Appeared 2009 in NIB Dictionary of the Bible. Ed. by K.D. Sakenfeld et al. (Nashville, TN: Abingdon)

WAR, IDEAS OF.JACOB L. WRIGHT EMORY UNIVERSITY

Despite the diverse ideas of war in the Bible, much of past biblical scholarship has been unduly focused on only one of these ideas, namely holy war or YHWH-war. In contrast, the present article examines the various ideologies and theologies of war in the Hebrew Bible canonically, progressing from Genesis to the Prophets and Writings. (For more on this book-oriented approach, see Wright, Military Valor and Kingship.) A final section treats war in the NT. Outline: 1. Accounts of Israels Origins a. Genesis b. Exodus-Joshua c. Judges d. Samuel-Kings 2. The Prophets 3. The Writings 4. The New Testament Bibliography 1. Accounts of Israels Origins. In the narrative extending from Genesis to 2 Kings, one can distinguish three accounts of Israels origins that correspond to what seems to have been three, formerly independent, literary works: Genesis, Exodus-Joshua, and Samuel-Kings. According to this view, the book of Judges serves as a literary bridge connecting the latter two works (see Kratz). Each of these accounts sets forth a distinct idea of war.

a. Genesis. The political ideal of the book of Genesis is not world unity but rather a plurality of peoples. After recounting how YHWH disrupted the building project at Babel and scattered nations over the face of the earth, the authors continue in the Patriarchal narratives to unfold

2their concept of harmonious and peaceful coexistence. Thus, we read that Isaac, in order to avoid conflict over access to water sources (a typical casus belli), opted simply to move on and build other wells (26:15-22, see also chap. 13; for physical separation as a peace strategy in Genesis, see Petersen). Genesis declares many of Israels future enemies to be close family members. Its most poignant expression of national rapprochement is the gifts exchanged between the twin brothers Jacob-Israel and Esau-Edom (chaps. 32-33), which is paralleled by a later fraternal / tribal reconciliation (chaps. 44-45). As for two other popular peace strategies in the ANE intermarriage and treaties the book rejects the former (24:2-4, 26:34-5; 38:1-30), while presenting the latter as a viable option (14:13; 21:22-34; 26:28; 31:44). The author is ambivalent with respect to the military aggression of the kind displayed by Simeon and Levi against the city of Shechem (chap. 34; see also 49:5-7). The Patriarchs are, however, not pacifists. Abram goes to war in order to defend his southern Canaanite neighbors against external aggression (chap. 14). Nevertheless, he does not engage in holy war, and the book makes clear that the Patriarchs did not employ military methods to establish territorial rights or increase their wealth (for Abram, see 14:21-24; an exception is Jacobs peculiar statement in 48:22). The book of Genesis contradicts the jaundiced view of ancient Israel as a militant people. In order to reconcile such a view with the book, some have argued that the stories of the peaceful Patriarchs, who lack typical Israelitish characteristics, are either completely unhistorical (Wellhausen) or pre-Israelite (Gunkel).

b. Exodus-Joshua. Whereas Genesis portrays Israels autochthonous origins (Jacob/Israel is born in the land), the narrative beginning in Exodus and extending to Joshua presents Israel coming to Canaan, a new land (described seemingly for the first time in see Exod 3:8 et passim), from far away (Egypt). The redactional concatenation of the two works alters the interpretation of what were originally alternative concepts: The first (Patriarchal) tenure in the land is peaceful, while the second follows liberation and military conquest. The war ideology in

3Exodus-Joshua could also not be more different than that of Genesis: Whereas Abraham fought in solidarity with his neighbors, the Israelites now wage war in order to wipe out the lands former inhabitants. Moreover, this work attributes military success to divine rather than human heroic action. Israels most formative war is also her first war. What directly occasions the Exodus is ironically the Pharaohs strategy to oppress the Israelites so that the latter would not pose a threat in the event of war or go up from the land (1:9-10). The climax of the Exodus itself is presented as a battle between the Pharaoh and his select armies against YHWH, the divine warrior (15:3) who fights for Israel (14:13-14). As Israels first war hero, YHWH is also Israels first and rightful king, and is accordingly celebrated as such (cf. 15:21-22 with 1 Sam 18:6-7). Before divine kingship is replaced by that of a human war hero (see below on 1-2 Samuel), the Israelites fight against a series of kings, and the descriptions of these battles have a pronounced anti-monarchic tendency (Numbers 21-24; 31:8; Deut 2:26-3:1-11; 4:47; 7:24; 29:7-8; Joshua 2-13; see also Judges 3-5, 11). In Exodus-Deuteronomy, the role of the human warrior-king is assumed by the prophet Moses and his successor Joshua, who act as a mediator and representative of divine power to Israel. Moses authority and the power of the staff of God are confirmed in the victories over the Egyptians and later the Amalekites (14:31, 17:8-16). Throughout Exodus-Joshua, war is not the special responsibility of a king, a stratified military personnel, or a standing army. Instead, all Israel is expected to fight (see esp. Numbers 1-3), and insofar as they wage many wars in their journey through the wilderness and entrance into the land, Israel may be described as a nation of warriors (see the generation of warriors in Deut 2:14-16) in this formative period of her history. In keeping with this identity, Israelite society is conceived as a war camp, which is organized around the Tabernacle housing the Ark of the Covenant. The ark leads Israel on its journey through the desert, which is conceived as a battle (10:35-36). Any military action without the ark is doomed to failure (14:39-45; cf. Deut 1:42). Later Moses presents the Torah he declared in the plains of Moab to the Levites who carry the ark (Deut 31:9, 25-26). The ark then

4plays a central role in the representative victory after crossing the Jordan (Joshua 6). What seems originally to have served as means of transporting a cultic figurine into battle (cf. ark of God/YHWH in 1 Samuel 4-7 et passim) symbolizes here the covenant as the guarantee of Israels military success and political prosperity. One may compare this idea to the promise that Joshua would succeed in conquering the land as long as he remained steadfast in meditating upon the Torah (Josh 1:8). Another strand of the narrative in Exodus-Joshua emphasizes the holiness of the war camp. In order that the divine presence would continue to dwell in the midst of the camp and protect it, Israel must maintain high standards of purity both cultic and ethical. These standards are depicted as gradually developing along the journey. Infractions result in either a departure of the divine presence or the peoples total annihilation (Exodus 32-33, Numbers 16). In the war against the Midianites, the presence of female and children captives taken in the war poses a threat (Numbers 31). In a gruesome scene, Moses orders the execution of the non-virgin women and male children. Virgin women are spared perhaps because they are neutral, not yet having been contaminated by contact with the seed of Midianite men (see Jud 21:11 and Niditch, 7889). Insofar as war involves contact with corpses, it defiles. Rituals are therefore required for the troops to reenter the camp/Israelite society (Num 31). A prominent theme in the war accounts of Exodus-Joshua is faith in YHWH. At the Sea of Reeds, Israel is commanded to be still and to allow YHWH to fight for them (Exod 14:13-14). In the end, the people trust YHWH and Moses his prophet (14:31; cf. Isa 7:9 and 2 Chr 20:20). On the next stage of their journey, the spies return with conflicting reports and the people express their desire to return to Egypt. YHWH then asks how long will the Israelites persist in their disbelief (Num 14:31; cf. Deut 1:32; 9:23). The threatened punishment is complete abandonment, which Moses succeeds in reducing to a sentence of death for the unbelieving generation in the desert (14:13-38). After the generation of warriors had finally passed away (Deut 2:14-16), Moses addresses Israel in the plains of Moab in preparation for the impending wars of conquest. His

5speeches, which take up the better part of Deuteronomy, review past battles (chaps. 1-3, 7:18-19; 8:14-15; 29:1-7) and emphasize that it is YHWH who fights Israels wars (7:17-24; 9:1-7; 31:1-8, 23). However, Israels God will not dislodge the inhabitants of the land all at once lest wild animals rise up in unoccupied regions (7:22, see Exod 23:29-30). Other passages reflect upon the reason for YHWHs military assistance: In addition to the covenant with the Patriarchs and YHWHs own honor, it is the indigenous nations wickedness (e.g. 7:7-8; 9:4-7, 27-29). Here war is understood as divine punishment and judgment, which differs from its character hitherto (liberation, defense, and conquest of land). See below on Leviticus 26 and Deuteronomy 28. Mosess discourses in Deuteronomy frame a law code that aims to regulate life once the land is conquered. Within this code, rules pertaining to war and the military, which are in themselves relatively unique for the ANE, occupy a considerable amount of space (20:1-20, 21:10-14, 23:10-14, 25:17-19) and reflect a range of perspectives. The regulations in 23:10-14 are priestly in character: YHWH moves to and fro in the midst of the camp to protect and ensure victory; therefore it must be kept holy. The rules of engagement in chap. 20 anticipate principles of just war theory insofar as they require Israelite armies to demonstrate restraint (see Wright, Warfare). Similarly, 21:10-14 refers to marriage to and ethical treatment of captive women, which is difficult to harmonize with the rest of Deuteronomy. An important aspect of the Torahs war ideology is found in Leviticus 26 and Deuteronomy 28, which delineate the blessings/curses for obedience/disobedience. Among the various blessings, Israel is promised military success and political strength. Failure to keep the commandments will be punished with defeat on the battlefield and exile, which are described at greater length. These curse-texts introduce the idea that it is Israels God who afflicts her with war. In Genesis 6-9 the whole earth is wiped out by a flood, which often symbolizes war elsewhere (Isa 8:7-8; Dan 11:10, 40 as well as many ANE texts). The divine bow that YHWH places in the clouds serves as a sign of the promise never again to cause this kind of devastation (Gen 9:13-17). Here, however, YHWH threatens to wage war against not the earth as whole but rather Israel in particular. This notion, which likely originated in the Prophets, is the

6presupposition for all that follows in the biblical narrative. Joshua and Judges split the double role played by war in Deuteronomy 28, the former portraying compliance and military conquest, and the latter transgression and the loss of the land. With respect to the ban (Hrem), the conception in Deuteronomy and Joshua is unique. Most often this practice functions as a form of severe punishment and retribution (e.g. Isa 34:2), which resembles ban notions elsewhere in the ANE (see e.g. the Mesha Stele). Other texts link the ban with special gratitude for divine assistance inasmuch as the victor forgoes any material gain (see e.g. Num 21:1-3). In Deuteronomy and Joshua, however, the idea is not only more prevalent (cf. e.g. Deut 2:34, 3:6 and Josh 2:10 with the accounts in Numbers) but also the Israelites are required to wipe out the prior inhabitants of the land (the seven nations) in order to avoid their cultic influence (7:2-5 and 20:15-18). The ban in these two books is therefore not elicited by anger or desire for retribution, although such vengeance is required for other peoples (see e.g. 25:17-19). In contrast to Deut 7:2-5, which treats the ban together with prohibitions of intermarriage and alliances, the passages 2:34, 3:6 and 20:15-18 make it clear that all men, women and children were to be annihilated. Many scholars treat the passages 2:34 and 3:6, along with all of chaps. 1-3, as part of a late Deuteronomistic redactional framework. Similarly, 20:15-18 is widely considered to be an addition, which confines the application of the forgoing lenient regulations solely to very distant cities (see Rof). The transmitted shape of the book of Joshua presupposes these advanced compositional stages of Deuteronomy insofar as it portrays how Joshua executes the ban on all the cities he conquers. The only group not wiped out is the Hivites/Gibeonites, who pretend to come from a distant country (chap. 9). An instance of conscious non-compliance with the ban requirement jeopardized Israels military success (chap. 7). That Joshua did not leave a soul alive of all the cities he conquered is underscored in 11:10-22. However, the second half of the book affirms that many of the lands prior inhabitants survived (e.g. 16:10, 17:12-18).

7c. Judges. In order to explain how the hegemony established by Joshua had been largely forfeited by the time of Samuel, the book of Judges creates an intermediate era initiated by a generation who did not know YHWH (2:10; cf. who did not know Joseph [Exod 1:8] in the redactional bridge between Genesis and Exodus-Joshua). National unity dissolves as Israel abandons her own God in a favor of a plurality of other Gods (2:12 et passim). This in turn leads to suffering in war: YHWH withdraws protection so that Israel is both assaulted by her enemies and no longer witnesses success on her military campaigns (2:15-16). The rest from wars enjoyed by the land at the climax of the book Joshua (11:23) is replaced by perennial fighting interrupted by intermediate periods of rest (3:11, 30; 5:31; 8:28). In the most desperate moments, champions or judges are divinely raised up to deliver Israel from her enemies. However, these engagements never lead to Israels political centralization and consolidation. Indeed, victories often arouse intertribal jealousy and conflicts that evolve into protracted internecine fighting (e.g. 5:15-18; 8:1-3; 9:23-57; 12:1-6; chaps. 17-21). The generation that conquered the land avoided such conflict (see Josh 22:10-34). The stories of the judges themselves seem to consist in large part of older regional legends of war heroes. The reconstructed forms of these legends reflect a type of warfare that is comparable to that in the portrayals of Saul and David as well as the later kings of Israel and Judah. Characteristic of these texts is the nexus between military victory and rule of kingship. Thus, Jephthah is promised to be made the head of Gileadite society if he returns victorious from battle (11:4-10). The same ideology of monarchic rule is found in the stories of Gideon (8:22-23), Saul (1 Sam 11:14-15), and David (inter alia 2 Sam 5:1-3). One could catalogue other features of these texts, such as pre-battle oracles, valor, chivalric code of conduct, dueling, taunts, kinship, sharing the booty, capturing divine images and symbols, tricksterism, etc (see Niditch, 90-133). According to this literature, war is not explained theologically but is regarded basically as a positive and natural activity through which both rulers and groups consolidate their power.

8In drawing upon these legends to write a history from a pan-Israelite perspective, the authors of Judges portray YHWH exploiting the military prowess and personal agendas of individual warriors (Othniel, Ehud, Barak, Gideon, Jephthah, and Samson) for the welfare of the people as a whole. As elsewhere in the ANE, military success and glory is attributed ultimately to the national God (see Weippert). However, here YHWH grants victory for the sake of Israel rather than a dynasty or ruler (see however 11:9-11). This characteristic feature is accompanied by a shift of attention from the human heroes to divine involvement. For example, in the story of Deborah and Barak, a prophetess of YHWH directs each moment of a battle (4:416), delivers the enemy general into the hand of a woman rather than Israels commander (4:9), throws the enemy into a panic (4:15) and finally is celebrated as a war hero after the battle (chap. 5). The book often casts shadows on individual warriors, emphasizing their hubris and tragic deaths (8:24-27, 9:53-55, 11:30-40; 16:4-31). The most important message of the Judges is that the generations after Joshua must fight wars, and has stories of military heroes in the first place, because they have sinned. It thus presents a punitive conception of war rather than identifying it as an unavoidable condition of the nations existence. Nevertheless, rather than dispensing altogether with the role of military heroes, it recognizes the need and place for such leaders given Israels proclivity to sin.

d. War in SamuelKings. While the book of Judges presents war as the means through which Israel forfeits the unity it enjoyed in the age of Joshua, the book of Samuel portrays war as the path to Israels political consolidation. Although one can isolate a Judges redaction in the book of Samuel, especially in the first eight chapters, war is not linked to Israels prior failure as it always is in Judges. Inasmuch as war is fought for self-defense, political autonomy and territorial conquest, Samuel resembles the conquest account in Exodus-Joshua, which also emphasizes the positive role of war. Similarly, the book of Judges may be compared to Kings, which begins by portraying a period of peace (the reign of Solomon) and moves on to recount the division of the kingdom, the battles fought between Israel and Judah, and the wars that

9finally brought an end to their political autonomy. The primary difference between Judges and Kings is that the former depicts a cycle of war and peace, whereas the latter presents a gradual demise (see however Jdg 17-21). In recounting the emergence of the monarchy, 1-2 Samuel emphasizes the changes this institution would bring to Israelite society not least in the areas of warfare and the military. In her formative pre-monarchic period, Israel lacked a developed arsenal and depended upon miracles. In the last battle depicted before the rise of the monarchy, Israels God throws the Philistines into confusion so that they could be routed by the Israelites (1 Sam 7:10). The immediately following chapter marks the introduction of a new order: Samuel describes in his address to the Israelites the chariot-warfare and the weapons industry that will accompany the establishment of a kingdom (8:11-12; cf. the references to chariots in anti-monarchic texts such as Exodus 14-15; Joshua 11; Judges 4-5). When pleading for a monarchy, the people refer to the kings role in battle (8:20), and beginning with Sauls first battle against the Ammonites (chap. 11), it is this role which dominates the account of the monarchy in the rest of Samuel and Kings. Both Judges and Samuel are critical of Israels natural impulse to crown human military heroes: YHWH is responsible for all victory and is therefore Israels king. Though the book of Samuel ultimately embraces the monarchy, it is sets the anointment of Saul and David before their first battles. Rather than the places where kings are made, battlefields serve as divine testing grounds: Failure to fight according to divine commandment results in forfeiture of office (chap. 15). In Davids first programmatic battle which sets the interpretational framework for all that follows, he eschews the weaponry of the monarchy so that this whole assembly shall know that it is not with a sword and spear that YHWH saves (1 Sam 17:47). The descriptions of war in the book of Kings have many themes in common with Samuel (even though Kings presents war for the most part as a divine punitive measure). Thus, the most problematic wars for both are the civil wars. In Samuel these Brderkriege are fought between father and son (2 Sam 15-19) as well as political opponents (2 Sam 2-4, 20). Kings refers often to the wars between Israel and Judah (see 1 Kings 14:30 et passim), and recounts how

10Israel or Judah even entered into alliances with other nations to fight against each other (e.g. 1 Kings 15:16-22, 16:5-9). One of the overarching emphases of both books is adherence to the prophetic word, not least in wartime situations (1 Samuel 15; 28; 30:8; 2 Sam 2:1; 5:19, 23, 1 Kings 20, 22, 2 Kings 3, 6-7, 9-10, 14:25, 18-20). Because Israel does not heed the prophets and turn from the sins of Jeroboam, she is exiled from the land (2 Kings 17). Enemy armies later devastate the land of Judah. Because Hezekiah seeks Isaiahs assistance and repents (chaps. 1819), Jerusalem is saved. Yet Manassehs sins (21:10-15, 23:26-27, 24:3-4) eventually bring about the conquest of also this city.

2. The Latter Prophets. War looms large in the Latter Prophets. Although they mirror a variety of perspectives on war, they have much in common not least a will to perceive divine judgment in the destruction and to pinpoint exactly what elicited the judgment. By identifying the ills in the society that was threatened to be wiped out in war, they already lay the groundwork for its restoration after war. A recurring notion in these books is that Israels god inflicts war upon Israel because she has strayed from divine teachings. Accordingly, war is not caused merely by international political dynamics but also and primarily by internal socio-economic injustices and religious violations. In addition to drawing attention to various social injustices and cultic impurities that have elicited the punishment in the first place, the prophets counter what they deem to be quick fixes that avoid an honest confrontation with the problem. Thus, Isaiah reminds Judah that she made many preparations for war. On that day you looked to the weapons of the House of the Forest, and you saw that there were many breaches in the city of David, and you collected the waters of the lower pool. You counted the houses of Jerusalem, and you broke down the houses to fortify the wall. You made a reservoir between the two walls for the water of the old pool. (Isa 22:8-11). The problem is that Israel failed also to consider the One who planned [the war] and gave no thought to the One who designed it long before (22:25).

11Most of the prophets repudiate the political game of alliance formation. Supported by those who wished to maintain their positions of power, military alliances jeopardized the welfare of the people as a whole. Because of these alliances, the prophets refer to Israel and Judah as a harlot and adulterer. Enchanted by what others had to offer, she abandoned YHWH. She is thus punished in war, and the descriptions of these scenes are graphic in their sexual metaphors (see e.g. Ezekiel 23 and Hosea 2). YHWHs warring against Israel and Judah at times contravene the very restrictions YHWH places on Israels military conduct in pentateuchal law. For example, many passages in the Latter Prophets refer to the devastation of Israels and Judahs lands: I will lay waste her vines and her fig treesI will make them a forest, and the wild animals shall devour them (Hos 2:12). Israel is, however, forbidden to treat her enemies this way (Deut 20:19-20). The same applies to YHWHs indiscriminate slaughter of women and children (e.g. Nahum 3; cf. Deut 20:10-14 and 21:10-14). The prophets often refer to the divine mercy that brings Israel back to the land after she is exiled by her enemies: After I have plucked them up, I will again have compassion on them, and I will bring them again to their heritage and to their land, everyone of them (Jer 12:15). Other texts limit the survivors to a small remnant (e.g. Isa 10:21-22). There is also the promise of cessation of war against YHWHs people: I will not again destroy Ephraim; for I am God and no mortal (Hos 11:9). This promise is compared to the promise never again to destroy the earth after the flood (Isa 54:9-10). Finally, much of the prophetical writings include oracles against the surrounding nations that consist in large part of descriptions of the wars. These texts make the claim of divine sovereignty over the international sphere and an expectation of fair rules of engagement in the international sphere. Amos attributes divine punishment to the ruthless way contemporary nations waged war (chap. 1-2). A more common reason for the divine wrath is the hubris of these nations (e.g. Isa 16). Although the nations were once used as instruments of judgment, they fail to recognize the source of their strength and thus are punished (Isa 10:5-15). The hope

12expressed in Isa 2:4/Mic 4:3, Zech 9:10, and Hos 2:1823 is that the instruments of war used by these nations, and indeed war itself, will be abolished as the nations allow Israels God to adjudicate their disputes.

5. The Writings. Within the book of Psalms, war represents a central theme. In the older layers of many psalms, the king prays for deliverance from his enemies, who threaten not only him but also his people (Ps 3). At other moments he also laments defeat or gives thank for victory (e.g. Ps 18 and 54). In appropriating and reworking these older traditions, the book both individualizes and collectivizes the prayers, emphasizing justice and piety as the conditions for deliverance. This process of expansion, juxtaposition and adaptation transforms the identity of the enemy, who is now no longer solely a military aggressor but also opponents to particular groups (e.g. the righteous, the poor, and the lowly). Many of the communal laments devote special attention to war, reflecting upon its causes and pleading for salvation. While most recognize sin as the cause (e.g. 74, 79, 80, 83, 85), others affirm innocence despite punishment (e.g. Ps 44). Reflecting upon the destruction wrought by war, the book of Lamentations cries out in anger against Israels God for wiping out Jacob and Zion without mercy. In verbalizing their rage and posing questions, the voices of the book discover solidarity, form a community of mourners, and eventually find answers and healing. They begin with the most rudimentary form of language the alphabet and, by means of acrostics poetry, undertake the daunting task of reordering the fundamental components of life that were torn apart as YHWH acted the part of Israels enemy (2:4-5). Although culpability is confessed (2:17), it does not obviate the need to draw attention to the suffering (e.g. 1:18-20) and to pose the accusative question whether the punishment fit the crime (2:20, 3:42-54, 4:1-20, 5:20-22). Daniel espouses a unique historical perspective in the Hebrew Bible. According to its apocalyptic outlook, world history and political turmoil should not cause despair. The war waged against the Jews will eventually come to an end. All transpires according to the divine

13plan written in the book of truth (10:21), and the community of the faithful is made privy to this plan thanks to the writings of a key figure, whose righteous deeds had been rewarded with visions (chaps. 9 and 10). According to the interpretation of these visions by the angelus interpres, there is a struggle in heaven between the chief princes representing various peoples, and this struggle directly affects the political events on earth. All empires ultimately perish and in the end are replaced by an everlasting kingdom established by the God of Heaven and governed by the holy ones. In the meantime, one is to engage in textual study, pious behavior, prayer and confession for the sins that occasioned Israels exile (see esp. chaps. 6, 9 and 10). In addition to Daniel, Ezra-Nehemiah and Esther depict survival strategies after the loss of political autonomy. In EN, the fate of the Judean people and their land is subject ultimately to the will of the God of Heaven rather than that of the empire. Nevertheless, this deity works through foreign rulers to protect and secure the welfare of Gods people. In this new political order, it is imperative for Jews serving in the imperial courts to use their influence in order to prompt the king to action. Similarly, Esther employs her beauty to reverse the decree and allow Jews throughout the empire to defend themselves against any armed force or people or province that might attack them (8:11). According to Nehemiah, the people of Judah arm themselves against external aggression (chap. 4) yet do not use their military power to rebel against the empire (2:19-20; 6:5-9; cf. Ezra 4). The book of 1-2 Chronicles presents unique and complex notions of war when recounting Israels and Judahs monarchic history (see Knoppers, Gabriel, and Ruffing). The book, written long after the catastrophe of 586 BCE, connects the peace (rest from war) to the behavior of each generation, rather than depicting a gradual demise of Israel and Judah as in 1-2 Kings. It identifies pious kings as aggressive military leaders and ambitious builders, whose construction projects often include fortifications and other military installations in Judah and Jerusalem (e.g. 2 Chr 8:1-6). In the face of invasions, humility and repentance are rewarded with divine mercy (e.g. 2 Chr 12:1-12). The book depicts a return to the military ideals of the Conquest traditions: YHWH actively fights for YHWHs people, and cultic officials, musicians

14and cultic objects play a central role (e.g. 2 Chr 13:3-19, and 20:1-30). In its battle accounts, the surrounding nations are unified in their animosity for Judah. They threaten the existence of the people as a whole rather than solely the political autonomy of their rulers. Significantly, the divinely wrought victory brings with it an abundance of material rewards (e.g. 2 Chr 14:12-14 and 20:24-26).

7. War in the New Testament. Compared to the Hebrew Bible, the topic of war plays a relatively minor role in the NT. This fact is closely tied to its origins in non-territorial, multiethnic communities living with the context of the Pax Romana. But war is nevertheless an important subject within the NT (see Bienert). Although the Gospel of Luke presents Jesus as the successor to warriors from the Hebrew Bible such as Gideon, Samson and David (see esp. chap. 1), it regards his kingdom as spiritual in nature (e.g. 17:20-21) and thus eschews the use of the sword (Luke 22:49-51, see however 22:36-38). Elsewhere Jesus teaches non-retaliation (Matt 5:39, Luke 6:29) and love for ones enemy (Matt 5:43-48). Similarly Paul distinguishes between governing authorities who bear the sword, on the one hand, and the community to which he writes (Rom 13:1-10), on the other. The spiritual nature of this kingdom does not preclude the possibility of Christians serving as soldiers (Matt 8:5-13; Luke 7:1-10, 3:14; Acts 10; see also von Harnack). Without an army of its own, however, the church did not develop a doctrine of war until much later. In general, war is considered to be a common feature of the former, passing world; it is thus taken for granted just as much as other social and natural phenomena, such as famine and earthquakes (Mark 13:7-8). Most warfare in the NT is not physical. In keeping with the spiritual nature of the Kingdom of God in the Gospels as well as the reinterpretation of biblical depictions of war in many in many Jewish writings, Paul tells the Corinthians that they do not wage war according to human standards, for the weapons of our warfare are not merely human, but they have divine power to destroy strongholds. These strongholds are identified with arguments and every proud obstacle raised up against the knowledge of God (2 Cor 10:3-6). The author of

15Ephesians develops this Pauline idea into the notion of the whole armor of God (6:10-20). Furthermore, Timothy is exhorted to fight the good fight (1 Tim 1:18), and Peter urges his readers as aliens and exiles to abstain from the desires of the flesh that wage war against the soul (1 Pet 2:11). The wide acceptance of this spiritual-warrior identity is indicated by the popular use of soldier for the ideal Christian (Phil 2:25, 2 Tim 2:3, Phm 1:2). This notion of spiritual warfare is closely related to the war fought within the individual Christian: James refers to a war of inner cravings (4:1-3), and describing the body of death, Paul speaks of another law warring with the law of his mind and making him captive to the law of sin (Rom 7:21-24). Physical warfare nevertheless does occupy a place in the descriptions of the eschaton. In the so-called Olivet discourse, Jesus refers to the apocalyptic wars that will be fought between nations and kingdoms as signs of the end of the age (Matt 24:9-28, Mark 13:7-13, Luke 21:12-24). This period will be a time of testing for his disciples. They will be required to give testimony and will be betrayed by family; others will be put to death. Jerusalem will be besieged. In general, the world will experience great suffering accompanied by cataclysmic events. At this point, the Son of Man will come in a cloud with power and great glory, sending out his angels to gather the elect from the four winds. Finally, as in earlier apocalyptic works such as Daniel and the War Scroll from Qumran (1QM and 4Q491-496; see J.J. Collins), spiritual and physical warfare coalesce in the Revelation to John (see A.Y. Collins as well as W. Klassen). This book stands out in the NT not only because it treats the topic of war at such great length but also because of the unique way it conceives cosmic conflicts propelling history: In the vision of chap. 11, the beast from the bottomless pit slays two witnesses, who are resurrected after three days and ascend to heaven. Michael and his angels fight a war in heaven against the dragon and his angels, who are thrown down to the earth. The victory is attributed to the saints, who conquer this accuser by the blood of the lamb a symbol of suffering in Judaism and the word of their testimony (12:712). In the vision of the bowls, a demonic spirit performs signs and assembles the kings of the

16world at Armageddon for battle on the great day of God the Almighty (16:12-17). Similarly, the ten kings yield their power to the beast. Together they wage war against the lamb yet are defeated (17:12-14). In the vision of the white horse, a final battle is fought between the beast and the kings of the earth with their armies against the rider on the horse and his heavenly army. The beast, along with his false prophet, is thrown into a lake of fire that burns with sulfur, while the rest are slain by rider and the sword that came from his mouth (chap. 19). Later, Satan is released after a thousand years. He gathers all the nations from Gog and Magog (see Ezek 39) to do battle against the camp of the saints and the beloved city. Fire comes down from heaven and consumes the army, and Satan is thrown into the lake of fire and sulfur (20:711). The final scenes of the book draw on imagery from the first chapters of Genesis. Just as the cosmogony of the latter dispenses with the notion of a Chaoskampf, it depicts a new heaven and the new earth in which the sea was no more (21:1).

Bibliography: Bienert, W. Krieg, Kriegsdienst und Kriegsdienstverweigerung nach der Botschaft des NT, Stuttgart, 1952. Collins, A. Y. The Political Perspective of the Revelation of John, JBL 96 (1977): 241-56. Collins, J. J. The Mythology of Holy War in Daniel and the Qumran War Scroll, VT 25 (1975): 596612. Gabriel, I., Friede ber Israel. Eine Untersuchung zur Friedenstheologie im Chrom I 10-II 36 (Osterreichische biblische Studien 10), Klosternueberg: KB, 1990. Gunkel, Hermann. Israelitisches Heldentum and Kriegsfroemmigkeit im Alten Testament, Goettingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1916. Harnack, Adolf von, Militia Christi: The Christian Religion and the Military in the First Three Centuries (trans. David McInnes Gracie), Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1981. Klassen, A. Vengeance in the Apocalypse CBQ 28 (1966): 300-11. Knoppers, Gary N. Battling against Yahweh: Israels War against Judah in 2 Chr. 13:2-20, RB 100-4 (1993): 511-532.

17Knoppers, Gary N. Jerusalem at War in Chronicles in Zion, City of Our God (ed. by Richard S. Hess and Gordon J. Wenham; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1999), 55-76. Kratz, Reinhard G. The Composition of the Narrative Books of the Old Testament (trans. John Bowden), London/New York: T&T Clark, 2005. Niditch, Susan. War in the Hebrew Bible: A Study in the Ethics of Violence, New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1993. Petersen, David L. "Genesis and Family Values," JBL 124 (2005): 5-23. von Rad, Gerhard. Der heilige Krieg im alten Israel (AThANT 20; Zurich: Zwingli Verlag, 1951); English: Holy War in Ancient Israel (trans. and ed. by Marva J. Dawn, introd. by Ben C. Ollenburger, bibliogr. by Judith E. Sanderson; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991). Ruffing, Andreas. Jahwekrieg als Weltmetapher: Studien zu Jahwekriegstexten des chronistischen Sondergutes (Stuttgarter biblische Beitrge 24; Stuttgart: Verlag Kath. Bibelwerk, 1993). Schmid, Konrad. Erzvter und Exodus : Untersuchungen zur doppelten Begrndung der Ursprnge Israels innerhalb der Geschichtsbcher des Alten Testaments (WMANT 81), NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1999. Weippert, Manfred. "'Heiliger Krieg' in Israel und Assyrien: Kritische Anmerkungen zu Gerhard von Rads Konzept des 'Heiligen Krieges im alten Israel,'" ZAW 84 (1972): 460-93. Wright, Jacob L. Military Valor and Kingship: A Book-Oriented Approach to the Study of a Major War Theme. Pages 33-56 in Writing and Reading War: Rhetoric, Gender, and Ethics in Biblical and Modern Contexts. Edited by Brad E. Kelle and Frank Ritchel Ames. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2008. Wright, Jacob L. Warfare and Wanton Destruction: A Case Against Anti-Assyrian Polemics in Deuteronomy, JBL 127 (2008): 423-58.