ARAB PALEST I NIAI

R E S I S T A N C EITHLY MAGAZINE

VOLUME IV-No. 6 J U N E 1972PALESTINE LIBERATION ARMY- PEOPLE S LIBERATION FORCES

Arab PalestinianR E S I S T A N C E

VOL IV - No. 6 JUNE 1972

CONTENTS

From the Record 3

Editorial 4

Political scene : By: M. T. Bujairami 8

Israeli Concentration Camps in the Sinai Desert . . 16

Repression in Israel - occupied territory 26

Statement by the Religious Council of the JewishCommunity of Syria 38

The Story of Ziad Al-HusseiniBy: Misbah AI-Budairi 45

Pressure for Phantoms . . . . By: Odeh Aburdeneh 54

Resistance operations (May 1972) 62

Book Review: One in three million, the story of aPalestinian, narratedBy: Ghazi Danial and Written by Hani Paris 66

Violence is not Un-Jewish By: S. Hasan 68

Israel's Black Panthers expose social contradictionsBy: Edmund Ghareeb 82

Documents: Health assistance to refugees anddisplaced persons in the Middle East 91

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FROM THE RECORDI

«There is no basis in either Old Testament orNew to support the claim of the Zionists that amodern Jewish state in Palestine is justified ordemanded by the Bible or by Biblical prophecy.))

Dr. William F. Stinespring«Israel according- to Holy Scriptures*

pp. 6 _ 9 (Introduction)

DITORIAL

The Israelis and the Zionists have alwaysmaintained that the June-1967 Israeli attack againstthe Arab countries, the so-called Six-day war, wasforced on Israel by Arab plans of aggression; thatthe closure of the straits of Tiran to Israeli shippingwhich preceded the war threatened to strangleIsraeli trade and economy; that Israel, at the time,found itself surrounded by Arab armies that en-dangered its very existence, and that the Israeliarmed forces had to deal a decisive preemptive striketo ensure the survival of Israel.

The Arabs, on the other hand, have alwaysmaintained that the June-1967 war was a war ofexpansion and aggression, one in a series of attacksand incursions waged by Israel against the Arabcountries under various pretexts in implementationof the Zionist-Israeli expansionist programme which

aims at establishing «Greater Israel», extendingfrom the Nile to the Euphrates.

Recently-revealed information has shown thatthe Arab interpretation of events is more truthful.The June-19 issue (1972) of Time Magazine quotesstatements by Israeli leaders, including EzerWeizman, who was Israeli deputy Chief of Staff in1967 and Haim Barlev, present Minister of Com-merce and until recently Chief-of-Staff of theIsraeli Armed Forces, to the effect that Israel'ssurvival was not at stake in 1967.

Matiyahu Peled, an Israeli political commen-tator and Arab studies specialist at Tel-Aviv Uni-versity and the Israeli army's quartermaster generalin the 1967 war has gone further in exposing Israel'sdeception. He describes the survival argument as«a bluff which was born and developed only after

the war.» He adds: «When we spoke of the war inthe General Staff, we talked of the political ramifi-cations if we go to war — what would happen toIsrael in the next 25 years. Never of survivaltoday.»

To all these telling statements should be addedthe facts that in 1967 only 2% of Israeli shippingmoved through the Straits of Tiran, that for fiveyears Israel has persistently refused to withdrawfrom any part of the occupied Arab territories andthat since the end of the war, expansionism has beenthe chief guideline of Israeli policy. In the words ofTime Magazine — published under the title«Colonisers,» also in the magazine's 19-June issue —:«Five years after the war, Israel's occupation ofcaptured Arab territories has the decided look ofpermanence. The Israelis are building colonies — oras their critics may say an empire.»

Israel's ambivalence, statements of power anddeclarations of weakness, which is intended to con-ceal its true nature as a settler colonialist state benton aggression and expansion, has proved puzzlingto the logic not only of non-Jews but also of Jews.

At the end of 1971, Boaz Evron published in theIsraeli newspaper «Yediot Aharonot» an articleentitled «We are not being annihilated,)) in whichhe said:

«We find it difficult to decide exactly who weare. One day we flex our muscles with a roar ofpride and are ready for a showdown with the SovietUnion and hint at our tremendous power that wekeep secret for security reasons. The next day, andsometimes on the very same day, we dissolve intears of utter helplessness, as if we were the unfor-tunate victims of a pogrom and the knife of theslaughterers was at our throats!» •

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M. T. Bujairami

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Now that five years have passed since the six-day warof June 1967, what are the prospects of the situation in theMiddle East?

Is the present state of «no-war, no-peace» likely tolast for a long- time till the world gets used to it? Who isresponsible for this deadlock? What are the possibilities ofthe future?

To answer these questions, we should not betempted to jump to conclusions based on the eventsof daily life in this part of the world, no matter howthese events may seem important or dramatic. Weshould rather try to trace the inner, deeper currentsthat control the attitudes and long-term policies ofthose directly or indirectly concerned with thiscrisis.

The Arabs refuse to recognize the present«status quo» and are not likely to tolerate it forever, while Israel and the United States want tofreeze the present situation, or to extend the scopeof Israeli occupation beyond the present cease-firelines. Both the United States and Israel are laun-ching a full-scale psychological attack against themorale of the Arab people, in an attempt to convincethe Arab countries that surrender to Israeli condi-tions is the best solution, and that any attempt tochange the present «status quo» will bring the Arabsnothing but defeat and more misery.

Meanwhile, Israel is bent on «creating newfacts» in every part of the occupied Arab territories.Full co-ordination prevails between America andIsrael along these lines. The concrete examples ofthis co-ordination, or rather collusions, are almostinnumerable in every field.

Financially, it is through the exceptionally«generous» American aid that Israel is able to cope

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with expensive and extensive programmes of housingLarge pleces of Arab land are being confiscatedevery now and then. The Arab owners are beinldriven out by force, or even deported to Sinai and

across the Jordan river, while the confiscated landsare surrounded with barbed wires and suddenlyPioclaimed ((military Zones» and «no-go» areas!

« ar . Poised, especially

Israel , , ^ °f Jerich°' NaWuS and Ga^room T T are SPrlnging eve^he^ l*e mush-rooms. Israel is already talking openly about the

tTeT 'tTVT Snd the eCOn°miC ^sorption othe West Bank territories.

When the Israeli .defence,, budget tends toencroach on money appropriated for these projects,— Sam is a]ways there, ready to loosen the

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strings of his purse! The most recent example ofthis is the Congressional approval to give Israelsome $52 million to ((balance her economy,,.

As for America's direct military «aid» to Israel,the most recent example is the fact that America isnow producing a special high-altitude rocket of theaii'-to-air type, which is to be used by the Phantomjet fighter bombers in order to guarantee the con-tinuation of an Israeli air supremacy in the skies ofthe Middle East.

Regarding- military plans, it has been discoveredthat Israel had built two secret air bases in Ugandabefore the Israelis were disgraced, exposed andkicked out of that African country. The said baseswere extremely costly, fully equipped, sophisticatedand designed to cater for long-range strategicsupersonic jets. They were far beyond Uganda'smodest defence requirements. They were meant tobe used as spring-boards against targets in SouthernEgypt such as the area of the High Dam of Aswan.

Although Israel has lost these bases, it is belie-ved that there are similar ones, clandestinely instal-led in Ethiopia and Eritrea; in addition, of course, tothe full collaboration between Israeli and Americanofficers within the various American espionagecenters and military bases in Ethiopia. This colla-boration is kept a closely-guarded secret, especiallyin strategically important and highly sensitive

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King- Husseinalso has arole to play

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operations such as long-range reconnaissance flightsover East Sudan, South-East Egypt and the area ofthe Red Sea in general.

It seems that the United States wants toencircle the whole of the Arab Homeland with thesebases of military aggression, ready to operatewhenever called upon to do so at very short notice.This is exactly similar to the situation in South-EastAsia, where in addition to her seventh fleet, Americadepends on a military pact (SEATO) and a seriesof naval and air bases encircling Indochina from theNorth (bases in South Korea and Japan), the East(Guam and some Pacific islands), the South(aircraft carriers stationed off the Vietnameseshores in Tonkin), and the West (bases in Thailand).

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Applying the same strategic principles in theMiddle East, America has: (a) the sixth fleet in theMediterranean, (b) Israel itself as a stationaryaircraft-carrier, (c) CENTO, with special referenceto Iran and the highly dangerous role that is beingassigned for the Shah — because President Nixon'svisit to Tehran was no coincidence at all, at thisparticular time — and (d) the bases that are goingto be used in Greece as from the first day of next

July.It seems that the United States is endeavouring

to achieve the utmost co-ordination between NATOand Israel. In order to make things run smoothly inthis respect, there are already reports of a pendingofficial Greek recognition of Israel. Pressure is alsobeing exerted against President Makarios ofCyprus. He is being threatened with religiouspenalties by the Greek clergy.

It seems that there are American fingers behindthis type of contrived harassment with a view toturning this East Mediterranean island into anotherimperialist spring-board, ready for action againstthe Arab countries, should the need arise in case ofany major conflagration in this part of the world.

King Hussein of Jordan also has a role to playin this sinister scheme. His is the role of the«Trojan horse» in the Eastern Front with Israel. Heis entrusted with the task of attacking Syria andpreventing her from taking part in any battleagainst Israel, so as to leave the Egyptians com-

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first, it provides an example for other oil-countries, and can serve as a precedent

be copied elsewhere, thus ushering in anOf decline for Western prestige and Western

of influencesspheresgecondly, it shows the imperialists just how

rious the Arabs are in their struggle for liberationnd economic independence and how vulnerable the

•nterests of the West can be in case the West con-tinue their blind support to Israel.

Thirdly, it may mark the beginning of the endfor the longcherished imperialist motto of «divideand rules. The Arab countries are, at long last, co-ordinating their efforts in a common, just causeagainst aggression and foreign domination.

Imperialism, therefore, will resort to creatinginternal or inter-Arab conflicts, troubles, intriguesor conspiracies. If such machinations fail, as thereis ample evidence they will, then the last throw ofthe dice will be to call on Israel, the West's watch-dog in this part of the world, to carry out yetanother large-scale aggression, with the possibilityof a flagrant Anglo-American intervention, shouldanything go wrong. Iran may also be used to applymilitary pressure against Iraq.

Tension is mounting in the Middle East. Thepresent developments are reminiscent of the situ-ation after the nationalization of the Suez Canal in!956 and after Syria's victory over the IPC in 1967.

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ISRAELI CONCENTRATIONCAMPS IN SINAI DESERT.

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During- the 1970/71 period, the Israelis built a numberof concentration camps in the Sinai Desert to serve asplaces of exile for huge numbers of the Arab population ofGaza and its strip, and to terrorize all those who remainedin the Strip into refraining from rendering any form ofassistance to the Palestinian Resistance.

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From the information gathered in interviewswith a number of persons deported to the camps, aswell as from other sources, it appears that initiallythree large camps had been set up at Nakhel, AbuZneimeh and Al-Qusaimeh, to be followed towardsthe beginning of 1971 by others in the areas of WadiMoussa, Saint Catherine's Convent, and Al-Arish.

Thousands of Palestinian families were depor-ted to these concentration camps, the charge beingthat one or more of their members served in theranks of the Resistance. The deported families in-cluded old people and children, and the concept of•family' was often extended to equate that of <clan'and include cousins and other relatives whose totalnumber may exceed fifty or sixty persons.

These concentration camps are generally sub-joined or built close to one or other of the Israeliarmy camps in the area and consist of tents fencedby barbed wire all around. A..t best, one tent is givento each deported family; at worst, a number ofthem are made to share one and the same tent, withcloth screens set up to mark the boundary of each.Most of these families arrive with nothing save theclothes they happened to be in, when the Zionistoccupation forces came to round them up fromtheir homes at night during one or other of thoseroutine search operations, and the usual pillage andterror that accompanied them before the homes ofthose families were finally dynamited, or bulldozed,and their former occupants thereupon transportedin army lorries to the camps.

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Each concentration camp is under constantguard by Israeli army troops, whose duty is to pro-hibit any of its interns from leaving it or any othersfrom coming close to it, not even Israeli soldiers noton a guard duty. The interns of the camp are com-pletely isolated from the outside world: radios,newspapers, and even books are banned.

One of these camps — the one at Nakhel — wasdivided into two separate parts, one for families andthe other for men. The latter part had about 400men-interns at the beginning of 1971, most of themintellectuals and prominent persons known gene-rally for their sympathies with the Resistancemovement.

Neither are the Zionist concentration camps amere exile in the desert, as may be judged from themass of evidence, which has become available aboutthe practices resorted to by the Zionists in theirattempt to intimidate and terrorize the detainees ofthese camps. The following account of what one ofthese detainess, Mohammed Khamis Ayash, and hisfamily went through will provide an example:

Mohammed Khamis Ayash (a 15-year-oldschoolboy) was arrested by the Israelis on 10 March1970 along with his brother Fawaz, charged withorganizing illegal student activity and cooperatingwith the Resistance. After six months of internmentat the Gaza Central Prison, Mohammed was set freewithout being convicted. During these months, how-ever, he and his brother Fawaz were subjected to

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very harsh treatment and torture, «The investiga-tors», he said, «used to strip me of my clothes andlash me with a whip made of coiled electric wiresand then to put me under a cold water shower tobring me back to consciousness. They also used toblindfold my eyes and unleash their dogs to rendmy clothes, drag me about and tear my flesh. Theseoperations were tried on me scores of times to makeme speak, but I didn't.»

Mohammed was re-arrested a month later and,on 10 January 1971, he was deported to Jordan byway of the Ghor-es-Safi desert along with eightothers. The road they were made to follow ranthrough a mine field and their death would havebeen almost certain had it not been for their excep-tional good luck.

On 6 January 1971, Mohammed's entire family,consisting of the two parents and their six children— aged from 3 to 14 —• had been sent to the con-centration camp of Wadi Moussa on the eastern bankof the Gulf of Suez. On 14 September 1971, theywere allowed to return to Rafah after the motherhad given birth to a new child. Arriving in Rafah,they found, however, that the Israelis had blown uptheir house (on 4 August 1971) and damaged thefamily's 100-dunum grove of citrus and almondtrees. They eventually found themselves an aban-doned hut at the Rafah Refugee Camp, which theyhad to put up with. But worse news awaited thisunfortunate family, who soon learnt that Fawaz, the

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eldest son, had died in prison on 4 September 1971alld that the Israelis had buried him secretly in Beitjlanoun; but yielding to the pressure of studentDemonstrations, the Israeli occupation authoritiespermitted his body to be returned to his nativetown, Rafah, where a funeral procession was organi-zed that took the shape of a huge mass demonstra-tion.

The following is a passage from a letter recei-ved by Mohammed in Amman from his father inRafah (dated 28.10.71): «... You express anxiety inyour letter over what may have happened to uswhen we were deported to Sinai. Well, set yourmind at peace, for we were not alone but with about100 other families who accompanied us in WadiMoussa, south of Mount Sinai; furthermore, foodwas served us by the authorities, who surroundedus with barbed wires and finally allowed us to re-turn to Rafah when Mother gave birth.»

But besides the concentration camps of Sinai,camps of not an altogether different nature wereset up in various parts of the Gaza Strip for thepurpose of gathering as many of the population inthem as possible, and thus make it easier for theoccupation army to bring them under its control.These 'gathering-in' camps were also surrounded bybarbed wires and authorization to go out of thecamp would have to be obtained from the officer incharge stationed at the only entrance to the campbefore any of its inhabitants was allowed to leave.

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All inhabitants were also required to be home beforeit was dark, and some to report twice a day to theofficer in charge. Three such camps exist in the areaof Rafah alone, and hundreds of families have beenforced to abandon their homes and go and live inthe tents and huts of these wire-fenced camps.

The three ^athering-in camps of Rafah arelocated in (1) Al-Byouk (north of Rafah), the num-ber of whose inhabitants is estimated at 3,500 per-sons. The inhabitants of this camp include the clansof Abu el Hussain, Al-Hamamsheh, Al-Maghasbeh,Al-Dabbarin, and Abu Zneimeh.

(2) Um-el-Kilab (north of Rafah), where thereare about 1500 inhabitants, including the familiesbelonging to the clans of Al-Masri, Abu Shaath, andAbu Muammar.

(3) The area of Amer's Development Project,where there are about 600 inhabitants belonging tothe clans of Al-Malalhah, Abu Tuaimeh, and AbuMadi, who refused to collaborate with the occupa-tion authorities.

The decision to set up the collective concentra-tion camps had, according to well authenticated in-formation, been taken by Israel's highest politicaland military commands and shrouded with completesecrecy. The execution of the decision was, alongwith the administration of the camps, entrusted tospecial Israeli army units that were directly superin-tended by Brigadier Shlomo Gazet, ex-deputy

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director of the military intelligence service andmilitary governor of the Gaza .Strip, and currentlyin charge of coordinating Israeli intelligence in theoccupied areas.

Although the Israeli authorities did their bestto keep both Israeli and world public opinion in thedark with regard to these camps, news about themleaked through a number of leftist Israeli armyreserves «some of whom managed to get reasonablynear to the camp of Abu Zneimeh», according to astatement by Dr. Israel Shahak, Chairman of theHuman Rights League in Israel. A wave of indigna-tion followed in January and February, 1971 whenthe League made public the information it had beenable to gather about these secret camps.

On 28 January 1971, the President of theInternational Red Cross expressed his Organization'sconcern over what was going on in the Gaza Stripand announced that he was sending two envoys, oneof them his aide, Mr. Manoir, to visit the Strip,which they actually did and were able to see forthemselves the two camps at Abu Zneimeh andNakhel.

The Israeli authorities continued as nonchalantas ever despite all international and local pressure.They even announced a statement denying all thathad been published about the existence of secretconcentration camps, dismissing the reports aboutthem as sheer hostile propaganda.

On 2 February 1971, the Jerusalem Post pub-lished a report, however, saying that Brigadier

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Shlomo Gazet firmly refused to permit journaliststo visit the concentration camps in Sinai because«that», he said, «was not in the interest of Israel'spublic relations.»

There is no doubt that the Israeli occupationauthorities still maintain quite a few of these con-centration camps in the Sinai Desert, althoughintensified security measures are being observed toprevent any leakage of news about them that maygive rise to new international pressures to closethem down, as happened in the case of the principalNakhel camp, which the Israelis had to close downin April 1971 following the intervention of theInternational Red Cross. 38 families only were thentaken back to their homes, while all the remainingfamilies were transported to other camps. On 29November 1971, the camp at Abu Zneimeh was alsoclosed down; but, again, most of its intern-familieswere transported to other concentration campswhile a very small number of these families werereturned home by the Red Cross.

Four camps at least are known to be still inexistence: these are the ones at Wadi Moussa, SaintCatherine, Al-Qusaimeh, and Al-Arish. Toward thebeginning of March 1972, the Red Cross inquiredabout the possibility of visiting the camp of AbuMoussa in the area of Mount Sinai, and the Israelireply was that there had never been a concentrationcamp in that area.

Incidentally, it may be interesting to note atthe end of this account of Israel's concentration

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camp8 in Sinai that the Israeli authorities havesought to obtain assistance from some internationalbodies in order to cover the running expenses of thecamps. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency(UNRWA) refused to offer aid to the deportees inthe area of Al-Arish and insisted that they shouldbe returned to their former places of residence. TheInternational Red Cross likewise refused to offerany food or equipment for use in those camps. Theonly exception was the American «Care» Agency,which provided large quantities of foodstuffs,blankets and tents for use in the Sinai concentrationcamps, through the Israeli Social Welfare Office inGaza. •

REPRESSIONIN I S R A E L - O C C U P I E DT E R R I T O R Y

The following inside account of the repression andpersecution to which the inhabitants of the Arab territories,occupied by Israel as a result of the June 1967 aggression,are subjected, is based on an article published in theFebruary 1972 issue of «New Perspective,* Journal of theWorld Peace Council.

Israel territoryfrom 1948

Territoriesoccupied 1967

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The Israeli official positions which have blockedthe road to a peaceful settlement with the Arabcountries, are accompanied by daily concrete stepsin pursuance of annexation of occupied Arab terri-tory and trampling on the just national rights of thePalestine Arab people. Requisitioning of Arab land,the driving out of its rightful owners, a process ofcolonisation and building Jewish settlements con-tinue to be carried out by the Israeli occupyingforces. Defying TIN. resolutions, the occupyingauthorities are indulging in an extensive programmeof land requisitioning and settling of new immi-grants in Arab Jerusalem. The new militaryadministrative order of imposing fake municipalelections in the occupied West Bank of Jordan isaimed at giving the occupation a «benevolent de-mocratic)) -mantle, at introducing collaboratingelements to the municipal councils. With this theoccupying authorities hope to find a ((representative))body for collaborating with its annexationist designs.The wide opposition to the manoeuvres of the oc-cupying authorities is being met with threats andrepressive measures. Deportations across the borderto Jordan, through the Araba desert in the south, isa weekly occurrence. Administrative detention andimprisonment, reprisal acts of demolition of housesand other acts against the civilian population havebecome a common accompaniment of the occupation.

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The Israeli authorities have lately been con-centrating their efforts on the Gaza strip whereinhuman acts of terror, repression, imprisonment,murder, demolition of hundreds of houses, expulsionand transfer of thousands of Arab inhabitants, havebeen going on for many months now unabated.Whole quarters of refugee lodgings in the Gazastrip have been razed to the ground by dynamiteand bulldozers. Thousands are forcefully deportedto regions near the Sinai peninsula or forced to leave«voluntarily» the occupied areas altogether. All thiswas carried out under the declared policy of«thinning-out» the population. A continuous man-hunt is carried out against all those who dare toraise a voice of protest and oppose the ((humanecivilizing mission)) of the occupying forces. Labelledas ((terrorists)), people, including women and child-ren, are hunted and murdered. And now Jewishsettlements are to be planted in this very denselypopulated strip, on land expropriated and encircledwith barbed wire by the occupying authorities.«Ha'aretz» correspondent, quoting military authori-ties (4. 1. 72) about the situation in the Gaza strip,says: «What is the central problem now in the strip?Circles dealing with the problems of the strip areof the opinion that the central problem is the thin-ning-out of the strip and not of the camps. Theintention is to find a way for transferring part ofthe population of the strip to other places. The

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second problem that has to be dealt with, is inter-secting the strip. It is impermissible that the stripof nearly half a million inhabitants should be oneentity from a political, administrative and economicaspect. Soon Jewish settlements will rise up withinthe strip thus contributing to the integration of thestrip within Israel)).

This integration — read annexation — is beingexercised at the cost of a great human tragedy, ofuntold acts of repression, bloodshed, torture anddestruction. The nearly half a million Arabs livingin the Gaza strip, in their courageous opposition toa foreign colonizer, in their hour of tribulation andagony, are a challenge to humanity's conscience andto international duty towards human life anddignity.

The World Peace Council, all forces of peaceeverywhere, are called upon to raise their voices inprotest against these repressive measures of theIsraeli forces of occupation in contradiction ofinternational law.

mThe last general debate at the U.N. General

Assembly on the Middle East situation and theseveral resolutions adopted, have again drawnattention to the seriousness of the situation and tothe responsibility of the Israeli Government inprolonging the crisis. The resolutions condemnedIsraeli policy in the occupied territories and repea-ted the international demand for respecting therights of the Arab refugees to choose repatriation

or compensation. The main resolution adopted on}3. 12. 1971, by an overwhelming majority of 79 votesand opposed by only seven votes, called again forthe full implementation of the U.N. Security CouncilResolution of November 1967, reaffirmed the inad-jiiissibility of acquisition of territory by force andaffirmed the principles upon which a just and lastingpeace between Israel and the Arab countries shouldbe based. The resolution noted with appreciationthe positive reply given by Egypt to GunnarJarring's initiative for establishing a just and lastingpeace in the Middle East and called upon Israel torespond favourably to this peace initiative ofFebruary 8, 1971.

This resolution indicated clearly the isolationof the Israeli rulers in the international scene andshowed again the will of the world community fora peaceful settlement based on Israeli withdrawalfrom Arab territories occupied in June, 1967, andthe mutual recognition of the rights of all States foran independent, sovereign and secure existence.

Israeli Government rejection of the U.N. Re-solutions and its refusal of Dr. Jarring's initiativebased upon the Security Council Resolution, con-tinue to obstruct any progress for a peaceful settle-T"«?iit and create conditions which bear the dangersof a conflagration.

IVThis dangerous intransigent position of the

Israeli ruling circles could not have been exercisedand maintained without U.S. imperialist, political,

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economic and military support. It is more obviousthan before that the U.S.A. perpetuates the crisis inthe region and supports continued Israeli occupationof Arab territory as a means of pressure against theArab countries through which the vested interestsin Washington hope to gain concessions and rollback the Arab countries' advance on the path ofeconomic, political and social development. It ismore than clear that the Israeli ruling circles, whilepursuing their own expansionist Zionist aims in theMiddle East, are acting as tools in the big game ofthe U.S. imperialists in their regional and globalmachinations.

The double-faced role played by the U.S.statesmen during the last year as intermediaries,middle-men and mediators between Egypt and Israelis mainly aimed at squeezing political concessionfrom the Arab countries detrimental to their econo-mic and political advance and to their friendlycooperation with the U.S.S.R.

The recent visit in November of Israeli PrimeMinister, Golda Meir, to President Nixon and theeconomic and military support that followed, mainlythe extended renewed dispatch of more Phantomaggressive planes, only confirm the real anti-peacerole played by the U.S.A.

This role of the U.S.A. directed by the economicinterests of the American oil magnates and by thePentagon strategists against the socialist countries,is directed against the independence, security and

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>W^/fevh^

social progress of all the peoples of the Middle East.Although appearing as «supporters» of Israel, theU.S. imperialist game in the region is also detrimen-tal to the interests of the Israelis themselves. Thehistory of all imperialist powers in the Middle East,as in other regions, prove the correctness of thiswarning addressed to the Jewish population ofIsrael with regard to the unholy cooperation existingbetween Israel and the U.S. imperialists against theArab countries.

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In pursuance of its pro-imperialist and anti-peace policies, Israel's official circles are mountingtheir anti-Soviet slander campaign, fanning theflames of the so-called Jewish problem in theU.S.S.R. They cry maliciously about alleged anti-Jewish practices in the Soviet Union in order to de-magogically cover up the brutal repressive measuresagainst the Arab people in the occupied territories.

Attached to the strings of U.S.A. global stra-tegy, the Israeli ruling circles, while sabotaging thereal prospect that is opened for a just peacefulsettlement, adventurously continue along the pathof force in dealing with the Arab countries. Depen-ding on overall U.S.A. support, the Israeli govern-ment build up Israel's military strength continuous-ly, seeing the use of force as the only way of dealingwith the Arab countries. Since the June war in 1967,Israeli military expenditure has grown from 1.2billion Israeli Liras (about 343 million dollars) to7.5 billion IL in 1971, amounting to over 50% of theIsraeli budget. The military expenditure of Israelhas grown from 11% of the national income in 1967to 30% in 1971, with no parallel the world over.Many of the critics within pro-government circlesare disturbed at this spiral growth in militaryspending, bringing about this year very serious ne-gative results to the economic and social situation inthe country itself. Devaluation of the Israeli Lira

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hy 20%, diminishing social services, greater sacrificesjjy the working people, lower standard of living forthe masses while profits are sky-rocketing, and bigbusiness is waving rich on fat military expenditure_- all this is a direct outcome of the expandingmilitary budget. In view of this situation where themilitary spending is rising continuously while peaceand security seem to be further away than at anytime before June, 1967, many people in Israel askthe question: «Is this the price of aggression?)).

While working people, suffering from higherprices, greater burden of taxation, lower real wagesand lower standard of living, are reacting with awave of strikes and economic battles to raise theirstandard of living, the demagogic appeal of theruling circles to «security consciousness)) is less in-fluential and the Israeli Government with a<djabour» core is resorting to anti-strike legislation.The poorer, more exploited sections of the Jewishpopulation, composed mainly of Eastern Jews(originating from Arab and African countries) raisevoices of protest and fight to improve their socialand economic conditions. The demonstrations andother fighting actions of the «Black Panthers)) inIsrael are an expression of this discontent andstruggle for a better life.

Also, on the political front, more circles arejoining the ranks of the camp voicing protest to, anddistrust of, the government policy.

People who ranked some time ago within the

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official government camp are now disturbed at thedark perspectives towards which Israel is beingdriven by its own rulers.

In the face of the growing danger of the rene-wal of war, a number of organisations came outclearly accusing the Israeli government of bearingthe main responsibility for a new explosion. Suchorganisations, as «Movement for Peace and Secu-rity», a movement of intellectuals in favour of peace,the ((Independent Left Zionist Socialist Unionsheaded by ex-Mapam leader Yacob Riftin, or «Siah»(New Israel Left — comprising ex-Mapam members)have recently issued public statements demandinga «yes to Jarring», criticising Israeli refusal ofJarring's, proposals and indicating Israel's responsi-bility, in case of renewal of hostilities.

Forty-six prominent Israeli professors andintellectuals addressed a cable, at the end of lastmonth (December) to the Prime Minister, Mrs.Golda Meir, declaring that «We are living with thefeeling that the Israeli Government has not utilisedall the political possibilities open to it in order tostart negotiations with Egypt and prevent the dan-ger of the renewal of war». The signatories callupon the Israeli Government «to re-examine itsdeclared positions and to come forward with pro-posals which, while not causing harm to Israel'ssecurity, would provide a real basis for the possibi-lity of negotiations with Egypt». This initiative byoutstanding Israeli personalities, while drawing the

angry criticism of the Prime Minister, has stirredvdde sections of public opinion in Israel, which hasbegun to realize that the position of the IsraeliGovernment cannot lead to a peaceful settlement.

Many people in Israel, who supported the Is-raeli Government position during the June, 1967,war, now declare openly that if war is resumed,Israel will be fighting a war in defence of occupationand annexation of foreign lands.

The activity of the anti-imperialist forces ofpeace in Israel and experience itself are helpingmore people in Israel to realize that the adventurouspro-imperialist policy of the Israeli government hasno perspective and leads Israel to an impasse. If theIsraeli government managed through the four anda half years after the June, 1967, aggressive war todefy the will of the international community andprevent a just, peaceful settlement, due to U.S.imperialist support and due to weaknesses withinthe Arab camp, this defiance cannot continue inde-finitely. Development of events are leading to chan-ges on the international plane and in the MiddleEast, to the detriment of U.S. imperialism and of allit stands for, making the continuation of the policyof occupation and annexation by the Israeli Govern-ment a very dangerous gamble.

• • -

37

STATEMENT BY THE RELIGEOUSOF THE JEWISH COMMUNITYOF SYRIA

9

The Israelis and the Zionists are waging a campaignof falsehood and lies in connection with alleged persecutionof the Jewish communities in the Arab countries. They aretrying to use the so-called «PIight of Jews in Arab lands»in order to deviate world public opinion from the basicissue of the Arab-Israeli conflict _ the struggle of thePalestinian people for the liberation of their homelandfrom the foreign Zionist invaders _ to a ready-made senti-mental myth, which is the alleged persecution of the Jews.

The following statement by leaders of the Jewishcommunity in Syria was read at a press conference heldin Damascus on June 17, 1973, The statement speaks foritself.

38

World Zionism has, for several months, beenlaunching rabid campaigns against our Country andGovernment, alleging that the members of ourCommunity are living in bad conditions and arebeing subjected to arbitrary measures affectingtheir lives, security and safety.

The scope of this campaign organized and ledby Israel and its organs has widened lately. Israeliofficials have recently issued statements and decla-rations, the strangest of which was a statement byIsrael Galili, whereby he made false allegations ofthe «bad conditions)) we are living under, andconsidered us part of the Israeli inhabitants inoccupied Palestine.

As Syrians, we consider these declarations aninadmissible meddling in our affairs, and an attemptby Israel for imposing tutelage upon us, which weflatly reject and strongly denounce. Hence, we areasking World public opinion to clarify our attitudetowards them.

By expressing the point of view of all members

39

of our Community in this declaration, we are fullyaware that Israel, through its campaign, aims onlyat concealing its criminal acts and well-knownracial practices against the Arab inhabitants, as wellas against the Oriental and colored Jews who havebeen deceived by Zionism by bringing them to itsalleged paradise. Furthermore, Israel is trying toflare up sectarian strife between us and our fellowcitizens of other faiths.

By this declaration, we wish to emphasizespecifically the following facts:

1 — We have been living in this Country forseveral centuries with other Communities, withoutany discrimination whatsoever.

2 — We flatly reject the tutelage which Israelis trying to impose upon us, and we consider our-selves Syrian Arab citizens with no allegiance butto our Country and with no loyalty but to itsauthorities.

3 — During scores of interviews with repre-

40

sentatives of international press media — some ofwhom might be among us now —, we had refutedallegations propagated by the Zionist organs concer-ning the living conditions of our Community.

We wish to add that if some arrests amongmembers of our Community or other communitieshad taken place, they were due to the mere fact thatthose arrested had committed violations of the lawsin force applicable to any citizen regardless of hisfaith.

4 — We, as good citizens, fully appreciate theconditions of war resulting from the Israeli aggres-sion against our Country, as well as from the at-tempts being made by the Israeli organs for deludingsome nai've Jews using them as an easy prey for theZionist propaganda. Zionism, for the sake ofachieving its malicious ends, does not hesitate fromembroiling these persons in trends to their detri-ment.

We are also certain that the measures takenby our Syrian authorities aim only at protecting us

41

from the wily methods of Zionism and its tenden-cious propaganda.

5 — We are aware that this campaign aims atmisleading world public opinion and deceiving theOriental Jews, making them believe that Israel isconcerned about them too, while the fact is thatIsrael's concern is concentrated on Western Jews,and it is encouraging only the white immigration.The case of the colored American Jews who wererecently expelled from Israel is but one example.

We seize this opportunity to express our deepconcern for the injustice, oppression, and discrimi-nation to which Oriental and colored Jews are beingexposed on the hands of the Israeli authorities. Wedeclare our solidarity with them in their strugglefor liberation from all aspects of discrimination.

We also appeal to world public opinion and tothe international organizations and to World hu-manitarian and legal institutions, as well as to thepeace and justice loving nations, groups and indi-viduals to intervene for putting an end to the Israeli

42

racial discrimination, and to the atrocities commit-ted against the Arabs in the occupied territories,which the Commission on Human Rights consideredas Crimes of War in its latest resolution.

Furthermore, we request all the various organi-zations to intervene for stopping acts of oppression,injustice and discrimination to which the Orientaland colored Jews in Israel are being subjected.

Accordingly, we have addressed today telegrams to:The Secretary General of the United NationsTJ.N. Commission on Human RightsCommittee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination

International Red Cross CommitteeSecretary General of the European CouncilAmnesty InternationalMr. Alain Poher, Chairman of the French SenateMr. Rene Cassin, Chairman of Human Rights Institute,

Strashourg asking them to intervene at once for stoppingthe acts practiced by the Israeli authorities affectingHuman Rights, and putting an end to the constantviolations of international conventions governingHuman Rights, for which Israel has several times

43

been condemned by International organizations, aswell as stopping all acts of racial discriminationpracticed by those authorities in a manner that callsfor concern.

By making this declaration before a selectionof the representatives of information organs, werequest them to transmit our appeal to the worldpublic opinion with the hope of exerting pressure onthe Zionist organs for stopping from meddling inour affairs and the affairs of our Country, as well asfor eliminating the acts of violence, injustice anddiscrimination practiced by those organs, noting thatwe are living in our Country in an atmosphere ofcordiality and mutual confidence with our fellowcitizens of all faiths, as well as with our leaders, theforemost of whom is President Hafez Assad. Fur-thermore, we shall allow no one to attempt shakingthis confidence and sowing the seeds of strife in ourCountry.

THE RELIGIOUS COUNCIL OF THEJEWISH COMMUNITY

INTHE SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC •

44

iVUsbah Al-Budairi

THE STORY OFZIAD AL-HUSSEINI

The following account of the life and deeds of freedomfighter Ziad Al-Husseini, late leader of the Palestinianresistance fighters in the Gaza Sector, is based on anaddress by Brigadier Misbah Al-Budeiri, Chief of Staff ofthe Palestine Liberation Army. The address was deliveredin Damascus on June 18, 1972, on the occasion of thepresentation of the 'Medal' of the World Peace Council tothe heroic struggle of the Gaza Sector, represented by the

late Major Ziad Al-Husseini.

•

'

45

The story of the revolutionary martyr, ZiadAl-Husseini, is inseparable from that of the revolu-tionary struggle of the Gaza Sector. Ziad played arole of a pioneering leader in the Resistance move-ment of the Sector. His personal story, therefore,has become a possession of all freedom fighters ofthe Sector, of the Arab people and nation, and ofall freedom fighters throughout the world.

Ziad Al-Husseini was born and brought up inGaza. When the Tripartite aggression of 1956 waslaunched, he was a leading young fighter, whovaliantly pursued the struggle until the Zionistsaggressors were driven out of the city.

In 1963, Ziad enrolled in the Cairo PoliceCollege. However, his attachment to military lifeand the call which dominated his whole being tobecome a soldier fighting in the front lines and acommando determined to fight across these lines,made him leave for the Military College, fromwhich he was graduated an officer in the Ain Jalutforces of the Palestine Liberation Army.

46

When the June aggression took place, Ziad andhis comrades, the officers and men of the PalestineLiberation Army, together with men of the NationalGuard who, constituting the People's LiberationForces, were joined by fighters from the masses ofthe Gaza Sector. They fought the invading Zionistforces with unmatched courage, inflicting heavylosses on the enemy despite great disparity inweapons and equipment.

The plains and hills of Gaza, the streets andcamps of the city witnessed stories of splendidsacrifice and great heroism in facing the invaders.

47

The heroic fight has continued and is continuing. Itssignificance and intensity were the result of twothings:

First: the Palestine Liberation Organizationhad mobilized the people of the Gaza Sector to amaximum limit, through forming detachments ofthe Palestine Liberation Army carrying the nameof «Ain Jalut Forces,» by training and arming thepopulace to enable them to effectively support thearmed military vanguard. Thus our people in theGaza Sector found themselves capable of facing anddefying the enemy forces.

Second: A vanguard of army officers andfreedom fighters in the Sector started, immediatelyafter the June setback, to organize the activities ofthe people and of army personnel making of them afighting force determined to wage a people's waragainst the invaders.

Led by this vanguard, the fight against theinvaders was continued, with the freedom fighters

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moving, without any delay, from direct confronta-tion to the tactics of a guerilla warfare harassingthe occupation forces.

The late Major Ziad Al-Husseini, was a pro-minent member of the vanguard. He participated,with his comrade officers, in forming secret cellsand soon became First Deputy to the Commanderof the People's Liberation Forces in the GazaSector.

Around the end of 1967, the General Commandof the Palestine Liberation Army awarded him the«Medal of Duty and Sacrifice,)) in recognition of thesplendid role he had played in organizing these

49

,

forces and the courage he had displayed in fightingthe enemy. Not long after, he became a First Lieu-tenant and the Commander of the People's Libera-tion Forces in North Sinai and the Gaza Sector.

The leader spared no efforts....

In the cemeteries of Gaza, where he maintainedheadquarters, he and his comrade fighters, who hadpledged to fight until they died or liberation wasachieved, were making the legendary story of theheroic struggle of Gaza.

Major Ziad did not stay locked in his head-quarters. He developed strong links of cooperationas well as the largest measure of coordination withall Resistance groups in the Sector to enable theResistance movement to achieve a maximum degreeof effectiveness and success.

All the men that fought with Ziad, or underhis command, testify that in carrying out commandooperations, he assigned to himself the most periloustasks. Through his courage he set an example to his

50

men; and gave them tremendous zeal and dedica-tion.

In 1969, he was awarded «The Order of Duty»in recognition of the courage he displayed in carry-ing out resistance operations deep into the occupiedterritories.

The people of the Gaza Sector remember Ziadfor the visits he used to pay, now and then, to therefugee camps, calling on poor families and onfamilies of detainees, prisoners and fighters killedin action, to encourage them and secure for them all| he could of their needs. These visits were especiallydangerous to the life of a leader whom the enemysought to capture, dead or alive. In fact the home ofZiad was continually subjected to raids -of inspec-tion. Agents were employed to keep constant watchon his house, in order to know his whereabouts. Inwidely distributed leaflets and posters, high financialrewards were promised to those helping to effecthis arrest.

When all efforts to ensure the arrest of Ziadfailed, the enemy seized Ziad's father, an old man of

seventy and held him a hostage until Ziad shouldsurrender. The old man was subjected to terribletorture; but Ziad who considered himself belongingto all his people would not yield to enemy pressure,nor would he give up the struggle; whereupon theenemy increased their pressure. They arrested allmembers of Ziad's family, including his seven-yearsold sister. His brothers were deported. His father,mother and sister were kept hostages in a concentra-tion camp in the Sinai desert. Ziad, however, wouldneither yield nor surrender but continued to performhis duty in the best possible manner. What madehis behaviour especially creditable was the fact that,throughout all these troubles and tribulations, Ziadsuffered from a disease that caused him sometimesparalysing pain. He fought disease with the sameunflinching determination with which he had foughtpressures of all kinds and remained as determinedand dedicated to his duty as ever.

In 1970 Ziad was promoted to the rank ofCaptain. In that year and the year which followedZiad and the Resistance movement in the Gaza Sectorfaced a most grave situation. The enemy was amas-

52

sing more and more forces in the Sector. Ziad,however, was not daunted by the increasing dangers.He showed great skill and courage in facing theconspiracies, the psychological war and the politicaland economic plans of the enemy. The result wasthat in 1971 the enemy suffered a failure in plansand projects, news of which reached all parts of theworld furnishing ample proof that the enemy couldnot impose their authority on the brave and heroicpeople of the Gaza Sector.

The enemy then exerted tremendous efforts tofind the location of Ziad. From the very start,however, Ziad was determined not to fall in thehands of the enemy alive. He kept this determina-tion to the very end, and fell an honoured martyron the sacred soil of the homeland.

Ziad has handed the torch of the liberationfight to his comrades, who are courageously pursuingthe struggle. And now, as they receive the «GoldMedal» of the World Peace Council, in the name oftheir valiant leader, they renew the pledge to con-tinue the struggle until the homeland is freed fromthe invaders. •

53

Odeh Aburdeneh

PRESSUREFOR PHANTOMS

In the following article the writer gives a well-docu-mented account of the tremendous pressure, brought to bearon the Nixon Administration through the mobilizing: byIsrael of the American Jewish community against Washing-ton's Middle East policy, a pressure which resulted in thedecision, taken by the United States government lastJanuary, to resume shipments of F-4E Phantom jet fightersto Israel against the best interests of the United States andof the Middle East peace initiatives.

|

•

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Israel: our next Vietnam?In his U.N. speech in October of 1971, Secretary

of State William Rogers spoke of the relationshipbetween an interim agreement and an over-allsettlement and the necessity of allowing Egyptianpersonnel to cross to the occupied east bank of theSuez Canal to operate the reopened waterway. ToIsraeli ears, the Rogers statement sounded suspi-ciously like the start of a major policy rift betweenWashington and Tel Aviv.

A week before the Rogers' speech, an Israeliobserver commented «if and when we begin to feelsome real pressure from the U.S., then we'll startmobilizing: the American Jewish community againstWashing-ton's Middle East policies.»l Soon after the

55

Rogers' speech, Jerusalem flashed the signal tolaunch just such a campaign.

In the U.S., the influential Conference of Presi.dents of Major American Jewish Organizationswhich is made up of the heads of 25 leading Jewishgroups, girded for a campaign of its own. From pastexperience, remarked a U.S. official in Washington«we have learned to expect a pattern. First there is

a request from Jewish leaders in the U.S. for anappointment with the President or the Secretary ofState. Then we start getting bales of mail. This isaccompanied by a spate of speeches in Congress.Then a few journalists will burst forth in fullthroat.»2

Slightly out of sequence, a resolution wascirculated on October 15, 1971, by six Republicanand six Democratic Senators. It called on the NixonAdministration to supply Israel with F-4 Phantomjets. The resolution was circulated by DemocratsStuart Symington, Missouri; Herman Talmadge,Georgia; Gale McGee, Wyoming; Edward Kennedy,Massachusetts; Abraham Ribicoff, Connecticut; andHenry Jackson, Washington; and Republicans HughScott, Pennsylvania; Jacob Javits, New York;Edward Brooke, Massachusetts; Robert Dole, Kan-sas; Edward Gurney, Florida; and Charles Percy,Illinois. The resolution received the endorsement of78 Senators.

The Senate move was followed by the intro-duction of a similar resolution in the House ofRepresentatives on October 27, 1971. The House

56

resolution was signed by 250 out of the 435 members.On November 23, 1971, Secretary of State

Rogers had a stormy conference with eight Senators.The eight — Percy of Illinois, Brooke of Massachu-setts, Dole of Kansas and Javits of New York, Re-publicans, and Kennedy of Massachusetts, McGee ofWyoming, Ribicoff of Connecticut and Symington ofMissouri — had come to express that «the sense ofthe great majority of Congress was that Israel shouldget the Phaatitoms forthwith.»3

Rogers, some of the participants reported,charged that Israel was «falling apart» as a resultof internal political strife due to the tremendousdefense burden and its failure to make peace withthe Arab States. He accused Israel of being«stubborn» and «intransigent» and read a long listof statements by Mrs. Meir and other Israeli leadersto prove his thesis.4

The Senators took issue with Rogers, and «oneof them interpreted Rogers' remark as amountingto the charge that Israel was sabotaging hisattempts to bring about peace, so that it could retainthe occupied Arab territories.»5

On the same day, by a vote of 82 to 14 theSenate adopted legislation to provide Israel withadditional military sales and guarantees of up to$500 million, half of which would cover the sale ofadditional Phantom jets. The legislation, introducedby Sen. Henry Jackson, was in the form of anamendment to the Defense Appropriations Act. Thiswas done despite objections by four powerful De-

57

mocrats —• majority leader Mike Mansfield of Mon-tana, William Fulbright of Arkansas, Chairman ofthe Foreign Relations Committee, Allen Ellender ofLouisiana, Chairman of the Appropriation Com-mittee, and Senator John Stennis of Mississippi,Chairman of the Armed Forces Committee.

During the debate on the Jackson amendment,Senator Allen Ellender raised a point of order. Hecomplained that the amendment should not beconsidered as part of the Defense Appropriationsbill but was a matter for the Senate Committee onForeign Relations. Senator Fulbright charged thatthe Senate was interfering with the Administration'sefforts to bring about a negotiated settlement andthat the amendment was designed to force the hand

58

of the President. «I have no objections to the Senatetaking issue with any president if they feel thatthey know enough about the subject matter andthat it is in the interests of this country to do so,»6said Fulbright.

All that flurry of activity, according to know-ledgeable observers, was being deliberately spurredin Tel Aviv with three immediate aims in mind.First, as America approaches a presidential-electionyear, it will serve as a timely reminder to the NixonAdministration that Israel can command impressivesupport in the U.S. Then, by turning the matter intoan emotionally charged domestic political issue, TelAviv hopes to force Rogers to backtrack on hisMiddle East policy which calls for a political solu-tion consistent with the U.N. resolution of November1967, and to resume the sale and delivery of combatjets to Israel. Finally, it will serve notice on Caironot to get its hopes up that Israel might soon cavein to American pressure for reaching an interimsettlement.

The issue of Phantoms and military aid toIsrael went before a Senate-House Conference Com-mittee. The Senate-House Conference Committee,however, killed the Jackson amendment on thegrounds that the Senate had already appropriated$300 million in military credits for Israel.

As a final effort to get the U.S. to resume thedelivery of the Phantoms, Golda Meir came toWashington in December to see President Nixon. Itseems that her mission was a success. The decision

59

60

to send the Phantoms was made at the meetingbetween Mrs. Meir and Nixon, «but the Presidentwanted it kept quiet in order not to foil any furtherthe relations between Washington and the Arabworld, particularly Egypt. It is noteworthy that sinceMeir's visit to the U.S., the issue of Phantoms hasbeen soft-pedalled by both Israel and the AmericanJewish leadership.»7

Nixon, in a televised interview on January 2,1972, confirmed the renewed sale of Phantoms bystating that he has decided «in principle»8 to sellmore jet aircraft to Israel.

Columnist Jack Anderson writes that HenryKissinger was behind Washington's decision torenew the supply of Phantom jets to Israel.9

The decision to give Israel Phantoms was in-fluenced by the pressure of Israel's friends in theU.S. and last but not least by the fact that duringthe time the Zionists were pursuing their goalsthere was no credible Arab threat against U.S.interests in the Arab world. •

• Footnotes1. Newsweek, October 18, 1971, p. 62

2. Ibid., p. 64.3. Jewish Week (New York), December 2, 1971, p. 20.

4. Ibid.5. Ibid.6. Near East Report, December 1, 1971, p. 191.

7. Jewish Week (New York), January 6, 1972, p. 8.

8. The Washington Post, January 3, 1972, p. A7.

9. The Washington Post, January 7, 1972, p. C23.

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May 1972

esistanceJJ Operations

On May 1, Palestinian commandos destroyedan Israeli military vehicle in occupied Jerusalem,when the highly explosive charges which they hadplaced in it went off, destroying it completely. It isbelieved that some Israeli soldiers were wounded asa result of the blast.

On May 2, Palestinian commandos destroyedan Israeli .military vehicle, when one of the minesplanted on the road to Al-Koshnieh - Tal Abbas inthe Golan Heights, exploded under it, killing orwounding all its occupants.

On May 3, Palestinian commandos, operatingin the Jerusalem area, destroyed an enemy militaryvehicle at the Tal Biot settlement in the outskirtsof Jerusalem, using hand grenades and machine-guns in their attack.

On May 5, a Palestinian commando unit at-tacked enemy military vehicles and installations, inthe Ein Al-Wawiyat camp in the occupied Golan

62

Heights. The raid, which was carried out withrockets, culminated in destroying several enemyvehicles, setting camp installations on fire andkilling or wounding a number of enemy soldiers.

On May 6, Palestinian commandos attacked aconcentration of enemy military vehicles and ar-mored cars in the Yagousa area, in the occupiedGolan Heights, where the enemy was engaged inbuilding roads and barracks. The commandosambushed enemy positions with rockets andmachine-guns, causing heavy damage to enemyinstallations and destroying several vehicles andbulldozers. A troop carrier and a water tank werealso destroyed. Several enemy soldiers were killedor wounded.

On May 6, Palestinian freedom fighters des-troyed an Israeli car parked at Habodin Street inRamat Gan to the southeast of Tel Aviv, using atimed bomb in the operation. The charge explodeddestroying the car completely.

On May 7, Palestinian commandos launched asurprise attack with rockets and other weaponsagainst an enemy military camp at Ein Al-Ruwaisatin the occupied Golan Heights. The rockets theyfired scored direct hits on enemy targets, destroyingseveral enemy military vehicles and setting instal-lations on fire. A number of enemy soldiers werekilled or wounded.

On May, Palestinian commandos attacked Israeli

63

positions in the Dabousiah area, setting one of themon fire. They also destroyed an Israeli outpost,inflicting heavy losses on the enemy.

On May 16, Palestinian commandos launchedan attack against Jibbin Settlement in the occupiedGolan Heights, using rockets in the attack and in-flicting heavy losses on Israeli troops.

On the same day, Palestinian freedom fightersattacked Samakh area with rockets, scoring directhits on enemy military installations.

On May 17, a Palestinian commando unitlaunched a surprise attack against an enemy for-ward post at the Nahal Hagolan settlement in theGolan Heights, using rockets, hand grenades andmachineguns in its raid. Several Israelis werekilled or wounded.

On May 23, Palestinian commandos fired seve-ral Bazooka shells at the Israeli border village ofBirandit. Israeli military sources admitted the raid,but claimed that no casualties or damage resultedfrom the shelling.

On May 23, Palestinian commandos rocketedan Israeli plant and an observation post in UpperGalilee, scoring direct hits on enemy installationseast of the Mansoura settlement, inflicting heavylosses on the enemy. Several Israelis were killed orwounded in the attack.

1

On May 23, a commando special unit operating

64

from inside the occupied West Bank, placed highlyexplosive charges at an enemy cafeteria in BenYehuda street in Tel Aviv. The charges went offdestroying the front wall of the cafeteria and killingor wounding a number of persons present at thattime.

On May 24, Palestinian freedom fighters des-troyed part of the railway line between Tel Avivand Beersheba. A number of railway coaches werederailed and damaged at the Kiryat Gan region.

On May 26, Palestinian commandos laid anambush to an enemy infantry patrol, composed ofseven soldiers, in the Deir El Balah area. When theIsraeli patrol approached the ambush, the comman-dos opened fire and attacked it with machine-gunsand hand-grenades. The attack resulted in killingor wounding most of the members of the patrol.

On May 28, Palestinian commandos destroyedat Damascus Gate in Jerusalem a night-club fre-quented by Israeli soldiers and intelligence person-nel. A large number of enemy soldiers were killedor wounded, when the explosive charges placedtherein exploded.

On May 29, an Israeli military transport vehiclewas destroyed in Eilat, when the explosive chargedplaced therein went off, killing or wounding itsoccupants. The commandos who placed the timedcharges were members of a Palestinian commandounit, operating in that area. They all returnedsafely to their bases. •

65

REVIEWS

• ONE IN THREE MILLION

•The Story of a Palestinian.Narrated by Ghazi Danial arid written by Hani Paris.Published by PLO Research Center and NEEBI.

File number 332.Serial number 54595.Identification number 2734.Registration number 3254/3201.

In other words this is Ghazi Danial, Palestinian.This booklet is a statement of his life, simplyexpressed. It is not a political tract, nor a theoreticalanalysis of the situation, but a plain, straightforwardaccount of the circumstances which led inevitably tohis joining the Palestine National Liberation Move-ment.

It is a story that can be told over and again,because it is the common every-day experience of

66

countless Palestinians, Conscious of their identityand armed with the belief that someday they will re-turn home, these people refuse to be dispersed. June1967, which saw a repetition of the 1948 exodus, wasthe catalyst, and a large number of them, amongthem Ghazi Danial, took the initiative into their ownhands and joined the ranks of the resistance move-ment.

The purpose of the booklet is to arouse aninterest in the ordinary Palestinian, and to show theinevitability of his fight against Zionism. GhaziDanial is no exception, he is one of thousands whoseonly recourse is to turn to active opposition to theoccupying forces, which can only mean one thing, arevolutionary war of liberation. The intention of thebooklet is to express in simple terms that thesepeople are not bloodthirsty avengers, as they are sooften depicted in the Western Press, but ordinarycitizens, whose circumstances have imposed uponthem no other solution but to fight.

The world may turn a blind eye to the Pales-tinian people, hoping that combined imperialist,Israeli and reactionary Arab pressures will gradu-ally strangle their movement to return home; buttheir belief in the absolute justice of their cause andtheir awareness of their identity as Palestinians,constitutes for them, and for Ghazi Danial, theunshakeable knowledge that they will return.

The booklet is published by the PLO ResearchCenter with the permission of NEEBI. P.O. Box1691, Beirut, Lebanon. Price ILL. •

S. Hasan• i . . ) f . .1 ;..£:! ' . - • -.: ' - • • ' • •• • •

i , - ) ! ••• i ' j ' - i ; > ' • ; _ < 4 ' . r : ' ;J , .-.n(r.: 1

:>:. : - r i r. ' •:/ »:iai!JV/ :, ';.':'vbr:., ::'!'"';i;;i.;;'

"•" ' ' ' : C . : i : . ' t ^ ; - r . > «

It has been said that violence is as American as apple

pie,2 and many people have come not only to accept thispremise, but to put it into action as well. The history ofthe United States is the history of violence _ both institu-

tionalized through the use of the US armed forcesS and aspracticed by special interest groups of every conceivablekind, including labor, housing, national and religious

business, minorities, and students. In this context, theZionists of America have proven to be the rule, not theexception. In a permeated society with a violent past, itwas only logical that the Zionist movement should play its

violent part.

68

I

From the earliest days of Zionism, its architectsand advocates have not hesitated to utilize variousviolent methods to achieve their tactical and stra-tegic aims. In his efforts to force acceptance andsupport of modern political Zionism, TheodoreHerzl, its founder, used blackmail, double crossing,

'•i.M

intimidation, and social and economic pressure tointimidate the Jewish international communities'!.As Zionism progressed in popularity in the Jewishcommunity, many Jewish organizations in the US,which had been strictly religious or cultural, becameinfected with the political doctrines of Zionism andunderwent a subtle change. The logical outcome ofthe violence, which is historically associated withZionism, has culminated, in the U.S., in the infamousJewish Defense League.

The Jewish Defense League was established in1968 in New York, with the avowed purpose of pro-tecting Jews from harassment and attack, stemmingfrom a series of incidents in a predominant poorJewish part of Brooklyn, where elderly Jews hadbeen mugged with increasing frequency. The con-clusions which the JDL drew from these attackswere that anti-Semitism was on the rise, and thatthe only proper response to this alleged wave ofanti-Jewish sentiment was a so-called defensivereaction, which soon grew into preventive physicalresponse. But the JDL, in no sense represents a newkind of reaction among American Jews, since itsleader Meir Kahane had been a leader of the Betar,the youth movement of the Herut (which was thepolitical successor in Israel of the Irgun terroristorganization). Betar's political philosophy was, andremains, simply — anything which offends the stateof Israel, offends all Jews, and hence constitutesanti-Semitism. The only proper way to respond toanti-Semitism is «with the mailed fist.» Although

70

Betar had existed in the US for a number of years,it was relatively quiescent and little was heard ofits activities outside the Jewish community. In theperiod before the rise of the JDL in 1968, the Betarhad been associated mainly with anti-Arab activities,such as the two attacks on the Syrian mission to theUN which took place in the fall of 1966 and the fallof 1967. Betar slogans may still be found in the city,but they have been almost completely replaced bythe JDL's «Never Again»5.

• Anti-Black Activities •

Aside from its early activities in the Jewishcommunity (which took the form of armed vigilantspatrolling the predominantly Jewish parts of thecity in radio cars), the first public attention relatingto the JDL focused on the comunity control issue inthe Ocean Hill Brownsville area of Brooklyn. De-centralization attempts in the New York city schoolsystem had resulted in the predominantly Black com-munity raising the demand for more Black teachersin the Ocean Hill Brownville complex. Pitted againstthis move on the part of the Black community wasthe United Federation of Teachers, the New Yorkcity teacher's tmion, which saw community controlas an infringement of its rights. At stake in thedispute were the jobs of several teachers, who werefor the most part Jewish. Reacting to what it viewedas anti-Semitism6, the JDL offered its «defensive»services to the union, which turned them down7.

71

1The outcome of the Community Control issue

was a teacher's strike and the eventual abandonmentby the city of the decentralization plan. Although itis doubtful that the activity of the JDL had anyimpact on the final decision, yet the JDL leadershiphas tried to take credit for the result of the issue.

The activities of the JDL against the Blackcommunity did not cease, however, with the termi-nation of the teachers' strike; rather they showed asteady increase over a two year period. In May of1968, when James Forman, former head of 'CORE'Sthreatened to disrupt services at temple Emanuel inManhattan, reportedly to ask the congregation for«Black Reparations)) payments, members of the JDLled by Meir Kahane were there armed with clubsand chains to stand guard. Mr. Forman did notappear.

A synagogue in Philadelphia invited Moham-mad Kenyatta, the local spokesman for the BlackEconomic Development Conference to speak. TheJDL warned the Synagogue, tried to cancel thespeech and picketed the meeting.

In January, 1969, members of the JDL picketedNew York's Metropolitan Museum of Art, allegingthat the catalog of a photographic exposition ofBlack community life in New York entitled «Harlemon My Mind», had an anti-Semitic introduction. InJune, 1969, when Black and Puerto Rican studentsand workers on the campus of New York CityCollege had locked themselves inside protestingracism in the school, the JDL went to court to force

72

the opening of the school. In the Spring of 1970,members of the JDL, again led by Meir Kahane,picketed the New York headquarters of the BlackPanther Party. The Black Panthers charged thatwhile attention was focused on the scene in front ofthe building three or four JDL members attemptedto ransack their office. The reason the JDL gave forthe action was the alleged anti-Semitism of thePanthers, and significantly, the strong anti-Zionist

73

position which the Panthers had adopted only ashort time before. The JDL continues to speak outagainst the alleged anti-Semitism of militant Blackorganizations, but the burden of their attack hasshifted to the American left. Even now, when Blackgroups are attacked for alleged anti-Semitism, it ison the basis of their position on Israel, which bearsin almost all cases a left-analytical character.

• Attacks on the Left •

Since the June War of 1967, certain segmentsof the New Left in America — as a result of theexpansionist and aggressive policies of Israel, andbecause of the emergence of Israel as a base forAmerican imperialism in the Middle East, started toquestion the prevailing position of liberals on theArab-Israeli conflict and to adopt a less sympatheticposition to the Zionist-Israeli position. The anti-war movement in America as a whole has beenforced to take a more positive stance, which issympathetic to the Arab position in general, and tothe Palestinians in particular.

The JDL claims to have answers to the anti-Israeli stance of the New Left in whose membershipmany young Jews are active. This development andclaim are important and of vital concern to Israeli-Zionist circles. The JDL asserts that the New Leftis «capturinff young peoples' minds and destroyinglaw and order»9.

In its attempts to recapture the Jewish Youth

74

who are disenchanted with Zionism and to win backthe sentiment of those who have joined the NewLeft, the JDL has ironically been trying to imitatethe atmosphere that one sees in an SDS office or ina Black Panthers' working place. Some of theirmembers look like typical long-haired radicals —liberal college students. In its surroundings, one getsthe atmosphere of urgency and constant hyper-activity. This of course is by design and not acciden-tal in order to «attract activist kids, for this is theenvironment in which such people flourish»10.

At about the same time, the JDL was beginningto attack the Panthers; they invaded and ransackedthe offices of the Daily World, the organ of theCPUSA, which had been running articles critical (inthe same degree as similar articles in the Sovietpress) of Israel. There were also an attempt andseveral threats made in the office of the Guardian,an independent national radical paper.

• Attacks on Arabs •

Zionist activities against Arab organizations inthe U.S. began a renewed phase on Aug. 29, 1969with an attack on the New York office of the Pales-tine Liberation Organization in which a group ofpeople, who left behind slogans associated with theJDL, beat an American professor who was theredoing scholarly research, tied up his hands and thoseof the secretary of the office, taped their mouths

• and handcuffed them to the sofas, stole some files

75

from the office and ran away. In the following May,six young men forced their way into the PLO office,beating the director severely with sticks and knives,damaging office files and equipment. Within fifteenminutes of the first, a similar action took place atthe office of the Action Committee for Arab-Ameri-can Relations, a moderate pro-Arab organization,where both the head of the office and his assistantwere beaten. A period of relative quiescence fol-lowed until Oct. 6, 1970, when the office of the PLOwas victimized again during the night when a pipebomb was placed outside the door, damaging theoffice extensivelyll.

During the three attacks on the office of thePLO, the JDL gang left behind them stacks ofmimeographed 'material bearing the slogan «Neveragain». In the first attack they were asking for thedirector and threatening him with violence. Duringthe second attack while beating up the director theywere constantly saying that they shall kill any onewho is against Israel. They were yelling «DeirYassin,» and «Never again».

Telephone calls, letters and at times cablesthreatening the PLO staff have become a routineactivity of the JDL particularly after every majoraction carried out against Israel by Palestiniancommandos. There are days in which hundreds ofobscene, threatening, short phone calls are made tothe PLO office with the aim of disrupting theirnormal activity, creating tension and scaring thestaff.

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The JDL has sent, on more than one occasion,telegrams to practically every Arab mission to theUnited Nations threatening their lives. These threatswere brought to the attention of the United Nationsand at times discussed in the Security Council onlyto be brushed aside by the assurances of the U.S.Mission that the police authorities are looking intothem. Since January 1969 when some Iraqi spieswere sentenced to death, including some membersof the Jewish faith, the Iraqi mission to the UN hasbeen the target of repeated violent demonstrations.

In January 1971, a small bomb exploded in frontof the United Arab Republic's mission to the UnitedNations. Very little damage resulted. However, asa result of these repeated attacks on Arab officesand personnel, the New York Police Department,under instructions from the State Department,placed guards in Arab missions and offices for ashort period of time.

• Attacks On The Soviet Union •

Another target of Zionist violence in Americathat has received the widest scope of publicity be-cause of the position of the target in the interna-tional arena has been the Soviet Union. The JewishDefence League, for the past two years, has engagedin a series of activities directed against the SovietUnion, its embassies, tourist and commercial offices,its airlines, its diplomats and its cultural institutions.

Attacks by the JDL against Soviet cultural

77

programs in the United States seek to achieve twogoals:

1. Realizing that the USSR is proud of itscultural programs which have been very effective andprofitable in America, and aware that Russia wouldlike to see it continued, the JDL hopes that in ex-change for stopping its harassment, demonstrationsand picketing, the USSR will agree to facilitate theimmigration of Soviet Jews into Israel.

2. The second and more crucial reason for thedisruption of USSR cultural programs is an economicfactor. Sol Hurok, the famous impressario in theU. S., who is a Zionist and who has been handlingthe various Soviet artists and companies touringAmerica, would be forced to bargain with the JDLand pay it protective money.

On June 24, 1970, 28 JDL members invaded theoffices of the Amtorg Trading Corporation, a Soviettrading agency, caused havoc in the offices, destro-yed files and furniture, threatened the employees,and pushed and shoved them. All were arrested.They were arraigned on charges of burglary, ofentering the premise illegally to commit a crime, ofsecond degree assault, of criminal mischief andharassment. The defendants were paroled by JusticeHyman Solniker!

The JDL's strategy is to heighten tensions bet-ween the Government of the USA and the SovietUnion. Its attacks on senior American officials,including the President of the U.S. (charging thathe is not doing anything about the so-called plight

78

of the Russian Jews and that the State Departmentand Russia are in collusion), incredible as they mayseem, catch the attention of the average Jew-Theyoung potential recruit, and the donor of funds.

• JDL and the Zionist Establishment •Although the Jewish Defence League has been

critical of the existing Zionist order in America andhas accused the existing Jewish establishment ofsitting on its apathy for 53 years asserting that theyshould have the decency to keep quiet when some-one else tried to do something,12 the establishmenthas been critical of the JDL and its tactics, but notof its strategy. It is with reluctance that they takea stand against the JDL, and although they disso-ciate themselves from its activities in their publicstatements, they look with favor upon it, contributeto its funds and take deep, though hidden, pride inits deceptive accomplishments. More and moreacceptance of it by the establishment is graduallytaking place. In April 1970 Israel's Day Parade onFifth Avenue in New York, the JDL was excludedfrom participation only to be admitted one yearlater in the same parade with a brigade of fistedyoung men and women. The very same establish-ment which criticizes Kahane and his group and callsthem racist, fascists, paranoids, hoodlums and streetthugs, joins with the JDL in rallies for Israel'ssupport and feels that it is essential not to excludeit from participation in Zionist activity in the UnitedStates.

The Zionist establishment, including the Jewish

79

agency, share with the JDL the same objectives andgoals, though the direct confrontation techniques ofthe JDL may embarrass their image of respectabi-lity. But is not this the same situation that existedin Palestine in the forties between the Irgun andthe Haganah? One day Kahane may write a bookand reveal the division of labor between his Leagueand the Establishment exactly as Begin did in the«Revolt». •

1. Meir Kahane, quoted in NEWSWEEK, Jan. 25, 1971.2. Originally attributed to H. Rap Brown: «VioIence is as

American as cherry pie.»3. As cited by the Senator Dirksen, the armed forces of

the US have been used on more than 150 occasions inforeign interventions (Congressional Record, 115, No.103, June 23, 1969.)

4. See, for example, «The Complete Diaries of TheodorHerzl», Herzl Press and Thomas Yoseloff, New York

and London, 1960.5. A reference to the words on a monument which stands

at the entrance to Auschwitz Camp.6. «Raw, undisguised anti-Semitism is at a crisis level in

New York city schools, where unchecked by publicauthority, it has been building for more than 2 years».Bnai Brith spokesman, quoted on 1/23/1969.

7. This turn of events had been preceded by the readingof an allegedly anti-Semitic poem directed against theteachers and the president of the UFT, Albert Shanker,on New York Radio station W-BAI (a somewhatradical station, which became the object of much JDL

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8.

abuse and activity shortly after) by Les Campbell, anoutspoken Black political commentator. The JDL laterfiled a court petition to have Les Campbell barred fromthe school system, alleging anti-Semitism. The petitionfailed.

Congress of Racial Equality, was one of the first Blackorganizations to adopt a militant stance in the earlyyears of what was then the civil rights struggle. Inrecent years its policy is one of considerable lessmilitancy.

9. Midstream, April 1970.10. Ibid.

11. N. Y. Times Oct. 7, 1970 p. 13.12. Midstream, April, 1970, p. 13.

B Edmund Ghareeb

ISRAEL'S

EXPOSE SOCIALC O N T R A D I C T I O N S

Israel's Black Panther leaders are beginning to veeraway from their limited political platform and narrowoutlook to move in the direction of formulating a broadsocial and political program which, if successful, promises

a great deal of trouble for Israel's leaders.Panther leaders have, after a period of relative silence,

come out to express their new political viewpoint and tousher a different trend in Israeli politics. These views wereexpressed at a meeting wliere several Panther leadersaddressed the Mapam Party's «Hashomir Hats'ir» in Ghor

Baisan last month.

82

The call for a social revolution was among theprinciples expounded by the Panthers at the meet-ing: «Our gcal is to bring about a social revolutionin the country and to create a new leftist societywhich is unlike the one in the Soviet Union, Chinaor anywhere else in the world. It will resemble theKibbutz, but won't be exactly like it. We will in-stitute the society of total equality».

The Panthers also spoke of a common strugglewith the Arabs and the other oppressed groups. «Wemust reach a situation where we struggle, side byside, with the Arabs and the oppressed against theregime. We, Panthers, are the only ones capable of

83

forming a bridge toward peace with the Arabs on

the basis of fighting the regime.»

• NEW PARTYThe Panthers also opposed the Zionist settle-

ments taking place in the Arab West Bank and theGaza Strip. «We are against settlements which meanthe robbing of the populace. It is for this reasonthat we do not distinguish between a military or acivilian settlement.)) The Panthers went even as faras speaking of organizing a large political party withthe aim of changing the society. «We are lookingforward to the establishment of a large Socialist

Party.))What is important is the change of the Panthers

from being merely a small group of young OrientalJews opposing the discrimination of the Israeli stateagainst the Sephardic Jews to an organization whichis aiming at the transformation of the Israeli societywith the cooperation of the Arabs. This is a signifi-cant and unique development. And although theweight of the Panthers in Israel is still far frombeing significant enough to affect the system, thefact that the change has taken place at all and thatthe Panthers find adherents and even listeners is a

trend worth of notice.• PANTHERS ON THE SCENE

The Panthers surfaced on the Israeli scene inlate January 1971. The name Black Panthers mo-deled after the American Panthers, for publicityreasons attracted wide attention in Israel. At thetime Panthers were voicing the disaffection of

84

Israel's uneducated and marginalized youth cente-ring around Jerusalem's poverty districts. Thenumber of the group was estimated by the leadersof the party at the time came close to 300 people.

The main reasons behind the emergence of thePanthers were social and economic rather thanpolitical factors. The Panthers opposed the housingdevelopments which were being constructed for theimmigrants from Eastern Europe and the West whilethe Sephardic Jews from Africa and Asia were stillliving in overcrowded slum areas. They opposed theIsraeli government's campaign to bring more SovietJews while not doing enough for the North Africanand other Arab Jews. They also attacked the govern-ment for the poverty prevalent among the OrientalJews and their large families.

The Panthers also formed a War on DelinquencyCommittee of 24 members all of whom came ofSephardic origin. They projected a program whichincluded ((rehabilitation based on proper vocationalguidance, attacking job discrimination againstyouths who have been rejected by the Army, anddemands that boys who have become involved withthe police be sent to Kibbutzim of reform schools)),and an end to Oriental Ghettos.

The Panthers articulated the legitimate grie-vances of the Sephardic Jews against the system.• WORK PROBLEMS

Lodging and employment were among the mainareas of discrimination. About 18.3 percent of theOriental Jews live more than three persons to a

85

room compared with 5.8 percent of Ashkenazi Jews.23.8 percent of the immigrants who were born inAfrica or Asia work in agriculture compared to 12.3percent of the Ashkenazi. In the public services, thepercentage of Oriental Jews is only about 13.9 per-cent and 9 percent in the financial and commercialsectors. The percentage of the Sephardics in the highechelons of the Histadrut (General Labor Organiza-tion1) is less than 1 percent.

Kokhabi Shemesh, a leader of the Pantherswho spoke at the meeting last month said that dis-crimination existed in the high echelons of the gov-ernment and that this was the reason why theywon't participate in the coming elections. «We havefound, after a great deal of study, that we can winat least two seats in the Knesset. But we will notseek them because, under the circumstances, thechances for changing the system are nonexistent. Atthis point, it does not 'matter to us if there are 120Ashkenazis in the Knesset because they do not havethe power to decide. The decisionmakers are thehigh officials of government. And it is unfortunatethat from among more than 300 hundred highofficials ranking in the 1-3 degrees there is no morethan 9 of the Oriental sects. Even these belong tothe two hundred families who have the decision-making power in the government.))• NO MORE ANTI-ARAB

The Panthers are beginning to speak more andmore as the representatives of the Oriental Jewswho form more than half of Israel's Jewish popu-

8687

lation. This is an important development since theOriental Jews of Israel used to take an anti-Arabattitude similar to the one that poor whites in theU.S. take against the blacks. It is always comfortingto find someone that you feel you can look down at.

At the same meeting, Shemesh discussed theissue of Oriental Jews feelings toward the Arabs.He said that prevailing belief is that the OrientalJews who come from Arab countries hate the Arabsand that this was untrue. «The regime is responsiblefor developing the hatred by the 'methods they usedwhen we were in Iraq and Morocco. The Jews livedpeacefully side by side with the Arabs in Iraq untilthe messengers of Zionism came and threw explosi-ves on the Jewish communities to create problemsbetween the Arabs and us.» He added that thePanthers «have made contacts in the poor sectionsand with the Arab youth in East Jerusalem, Nablusand other areas and with other circles. They seem tounderstand us and sympathize with our activity. Thetruth is that the simple Arab feels with us. It isunfortunate that we cannot cooperate with him be-cause of the social makeup of this country. But wemust reach a position where we can struggle side byside with the Arab against the regime.))

While this trend of the Panthers is importantone must not forget the fact that the power andpotential of the Panthers are not, at least for theforeseeable future, very promising in terms ofaffecting decision - making in the regime. ThePanthers answered a question about the time when

they expected the social revolution to occur and theysaid «after 30 years».• VOTING FOR RAKAH

The Panthers also said that their voting for theCommunist Party, Rakah, is an expression of sup-port against the system. Concerning another issue-violence-Charles Baytoun, one of the Pantherleaders said that «violence is necessary to counterviolence. The rights of the state protect the state andnot the citizen. This is why we have had to useviolence against violence.))

It is important to note that the Panthers or-ganized several demonstrations last year, some ofwhich led to violence with the police and there wereriots and Molotov cocktail throwing incidents lastspring.

The change in the outlook and platform of thePanthers shows signs of maturity and toughness onthe part of a group that was described by the Israelipress and officials at the time of its emergence, as«juvenile delinquents)). The vote for Rakah, theabandoning of the anti-Arab slogans, the call forfighting side by side with the Arabs and the oppres-sed, the call for a Socialist society, the demand fora social revolution and the use of violence are newelements in the Panther ideology. It is too early totell what the Panthers can do within the Israelisystem.

There is no question that the regime, the par-ties, the Ashkenazis and the 200 ruling families ofwhom the Panthers speak seem to have perpetuated

89

themselves without paying attention to the currentsof change around them.

It was inevitable that the contradictions withinIsraeli society were going to bring the disenfranchi-zed, the disorganized and the unemployed to takethe initiative. The system has used the threat offuture conflict with the Arabs to contain the dis-gruntled and disaffected among the Israeli populace-especially the Sephardim. It, however, will not findit easy to bring about change unless they are willingto threaten the meager existence they have.

As a result, it was the poor, the angry and theunskilled or semi-skilled among the Oriental Jewswho organized and began to search for an identity.This search for identity has led the Panthers to taketheir present positions.

• THEIR REAL SIZE

The Panthers and their allies, undoubtedly,could be easily, broken within the Israeli society if,and when they become a serious threat. But the factremains that there are two different and contradic-tory societies living side by side inside Israel andwith an ever increasing gap between them. It is thisthreat that the Israelis fear most. One Israeli leaderis reported to have said that if it was not for thethreat of war with the Arabs, Israel would be facingcivil war. For Israel, having this listless and impo-verished majority leads to discontent; which, coupledwith organization, results in political chaos. It is inthe Panthers' ability or lack of ability, to organizethat their success or failure will depend. •

90

D O C U M E N T S

On May 25, (1972), the Twenty-fifth World HealthAssembly adopted a resolution on «Health Assistance toRefugees and Displaced Persons in the Middle East». Theresolution condemns Israel because «it continues to displaceby force thousands of persons from their homes andshelters» and because it continues to commit «repeated actsof expulsions of human beings and destruction of theirhomes and shelters, which directly affect their physical andmental health and constitute grave violations of the fourthGeneva Convention of 12 August, 1949».

•

91

HEALTH ASSISTANCE TO REFUGEES ANDDISPLACED PERSONS IN THE

MIDDLE EAST

The Twenty-fifth World Health Assembly,Bearing in mind that the health of all peoples

is fundamental to the attainment of peace andsecurity;

Conscious of the fundamental right of all hu-man beings to physical and mental health, withoutdistinction of race, religion, political belief, economicor social conditions;

Having considered the report of the Directorof Health of the United Nations Relief and WorksAgency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East(UNRWA)';

Disturbed by the fact that Israel not only con-tinues to refuse to allow the refugees and displacedpersons to return to their homes but continues todisplace by force thousands of persons from theirhomes and shelters;

Noting that these acts have included the de-molition of a large number of UNRWA shelters.causing further suffering to the refugees, and ag-gravating the financial crisis of UNRWA;

92

Gravely concerned about the consequences ofsuch acts on the physical and mental health of therefugees, displaced persons and the inhabitants ofthe occupied territories;

Recalling its resolutions WHA21.38, WHA22.43,WHA23.52, WHA24.32, WHA24.33,

1. REAFFIRMS that the protection of the lifeand physical and mental health of the refugees anddisplaced persons requires that they immediatelybe afforded to return to their homes, in accordancewith the relevant resolutions of the United Nations;

2. DEPLORES Israel's repeated acts of ex-pulsions of human beings and destructions of theirhomes and shelters, which directly affect theirphysical and mental health, and constitute graveviolations of the fourth Geneva convention of 12August 1949;

3. DECIDES that, meanwhile, emergencyassistance to the maximum extent possible be givento the refugees and the displaced persons in theMiddle East;

4. REQUESTS the Director-General of theWorld Health Organization to:

93

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