Journal of the

ChesterArchaeological

SocietyVolume 86 for 2016

The Society notes with sorrow the death on 1 March 2017 of its Vice-President, Prof Dai Morgan Evans FSA, Hon MiFA.An obituary will appear in the next volume of the Journal.

Papers relating to the Architecture, Archaeology and History of the County, City and Neighbourhood of Chester

Edited byPETER CARRINGTON

withJanet Axworthy, Dan Garner and Alan Williams

Chester 2017

© Chester Archaeological Society and contributors 2017

ISSN 0309-359X

AbbreviationsThe abbreviations used in this volum e fo llow the system laid down in British Standard 4148 part 2; many of the most relevant abbreviations are listed in Signposts fo r archaeological publication ed 3.London: Council fo r British Archaeology, 1991.http://www.archaeologyuk.org/sites/www.britarch.ac.uk/files/node-files/signposts_archpub_3rded.pdf

ContributionsThe Society welcomes articles about the architecture, archaeology and h istory of the pre-1974 county o f Cheshire and adjoining areas. If you are interested in contributing, please contact the Editorial Subcommittee, email chesterarchaeologicalsociety@ gmail.com.For notes on the scope, presentation, content and organisation o f contributions, and on house style, see www.chesterarchaeolsoc.org.uk/contributors.htm l.

Designed and produced fo r the Society by aquarium graphic design lim ited www.aquarium gd.co.uk

ii

ContentsList o f illustrations iv

List o f tables v

I: Obituaries1: Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, 6th Duke of Westminster 1KG, CB, CVO, OBE,TD, CD, DL Janet Axworthy2: Dr Alistair (Sandy) Campbell JP Janet Axworthy 3

II: Book reviews1: Rowan Patel The windmills and watermills of Wirral: 5a historical survey Roy Coppack2: Susan Chambers (editor) Neston: stone age to steam age 7Peter Carrington

III: Hunting for the gatherers and eariy farmers of Cheshire: 11an investigation of prehistoric land use in Chapel field, PoultonKevin Cootes, Ron Cowell and Anne Teather with illustrations by Janet Axworthy

IV: South Arclid Quarry, Sandbach, 2009-2014: a Bronze Age burnt 33mound and other archaeological discoveries Nigel W Jones with contributions by Phillipa Bradley, Lome Elliott and Fiona Grant

V: AEthelfrith and the Battle of Chester Clive Tolley 51

VI: Gamul Terrace and the Viking connection Stephen E Harding 97

VII: A knight's tale: a rare case of inter-personal violence 109from medieval Norton PrioryS Curtis-Summers, Anthea E Boylston and Alan R Ogden

VIII: Milton Street, Chester, 2016: sample excavation of a Civil 121War ditch Leigh Dodd with a contribution by Denise Druce

IX: Notes1: Cheshire National Mapping Programme (NMP) and lidar project: 131 sampling the Peak fringe, Cheshire plain and Mersey valleyIan Hardwick

X: Cheshire past in 20141: Sites investigated Mark Leah 1352: Finds reported under the Portable Antiquities Scheme 141Vanessa Oakden

Council and Officers fo r theYear 2015/16 161

Illustrations111.1 Location map showing trenches 13111.2 Shelf overlooking the Pulford Brook 14

111.3.1 Illustrated flints 1-8 20111.3.2 Illustrated flints 9-18 21111.4 Stone plaque 24111.5 Polished stone axe 25IV.1 Location of South Arclid quarry and plan showing archaeological features 34

and the basin mireIV. 2 Plan of the spread of material associated with the burnt mound 36IV.3 Section of Pit [14] showing the location of the radiocarbon sample 36IV.4 Pit [14] showing the depositional sequence 37IV. 5 The excavation of the burnt mound 43V. 1 Topography of the Heronbridge area, as envisaged for the time of the battle 66

of ChesterV. 2 British and English kingdoms 73VI. 1 Nineteenth-century map showing distribution of parish/township names 98

in WirralVI.2 Distribution map of place names in-carr and-holm in Wirral 99VI.3 Distribution map of all field/track names in Wirral containing Scandinavian 101

elementsVI.4a Parts of 1398 rental of Henry de Sutton, Abbot of Chester 102VI.4b Entry for Richard Hondesson 102VI.4c Entry for Agnes Hondesdoghter and Johanna Hondesdoghter 102Vl.4d Entry for Mabilla Raynaldesdoghter 102VI.5 Plan of tenth-century Chester 104VI.6 St Olave's Church, Lower Bridge Street, Chester 105VI.7 Gamul Terrace 105VII.1 Location of Norton Priory 110VII.2 Burial SK22 111VII.3 Plan of burials at Norton Priory 112VII.4a Right side view ofT1-T8 112Vll.4b Areas on the body affected by blade trauma 112VII.5 Enlarged right lateral view ofT1-T3 113VII.6 3-D scan ofT1-T8 114VII.7 Anterior view of the skull showing pagetic thickening of the cranium 116VII.8 Anterior view of the right scapula showing pagetic thickening and 116

disorganised new boneVIII. Location of the site 123VIII.2 Excavated section across ditch [107] 123VIII.3 Location of Milton Street and Seller Street sites with possible line of ditch marked 126VIII.4 Location of Milton Street and Seller Street ditches superimposed on 128

conjectural plan of Civil War defences

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IX.1 Lidar image showing a potential Roman fortlet enclosure in a meander 132of the River Dee

X.1.1 Portable Roman altar from Nos 51-57 Upper Northgate Street, Chester 137X.1.2 North wall of the Roman granary at Weaver Street and Commonhall Street, 138

ChesterX.1.3 Roman surface at Gorse Stacks, Chester 139X.2.1 Early Bronze Age flat axe from Agden 143X.2.2 Late Bronze Age spearhead from Hulme Walfield 144X.2.3 Early Iron Age sickle from Hulme Walfield 144X.2.4 Possible Iron Age stud from Lowe rWithington 145X.2.5 Copper alloy provincial Greek nummus of Severus Alexander from Chester 145X.2.6 Roman copper alloy hairpin from Farndon 146X.2.7 Roman coin hoard from Peover Superior during excavation at the British Museum 147X.2.8 Roman coin hoard from Peover Superior during excavation at the British Museum 147X.2.9 Early medieval copper alloy strap end from Foulk Stapleford 148X.2.10 Early medieval copper alloy cross-staff head mount from Hulme Walfield 149X.2.11 Early medieval copper alloy stirrup-strap mount from Somerford 149X.2.12 Medieval lead alloy ampulla from Baddiley 151X.2.13 Penny of Henry III from Barrow 151X.2.14 Medieval metal vessel fragment from Neston 152X.2.15 Medieval copper alloy seal matrix from Swettenham 152X.2.16 Obverse ofTudor coins in hoard from Buerton 154X.2.17 Reverse ofTudor coins in hoard from Buerton 154X.2.18 Wooden sundial found with Tudor coin hoard at Buerton, showing case with lid 155X.2.19 Wooden sundial found with Tudor coin hoard at Buerton, showing case 155

without lidX.2.20 Lead alloy and iron dress hook from Great Boughton 156X.2.21 Post-medieval silver toothpick/ear scoop 156

Tables111.1 Lithic assemblage quantified by type of raw material, trench and no of pieces 15111.2 Knapping stages quantified by trench and no of pieces 16111.3 Larger flake and blade debitage quantified by trench and no of pieces 16111.4 Retouched implements quantified by form, trench and no of pieces 18IV.1 Palaeoenvironmental analysis of samples from Pit [14] 40IV.2 Charcoal analysis of the samples from Pit [14] 41IV.3 Pollen analysis from base of peat Core 2 45VIII.1 Finds from ditch [107] 124VIII.2 Palaeoenvironmental assessment results of fill (105) from ditch [107] 125X.1.1 Fieldwork carried out in Cheshire in 2015/16 quantified by local authority area 135X.2.1 PAS finds from Cheshire in 2015 quantified by local authority area and period 142X.2.2 PAS finds from Cheshire in 2015 quantified by local authority area and function 142

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VI: Gamul Terrace and the Viking Connection

by Stephen E Harding*

On Lower Bridge Street, Chester, just opposite St Olave’s Church, is the raisedGamul Terrace, which now houses the Brewery Tap public house (the former GamulHouse) and a number of private homes. Gamul House was the home of Sir FrancisGamull (1606–1654), a mayor of Chester and prominent royalist during the Civil War.The name Gamul derives from a Norse personal name. It is therefore an intriguingcoincidence that Gamul Terrace sits at the heart of Viking-age Chester. This shortarticle summarises recent research on the settlement of the Vikings in Wirral, theirexpansion towards Chester and proposes a context for the name Gamul.

Vikings in Wirral

For at least part of the tenth and eleventh centuries the southern part of the city ofChester was home to a vibrant community of Viking origin that contributed towardsthe success of this former trading centre (Harding 2002; Griffiths 2010 andreferences therein). Documented Viking activity at Chester started in AD 893, when

the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Thorpe ed 1861 and Swanton ed 1996) tells us how the Danesmoved rapidly to a deserted or desolate town ‘in Wirral called Chester’ and stayed there(until ~ AD 894/895) before embarking on a campaign of raiding in Wales. The ancientWelsh annals – Annales Cambriae – (Morris ed 1980) and Brut y Tywysogion (Jones ed1952) pick up on the story from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle:

Annales Cambriae sa 895: Nordmani venerunt et vastaverunt Loyer et Bricheniaue et Guentet Guinnligiauc. ‘The Northmen came and laid waste England, Brecheiniog, Gwent andGwenllwg.’

Brut y Tywysogion sa 894: ‘And then the Northmen devastated England, Brecheiniog,Morganwy, Gwent, Buallt and Gwenllwg’.

The chronicler’s reference to Chester as a deserted/desolate town in Wirral is interesting.Wainwright (1942, 5, 12) speculated that the desolation may have dated from the Battle ofChester ~ AD 613 in which the Angles crushed the Britons, or to a more recent attack byNorsemen operating in the Irish Sea, or by an attack by the Welsh.

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* Stephen E Harding, Professor of Applied Biochemistry, School of Biosciences, University ofNottingham, Sutton Bonington LE12 5RD.Email: steve.harding@nottingham.ac.uk

The next Viking encounter was a very different one. Irish chronicles – The Three Fragments– tell us of the settlement of Wirral by Vikings of primarily Norse or Norwegian originwho had been expelled from Dublin in the year AD 902, after an agreement betweenÆthelflæd, Queen of Mercia, and the Norse leader Ingimund (O’Donovan ed 1860;Wainwright 1942; see also Cavill et al 2000, 20–5, 40, 44–59). From the evidence ofmajor localities with Norse or Hiberno-Norse names (Wainwright 1942; Dodgson 1957;Cavill et al 2000, 35–42; Harding 2000, 109) this settlement appears to have been bothsubstantial and, initially, largely confined to the north and west of the peninsula, with Raby(ON rá-býr ‘boundary settlement’) at its southern boundary and Thingwall (ON Þing vǫllr‘Assembly field’) its place of assembly or ‘parliament’ at the centre (Ill VI.1). The agreement

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Ill VI.1 Nineteenth-century map showing distribution of parish/township names in Wirral. The boundaryline, according to Dodgson (1957, 306) and Griffiths (1992, 67), passing along the southern edge ofRaby (from ON rá and ON býr) marks the southern limit of the initial Norse enclave as deduced fromthe names of Norse or Norse-Irish names in Wirral and also manorial holdings at the time of theDomesday Survey (AD 1086) by people with Norse or Norse-Irish names.

with Æthelflæd no doubt required the settlement to be peaceful – which appears to havebeen honoured at least for the first few years. To make sure of this Æthelflæd appearsaccording to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for the year 907 (Thorpe ed 1861; Swanton ed1996) to have refortified Chester. The relative peace ended abruptly in that year. Possiblyas a result of overcrowding together with a growing dissatisfaction at the low quality of thelands they had settled – much of the northern part of Wirral suffering periodic inundation(there are a large number of -carr and -holm place names, reflecting the presence of floodedland: see below) – the Three Fragments (O’Donovan ed 1860; Wainwright 1942, 16–18;Cavill et al 2000, 20–5, 40, 44–59) tell of a meeting between Ingimund and the leaders ofthe Norsemen, Danes and their Irish followers. This meeting, possibly at Thingwall (Jesch2000), resulted in the issue of an ultimatum, followed by attacks on Chester. The attacks,reported in legendary detail in the Three Fragments, were repelled but the story ends: ‘butit was not long before the Norsemen came to do battle again...’ (Wainwright 1942, 18).

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Ill VI.2 Distribution map of place names in -carr (filled circles) and -holm (open circles) in Wirralrecorded in the nineteenth-century tithe map apportionments or earlier (Harding 2007-8)

The distributions of the -carr and -holm names are particularly interesting (Harding2007–8 and Ill VI.2). Ultimately the word ‘-carr’ is derived from the Old Norse (ON) kjarr,‘brushwood, marsh, boggy land overgrown with brushwood’. At first sight it appears that,with a few exceptions, the use of this place name element is peculiar to the area of theoriginal enclave as defined by the names of major settlements. However, the distributionmap shows the location of the boggy areas of Wirral as much as it does the Norse influenceon naming. Much the same applies to the ‘-holm(e)’ names, derived from ON holmr, ‘dryground on a marsh, a water meadow’. There are fifty-one instances of carr and twenty-fourof holm in Wirral, all recorded in the nineteenth-century tithe map apportionments or earlier.The earliest recorded examples include Holmlache (1209) in Stanlow (Dodgson 1972, 186),le Kar (1294) in Overchurch and Routheholm (1306) in Wallasey where holmr is com -pounded with the ON adjective rauðr, ‘red’ (Dodgson 1972, 307, 335).

The overlap between the distributions of -carr and -holm is striking, mostly congregatingaround the Rivers Birket and Fender. What is also striking is the fact that the normal OldEnglish words for these topographical features, elements such as mersc, ‘marsh’ and ēg,‘dry ground in marsh’ are almost completely absent from these areas. This is significant:the Norse-derived words had become the normal ones in the area when the names weregiven and had possibly replaced earlier ones.

Although the story of Ingimund in the Three Fragments ends in AD 907 – and we are nottold of the final outcome – it appears that the Vikings did eventually gain a presence in thesouthern part of Wirral and also in Chester, in what seems to have been a largely peacefulco-existence and indeed to some extent fusion with the English (Wainwright 1942, 45).The distribution of minor (field-, track- and topographical) names of Norse or Irish originshows a wider spread through the peninsula (Harding 2000; Harding 2007-8; 2016)compared to the older major names, extending southwards beyond Raby, although it isimpossible to establish how far this took place before the Norman Conquest. Ill VI.3 showsthe distribution of these names based on their earliest recorded forms. The earliest formsare relevant because field- and track names can change depending on the local farmer atthe time and reflect the language and dialect being spoken at the time the field or trackwas named (see Wainwright 1943, 98–9; Griffiths & Harding 2014).

Other evidence for a surviving dialect in the area at least until the start of the fifteenthcentury comes for example from records of rentals, with personal names such as Agnesand Johanne Hondesdoghter and Richard Hondesson recorded in Great Sutton parish for1398 and Mabilla Raynaldesdoghter in Childer Thornton parish (Ill VI.4). The fourteenth-century poem Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, in which part of the action takes place inWirral, is thought to have been written by someone from the area or not far away (it hasbeen associated with Sir John Stanley (1350–1414) of Storeton Hall, either as the patronof the poet or the poet himself (Mathew 1968, 166; Wilson 1979)), and is notable for itsuse of a large number (some 10% of its content) of Norse dialect words, such as storr, karp,renk, gata, rendering it very different from Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, written around thesame time (see, for example, Harding & Vaagan 2011, 188–194, 273, 284).

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Nevertheless, the Viking influence on the local dialect has not been as long lasting as inparts of the Lake District, where there had been perhaps less integration with the English– for example the West Ward of the Westmorland Barony area – as a recent study hasshown (Rye 2015, 231–345). In all the Viking place names of Wirral there are no examplesof inflections which indicate the preservation of an advanced form of Viking language: thenearest examples are in neighbouring south-west Lancashire with Litherland – Hlíðarland,‘Slope’s land’ and Lathom – Hlaðum, ‘at the barns’ (Wainwright 1944–6).

The historical and place name evidence for the existence of a strong and vibrant Vikingcolony on Wirral is supported by archaeological evidence and genetics. Wirral is home to

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Ill VI.3 Distribution map of all field/track names in Wirral containing Scandinavian elements. Thingwallis marked as a square. Such names can change over many generations depending on the wishes ofthe local farmer/local community, and this distribution appears to reflect a continuing Scandinavianinfluence. One can also see how this influence appears to have spread past the boundary of the initialenclave and throughout the peninsula to Chester.

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Ill VI.4a Parts of 1398 rental of Henry de Sutton, Abbot of Chester. The top image shows the rental forGreat Sutton and the lower image part of the rental for Childer Thornton. Highlighted and expandedare entries for Richard Hondesson (Ill VI.4b), Agnes Hondesdoghter and Johanna Hondesdoghter (IllVI.4c) and Mabilla Raynaldesdoghter (Ill VI.4d). The Viking style –sson and –doghter format forsurnames are still used in modern Iceland. BL Add MS 36764. © The British Library; reproduced bykind permission.

Ill VI.4b Ill VI.4d

Ill VI.4c

two hogback tombstones, at West Kirby and Bidston, and a Hiberno-Norse cross at StBarnabas Church Bromborough has been restored. There are fragments of at least threefurther crosses at Neston; a replica of one, which includes the touching image of a coupleembracing, has been produced by the Merseyside Conservation Centre (White 2014).Further archaeological evidence includes the discovery of a silver ingot at nearby Ness(Bean 2000), Hiberno-Norse ring pins at Meols, and weaponry (bent spear head, shieldboss, axe) that appears to come from a Viking burial, also at Meols (Griffiths 2014). Arecent genetic survey of men from long-established families in Wirral and west Lancashire

(possessing surnames that were present in these areas prior to 1600) based on the male Y-chromosome has shown that up to 50% of the genetic admixture is Scandinavian in originin both areas (Bowden et al 2008; Harding et al 2010, 93–111; King 2014).

Vikings in Chester

From AD 910 to 1066 a significant number of moneyers and landowners bearing Norsenames appear in Chester (see Wainwright 1942, 32–3; Pagan 2012, 13–15). The proportionof moneyers with Norse names appears to have been far higher than at many mints elsewherein England, even during the period of Scandinavian rule by King Canute (1017–35) andhis sons Harald (until 1040) and Hardacanute (1042), when one would expect them to beubiquitous. By Canute’s time a strong Scandinavian community appears to have been wellestablished in the southern part of the city around what is now Lower Bridge Street, withevidence of this influence extending to the south of the River Dee in Handbridge (seeWainwright 1942, 31). The existence of this community is reflected in some street names:Clippe Gate (near the Bridgegate) and Wolfeld’s Gate (the old name for Newgate) derivefrom the Norse personal names of the man Klyppr and woman Úlfhildr respectively. Thereis also Crook Street (ON man’s name Krókr).

Again the historical, place- and personal name evidence is matched by archaeology. Anumber of hoards from the Viking age have been found in the city (Griffiths 2010, 108–9),the best known being the Castle Esplanade hoard discovered in a pot in 1950 and dated toc 965–70; it comprises twenty-seven ingots, 120 pieces of hack silver and 547 coins.Fragments of arm rings and brooches resemble jewellery from Ballaquayle, Isle of Man.Other finds – all coins – were made at St Johns Church (1862, dated to 917–20), EastgateRow (1857) and Pemberton’s Parlour (1914), dated to the 970s (Griffiths 2010, ibid). Thecoins from the Castle Esplanade find, along with the other Chester finds, have beenrecently well reviewed by Pagan (2012, 17–26). A Norse brooch discovered in PrincessStreet, Chester, is identical to one discovered in Dublin and was doubtless made from thesame mould (Graham-Campbell 1994). Not far away a hoard of Viking treasure dated toIngimund’s time was discovered in 2004 in the village of Huxley (Graham-Campbell &Philpott 2009). Remains of Scandinavian-style sunken-featured timber buildings, similarto examples discovered at Wood Quay, Dublin, and York, were found during the 1974–6excavations at 26–42 Lower Bridge Street (Mason 1985, 8–21; Griffiths 2010, 132–3,Harding 2002 and references therein). A putative plan of tenth-century Chester is given inIll VI.5.

In the southern part of Chester two churches have Norse-Irish roots. One of these is StOlave’s, a church dedicated to the Norwegian king, Ólaf Haraldsson, ‘King Ólaf the Saint’(died in battle at Stikkelstad, 1030). The church (Ill VI.6) is situated on the east side ofLower Bridge Street, almost opposite the Scandinavian-style buildings referred to above.Other churches dedicated to the same saint can be found across northern Europe (seeDickins 1939). Another church (now lost) was St Bridget’s, dedicated to the Irish saintBridget (OIr Brigid). St Olave’s is no longer used for regular formal services. However, in2001 and 2002 it was used for St Olav’s Day services (in English and Norwegian), tocelebrate the 1100th anniversary of the arrival of Ingimund (see www.nottingham.ac.uk/-sczsteve for recordings of these events), and since 2007 has been the destination of an

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annual St Olav’s Day (29 July) pilgrimage from St Bridget’s Church in West Kirby to parallelthe main annual St Olav’s pilgrimages in Norway (Harding & Robinson 2009).

Gamul Terrace, Sir Francis Gamull and John Gamel

Across the road from St Olave’s is Gamul Terrace and Gamul House (Ill VI.7), the formerhome of Sir Francis Gamull (1606–54) of Buerton, Mayor of Chester 1636–38) and aprominent Royalist who survived the Civil War (Ward 2009, 69; King et al 1778, 553–70).Intriguingly the origin of his name is Old Norse, as in gamall, ‘old’ or as in a man’s name,Gamall. The name Gamel is listed as that of a pre-Norman Conquest Cheshire landownerin Domesday Book (Wainwright 1942 34, 39). As noted above, Scandinavian personalnames persisted well after the Norman Conquest and appear in medieval documents: aJohn Gamel appears in the Chartulary of St Werburgh’s Abbey (Tait ed 1920, 102–7).Thus, while neither Gamul Terrace nor Gamul House themselves go back to the time of

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Ill VI.5 Plan of tenth-century Chester: areas of settlement indicated by dots. The main Scandinaviancommunity was towards the south of the city (approximately marked by the circle) although thereappears to have been considerable integration. © Cheshire West and Chester City Council; reproducedby kind permission.

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Ill VI.6 St Olave’s Church, Lower Bridge Street, Chester

Ill VI.7 Gamul Terrace today. A reflection of St. Olave’s directly across Lower Bridge Street can be seenon the window.

the Vikings, it is at least an interesting coincidence that they carry a Viking personal nameand are located directly opposite the centre of the former Scandinavian community inChester, St Olave’s Church.

AcknowledgementsI should like to thank Peter Carrington, Clare Downham, David Griffiths, Judith Jesch,Rory Naismith (coinage) and Susan Stallibrass (sea-levels) for help with specific aspectsof this article. Thanks are also due to Paul Newman of Cheshire Archives and Local Studiesfor permission to reproduce Ill VI.5 and Andrew Gough, Claire Wotherspoon, Claire Breayand Zoe Stansell of the British Library for their help with Ill VI.4.

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