iraqi refugees and the humanitarian costs of the iraq war: what role for social work?

ViewpointsIraqi refugees and the humanitariancosts of the Iraq war: What role forsocial work?ijsw_780 94..104

Harding S, Libal K. Iraqi refugees and the humanitarian costsof the Iraq war: what role for social work?

The US-led invasion and war in Iraq has created one of themost significant refugee crises in recent decades. Internationalnongovernmental organizations have partnered with localorganizations in Jordan and Syria to provide humanitarian aidto some two million displaced Iraqis. Field research indicatesthat, as with other humanitarian crises, few trained socialworkers have contributed to policy and practice with displacedIraqis. The case of Iraq provides an opportunity to considerhow the social work profession can shape comprehensiveglobal refugee policies and programs. This role is appropriate,given mandates for the profession to promote social justiceand human rights. Using the case of Iraqi displacement, weillustrate the complexities of humanitarian services provisionand the need for trained social workers to participate inhumanitarian relief and development programs. We argue thata variety of social work institutions and actors should becomemore robust advocates for shaping just refugee policy andpractice.

Scott Harding, Kathryn LibalSchool of Social Work, University of Connecticut, USA

Key words: refugees, Iraq, humanitarianism, global socialpolicy, social work

Scott Harding, School of Social WorkUniversity of Connecticut, 1798 Asylum Avenue, West Hartford,CT 06117, USAE-mail: [email protected]

Accepted for publication December 21, 2010

Introduction

In recent decades, an unprecedented flow of refugeesand internally displaced persons (IDPs), many fleeingwar and ethnic conflict, has challenged the internationalcommunity to reassess how it confronts the long-termeffects of conflict. The United Nations High Commis-sioner for Refugees (UNHCR) underscores that pro-tracted refugee situations “are a growing challenge forthe international community,” noting that “protractedrefugee situations now account for the vast majority ofthe world’s refugee population” (UNHCR, 2006: 108).While refugees typically experience trauma within theirhome countries, after crossing borders they are oftensubject to the arbitrary and inconsistent policies createdby the global community to address displaced popula-tions. These processes are especially evident in the caseof Iraq, which fought the Iran–Iraq war in the 1980s, thefirst Gulf War in 1991, experienced United Nations(UN)-imposed economic sanctions, and most recentlywas devastated by the US-led war to depose SaddamHussein and establish a new governing order.

More than 7 years after the US invasion, most Iraqisstill face the threat of violence and ongoing social dis-integration and breakdown of community. Infant and

child mortality rates are among the highest in the world,Iraq’s healthcare system is severely compromised, eco-nomic reconstruction remains tenuous, the use of foodsubsidies is widespread, and a high level of politicalinstability and violence persists (Harding & Libal,2010; Hills & Wasfi, 2010; MedAct, 2008; WorldHealth Organization, WHO, 2007). These conditionshave created one of the most significant forced migra-tions worldwide, compounding prior waves of Iraqidisplacement (Chatelard, 2008).1 The UN estimates thatsince 2003, some four million Iraqis – 15 percent of the

1 In international law refugees are narrowly defined as thoseforced to cross national boundaries because of well-foundedfear of harm or persecution based on one’s race, religion,nationality, political opinion or membership in a particularsocial group. The term forced migration (and forced migrant)encompasses the idea of “refugee.” Forced migration isregarded as “a general term that refers to the movements ofrefugees and internally displaced people (those displaced byconflicts) as well as people displaced by natural or environ-mental disasters, chemical or nuclear disasters, famine, ordevelopment projects” (as cited on Forced Migration Online,n.d.). Iraqis have been displaced by conflict in a number ofwaves over the past 30 years. This article focuses on the mostrecent exodus stemming from the US invasion of Iraq in2003.

DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-2397.2011.00780.xInt J Soc Welfare 2012: 21: 94–104

INTERNATIONALJ O U R NA L O F

SOCIAL WELFAREISSN 1369-6866

Int J Soc Welfare 2012: 21: 94–104© 2011 The Author(s) International Journal of Social Welfare © 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd and the International Journal of Social Welfare.

Published by Blackwell Publishing, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA94

population – have fled their homes in search of securityand a means to subsist. While US media coverage hasfocused on sectarian violence and debate over whetherthe United States “won” in Iraq, a humanitarian crisis ofdisplaced persons and Iraqi refugees has attracted lessattention (Libal & Harding, 2009; Sassoon, 2009).

Until late 2006, the current Iraqi refugee exodus waslargely ignored by mainstream media and most globalaid organizations. Since then, human rights andhumanitarian nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)have been central actors, both in providing refugee ser-vices and in advocating for a coordinated response toaddress Iraqi displacement (Libal & Harding, 2009).NGOs have had some success in terms of policychanges and international commitments to assist Iraqis,yet the scale of displacement and hardship is so pro-nounced that these organizations cannot adequatelyaddress Iraqis’ basic needs. Moreover, Iraqi refugeesremain vulnerable to involuntary return to Iraq andexploitation, while most are unable to legally work oraccess key social services in host countries (Harper,2008; International Crisis Group, ICG, 2008). As aresult, most displaced Iraqis are dependent on a patch-work of humanitarian aid, family remittances and infor-mal labor. Further, Iraqi refugees’ prospects forsecuring visas to permanently resettle in third countriessuch as the United States and Europe are slim, even astheir resources dwindle and their living standardsremain precarious. In the face of such challenges,which transcend any one nation-state’s jurisdiction orcapacity to deliver assistance and promote socialintegration for Iraqis, global policy solutions andcollaborative service provision must be fostered.

The case of Iraq reveals how the social work profes-sion – through its own international and local institu-tions and working in collaboration – can and shouldhelp shape just and comprehensive global refugee poli-cies and programs, as well as participate in the imple-mentation of such services. At present, most refugeesworldwide reside in camps or urban locales of theGlobal South, often marginalized as forced migrantswith few legal claims to protection or adequate liveli-hoods (Moulin & Nyers, 2007; Walker & Maxwell,2008). Humanitarian mandates for refugee protectionin conflict zones are typically limited in scope andduration, leaving displaced populations in limbo withinadequate access to resources and integration orresettlement (Campbell, 2006). Yet, UNHCR notes thata majority of refugee situations are “characterized bylong periods of exile – stretching to decades for somegroups.” Moreover, most refugees “are to be found inthe world’s poorest and most unstable regions, and arefrequently the result of neglect by regional and interna-tional actors” (Campbell, 2006: 105).

At the same time, typical “resettlement countries”of the Global North are increasingly restrictive in their

policies for accepting refugees for permanent resi-dence. While the United States continues to admit alarge percentage of refugees worldwide, it provides aminimum level of assistance and supports in order topromote refugees’ “self-sufficiency” as quickly aspossible (Fredriksson, 2000; Nawyn, 2010). Thus, theinternational response to refugees results in de factoinequality between countries and regions. As the Inter-national Federation of Social Workers (IFSW) notedmore than a decade ago, the responsibility of address-ing refugee needs “falls disproportionately on somecountries, many of whom are ill equipped in terms ofresources, to shoulder the burden” (IFSW, 1998: 2).While multiple countries are usually involved inaddressing refugee needs, they are often reluctant toclaim responsibility for forced migration and securingthe rights of refugees. Given these limitations and fail-ures of protection, refugee policy must be regarded as aglobal social issue, and forced displacement cannot betreated in isolation by individual states. Addressing theneeds of forced migrants, therefore, requires robustcollaboration between multiple actors at the local,national and international levels, as the case ofIraq clearly shows. Yet, even as forced migrationincreases worldwide, there are few signs of such globalcooperation.

Social work professional involvement on suchpolicy issues is appropriate, given clear mandatesfor the profession to promote social justice and therealization of human rights. Healy (2008) found thatsocial workers have many opportunities to influenceglobal social policy. These range from “local ornational lobbying and educational campaigns to col-laborative ventures on a global scale” (Healy, 2008:317). She urged social workers to “develop and promul-gate positions on social aspects of their own country’sforeign policy and other policies that affect people inother countries.” The major international social workassociations including IFSW, the International Associa-tion of the Schools of Social Work (IASSW) and theInternational Council for Social Welfare (ICSW) havealso asserted that the profession must address globalissues of social justice and human rights, includingthose involving refugees:

IFSW believes that the social work profession has aresponsibility to actively search for alternative poli-cies and systems to address the worldwide refugeeconcerns. IFSW believes that working closely withother non-governmental organizations . . . is animportant step in formulating policies and lobbyingfor durable and feasible solutions. (IFSW, 1998: 3)

In this article, we draw upon ongoing research withthose addressing the Iraqi displacement crisis to callfor social work institutions and actors to play a more

Iraqi refugees and the humanitarian costs of the Iraq war

Int J Soc Welfare 2012: 21: 94–104© 2011 The Author(s) International Journal of Social Welfare © 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd and the International Journal of Social Welfare 95

influential role in shaping refugee policy and practice.2

To date, such efforts by the profession internationallyhave been inconsistent, leaving social workers largelyas bystanders in the delivery of services and policymaking on the critical global social problem. We arguefor sustained social work advocacy and practice onbehalf of Iraqi refugees, most of whom face socialexclusion in host countries in the Middle East and willnot be selected for permanent resettlement in theGlobal North. Despite the scale of Iraqi displacement,social work professions, most notably those in theUnited States, have largely ignored the humanitarianeffects of the Iraq War (Harding, 2004, 2007). As withother global crises of forced migration, there is a lack ofsocial work involvement in collaboration, service pro-vision and advocacy on behalf of Iraqi refugees in theMiddle East, Europe or the United States – a reality atodds with the positions of international social workbodies.

Indeed, the Iraqi case illustrates two fundamentalissues: the inadequacy of international policies for refu-gees and forced migrants; and the limited role currentlyplayed by the social work profession in the GlobalNorth on the issue of forced migration, either in termsof affecting policy or working to provide direct ser-vices. Yet, based on extensive interviews with organi-zations working on Iraqi displacement, we find thatthere is significant potential for engagement by theprofession on this issue. For example, opportunitiesexist in direct practice with Iraqi refugees, policy advo-cacy, helping to establish programming within NGOs,educational initiatives, and in collaboration with localpartners in Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon, to train socialwork practitioners. Aside from helping to improve thelives of Iraqi forced migrants, such efforts could alsoprovide a model for greater involvement by socialworkers on global social problems.

Refugees and social work research

Most social work research on refugees emphasizessocial and economic integration in countries of resettle-ment (Nash, Wong & Trlin, 2006; Potocky-Tripody,2001) and addresses psychosocial stress and mentalhealth needs. Lamba and Krahn (2003) noted theimportance of refugee social networks in the resettle-ment process, while other scholars have examinedculturally appropriate assessment tools and refugeeservices (Ovitt, Larrison & Nackerud, 2003; Ying &Han, 2007). A significant body of scholarship hasexplored practice with Southeast Asian refugees inthe United States arriving after the end of the VietnamWar, including questions of cultural and economicadjustment among refugees resettled since 1980(Goodkind, 2007; Han, 2005). Research in Europeand other resettlement countries has highlighted theneeds of asylum-seekers and refugees stemming fromthe war in the Balkans in the 1990s (Blight et al., 2006;Wilcke, 2006). Rising anti-immigrant sentiment and afocus on integration of refugees and immigrants in acontext of diminishing social supports has also beena concern in some European countries (Briskman &Cemlyn, 2005).

In recent years, an emerging literature has identifiedthe unique needs of refugees and asylum-seekers fromwar zones. Ager, Strang and Abebe (2005) posited amodel of community development in post-conflict soci-eties which emphasizes psychosocial services as essen-tial to strengthening social capital. The health andmental health needs of refugees fleeing civil war(Weaver & Burns, 2001; Witmer & Culver, 2001),social work interventions with Kosovar refugees inAlbanian refugee camps (Drumm, Pittman & Perry,2003), the circumstances of Afghan women in exile(Ross, 2006), and the lack of adequate psychosocialand mental health services for refugee women and chil-dren in Africa (Kabeera & Sewpaul, 2008; Sossou,2006) are some examples of this literature. Otherresearch has emphasized service provision for personswho have sought refuge in resettlement countries fol-lowing conflict or war (Balgopal, 2000; Potocky,1996a; Ryan, 1993). While this body of scholarship hasincreased, substantial gaps exist related to models andefficacy of service provision in areas of conflict andduring processes of repatriation or permanent resettle-ment. Moreover, there is a lack of research on socialpolicy and advocacy for refugees and forced migrantsstemming from armed conflict (Lacroix, 2006; Potocky,1996b; Ramon, 2008). Such inquiry is essential, giventhe growing emphasis on international social welfare(Caragata & Sanchez, 2002; Haug, 2005; Healy &Thomas, 2007; Razack, 2009) and practice withrefugee populations prior to permanent resettlement ina host country (Drachman & Paulino, 2004).

2 This article is based on qualitative research conducted since2006, primarily interviews in the Middle East and UnitedStates with 81 respondents working in humanitarian assis-tance, policy making and refugee resettlement for displacedIraqis. In 2007, 2008 and 2009, we spent a total of 3 monthsin Jordan Syria and in Turkey interviewing key informants.They included regional and local directors of internationalNGO operations, local and international caseworkers, Iraqioutreach volunteers, UN and US interviewers processingrefugees for resettlement, and NGO staff involved in advo-cacy and lobbying in the United States and Europe. We usedsemi-structured interviews, with an emphasis on understand-ing the politics of NGO advocacy and the provision ofhumanitarian assistance. For this article, we have extractedoverarching themes from our interviews to develop recom-mendations about how the social work profession shouldcontribute to practice, program creation and advocacy forIraqi refugees. For examples of our research findings, seeLibal and Harding (2009, forthcoming).

Harding & Libal

96Int J Soc Welfare 2012: 21: 94–104

© 2011 The Author(s) International Journal of Social Welfare © 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd and the International Journal of Social Welfare

Despite the long-term nature of Iraqi displacement,social work scholarship on this topic is limited(Al-Qdah & Lacroix, 2010; Libal & Harding, forth-coming); the focus has largely been on refugee resettle-ment to the Global North (Abdulahad, Delaney &Brownlee, 2009; Jamil, Nassar-McMillan & Lambert,2007b; Johnston, Vasey & Markovic, 2009; Michalski,2001; Takeda, 1996). For example, few studies haveassessed the psychological wellbeing of Iraqi refugeesand displaced persons. A 2004 survey of refugees livingin London found high levels of mental distress, con-cluding that in general, “a high proportion of Iraqirefugee family members constitute a population at riskfor adjustment and mental health problems” (Hosin,Moore & Gaitanou, 2006: 129). Studies of Iraqi refu-gees resettled to the United States have also identifiedsignificant symptoms of anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and related issues,suggesting an uneven process of social integration andinsufficient attention to mental health concerns (Jamilet al., 2002, 2007ab). Given that much of this researchpredates the current conflict in Iraq, the mental healthneeds of recent Iraqi refugees are likely significant.

Yet, the psychological wellbeing of the current waveof Iraqi refugees has received limited research attention(Hussein & Sa’adoon, 2006; Kira et al., 2006). Accord-ing to interviews with international humanitarianworkers, Iraqi refugees are among the most traumatizedthey have encountered in recent decades. One of thefirst assessments of wellbeing among recent Iraqi refu-gees in Jordan identified a high level of emotional andpsychological problems including anxiety, stress,sadness and depression, linked to loss of communityand exposure to violence (Mercy Corps, CommunityDevelopment Centre-Sweileh, 2007). These conditionswere more common among women, while men identi-fied concerns related to safety. A 2008 study of refugeefamilies in Jordan and Lebanon found that largenumbers are “undergoing a period of serious emotionaland psychosocial threats . . . that create widespread dis-tress in [the] living environment of displaced Iraqis”(International Organization of Migration, IOM, 2008:14). Iraqi refugees in Syria have reported “a high expo-sure to distressing and traumatic events” in Iraq, while“high incidences of domestic violence as well asanxiety and depression” have been reported among thispopulation (International Catholic Migration Commis-sion, ICMC, 2008: 8). More recent surveys have alsofound significant levels of depression and very highprevalence rates of severe emotional distress amongIraqi refugees in Jordan and Syria (ICMC & JohnsHopkins, 2009; United Nations Children’s Fund[UNICEF], World Health Organization [WHO] &Johns Hopkins, 2009). Thus, despite limited researchon the psychosocial needs of displaced Iraqis, theevident effect of war trauma and displacement indicates

a role for social work intervention. We also suggest thatthe profession is well situated to advocate on behalf ofdisplaced Iraqis, both in countries of first asylum and asthey are resettled in the United States and Europe. Todate, however, such engagement on this specific case oron global forced migration in general has been limited.

Other social work research has examined economicsanctions on Iraq in the 1990s and the reluctance of theprofession to deal with questions of human rights andglobal conflict (Harding, 2004). Harding (2007) alsoanalyzed the crisis in Iraq as a man-made disaster. Botharticles highlighted the relevance of international issuesto social work and urged a more activist role for theprofession in global affairs, especially by engaging USforeign policy. In this vein, Midgley (2007) argued thatsocial workers must recognize the unjust use of globalpower (political and economic) and confront it throughboth education and political activism. He urgedincreased advocacy at the international level, yet voicedskepticism that the profession could have much influ-ence by itself on governments and global institutions.However, Midgley suggested that by joining coalitionsand campaigning actively for social justice and humanrights, the profession could effectively challenge globalinequality. In particular, our research indicates a global,collaborative role for social workers on issues involvingdisplaced persons, and that in the case of Iraqis, thereare opportunities for multiple forms of such engage-ment. Thus, providing refugee services and engaging inpolicy advocacy on behalf of refugees must be regardedas critical and interrelated domains of social workpractice.

Iraqi refugees in Jordan and Syria

Migration from Iraq – both forced and voluntary – hasoccurred in several episodes over the past 30 years,including during the Iran–Iraq War, the 1991 Gulf Warand 12 years of economic sanctions, and as violencetargeting civilians escalated after the 2003 US invasion(Marfleet, 2007). An estimated one million people leftIraq during the sanctions years, including 700,000 whosettled in Western countries, while approximately300,000 Iraqis fled to Jordan (Chatelard, 2008). Thedisplacement of Iraqis since 2003 has been much largerand is now regarded by humanitarian organizations as achronic emergency; the cumulative impact of forcedmigration from Iraq since 1980 suggests the creation ofan Iraqi diaspora.

The impact of the recent flight of Iraqis, especiallyinto Jordan and Syria, has been significant, yet an accu-rate count of refugees in these countries remainsunclear (Sassoon, 2009). The UN has estimated thatmore than one million Iraqi refugees live in Syria,approximately 7 percent of the population, and up to450,000 Iraqis reside in Jordan, some 10 percent of its



population (Barnes, 2009). As with other developingnations that have experienced a large influx of forcedmigrants, Jordan and Syria are ill equipped to deal witha long-term refugee population while also meeting theneeds of their own citizens (Fagen, 2007). Global eco-nomic changes, including recession, rising food andhousing costs, and high oil prices, contribute to overalleconomic instability, which is pronounced for under-developed countries. Even without Iraqis residing inenclaves in Amman and other cities, Jordan has highrates of poverty, unemployment, inflation, and foreigndebt, and suffers a shortage of critical resources, espe-cially water (Hunaiti & Al-Tayeb, 2005).

Jordan and Syria have multiple concerns in officiallyrecognizing Iraqis as refugees. Jordan is hesitant toprovide generous health and education programs,fearing this could create a “pull factor” and draw othervulnerable Iraqis to Jordan. In addition, Jordan is not aparty to the 1951 UN Refugee Convention. “Refugee”carries the connotation of long-term displacement inJordan, which has granted legal residence to a largepopulation of Palestinians displaced by the conflict inIsrael–Palestine. By late 2005, Jordan had the secondhighest citizen-to-refugee ratio in the world, with one inten people inside its borders classified as refugees (U.S.Committee for Refugees and Immigrants, USCRI,2006).

Despite Syria’s limited resources, the governmenthas also tolerated the presence of Iraqi refugees. Untilthe end of 2006, most Iraqis could gain entrance intoSyria legally for 3-month stays that could be renewedonce. Throughout 2007, as more Iraqis arrived and asJordan began turning back refugees from its borders,Syria gradually tightened its visa requirements.Amnesty International (2007) found that although themajority of Iraqis in Syria had expired visas, the gov-ernment had hosted a large population of “out of status”forced migrants. Yet, Iraqis’ inability to regularize theirstatus, even on a temporary basis, has profound conse-quences for education, health and the ability to earn alivelihood. Even for Iraqis with legal residency, mosthave failed to obtain legal work permits and have to relyon limited government assistance, informal work,social networking and family remittances to survive.Humanitarian assistance provided by the UN and inter-national NGOs provides support for only a smallnumber of refugees (UNHCR, 2009).

Iraqi refugees face material difficulties in bothJordan and Syria, underscoring the importance of inter-national humanitarian assistance and limited govern-ment support. Two recent surveys have revealed thathealth, food security, housing and income remain press-ing concerns for most (ICMC et al., 2009; UNICEFet al., 2009). Almost half of Iraqi households in Jordanreported using diet-related coping behaviors: havingsmaller portion sizes, skipping meals or going one day

without eating. More than 40 percent of these house-holds have sold assets in order to purchase food, andnearly 20 percent reported feeling hungry because oflack of food. Nearly 60 percent of Iraqi refugee house-holds in Syria reported that their current food situationwas worse than when they arrived in Syria, with diet-related coping behaviors also pronounced. Nearly athird had skipped meals and 12 percent of householdshad gone an entire day without eating in the previousmonth. Use of food aid was particularly high in Syria,with more than 90 percent of Iraqi households receiv-ing some type of assistance in the past year (ICMC &Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health,2009).

Reported levels of chronic medical conditions foradults are high, while between half and three-quartersof Iraqi children recently experienced one or more ill-nesses (ICMC et al., 2009; UNICEF et al., 2009). InJordan, one-quarter of Iraqi women reported a need forcontraception, citing costs and access to reproductivehealth services as key barriers. While a majority ofIraqi refugees can access medical care in bothcountries, most also reported that medications andhealthcare are not affordable. The large number offemale-headed Iraqi households in Jordan and Syria –20 and 25 percent, respectively – has further contrib-uted to Iraqi refugees’ marginalization. In Syria, morethan 40 percent of households live on less than US$2.0a day and 69 percent reported having financial diffi-culty, a significant increase since their arrival in Syria.Key sources of income include remittances, employ-ment, pensions and humanitarian support. Althoughsocial support has traditionally come from family andcommunity, protracted conflict and the current crisishas fractured these ties. Social and familial networksamong refugees have thus been challenged by disloca-tion, the loss of community and cultural barriers toseeking outside assistance.

Despite a reliance on humanitarian aid, Iraqispresent a particular challenge for aid agencies becauseof their relative invisibility as urban refugees and theirundocumented status. Lacking legal permission towork also suggests that Iraqis who use internationalassistance may become dependent on such support.Interviews with local and international NGO workersand UN staff underscored that Iraqis have “made due”with their tenuous circumstances, drawing uponsavings, remittances, proceeds from informal labor andlimited humanitarian aid. Overall, Iraqis remain vulner-able because of their precarious economic and legalstatus, as well as the likelihood that humanitarian assis-tance will wane considerably in coming years, a pointreinforced in numerous interviews.

In both Jordan and Syria, civil society institutionshave traditionally played a small role in social devel-opment, because in part of a history of state control.

Harding & Libal

98Int J Soc Welfare 2012: 21: 94–104


In Jordan, a handful of domestic NGOs, operatingunder the patronage of prominent members of theroyal family, have been instrumental in communitydevelopment and social welfare. The Muslim Brother-hood has also been an important force in social devel-opment historically (Wiktorowicz, 2001), though todate, it is unclear how informal Islamic networks arebeing mobilized to assist displaced Iraqis. Local NGOsand community-based organizations share a Muslimvalue base that is consonant with contemporary inter-national social work values, and is linked to Judeo–Christian ideas of benevolence and humanitarianism.Emphasis on community support and aid to those inneed is regarded as an Islamic obligation (Harmsen,2009).

Because of the scale of recent refugee arrivals, localorganizations – whether state-sponsored, religious-or community-based – lack the ability to providecomprehensive social assistance. Yet, since 2007, wefound a key change occurring among international andlocal organizations working with Iraqi refugees. Bypartnering with better-resourced international NGOs,Jordanian organizations have slowly strengthened orga-nizational capacity (Libal & Harding, forthcoming).Since 2007, these groups have expanded outreach torefugees and promoted dialog between Iraqis and Jor-danians. As a result, these local organizations areincreasingly able to serve more refugees by promotingcommunity-building efforts and by providing informaland nonformal education (Al-Qdah & Lacroix, 2010).In Syria, religious-based networks are crucial to serviceprovision for Iraqis; despite larger numbers of Iraqirefugees, few independent NGOs operate to providesuch relief (Sassoon, 2009).

Despite these efforts, interviews with humanitarianworkers make clear the limitations of such services;many Iraqis are not being reached or are being servedinadequately by the work of NGOs or state agencies.In addition, little research has been conducted on howIraqis view the efficacy and responsiveness of thework of humanitarian organizations. We find in arecent study (Libal & Harding, forthcoming) thatsome international NGOs have adopted a moregrassroots approach, seeking to empower Iraqis toengage in community outreach and assessment, pro-gram design and implementation, albeit on a smallscale. Yet, even as this occurs, there are questions oforganizational sustainability, because of the reductionof international (and state) support for this work, whilelocal organizations struggle to develop programs thatmeet the needs of both Iraqis and at-risk groups. Thelimitations of humanitarian assistance for Iraqi refu-gees highlight the lack of capacity (in these countries)to serve vulnerable populations, either through a formalwelfare state or via a robust community and civilsociety organizations.

A role for social work

Using the case of Iraq, we urge local and internationalsocial work organizations to assume a more central rolein advocating for, setting and implementing refugeepolicies and practices. How can social workers meet theneeds of refugees and IDPs? How can the professionhelp with capacity-building efforts to support localinstitutions, such as community-based groups or reli-gious institutions, working with displaced persons?How can social workers, through professional associa-tions, press for policy change at the international andnational levels? The crisis of Iraqi displacement, stem-ming directly from a war of choice initiated by theUnited States, provides a logical opportunity to addressthese critical questions.

Other professions are currently engaged in research,policy making, training and service provision in areasexperiencing conflict and human displacement. In thecase of Iraq, medical professionals have played impor-tant roles in planning for reconstruction, refugee healthservices and advocacy (MedAct, 2008), and in provid-ing direct medical services both inside and outside Iraq.In addition, public health researchers have producedkey studies on mortality and violent deaths (Burnhamet al., 2006), and have analyzed the declining health ofIraqis (Rawaf, 2005), and their mental health status(ICMC et al., 2009; UNICEF et al., 2009), thus contrib-uting to policy debates about the war.

Despite declarations mandating an obligation toconfront global injustice, the profession continues toplay an uneven role on such issues. In terms of Iraqirefugees, while some social services are provided inJordan and Syria, few trained social workers areinvolved in these efforts (Al-Qdah & Lacroix, 2010).While university-based social work programs are in theearly stages of formation in Jordan, social work haslong been carried out in a variety of agencies and set-tings, including the Jordanian Red Crescent Society,community- and faith-based organizations, secularNGOs providing social services, and the state’sMinistry of Social Development (Cocks et al., 2009;Harmsen, 2009). Several program managers work-ing with NGOs in Jordan noted in interviews thatsocial work as a profession is still in its nascent phasesof development. According to one director with exten-sive background in community-building and publichealth, the varied roles that social workers play in otherparts of the world are not widely understood withinJordan. Social workers “are treated as clerks to workfor the Ministry of Social Development.” The termusually refers to “people who have a degree in psychol-ogy or a degree in something related to work in thecommunity. That’s a social worker; it’s not a profes-sional title yet” (interview with Jordanian NGOworker).



International NGOs, though critical to serving thoseimpacted by war, also have limited capacity to provideadequate services and have few trained social workerson staff. Faced with a seemingly endless number ofglobal crises, these organizations are unlikely toprovide long-term services to Iraqis, making capacity-building of local organizations an even greater priority.As a result, governments and NGOs are challenged intheir ability to address refugee needs (as well as thoseof their own populations). For example, mental healthservices are severely limited in Jordan and Syria. InJordan, only one hospital provides mental health andpsychiatric care, with just a few trained social workersand mental health professionals serving the entirecountry. In 2007, approximately 50 psychiatrists werethought to be practicing in Jordan, with even fewerlicensed clinical psychologists (ICMC, 2007). Out-reach to Iraqi refugees to evaluate their psychosocialneeds remains problematic because of their lack oflegal status in these countries, a fear of being monitoredwhile accessing services and cultural norms aboutmental health treatment. Thus, state and voluntary orga-nizations have been hampered in their efforts toadequately assess levels of psychological problemsamong refugees and to design and implement effectivepsychosocial programming.

Given the magnitude and causes of Iraqi displace-ment, an urgent need exists for psychosocial and othersupports for those uprooted by violence. This point wasreinforced in numerous interviews, as representativesof humanitarian groups noted that Iraqi refugees arehighly traumatized, and often lack access to adequateprimary healthcare and mental health treatment. Asidefrom clinical mental health treatment, however, NGOrepresentatives underscored the importance of promot-ing social inclusion of Iraqis, particularly adults whoare often confined to the home. While conditions likedepression, PTSD and family-based violence must beaddressed, community-building among displaced Iraqisis seen by many local organizations as a more culturallyrelevant and accessible means to promote psychosocialwellbeing. Trained social workers are well suited toengage these issues by helping to provide direct mentalhealth services and other psychosocial and community-building support. While a number of NGO informantsin this study identify local “social workers” as keypractitioners serving Iraqi refugees, most of these stafflack formal social work education and have essentiallylearned “on the job.” Indeed, in some cases, Iraqi refu-gees themselves – working as NGO “volunteers” – areengaged in community outreach to identify refugees forservices.

One promising collaborative social work initiative isthe Compass to Multiculturalism project funded by theAnna Lindh Foundation/Euromed in 2010. This projectpromotes joint efforts of social work educators, social

workers and other human service practitioners at theUniversity of Nicosia in Cyprus and Al-Balqa’ AppliedUniversity in Jordan in developing programs to assistIraqi forced migrants in both countries to achieve socialintegration. In the first stage, completed in the summerof 2010, a team of scholars and practitioners cametogether to begin an initial phase of research andprogram planning. Jordanian social work educatorSahar Al-Makhamreh’s considerable knowledge ofcommunity-based and local NGO initiatives in Jordanallowed her to provide an idea of what culturally rel-evant and non-oppressive practice should entail amongIraqi forced migrants (Al-Makhamreh, 2010). Thenecessity of supporting community-based approachesfor humanitarian assistance and social development toIraqis has been a key finding of this work (Al-Makhamreh, personal communication).

Services are also needed for a sizeable number ofIraqis living with disabilities in Jordan and Syria. OneNGO caseworker specializing in disability services inthe Middle East told us that chronic conflict in Iraqhas created a large population of persons with physi-cal disabilities. This occurred even as the once robustpublic health system disintegrated, relegating evenlarger numbers of disabled Iraqis to the margins ofsociety. Following the US invasion of Iraq, familieswith sufficient resources left the country with disabledrelatives. Yet, because of weak infrastructure and sup-ports for persons with disabilities, this group ofrefugees remains socially isolated and vulnerable.Experienced social work practitioners could play acrucial role by providing training on work withpersons with disabilities in those settings where localpractitioners have little experience with this isolatedpopulation.

These examples suggest that a critical response forinternational social work would be to collaborativelyhelp build social welfare infrastructure in regionsaffected by conflict and forced migration (Kreitzer &Wilson, 2010). Professional associations and socialwork educational institutions could promote trainingbetween schools of social work and those countrieswith limited social services, such as Jordan, Syria andIraq. One such example is a short-term capacity-building project conducted by a Norwegian educatorfor social workers in Northern Iraq following the 2003US invasion (Lind, 2007). This initiative, co-sponsoredby UNICEF and the governments of Iraq and Norway,illustrates one means for the profession to directlyaddress war and civil conflict while enhancing the long-term practice capabilities of local communities andstates. In countries such as Jordan and Syria, whereprofessional social work institutions are developing, thetraining of paraprofessionals and other communityagents is vital to building local capacity to providerefugee services (Cocks et al., 2009).

Harding & Libal

100Int J Soc Welfare 2012: 21: 94–104


Such work adheres to the IFSW’s principles relatedto work with refugees, where a “partnership model ofpractice” involves refugees and local professionals inall stages of refugee programming and service provi-sion (IFSW, 1998). To be most effective, these effortsmust be collaborative and must recognize the largerhistorical interactions between those from developedcountries and local populations. Lindsay (2008: 222)underscored that caution “should be exercised inexporting models and approaches developed in differ-ent socioeconomic, cultural and political contexts,”pointing to the need for developing approaches to meet“local needs and circumstances.” Thus, as Kreitzer andWilson (2010) noted, effective international collabora-tion requires cultivating awareness of issues of powerand dependency; forming appropriate alliances; assur-ing availability of sufficient resources; and engaging inongoing reflection and evaluation. As noted, interviewswith NGO staff working directly with Iraqi refugees inJordan suggest opportunities for collaboration andhighlight a need for trained social workers.

Another way in which the profession could helpbuild capacity for social work is through internationalexchanges. Recent partnerships between the Al BalqaApplied University and the Hashemite University inJordan, and the University of Reading and BrunelUniversity in the United Kingdom illustrate the mutualbenefits that such institutional connections produce(Cocks et al., 2009). In this project, Jordanian andBritish educators and professionals developed curricu-lum and intensive training modules for a small numberof social workers and other helping professionals inJordan. Such capacity-building efforts have been suc-cessful in other contexts and offer guidance for foster-ing curriculum development and culturally relevantsocial work practice in the Middle East. Collaborativeefforts, such as the Social Work Education in EthiopiaPartnership, could be amplified and supported byschools of social work as well. One such promisingdevelopment is a new International FellowshipProgram sponsored by the US-based Council on SocialWork Education, intended to encourage partnerships bygranting fellowships for international social workfaculty.

International social work organizations, in collabo-ration with national organizations such as the US-basedNational Association of Social Workers (NASW),should also foster research on the role of social workersin conflict and humanitarian crises. In particular, byassessing social work participation in humanitarianorganizations, whether in nongovernmental, state orUN agencies, we can better understand the profession’sexisting and potential contributions to addressinginternational emergencies. Currently, a lack of fundingopportunities for examining various dimensions ofinternational social work, including the efficacy of

these efforts, hinders the development of this emergingfield of practice.

Policy making also provides a logical opportunityfor social work engagement. Effective advocacy onbehalf of refugees must be increased, and those coali-tions seeking better funding, services and resettlementpolicies strengthened. The profession should assistthese efforts. For example, advocacy could take placethrough international associations such the ISFW,IASSW and ICSW. As important, countries with well-developed social work institutions must become moreinvolved in the specific matter of Iraq. For example,the current level of resources from the United States,European countries and the UN for displaced Iraqisremains insufficient (Office for the Coordination ofHumanitarian Affairs, OCHA, 2009). Concretely, USassociations could become active in coalitions workingon the Iraqi displacement crisis, such as RefugeeCouncil USA and Interaction, to lobby the US Con-gress and the Obama administration for more effective,long-term supports for Iraqi refugees. This is critical,given the official end of US combat operations in Iraqand the lack of attention by the US government to thehumanitarian concerns of Iraqi forced migrants. TheUnited States arguably bears a disproportionate moralobligation to provide assistance for displaced Iraqis andadvocate for resettlement or other means of redressingthe refugees’ grievances and meeting their basic needs.While the NASW is a member of Interaction, it cur-rently does not play a prominent role in Interaction’sadvocacy for refugees, nor in the specific case of Iraq.Such engagement would allow the profession to workdirectly with humanitarian organizations which cur-rently have little contact with social workers, yet couldbenefit from exposure to social work values and prac-tice. Likewise, the European Association of Schools ofSocial Work has not played an active role on behalf ofdisplaced Iraqis in Europe or the Middle East.

Conclusion

The case of Iraqi forced migrants highlights limitationsin the existing system of policy and services for thosefleeing violent conflict worldwide. Most humanitariangroups working on this issue have little doubt that largenumbers of displaced Iraqis will remain “in limbo” foryears, if not decades. Thus, Iraqis will join the ranks ofrefugees who live in a protracted refugee situation, or“one in which refugees find themselves in a long-lasting and intractable state of limbo. Their lives maynot be at risk, but their basic rights and essential eco-nomic, social and psychological needs remain unful-filled after years in exile” (UNHCR, 2004: 2). Suchcircumstances require a robust collaborative approachto maintain interest and promote accountability foraddressing protracted refugee situations.



Work with Iraqi refugees thus presents opportunitiesfor establishing new alliances between the social workprofession, humanitarian organizations and the inter-national community to serve refugees and displacedpersons. While recognizing the need to avoid profes-sional imperialism (Midgley, 1981; Razack, 2009),international social work has much to offer in thesecollaborative efforts. Engaging in such initiatives,however, will require a shift in thinking about dominantmodes of practice. For this to occur, social work schol-ars and practitioners of the Global North (and particu-larly the United States) should commit themselves tomore directly address international problems of conflictand violence. Social work organizations of the GlobalNorth have been largely absent from advocacy andpolicy making vis-à-vis Iraq, nor have they suggestedthat the profession play a direct role in humanitarianrelief for Iraqi refugees. In light of the long-standingUS conflict with Iraq, such engagement by US practi-tioners in particular, in cooperation with internationalsocial work organizations, is long overdue (Harding,2004).

As with other global conflicts, silence perpetuates aclimate of ignorance about the human costs of the IraqWar and signals tacit support of the United States’ andits allies’ policy goals. Such indifference is at odds withprofessional mandates to realize social justice andhuman rights in all contexts. The Ethics in Social Work,Statement of Principles espoused by IFSW and IASSWunderscores the necessity of working in solidarity toachieve social justice goals: “Social workers have anobligation to challenge social conditions that contributeto social exclusion, stigmatization or subjugation, andto work towards an inclusive society” (IFSW, 2004: 2).We would add that social workers are also obliged tomobilize transnationally to challenge global forms ofoppression, and that some practices, such as failing tomeet the needs of refugees, require such collaborationbeyond borders. As a profession with a clear value base,grounded in opposing war, structural violence andinequality, it is our collective responsibility to offerprofessional knowledge in a global society and advo-cate for the realization of human rights.

References

Abdulahad R, Delaney R, Brownlee K (2009). Valuing interde-pendence: An examination of Iraqi Canadian acculturation.International Social Work 52(6): 757–771.

Ager A, Strang A, Abebe B (2005). Conceptualizing communitydevelopment in war affected populations: Illustrations fromTigray. Community Development Journal 40(2): 158–168.

Al-Makhamreh S (2010). Local community centers’ role withIraqis in Jordan. Presentation given the Compass to Multicul-turalism meeting. June. Available at http://compassalf.org/Publications/05-Local_community_Centers.pdf [lastaccessed 1 September 2010]

Al-Qdah T, Lacroix M (2010). Iraqi refugees in Jordan: Lessonsfor practice with refugees globally. International SocialWork. First published December 6 as doi:10.1177/0020872810383449

Amnesty International (2007). Millions in flight: The Iraqirefugee crisis. New York, AI.

Balgopal PR, ed. (2000). Social work practice with immigrantsand refugees. New York, Columbia University Press.

Barnes AE (2009). Realizing protection space for Iraqi refugees:UNHCR in Syria, Jordan and Lebanon. New Issues inRefugee Research, Research Paper No. 167. Damascus,Syria, UNHCR.

Blight KJ, Ekblad S, Persson J-O, Ekberg J (2006). Mentalhealth, employment and gender: Cross-sectional evidence ina sample of refugees from Bosnia-Herzegovina living in twoSwedish regions. Social Science & Medicine 62(7): 1697–1709.

Briskman L, Cemlyn S (2005). Reclaiming humanity forasylum-seekers: A social work response. International SocialWork 48(6): 714–724.

Burnham G, Lafta R, Doocy S, Roberts L (2006). Mortality afterthe 2003 invasion of Iraq: A cross-sectional cluster samplesurvey. The Lancet 368(9545): 1421–1428.

Campbell E (2006). Urban refugees in Nairobi: Problems ofprotection, mechanisms of survival, and possibilities for inte-gration. Journal of Refugee Studies 19: 396–413.

Caragata L, Sanchez M (2002). Globalization and global need:The new imperatives for expanding international social workeducation in North America. International Social Work 45(2):217–238.

Chatelard G (2008). Constructing and deconstructing ‘the Iraqrefugee crisis.’ Paper presented at the meetings of the Inter-national Association of Contemporary Iraqi Studies, London,UK.

Cocks AJ, Al-Makhamreh SS, Abuieta S, Alaedein J, ForresterD, Sullivan MP (2009). Facilitating the development of socialwork in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan: A collaborationbetween Jordan and the UK. International Social Work 52(6):799–810.

Drachman D, Paulino A, eds. (2004). Immigrants and socialwork: Thinking beyond the borders of the United States. NewYork, The Haworth Press.

Drumm RD, Pittman SW, Perry S (2003). Social work interven-tions in refugee camps: An ecosystems approach. Journal ofSocial Service Research 30(2): 67–92.

Fagen PW (2007). Iraqi refugees: Seeking stability in Syria andJordan. Institute of Study for International Migration,Georgetown University and the Center for International andRegional Studies, Georgetown University School of ForeignService in Qatar.

Forced Migration Online (n.d.). What is forced migration?Available at http://www.forcedmigration.org/whatisfm.htm[last accessed 3 September 2010]

Fredriksson J (2000). Bridging the gap between rights andresponsibilities: Policy changes affecting refugees and immi-grants in the United States since 1996. Georgetown Immigra-tion Law Journal, 14: 757–778. Available at http://www.forcedmigration.org/whatisfm.htm [last accessed 27August 2010].

Goodkind JR (2007). Promoting among refugees’ well-beingthrough mutual learning: Valuing knowledge, culture, andexperience. American Journal of Community Psychology37(1/2): 77–93.

Han M (2005). Relationship among perceived parental trauma,parental attachment, and sense of coherence in SoutheastAsian American college students. Journal of Family SocialWork 9(2): 25–45.

Harding S (2004). The sound of silence: Social work, theacademy, and Iraq. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare31(2): 179–197.

Harding & Libal

102Int J Soc Welfare 2012: 21: 94–104


Harding S (2007). Man-made disaster and development:The case of Iraq. International Social Work 50(3): 295–306.

Harding S, Libal K (2010). War and the public health disaster inIraq. In: Singer M, Hodge GD, eds., The war machine andglobal health, pp. 59–87. Lanham, MD, AltaMira Press.

Harmsen E (2009). Islam, civil society, and social work: Muslimvoluntary welfare associations in Jordan between patronageand empowerment. Amsterdam, Amsterdam UniversityPress.

Harper A (2008). Iraq’s refugees: Ignored and unwanted. Inter-national Review of the Red Cross 90(869): 169–190.

Haug E (2005). Critical reflections on the emerging discourse ofinternational social work. International Social Work 48(2):126–135.

Healy LM (2008). International social work: Professional actionin an interdependent world (2nd edn.). New York, OxfordUniversity Press.

Healy LM, Thomas RL (2007). International social work: Aretrospective in the 50th year. International Social Work50(5): 581–596.

Hills EA, Wasfi DS (2010). The causes and human costs oftargeting Iraq. In: Singer M, Hodge GD, eds. The warmachine and global health, pp. 119–156. Lanham, AltaMiraPress.

Hosin AA, Moore S, Gaitanou C (2006). The relationshipbetween psychological well-being and adjustment of bothparents and children of exiled and traumatized Iraqirefugees. Journal of Muslim Mental Health 1(2): 123–136.

Hunaiti D, Al-Tayeb SM (2005). The estimation of absolute andabject poverty lines in some of the remote areas in the south-ern region of Jordan and comparing them with the officialpoverty line. Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 32(1):25–44.

Hussein AH, Sa’adoon AA (2006). Prevalence of anxiety anddepressive disorders among primary health care attendees inAl-Nasiriyah, Iraq. Journal of Muslim Mental Health 1(2):171–176.

ICMC [International Catholic Migration Commission] (2007).Iraqi asylum seekers in Jordan. A report of the ICMC-USCCBmission to assess the protection needs of Iraqi asylum seekersin Jordan. Washington DC, ICMC.

ICMC (2008). Iraqi refugees in Syria. Washington DC, ICMC.ICMC, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health

(2009). The Iraqi population in Syria. Amman, ICMC.ICG [International Crisis Group] (2008). Failed responsibility:

Iraqi refugees in Syria, Jordan and Lebanon. Brussels, ICG.IFSW [International Federation of Social Workers] (1998). Inter-

national policy on refugees. Available at http://www.ifsw.org/en/p38000216.html [last accessed 15 February 2010]

International Federation of Social Workers, International Asso-ciation of Schools of Social Work (2004). Ethics in socialwork: Statement of principles. Available at http://www.ifsw.org/f38000032.html [last accessed 16 February 2010]

IOM [International Organization of Migration] (2008). Assess-ment on psychosocial needs of Iraqis displaced in Jordan andLebanon. Amman and Beirut, IOM.

Jamil H, Farrag M, Hakim-Larson J, Kafaji R, Abdulkhaleq H,Hammad A (2007a). Mental health symptoms in Iraqi refu-gees: Posttraumatic stress disorder, anxiety, and depression.Journal of Cultural Diversity 14(1): 19–25.

Jamil H, Nassar-McMillan SC, Lambert RG (2007b). Immigra-tion and attendant psychological sequelae: A comparison ofthree waves of Iraqi immigrants. American Journal of Ortho-psychiatry 77(2): 199–205.

Jamil H, Hakim-Larson J, Farrag M, Kafaki T, Duqum I, JamilLH (2002). A retrospective study of Arab American mentalhealth clients: Trauma and the Iraqi refugees. AmericanJournal of Orthopsychiatry 72(3): 355–361.

Johnston V, Vasey K, Markovic M (2009). Social policies andrefugee resettlement: Iraqis in Australia. Critical SocialPolicy 29(2): 191–215.

Kabeera B, Sewpaul V (2008). Genocide and its aftermath: Thecase of Rwanda. International Social Work 51(3): 324–336.

Kira IA, Lewandowski L, Templin T, Ramaswamy V, Ozkan B,Hammad A, Mohanesh J (2006). The mental health effects ofretributive justice: The case of Iraqi refugees. Journal ofMuslim Mental Health 1(2): 145–169.

Kreitzer L, Wilson M (2010). Shifting perspectives on interna-tional alliances in social work: Lessons from Ghana andNicaragua. International Social Work 53(5): 701–719.

Lacroix M (2006). Social work with asylum seekers in Canada:The case for social justice. International Social Work 49(1):19–28.

Lamba NK, Krahn H (2003). Social capital and refugee resettle-ment: The social networks of refugees in Canada. Journal ofInternational Migration and Integration 4(3): 335–360.

Libal K, Harding S (2009). Challenging US silence: Interna-tional NGOs and the Iraqi refugee crisis. In: Martínez S, ed.,International migration and human rights: The global reper-cussions of U.S. policy, pp. 216–235. Berkeley, University ofCalifornia Press.

Libal K, Harding S (Forthcoming). Humanitarian alliances:Local and international NGO partnerships and the Iraqirefugee crisis. Journal of Immigrant and Refugee Studies.

Lind WA (2007). Experience from capacity-building courses forsocial workers in Iraq. International Social Work 50(3): 395–404.

Lindsay J (2008). Dilemmas, opportunities, obstacles andachievements in training Palestinian social care workers andsocial workers. In: Ramon S, ed., Social work in the contextof political conflict, pp. 217–243. London, Venture Press.

Marfleet P (2007). Iraq’s refugees: ‘Exit’ from the state. Inter-national Journal of Contemporary Iraqi Studies 1(3): 397–419.

MedAct (2008). Rehabilitation under fire: Health care in Iraq,2003–2007. London, MedAct.

Mercy Corps, Community Development Centre-Sweileh (2007).East Amman survey of Iraqis. Amman, Mercy Corps.

Michalski JH (2001). The challenges of resettlement amongmale, government-assisted Iraqi refugees in Canada. Journalof Social Work Research 2(2): 207–226.

Midgley J (1981). Professional imperialism: Social work in theThird World. London, Heinemann.

Midgley J (2007). Global inequality, power and the unipolarworld: Implications for social work. International SocialWork 50(5): 613–626.

Moulin C, Nyers P (2007). ‘We live in a country of UNHCR’:Refugee protests and global civil society. InternationalPolitical Sociology 1: 356–372.

Nash M, Wong J, Trlin A (2006). Civic and social integration: Anew field of social work practice with immigrants, refugeesand asylum seekers. International Social Work 49(3): 345–363.

Nawyn S (2010). Institutional structures of opportunity inrefugee resettlement: Gender, race/ethnicity, and refugeeNGOs. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare 37(1): 149–167.

OCHA [Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs](2009). Regional response plan for Iraqi refugees 2010. NewYork, United Nations.

Ovitt N, Larrison CR, Nackerud L (2003). Refugees’ responsesto mental health screening. International Social Work 46(2):235–250.

Potocky M (1996a). Toward a new definition of refugee eco-nomic integration. International Social Work 39(3): 245–256.

Potocky M (1996b). Refugee resettlement in the United States:Implications for international social welfare. Journal of Soci-ology and Social Welfare 23(1): 163–174.



Potocky-Tripody M (2001). Micro and macro determinants ofrefugee economic status. Journal of Social Service Research27(4): 33–60.

Ramon S (2008). Social work in the context of political conflict.London, Venture Press.

Rawaf S (2005). The health crisis in Iraq. Critical Public Health15(2): 181–188.

Razack N (2009). Decolonizing the pedagogy and practice ofinternational social work. International Social Work 52(1):9–21.

Ross SF (2006). Afghan women in exile and repatriation: Passivevictims or social actors? Affilia 21(2): 206–219.

Ryan AS (1993). Social work with immigrants and refugees.New York, The Haworth Press.

Sassoon J (2009). The Iraqi refugees: The new crisis in theMiddle East. London, I. B. Tauris.

Sossou MA (2006). Mental health services for refugee womenand children in Africa: A call for activism and advocacy.International Social Work 49(1): 9–17.

Takeda J (1996). The effect of internal and external socialsupport on refugee adaptation: Psychological and economicadaptation of Iraqi refugees. Unpublished doctoral disserta-tion, University of Tennessee.

UNICEF [United Nations Children’s Fund], WHO [WorldHealth Organization], Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School ofPublic Health (2009, May). The health status of the Iraqipopulation in Jordan. Amman, UNICEF.

UNHCR [United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees](2009). UNCHR Syria. New York, UNHCR.

UNHCR (2004). Protracted refugee situations. Executive Com-mittee of the High Commissioner’s Programme, Standing

Committee, 30th Meeting, UN Doc. EC/54/SC/CRP.14.Available at http://www.unhcr.org/excom/EXCOM/40c982172.pdf [last accessed 15 February 2010].

UNHCR (2006). The state of the world’s refugees 2006: Humandisplacement in the new millennium. Oxford, Oxford Univer-sity Press.

USCRI [U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants] (2006).World Refugee Survey 2006. Washington, DC, USCRI.

Walker P, Maxwell D (2008). Shaping the humanitarian world.New York, Routledge.

Weaver HN, Burns BJ (2001). ‘I shout with fear at night’: Under-standing the traumatic experiences of refugees and asylumseekers. Journal of Social Work 1(2): 147–164.

Wilcke MN (2006). Reconstructing identity: The experience ofwomen refugees from the former Yugoslavia. Journal ofImmigrant and Refugee Studies 4(2): 31–47.

Wiktorowicz Q (2001). The management of Islamic activism:Salafis, the Muslim Brotherhood, and state power in Jordan.Albany, State University of New York Press.

Witmer TAP, Culver SM (2001). Trauma and resilience amongBosnian refugee families: A critical review of the literature.Journal of Social Work Research and Evaluation 2(2): 173–187.

WHO [World Health Organization] (2007). Iraq family healthsurvey 2006/7. Geneva, WHO.

Ying YW, Han M (2007). A test of the intergenerationalcongruence in immigrant families: Child scale withSoutheast Asian Americans. Social Work Research 31(1):35–43.

Harding & Libal

104Int J Soc Welfare 2012: 21: 94–104


iraqi refugees and the humanitarian costs of the iraq war: what role for social work?

Documents