to gypsie's ethnic group, as they usually form their families before the rest of the Spanish youth.

Thinking about the circumstances in which interviewees form their families, we would like to reflect on the two opposed trends influencing the challenges which young people living in Barcelona have to face due to new transition patterns. On one hand, we can observe that the problems they have to cope with in other sub transitions negatively influence family formation by adding extra delays. On the other hand, early family formation also introduces a large negative pressure on the other sub transitions, increasing youth’s vulnerability during their transition to adulthood. Understanding this latter trend and its consequences would be particularly important for interviewees group, as due to the instability in which they carrying out their transition, they could become even more vulnerable as adults.

“Q: talking about your work, do you think having a child ha conditioned you in this area? A: of course, my work hours. I can’t work if nobody can stay with my son.... I'm a mother, then, I need to adapt. Q: Do you think this will change as he grows older? A: Yes, it will get better. Q: Do you think you will take into consideration the possibility of having less children because o of it? A: yes, now I can’t have another child, at the moment we are in I can’t...” (26 year old woman)

Finally, interviewees’ relationships with social services and public policies are briefly observed as a cross-sectional element affecting all these transitions. Interviews show that all these youths seem to have quite good relationships with the social services and most have felt backed up by them as their help has been a basic element in obtaining benefits. The involvement of social workers reassures them in all the procedures they have to follow. Most interviewees rely on being informed on all the benefits they can receive. However, they hope that once they have a job which allows them to become independent from social services, they will not need to rely on them anymore and therefore be able to become independent from them. From this perspective, they have not generated any sort of clientelism with these services.

4. Conclusions: public policies’ new challenges

The crisis has increased Catalan middle class youth’s vulnerability, a trend which already started to be visible some years ago, but has not consolidated until now. In many cases, their life courses have slowed down and even taken steps back. Uncertainty and instability, -particularly employment one- have become one of their life course permanent variables. These years, youth extension and diversification have consolidated, becoming an important public policy challenge. As a result of the lack of stability which delays in entering adulthood imply, youth’s age has been extended According to their age, the oldest of them should be considered as adults, but as they have not been able to consolidate their adult life courses, they continue socially living as youth. However, they have also been left out from it.

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As mentioned, in addition to changes in structural conditions -more job instability, housing price increase- the capacity to complete the four sub transitions consolidating youths’ entrance in adulthood, greatly depends on personal and family resources and social position. These elements are particularly visible during currently economic crises, as changes extend youth’s risks. For example, unemployment now affects both young people who have not become independent yet and those who are in the process of becoming so. The way youth combines existing resources will determine the strategies they follow to face these circumstances.

Increasing family economic aid or reverting residential emancipation by going back to the parents’ home seem to be two of the main protection strategies to face the mentioned changes. However, these solutions have not been those applied by interviewees, as their families cannot be used as a protective resource. These years, the groups which had the highest structural vulnerability before the crisis, have now increased their risk of exclusion. Instead of delaying their transition into adulthood, they are turning it increasingly more unstable. How will this affect their future vulnerability? For the moment, it shall remain an open question.

On their side, public welfare policies face diverse challenges. On the one hand, they need to understand youth definition changes and to adapt these changes. However, they should also comprehend those introduced by the crisis. A large part of the middle classes and the most vulnerable groups have worsened their risks and deepened their vulnerability.

Focusing now on our study group, we would like to point out some reflections on issues affecting them, which public policies should face.

Firstly, the general increase value of qualifications has also implied an increase in the value of training for this group. Active policies are presently investing great efforts in training for low skill workers, but despite that they are not being able to ensure them labour market insertion.

Secondly, during unemployment, they are much less economically covered than the rest, either because they have not contributed enough or because they have already used the corresponding benefits. From this point of view, these youths are seriously being affected by the economic crisis and this can have future effects, as they are presently not getting access to housing and have serious debts.

How to improve the efficiency of these policies or to design new solutions for the problem of labour market insertion of young's vulnerable groups comes as an important challenge for welfare policy today.

In third place, unemployment growth has particularly affected groups like interviewees. They expect to receive help for working and not from other welfare benefits. As this group identifies itself as workers, and not as students, prolonged unemployment is having a great impact on them. Despite their possibilities of receiving public economic support, like family or welfare policies, they are restless because they focus their present and future life on work. Added to their economic uncertainty and worries, this situation is also negatively influencing their physical and emotional health.

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In fourth place, as for interviewee-public policy relationships, the former’s great interest in “emancipating” from public assistance and becoming independent from these resources should be underlined.

Finally, linked to the points developed we would like to note that research on this group’s declining capacities should continue. Spanish dual welfare model, where social security takes care of workers and their families and social assistance of poor people and those at the margins of the labour market, is now facing an important challenge.

Recapitulating, young people are presently facing important challenges. In addition to the specificities of their transition to adulthood in relation to those of other European countries, Spanish youth now has to face the strong effects of the economic crisis. In some cases, it has only changed their map of possibilities, but in others, those who were really vulnerable before the economic crisis, it has deepened it. In sum, prolongation of youth’s real age due to their incapacity to successfully complete the four sub transitions to adulthood, extension of vulnerability to middle classes, risk groups’ increased vulnerability, and uncertainties on the future, the lack of future even, and the risk they have of becoming a lost generation, are the main challenges which public policies presently face.

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