juridical contributions of las casas

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JURIDICAL CONTRIBUTIONS OF LAS CASAS AND VITORIA

Author(s): Edward James SCHUSTERSource: Revista de Historia de Amrica, No. 61/62 (ENERO-DICIEMBRE DE 1966), pp. 133-157Published by: Pan American Institute of Geography and HistoryStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41307338 .

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JURIDICAL CONTRIBUTIONS OF LAS CASASAND VITORIA

In considering the juridical contributions of Bartolome deLas Casas and Francisco de Yitoria in their combined effects, it isdesirable to evaluate systematically a mass of diverse, seemingly un-related material. Among these writings we discern, first, a preoc-cupation with immediate issues and situations which called for apragmatic yet ethically-oriented approach to legal and moral ques-tions. In the course of these investigations there arose several corol-lary topics, whose exploration and analysis resulted in substantialadditions to jurisprudence. Moreover these studies, discourses, me-morials, letters and relectiones, as well as polemical and historicalwritings associated with problems of conquest and colonization, hadboth immediate and long-range effects.In evaluating these contributions it is useful to recall traditionaland antecedent juridical, ethical, and religious concepts which in-fluenced and partly determined the thinking and reasoning of LasCasas and Vitoria. Among their significant juridical contributionswe note modifications of earlier attitudes, as well as original, ratherfar-reaching innovations:

1) Clarification and application of ethics to positive law;2) Development of the concept of the natural law, withmodifications and contemporary applications of Thomistic doctrineand methods;3) Subordination of the positive law, e.g., Roman law, toethical considerations, that is the spirit of the law;4) Development of the ideas of human freedom and human

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EdwardJames chuster,h. D. R. H. A. NCims.1-62rights in their sociological, economic, and psychological as well astheir political implications;5 New interpretationsof legal structures and of institutionsas subordinate to human values and interests predicated on thenatural law;

6) Extension and application of these conclusions to socio-political problems, that is, to contemporary questions.In these expositions and studies the concept of the natural laivis basic. A contrasting emphasis, implicit in Roman law and laterdeveloped by Hobbes and Hegel, came to regard the State as omni-potent, and its mandates as valid on this account. Thus a pragmatic,socially-oriented interpretation of lex and jus subsequently gainedacceptance in many areas. This position led Puffendorf to confusenatural law with a natural social ethic.1 Thus there existed, bothbefore Vitoria and after his time, legalistic tendency to separatenatural right and natural law, equating the latter, for practical pur-poses, with characteristicsof the positive or civil law. This approachviolated or disregarded the notion that an absolute ethical normtranscends ephemeral, utilitarian considerations of an economic,sociological, or political nature, no matter how insistent these lattermay momentarily appear. As Dr. Rommen observed:The ideaof a naturalawnecessarilyadto fade *soon sman,whosedignityonsistsnbeing moralpersonalityith n endbeyond hegrave,was dividedntoan ens morale nd an ens uridicumWiththis n mind,another evelopmentecomes lear. The new theory f thenatural awacquiredneminentlyoliticalignificance,nly odisappearlmost ntirely

a fewcenturiesaterunder heattacks f positivism.n the otherhand,the natural aw of the Scholastics ad onlyslightpolitical onnection.tawspurely hilosophical,etapolitical.t was nothinglsethan n organicsynthesisf thosenorms f thenatural awwhichwere ssociated ith ifein society,ndwhose bject s identified iththatof justice.For itspart,themoral rderwasbasedentirelyn theontologicalrder f the essencesof all thingsndof all creatures.he lexnaturalis nd with t the us na~turale, reflashes r sparks f the exaeterna. hus among he Scholastics1 Cf. Samuel Pufendorf,De Off hom. t civ., , 3, c3; Heinrich Rom-

men,La teoriadel Estadoy de la Comunidadnternationaln Francisco uarez,129 (Madrid, 951).134



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Enero-Diciembree 1066 Juridical ontributionsf Las Casas andVitoriathenatural aw, despitets flexibility,cquired ronsolidity nd essentialimmutability."HeinrichRommen, a teoriadel Estado. op. cit.,130).

The Immediate IssuesWe now may proceed to evaluate the immediate challengeswhich confronted Las Casas and Vitoria in connection with theNew World. It will be recalled that ethical problems and scruplesthat arose because of Spanish intrusion into the New World, mis-treatment of indigenous Americans, expropriation of their personsand property, displacement of their rulers, occasioned the discus-sions, controversies, polemical and historical writings of these twoDominicans. Their studies probed legal and moral implications ofSpain's actions, and led to reexamination of fundamentals.In their lives and writings there was a marked difference inthe temperament and methods of these two men. though the har-

mony of their conclusions based on identical assumptions or pre-mises, reflects how these differences complemented one another.Vitoria possessed a highlytrained intellect,was concern with rationalarguments which served to develop his analysis and synthesis. Hewas motivated by religious zeal, by love and compassion for hisfellow men; but his style and methodology reveal a primarily intel-lectual and dispassionate, rational orientation. Las Casas, on theother hand, while trained in philosophy, theology, jurisprudence andlogic, conditioned by intensive, sometimes rigid Scholastic methodsof sixteenth century Spain, was more emotional in his approach.Zeal for righteousness, vehemence arising from an offended senseof justice, inflamed his natural sympathy for his fellow men, andendowed him with determination and perseverence. These wouldtolerate no subtlety of specious argument, as his anger cut throughthe cynical subterfuges of those who distrust man's innate and in-finite potential, those who see the priority of property rights overpersonal rights.The immediate issues were indeed such as to arouse all whowere sensitive to human needs and elementary justice. These issuesmay be thus summarized, with special reference to their human

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EdwardJames chuster,h. D. R. H. A. Ntims. 1-62involvements: 1. The indispensability of ethical norms; this wasan essential corollary of the Christian's religious faith and profession;2.- (The treatment of the Indians; 3.- Justification of Spain's in-trusion into the New World, i.e., her legal title and authority in theIndies; 4.- Definitions and applications of the several types of law:natural, positive, divine, law of nations, jus gentium internationallaw; 5. The just war. In critical, relevant writings both Las Casasand Vitoria dealt with these questions.Before examining historical and polemical documents concern-ed with these problems it is appropriate to review the events whichoccasioned them. Columbus' well-intentioned transportation of In-dians to the court of Ferdinand and Isabel was responsible for theQueen's initial revulsion from mistreatment of native peoples. Inher Testament she emphatically stipulated that as free vassals ofthe Crown theywere to be well treated and instructed in the Catho-lic religion. Ferdinand was more preoccupied with his complexEuropean involvements; but late in life remorse for past shortcom-ings seems to have prompted him to lend a sympathetic ear to re-monstrances concerning mistreatment of the Indians. The firstfruits of this concern were the Laws of Burgos ( 1512 . At thesame time the preaching of Dominican missionaries in Espanolachallenged the new vested interests in human exploitation. Theirsermons also were responsible for the most important convert tothe cause of freedom in the New World: Bartolome de Las Casas.We are acquainted with the record of his hardships and conflicts ashe sought to uphold and defend basic human values. We also recall and the chronological sequence is significant , that the newruler of Spain and the Holy Roman Empire, Charles V, amid mul-tiple world problems which preoccupied him, found time to listento Las Casas' defense of the Emperor's American subjects. Respond-ing to these pleas, Charles appointed commissions and ordered theCouncil of the Indies to examine the complex moral, juridical, eco-nomic, and political issues raised in connection with conquest andcolonization.If it was Las Casas' words and writingswhich largely influencedthe monarch in ordering these studies and calling for recomenda-136



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Enero-Diciembree 1966 Juridical ontributionsf Las Casas and Vitoriations,it was the special presentations and relections of Franciscode Vitoria which attempted to solve the problems by applying thepbilosophia perennis, Scholastic methodology, Christian ethicalnorms, employing both inductive and deductive reasoning.2Immediate Effects and Contemporary Reactions

During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, besides LasCasas and Vitoria, and partially influenced by them, other scholarswere impelled to reexamine the several aspects of questions whichthe overseas events had raised. These included especially: DomingoSoto, O.P. (1494-1570), De justicia et de jure; Declaratio in causapauperum; relectio, An lice at civitates infidelium sen gent lium ex-pugnare ob idolatriam Domingo Banez, O.P. ( 1528-1604) , Scbolas-tica Commentaria in Secundam Secunaae Angelici Doctoris S. Tho-mae, Quibus ad Fidem, Spent et Char it t em spectant, clarissimeexplicantur ; Decisiones de jure et justitia; Francisco Suarez, S.J.vl 548-1617), De justitia et jure Tractatus de legibus et legislatoreDeo; Juan de Mariana, S.J. (1536-1623), De rege et regis institu-tione; Historia general de Espana; Jose de Acosta, S.J. (1539-1600),De natura novi orbis libri duo; De proinulgatione evangelii apudbarbarosy ive de procuranda Indorum salute libri sex; Hugo Grotius(1583-1645), De jure praedae; De jure belli ac pads; John Locke(1632-1704), Two Treatises on Government . But it is desirable toreturn to the initial questions and issues which were the occasionsof Las Casas' and Vitoria's expressions and conclusions.What should be the criteria and norms of the positive law, thejus gentium? The immediate interests and profit of powerful con-querors? The priority of property, pride, and possessions over per-son? Or the transcendant value of the human personality, the moral

imperative registered in the dictates of an enlightened conscience?Are laws and the authorities which administer them exempt fromethical considerations, autonomous and independent, that is, vir-tually omnipotent. Or are there superior norms which determinethe validity of the law, to which the civil authority must answer?2 Cf. Bibliographiest end for basic works.

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EdwardJames chuster,h. 1). R. H. A. Ntims. 1-62Earlier considerations of the distinction between the lex natura-lis and the just naturale are implicit if not explicit in a classicaldefinition: "Law is a rule of reason, promulgated by competentauthority,for the general welfare." 3Moreover Aristotle distinguish-ed sharply between natural and positive law: "In civil justice andin political justice one can distinguish what is natural from whatis purely legal. What is natural everywhere possesses the same force(validity) and does not depend upon the opinions of it which menhave in one direction or another. "What is purely legal is all that

which, in principle, can be indifferent,whether it be one way oranother, but which ceases to be indifferentfrom he moment whenthe law has decided ..." 4In the Aristotelian-Thomistic tradition both Las Casas and Vi-toria reasserted the bond which exists between valid law and moral

principles. If law indeed subserves something besides the demandsof ephemeral expediency and immediate profit, then ethics, religion,or more generally, love, sympathy, compassion for one's fellowbeings, are indispensable concommitants and criteria. Both Las Casasand Yitoria insisted on this interrelationship. Rejecting laws andlegalistic interpretations which contravened higher purposes andethical principles, they critically examined Western Europe's re-markable inheritance from ancient Rome: Roman law. In contrastto pedantic, biased lawyers and statesmen of their day, they testedand analyzed the law, making new recommendations to deal withthe novel situations developing in Spain's overseas empire; theyweighed laws and projects for laws in the balance of reason, ex-perience, the perennial philosophy, but especially, their Judeo-Christian ethical patrimony.From the standpoints of justice, charity, and Christian con-science, then, Las Casas and Vitoria raised disturbing questions andobjections relative to the Spaniards' rights in the Indies, the ordin-ances which should govern, but especially, relative to habitual prac-

3 "Lex est rationisrdinatio,d bonum ommune,b eo, qui curamcom-munitatisabetpromulgata,"t. Thomas,quoted nFilosoftalemental,Etica",by JaimeBalmes, I, 106 (Barcelona:Araluce, 941) 15thed.4 Cf. Nichamac eart thicsBookV, chapter .138



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Enero-Diciembree 1966 Juridical ontributionsfLas Casas and Vitoriatices among the conquistadores. Avarice and lechery, cruelty andsadism, arrogance and usurpation of power by armed might, hadresulted in abuses that offended the consciences of decent men.

The Response of Las Casus and VitoriaThe juridical issues were patent; they were: 1. Justificationof Spain's title and dominion in the New World; 2.- The status of

the Indians, especially their rightsto hold land and other properties,to freedom of person, to possess their own rulers; 3.- The right tomake war; 4.- The norms for international relations; 5. The na-tural law in its relations to civil (positive) law and the jus gentium.Manifestly these questions lead to fundamental principles andassumptions associated with man's nature, his relations with others,the need for organization and authority to protect property, butespecially to regulate and organize interpersonal, intergroup and

international relations, the exercise of power, the spheresof jurisdic-tion pertaining to State and Church. Beyond these lay theoreticaland ideological considerations connected with the concepts of jus-tice, jurisprudence and law. Law, then, became the peculiar pre-occupation of Las Casas and Vitoria, since in the interestsof justice,charity, and good order they sought to make legal codes responsiveto and dependent upon the moral code, as expressed in the Judeo-Christian ethical tradition systematized according to the Aristotelianand Thomistic intellectual structures. Basic here were the ideas oftruth, justice, charity and freedom (of the will) .

Directly or indirectly, Vitoria dealt with each of these issues.Las Casas too, utilized legal and moral as well as Scholastic argu-ments and methods in his histories, polemics, letters and "me-morials."Justification of Spam's titles and dominions in the New Worldchallenged the integrity, ntelligence and ingenuity of both scholars.In the second and third sections of Vitoria's De Indis recenter in-

ventis (1539) he critically examines what he believed to be the ille-139



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EdwardJames chuster,h. D. R. H. A. Nfims. 1-62gitimate and also the legitimate titles of the Spanish ruler to domin-ion in America.5It may be noted here that in the third section of De Indis Vi-toria lays down principles and arguments relative to the naturallaw and the natural right of communication, exchange of ideas,and commerce, which found ample development in subsequent cen-turies, both with respect to international law and to individualrights.In dealing with this issue of the Spanish king's title and domin-ion in America, Las Casas presents essentially the same reasons asVitoria, pointing out that the missionary mandate and the naturalright of communication are ultimately the only justifications forthe emperor's title. These, in turn, are predicated upon the naturallaw, but expressed by right reason in the jus gentium, as it standssomewhere between the jus naturale and the jus civile or positivum.6

5 Cf. Franciscus de Vitoria, De Indisre enternvents, et De jurebelliHispanorumn barbaroselectionesed.Walter ch'atzel,-117 (Tubingen:J.C.B.Mohr Paul Siebeck),1952; andalsoEspasa CalpeEnciclopedia,ol. 69, p. 635.Invalidreasonsrethus ummari2ed: . The right f theemperoro ruletheworld;2. The transferr giftof these ropertieshichthepopemade to theemperor; . The fact thattheywere discoveredy Spanish ubjects;4. Thenatives' efusal o receive heChristianeligion; . Theirvoluntaryubmissionto theemperor'sominion; . Providence'sransfer f powerto a Christiannation n punishmentortheir rimes. egitimateeasons re: 1. The naturalright f all nations o communicatemong hemselves,hich f the nativesm-pedetheSpanishn exercising, aybe imposed y force;2. The right f theChristianeligiono bespread hroughoutheworld;3. If the native hieftainspersecutehese f their wnwho areChristian; . If whenthegreater artofthemhavebecomeChristiant is appropriateorspecialreasons hattheyberuledbya Christianrince;5. To drawthem wayfrom heir arbarousus-toms, uchas human acrifice,espotism,tc.; 6. If throughlectionhemajor-itywishto comeunder he rule of theemperor; . If they sk theSpaniardsto annex hem or heir wnprotection,r if they hould ll wish o submit toSpain)6 Cf. Obrasescogidas e frayBartolome e Las Casas ed. JuanPerezdeTudelaBueso,5 vols. (Madrid:Biblioteca e Au oresEspanoles) Entre os remedios... (1542-43), Obras V, 77, 78, 94; Memorial... (1543), ObrasV,198-199;Carta. . al Key (1545), V, 224; Treinta roposicionesuy uridicas(1552), V, 249, 253; Tratado obre os indios. . (1552), V, 280; Cartaa fr.140



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Enero-Diciembree 1966 Juridical ontributionsfLas Casas andVitoriaLas Casas is unequivocal in his assertion: "The sovereigns of Castileand Leon are true, sovereign, and universal lords and rulers andemperors over many kings, and to them belongs rightly all thatlofty and universal jurisdiction over the Indies, by the authority,gift and concession of the aforementioned Holy and Apostolic See,and thus, by divine authority. And this, and none other is the jurid-ical and substantial basis upon which is founded and rests theirentire title." ( Treinta proposiciones muy juridicas , Obras V, 253).Las Casas denounced claims to sovereignty and possession based onarmed force (Historia de las IndiasyBook II, ch. LVIII, Obras II,311-312).Incidental to the foregoing discussions of Spanish titles, andespecially in historical references, Vitoria and Las Casas deal withthe status of the Indians, their rights, possessions, and sovereignty.7Of immediate urgency in the sixteenth century and still a realis-tic issue is the just war, that is the legal and moral bases which justifythe use of force in armed conflicts among nations. This questionarose immediately from spain's involvements in America. It elicitedresponsesfrom both Dominicans, Vitoria dedicating his entire relec-tio De jure belli Hispajiorum in barbaros (1539) to this subject.He proposed to answer four specific questions:1. Is it lawful in any case for Christians to wage war?2. Who has the power to declare war or to wage war?3. What can and must be the causes for a just war?4. What is lawful in a just war, and to what degree may thesemesures be visited upon the enemy? (De jure belli Schatzel, op cit118-171).Bartolome arranza (1555 , Obras V, 431, 444, 447; Historia de las Indias,Obras , 428, II, 194-195,310, 311, 312.7 Cf. Vitoria, De Indis, d. Schatzel, p. cit, 45-47; 29, 69, 77. Las Ca-sas, Obras op. cit.,especially isautobiographicalccounts f hisexperiencesnCuba (Historia ch. CXVII-iCXXI, n Obras II, 356-365), and also: Memorial(1516), V, 5; Cartaal Consejode Indias 1531), V, 54; Proclama losfeligresesdeChiapas 1545), V. 217-218;Entre os remedios.. (1542-43), V, 72, 78-83,102109, 115; . . .Avisosy reglas ara os confesoresV, 235 et seq.,Treinta roposicionesmuy uridicas.. (1552), V, 255, 256, 257; Historiade las Indias, .306, 399,423, 427, 435-437; II, 32, 35-37,52, 201-203.

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EdwardJames chuster,h. D. R. H. A. Nflms.1-62Las Casas' treatment of this subject does not differ essentiallyfrom that of Vitoria, though exprssed in scattered passages of hisworks and often incidental to expositions of some other subject. Itis interestingto observe that in the Memorial of 1S43 he is justify-ing the Indians in their waging war against the Spaniards, ratherthan contrarwise.8 In other passages he presents the conditions forjust war.9Tangential to problems of the just war are international rela-tions, whose laws and issues were of peculiar concern to both men.

Fundamental questions of colonization and conquest as well as thejust war led indirectly to development of international law. It isnotable in this connection that Dr. Hoffner sees a sharp distinctionbetween the Spanish Scholastics' use of the term jus gentium, andthe modern political version of this expresion as relating to interna-tional relations.10 ut the old law of nations, the jus gentium, as de-veloped in classical times and by Aquinas, served as bases for newdepartures. Nevertheless, the ethics of ancient Greece and Romewere not adequate to meet the needs of a Christian ruler or State.Further, the magnitude of new possessions and conquests, togetherwith complex legal problems of dominion, necessitated a new ap-proach and new solutions.Because of his responses,especially in De potest te civili (1528) ,De potestate Ecclesiae prior (1532), De potestate Ecclesiae poste-rior (1533), De lndis prior (1538-39), De Indis posterior, or Dejure belli Hispanorum in barbaros (1539), Francisco de Vitoria isgenerally recognized as the founder of international law.11 Person

8 Obras,op. cit.,V, 191-192.9 Obras,V, 254, 258-261;andalsoin Historia e las Indias,Obras I, 163,280, 321-325,398, 399, 427; Obras11,311, 353-354.10 Joseph Hoffner, Chrhtcntum nd Menschenwiirde,29-231 (Trier,Germany: aulinusVerlag, 947).11 Cf. JohnBrown Scott, TheSpanish rigins f Internationalaw, 14-21 (Washington, . C.: Georgetown niversity,928), Venancio Diego Ca-rro, O. P., La ffCommunitas rbis"y las ruts del derecho nternacionalegunFrancisco e Vitoria, 4-16 (Santander:Merino, 962).Heinrich Rommen,The Statein CatholicThought 623 (St. Louis: B.Herder, 945),JosephHoffner,ChristentumndM?nschenumrdefp, cit,9 99-301.142



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Enoro-Diciembree I960 Juridical ontributionsfLas Casas andVitoriaand property consitute prime elements in both individual and social-ly-oriented jurisprudence; at the same time, individuals as well ascertain institutions also have rights and concommitant obligations.In these considerations we observe the dual approach of naturaland supernatural principles and ends. Extending these concepts tonew situations, Vitoria integrated and harmonized the several ethi-cal, realistic, and inherited, i.e., traditional, elements, applying tothe solution of new problems the methodology of right reason andlogic.In this process the natural law was applicables to the novelsituations and questions. Vitoria cites this in disputing the claimsthat the emperor is ruler of the entire earth: "Soveregnty canrestonly upon the natural law, divine law or human (positive) law.But according to none of these is there a lord of the world".12Withrespect to rights of communication and commerce Vitoria citesunder arguments for the Spanish king's legitimate title in the Indiesthe right of natural association and community (communication)among all men {"Primus titulos potest vocari naturalis societatiset communicationis," - De Indis, Schatzel, 92). Corollary or priorto this is the right to preach the Gospel of Christ without restraintor obstacle. Subsequently, Vitoria also develops notions and argu-ments indispensable to international law. Finally, the just war isconsidered in its international ramifications. Throughout the ideaof the just gentium is implicit or explicit.The development of the just gentium, indeed, is Vitoria's sig-nificant contribution. It is predicated, however, upon acceptanceof the concept of the natural lati>, involving progress from unde-veloped notions based in part on Roman law and Aristotelian philo-sophy, to a conclusion which was acceptable to the Christian cons-cience.13Dr. Schatzel as well as Bishop Hoffner draw attention toVitoria's modification of the Thomistic definition of jus gentiumby substituting gentes for homines "Quod naturalis ratio interomnes a gentes constituit, vocatur jus gentium". ( loc cit) . Bishop

12 De Indis, d.Schatzel, p. cit.,50 (De Indis I, 1).13 Cf. Introductiono SchatzeFs e Indisversion, IX-XX.143



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TMward ames chuster,h. D. R. H. A. Ntims. 1-62Hoffner also traces the evolution of the term and concept jus gen-tium.1*

Comprehensive in scope, timely^ n its implicatioss, is Vitoria'snotion of the Communitas 'Orbis which Fray Venancio Carro hasdescribed.15 From the theoretical standpoint, Fray Venancio alsosets forth what he considers to be twenty true propositions whichrepresent Vitoria's contributions to the establishment of interna-tional law. (op. cit., 111-120).Las Casas, too, incidental to his historical and polemical writ-ings, developed essentially similar if not identical doctrine relativeto international relations, and to the jus gentium. In references tohuman freedom he denounced abuses and impediments affectingthe right of commerce and communication among human beings,irrespective of race or nationality.16His abiding concern for theelimination of the encomienda system also has immediate implica-tions for the development of international law, in that it involvesthe titles which allegedly justified Spaniards' seizing the land.17For Las Casas, slavery and the just war likewise impinge upon issuesimplicit or explicit in the jus gentium. But it is Las Casas' frequentappeals to the natural law which reveal his preocupation with moralaspects of international as well as interpersonal relations. Especiallyin the Treinta proposiciones muy juridicas (V, 249, 251, 254) andin its subsequent amplification and cof rmation in the T ratado com-hrobatorio. . . (V, 350-423). he deals with Spain's valid and invalidtitles in the New World, following a pattern similar to that ofVitoria's de lndis, similarly he refers to jus gentium concepts inthe Tratado sobre los indios que se han hecho esclavos (1552),marshalling arguments from Scriptures, the Church Fathers, espe-cially St. Thomas, and not neglecting appeals to reason. (Obras ,V, 265, 266, 267, 279, 280-289) . In the tract, Entre los remedios LasCasas uses the expressions, "de jure gentium" (V, 95), "contra ra-zon y ley natural" (V, 96) , and "determinar por los derechos divi-

14 Joseph Hoffner, ClrristentumndMenschenwurde,p. cit., 299-231.15 Venancio Diego Carro, La "Communitas rbis". . op. cit.,47-58.16 Las Casas, Obras, p. cit., V, 79, 89,Entre os remedios..17 Treintaproposiciones uy uridicas..., ObrasV, 256-257.144



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Enero-Diciembree 1966 Juridical ontributionsf Las Casas andVitorianos y naturales" (V, 97) , as well as similar phrases, when he appealsto the natural law and the jus gentium. Similarly, in his Historiade las Indias there are numerous allusions to the natural law andthe law of nations ( Obras , I, 280, 282-283, 460-461 ; II, 24, 33, 201-202, 218, 310-312, 356-365).

Particularly significant here is Las Casas definition of the jusgentium:The law of nations us gentium) s none other han somereasonable

andappropriatectionforthewelfarend knowby the natural ight, nduponwhich ll agree s on something hich s suitableforthem, s justcommunicationsdealings-comutaciones)fairpurchasesndsales, ndothersimilar hingswhichare necessary,nd withoutwhich men cannot ivewiththeir ellowmen.Thus it is said that the law of nations pplies othenaturalman,becauset is derived rom eason nd thenaturalaw,pos-sessing he force nd vigorof the natural aw,because t is amongthoseconclusions hich are deriveddirectly rom he natural aw as from tsprinciples,s St. Thomasteaches n la 2C,q. 95, art. 49, in cor.; et adla; et 2a 2e,q. 52, art.39{Obras,V. 385).

Nor is there any limitation as to nationality: "And what hasbeen proved here applies to all peoples, and therefore to the unbelie-vers, hence there is little need for further proof, because thethings which are founded on the law of nations are common toall nations". Thus it is stated in the 1, V section, jus naturale, "be-cause that natural reason which exists among all men, is also ob-served among nations, and is called jus gentiliumyy jus naturale, ff.de justitia et jure : "Quod naturalis ratio inter omnes homines consti-tuit, id apud omnes gentes custoditur, vocaturque jus gentium,"et. seq )18These are instances of the broad juridical contributions of LasCasas and Vitoria. Their abiding impact on human affairs, moreespecially on jurisprudence, may be tracted more readily by recal-ling their origin, development, and applications, especially thosepertaining to the natural law and the jus gentium18Las Casas, Obras,V, 386.

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EdwardJames chuster,h. D. R. H. A. Ntims. 1-62Before summarizing the immediate and direct, as well as themore remot, indirect effects of their juridical contributions, it willbe appropriate to recall the sources and influences which shapedtheir teachings as well as the methodology which accounts for itssubstantiation and structure.

Sources and InfluencesScholars have pointed out in detail the classical as well as Judeo-Christian sources and influences which affected the developmentof Las Casas' and Vitoria's juridical contributions.19These writershave examined also the modifications produced by circumstancesas well as subsequent law codes like the Fuero juzgo of the Visigothsand the Siete Partidas of Alfonso X. In particular they have studiedalterations in classical concepts which were imposed in order toconform to theological stipulations or assumptions. The Institutesof Justinian, for example, served as a bridge between Roman and

Christian cultures. (Cf. Rauchhaupt, op. cit., 33-53, 112-129).Transcending purely legal, theoretical, or metaphysical ele-ments, however, were the ethical contributions rooted in Old andNew Testament. Philosophical and theological arguments minglewith one another in the writings of Las Casas and Yitoria, In viewof their education and ideological position, this could not be other-19 Cf. James cott Brown,TheSpanish rigins f Internationalaw, 33;(Washington, .C.: Georgetownniversity, 928); Bernice Hamilton, Poli-ticalThoughtnSixteenth-Centurypain, -5, 13, 24-26,47, 55,98-99 (Oxford:Clarendonress, 963); Silvio Zavala, La filosofia olttica n la conquista eAmerica, 4-30,33, 34, 43-46,47-54 (Mexico:Fondo de CulturaEconomica,1947) Venancio Diego Carro, O.P., La "Communitas rbis"y las rutasdelDerecho nternacionalegunFrancisco e Vitoria, 1-26,27-31, 37-39 (Santan-der: "Estudios ilosaficos",mprentaMerino, 962) Friedrich"Wilhelm vonRauchhaupt, Geschichte er spanischen esetzquellenon den Anfangen iszurGegenwart,-9,299-302 (Heidelberg: arl WintersUniversitatsbuchhandl-ung,1923); JosephHoffner, ChristentumrtdMenschenunirde,5-37,225-241 (Trier,Germany: aulinusVerlag, 947) Bartoi.omede Las Casas, Obrasescogidas, vols., d.Juan erezdeTudelaBueso, , xix-xxviiMadrid:Bibliotecade Au oresEspanola,1957-58).

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Enero-Diciembree 1966 Juridical ontributionsfLas Casas andVitoriawise. It is the ethical imperative, indeed, the moral mandates of atranscendant God, which elevate and exalt law in the service ofman. And for the believer natural law and divine law possess thesame validity and authentication, since they possess the same source,cause, and end. The ontological rather than the purely logical ap-proach, therefore,characterizes the discussions of these two men.Not expediency, but the mandates of an absolute moral coderooted in the basically unchanging nature of man, determine thevalidity of the law. It is in this sense that Belloc once observed:"The commandments of God are justified, salutary, and, as it were,a part of us." Positive law, therefore, including the jus gentium,cannot, in the thinking of Las Casas and Yitoria, be rigid or abso-lute, except to the degree that it partakes of and is grounded uponthe divine or natural law. Thus they postulate and accept the ideaof absolute truth, as distinguished from shiftingverities which per-mit ambivalent morality; it is in this sense that they acknowledgethe forces of justice and love which ultimately rule the universe.Methodology

The methods and procedures which these two Dominicans em-ployed to express their thinking often were quite distinct. Las Casasappears primarily inductive in his approach, realistic and pragmaticin his thinking. Possibly this is attributable to fundamental dif-ferences in the temperaments of the two men. Las Casas, then, seemsto concentrate on particular events, situations, and personalities,seeking in them examples to buttress his reasoning. He is more con-cerned with the particular instance as a starting point, than withgeneral principles, to which he appeals for justification or clarifica-tion. At the same time he employs the customary legal-philosophi-cal methodology of his day to fortify his presentations and as itwere, to "clinch" his arguments. He is well prepared and convincing.Yet he seems to rely for persuasion primarily upon emotional rathe*than intellectual effects of his appeals.Vitoria, on the contrary, was essentially rational, scholarly,consistent in his argumentation. He mounted from the particular

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EdwardJames chuster,h. D. R. H. A. Nfims.1-62to the universal at times, but as rule followed the Aristotelian-Scholastic procedure of laying down general principles and thenceproceeding deductively in his reasoning. Yet he returned to applyto specific situations or problems the. principles and conclusionswhich he had derived from metaphysical, logical, and deductiveratiocinations. He cited authorities, but did not rely on them ex-clusively to substantiate his arguments. In contrast to some repre-tatives of late Scholasticism, especially in the fifteenth century,Vitoria sets forth his ideas and arguments tersely, with courage,clarity, and candor that reflect his single dedication to the pursuitof truth. In exploring all aspects of a particular problem he followsthe procedure commended by the examples of Plato, Aristotle, andSt. Thomas, stating his thesis or proposition, clarifying and definingit, then considering arguments in support and in opposition to thatthesis.Thus his reasoning and presentations appear straight-forward,unalloyed by specious reasoning, equivocations, or sophistry. Assuch they have the dispassionate, disarming force of truth itself,rather,than the emotional incitement of descriptions and narrativescalculated to arouse feelings or passions, but somtimes tending toimpair critical judgment.Concrete and long-range effects

Tangible results of the agitation of Las Casas and the argu-ments of Vitoria appeared in the "New Laws" of 1542 (repealed in1545), as well as in subsequent legislation directed toward the pro-tection of the Indians and justice in Spain's colonial activitiesthroughout the world. Compilations of laws and ordinances reflecthis new attitude as it was expressed in substantial reforms lookingto the welfare of indigenous peoples.20 n Spain ,the Nueva Recopi-lacion of 15 67 also responded to the renewed ethical and natural lawemphasis.21Notable in the Mexican collection of laws published in

20 Cf. Vasco de Puga, Proiisiones, edulas,nstruccionesarael gobternode a NuevaEspana, ol.95B-96, 00-101B, 32-132B, 34 (Mexico:PedroOchar-te, 1563/facsimiledition,Madrid:Ediciones CulturaHispanica",1945).21 Rauchhaupt, Geschichte erspanischen eseizquellen,p. cit.,181 1 2148



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Enero-Diciembree 1966 Juridical ontributionsfLas Casas and Vitoria1563 is direct reference to the ethical incentives and considerationsexpressed in reform measures: "and for his Majesty's service, therelief of his royal conscience, and welfare, preservation, and goodtreatment of the aforesaid Indians, it is proper that they should bevisited, and that the aforesaid (measures) should be provided andimproved, that they may live better circumstances and well treated,as is right, and as is the will of his Majesty. . ."22 ("Y porque al ser-vicio de su Magestad y al descargo de su real consciencia y bien con-servacion y buen tratamiento de los dichos yndios, conviene, quesean visitados y lo susodicho se provea y remedie, para que vivanrelevados y bien tratados, como es razon, y es voluntad de sumagestad. . .") .Subsequent legislation, settlementslike that of the Jesuits n Pa-raguay, as well as conferences such as that of the Mexican bishopsin 158 5, gave additional effect to these attitudes and policies. Thu~it is in the practical sphere especially, that we observe tangibleconsequences of Las Casas' and Vitoria's work. Despite the rigors,abuses, and arrogance characteristic of the times, Spain's colonialpolicy, as implemented by laws, governors, viceroys, audiencias, wasdirected toward the protection and amelioration of the Indians'condition, and especially, to their preservation and Christianiza-tion. Despite prejudices perpetuated by the enemies of Spain andof Catholicism, as in the leyenda negra, the survival and ascendancyof native peoples throughout Spanish and Portuguese America tes-tify to the triumph of moral principles embodied in jurisprudence.In asserting and propagating these principles, especially in the formof law, Las Casas and Vitoria were fearlessprecursors.The trend which they initiated, continued and amplified bysuch theorists as Grotius and Locke, was paralleled and modifiedby circumstances which placed increasing emphasis on individualnorms of judgment, a tendecy which philosophy had accelerated,especially beginning with Descartes (1596-1650). In politics, theunique significance of the individual, his inherent dignity, freedom,and rights,were part of the Catholic patrimony. Implicit, someti-

22 Vasco de Puga, Provisiones. op. cit.,fol. 13 .149



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EdwardJames chuster,h. D. R. H. A. Ntims. 1-62mes explicit in the doctrines of Las Casas and Vitoria, they foundtheoretical expression in Rousseau's Contrat Social (1762) , and moreperceptively, in Montesquieu's VEsprit du Loi (1746).These principles were translated into political practices in theVirginia Bill of Rights and the Declaration of Independence (1776)as well as in the Federal Constitutional amendments known as theBill of Rigths (1787), while France made its contributions in theDeclaration of the Rights of Man (1789). Nor did the indirect,long-range, yet unmistakable influence of Vitoria and Las Casasstop here.It has been recognized that during the nineteenth and twentiethcenturies diverse movements looking toward the improvement ofman's individual, social, economic, and political condition wereinspired and influenced by the juridical contributions of Las Casasand Vitoria.23In new attitudes toward man himself, his rights andobligations on the dual planes of the natural and the supernatural,especially man's applications of the concepts of justice and freedom,both Church and State have profited by the contributions of thesetwo sixteenth century Dominicans.In the strictly political realm, both internal and international,movements for the recognition, extension, and perpetuation of hu-man rights are fortified by their arguments. In America, Miranda,Hidalgo, and Bolivar drew inspiration, if not always directly fromLas Casas or Vitoria, yet from the sources of organized wisdom,justices, and truth to whose juridical expression theyhad contribut-ed. Similarly in Europe, especially in France, their ideas were fruit-ful. In response to organized despotism resurgent in the Holy Al-liance, supported by sincere if pessimistic intellects like Chateau-briand, De Maistre, Metternich, and Donoso Cortes, independentthinkers expressed their opposition in arguments and ideas drawnfrom Las Casas and Vitoria. Others like Hegel, John Stuart Mill,and Karl Marx also owed a debt to our Dominicans, however

23 Cf. Hoffner, Christantumnd Menschemvurde,p. cit.y299-307;Lewis Hanke, Bartolomee Las Casas: letradoy propagandist, Tr. byAndresPardoTovar,118-127 Bogota,TercerMundo,1965); Silvio Zavala, La filosoftapolitica . op. cit 117-153.150



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Enero-Diciembree 1966 Juridical ontributionsfLas Casas andVitoriathey may have misinterpreted the Spaniards' doctrine or neglectedtheir adherence to divine and natural law.

It would take us too far afield to trace at this time directand indirect sociological, economic, and cultural effects of the LasCasas-Vitoria doctrines. But in two areas it is desirable to note theabiding consequences of their juridical contributions. With respectto two of the most insistent and critical questions confrontingWestern man today, peace among nations and peace amongraces, their ideas and arguments are as pertinent and vital nowas when firstuttered.

Fray Venancio Carro and Dr. Rommen have indicated theareas in which Vitoria's teachings offer principles and proceduresthat can help resolve man's political quandary: the menace ofmajor war, especially "total war". The Vitorian solution, while notnew with him, offers in a convicing form those principles of jus-tice, equity, and christian charity which supplement intellectualacumen. Both Las Casas and Vitoria assert convicingly ethical andreligious principles without which there can be no abiding answerto this challenge. The same conclusion is also shared by otherscholars.24Nor may similar recognition be denied to Las Casas, whosecontributions to the cause of human dignity and international orderwe are coming to appreciate in their force and extension.With respect to racial equality, neither of these Dominicanshesitated for an instant in demanding for the indigenous peoplesrights and treatment identifical to that to which Spaniards wereentitled. This conviction was basic in all their writings. Neitherrace nor nationality, religion, or the lack of it, could deprive manof his God-given rights. But this latter concept is also indispen-sable. Without the natural law and the stipulations of revealed re-ligion, the foundation of Las Casas, and Vitoria's arguments disap-pears, while the arguments themselves carry little weight. Similarly

24 Cf. Venancio Carro, La ffCommunitas rbis" . op. cit., 87-91,103-120;Lewis Hanke, Bartolome e Las Casas: A$i nterpretationf hisLifeandWritings,2-93 (The Hague,Martinus ijhoff, 951); Heinrich Rommen,TheState nCatholicThoughtop cit.,633-640;Scott, op. cit.,65-70;Zavala,op. cit., 143-153; Hamilton, p. cit., 158-170.151



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EdwardJames chuster,h. D. R. H. A. Ntims. 1-62with respect to modern secular humanism, so often a prelude tototalitarian despotism, the many reasons which purport to justifyequality among peoples lack a sound basis if the ontological premise,the ethical imperative rooted in natural and divine law, are re-jected.Additional long-range effects

Organizations and institutions looking to the support andpropagation of ideals of international peace and interpersonal jus-tice have found and continue to find inspiration and direction inthe doctrines of Las Casas and Vitoria. Bolivar's Panama Confe-rence of 1826, the Pan American Union (1889) , movements towardthe emancipation of Negro slaves on the parts of Britain, the UnitedStates, Spain and Brazil, labor organizational reforms, the HagueTribunal, League of Nations, the United Nations Organization(1945), the Organization of American States (1948), the Organi-zation for African Unity (1964) are among institutions and orga-nization which have developed and applied the principles of humanrightsand the natural law enunciated by the sixteenth century Do-minican scholars and their direct successors. Especially relevant tothis study is the United Nations Universal Declaration of HumanRights, adopted and proclaimed by the United Nations GeneralAssembly on 10 December 1948. Nor has the Catholic Churchfailed to translate into action the teachings of Vitoria and Las Casas.Increasing concern for man's temporal welfare has markedRome's adaptation and adjustment to changing times. Rerum No-varum of Leo XIII (1891), Quadragessimo Anno of Pius XI (1931),Mater et Magistra (1961) and Pacem in Terris (1963) of JohnXXIII, as well as certain decrees of the Second Vatican Council,embody contemporary expressions of the Dominicans' doctrine.

SummaryThe juridical contributions of Las Casas and Vitoria are impres-sive: they include specifically arguments and legislation directed

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Enero-Diciembree 1966 Juridical ontributionsf Las Casas and Vitoriatoward the solution of inmmediate problems on the bases of Chris-tian ethics and right reason, while also taking of realistic considera-tions. Indirectly but unmistakably their writings were based onSpain's rich inheritance from classical and earlier Christian thinkers,with special reference to Scholastic treatment of the natural anddivine laws, as well as positive law and the jus gentium. It is difficultto assessaccurately the long range, indirect effects of theirwritings.While it is true that Las Casas and Vitoria possessed no unique titieas defenders or exponents of ethical and natural law concepts, yettheir elaborations and applications of these notions provided a richtreasurywhich thinkers of the Western World have drawn on sincetheir time.25Motivated by love for their fellow men, with special referenceto their inherent nature, dignity and rights, Las Casas and Vitoriadevoted talents and training to the development of effective argu-ments culminating in legal measures to protect the Indians. Yettheirenduring contributions are not limited to protective legislationfor the natives. Equally important, with abiding relevance and ur-gency, were their reassertion of the primacy and indispensability ofthe moral element in law, and theirdevelopment of natural law andjus gentium concepts which continue to influence and benefitmankind.

Edward James SCHUSTER, Ph.D.Loras College,Dubuque, Iowa.

25 Cf. "La obra de Las Casas vistapor un jurista",Ricardo Gallardo,Cuadcrnos mericanosMexico), ulio-agosto 966,vol. CXLVII, No. 4, p. 161-171; Rommen,TheState nCatholicThoughtop. cit, 623, 633; Scott,SpanishOrigins fInternationalaw, op. cit.,18-21, 59, 70; Zavala, La filosofta olltica . op. cit.,148-153;Hanke, Las Casas: An Interpretation. ., op. cit.,36-60; Hoffner, ChristentumndMenschemuiirde{p. cit.,225-307.153



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EdwardJames chuster,h.D. R. H. A.Ntims. 1-62BIBLIOGRAPHY

JURIDICAL CONTRIBUTIONS OF LAS CASAS AND VITORIA(a) Basic Works fLas CasasandFrancisco e Vitoria:

Las Casas Obrasescogidas e frayBartolomee,edited yJuanPerez de TudelaBueso& EmilioLopez Oto, 5 vols. (Madrid,Biblioteca e Autores spano-les, 1957-58).Las Casas,Las obrasde . ed.byJuanAntonio lorente, vols. (Paris,GasadeRosa, 1822).Bartolome e Las Casas - - 1474-1566,Bibliografiaritica, d. LewisHanke&ManuelGimenez ernandezSantiago eChile,FondoHistorico Bibliogra-ficoJoseToribioMedina, 954).Victoria (Vitoria),Franciscus e, De Indisrecenternventis t De jure belliHispanorumn barbaros 1539,Latintextswith ranslationsntoGerman,introductionnd notesby WalterSchatzel (Tubingen,Germany, .C.B.Mohr-Paul iebeck, 952).Vitoria, Francisco e, Releccionesobre os indiosy el Derechode la guerra,translatedntoSpanish& withprologueby ArmandoD. Pirotto, d. ed.(BuenosAires,Espasa Calpe "Austral",1946).Vitoria. . ., De lndiset De jurebellirelectiones,he SpanishOriginof Inter-national aw - Francisco e Vitoria nd his Law of Nations, d. JamesBrown cott (OxfordClarendonress, 932).Vitoria . ., Comentariosla Secunda ecundae e SantoTomds, d.VicenteBel-tran de Heredia, vols. (Salamanca, 932-34).(b) Commentariesn Basic Works of Vitoria:

Andres,MarcosTeodoro, inal de Vitoriay CarlosV en la soberania ispano-americanaSalamanca, 942)., Mas sobreVitoriay CarlosV en la soberania ispanoamericanaSalaman-ca, 1939).Beltran de Heredia, Vicente,Franciscode Vitoria (Barcelona:Ed. Labor,1939).cia, 1928)., Losmanuscriptoselmaestro rayFrancisco e Vitoria Madridy Valen-cia, 1928)., "El maestro omingode Sotoen la controversiae Las Casas con Sepul-veda,La CienciaTomista, ol. 45 (1932).Carro, Fr. VenancioDiego,La rfCommunitas rbis" y las rutasdel DerechoIntemacionalegunFrancisco e Vitoria Palencia, pain, mprentaMerinos1962).

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Enero-Diciembree 1966 JuridicalontributionsfLas Casas andVitoria, Espanaen America . . sin leyendas Madrid, ibreriaOPE, 1963)., La teologiay los teologos-juristasspanolesnte la conquista e America,2d ed. (Salamanca, iblioteca e TeologosEspanoles, 951).Gentili, Alberico, elia vita e delleoperedi Francesco e Vitoria, d. Georgi(Parma,1876).Getino, Luis G. Alonso,El maestror. Francisco e Vitoriay el renacimientofilosofico-teologicoel sigloXVI (Madrid,1914)., El maestrorancisco eVitoria: u vida, u doctrina influenciaMadrid,Imprenta atolica,1930)., Relec iones eologicas el maestro rayFranciscode Vitoria (Salamanca,Biblioteca nternacionalistae ClasicosEspanoles, 933).Gomez Robledo, A., Politicade Vitoria Mexico,1940).Miranda,J.,Vitoriay los interesese la conquista e America Mexico,1947).Munoz, Honorario, itoria nd theConquest fAmerica Manila,1935).Torrubiano Ripcll, Jaime, elec iones eologicAse Francisco e Vitoria, er-tidas l castellano ilustradasMadrid,Hernandez, 917).Torres Lopez, Manuel, La doctrina e Sto. Tomassobre a guerraustay susinfluenciasn la deFrancisco e Vitoria nAnalesde la Facultadde FilosoftayLetras e la UniversidadeGranadaNos. 4-5,pp. 5-28 (Granada, 929).Truyol Serra, Antonio,Grundsatze es Staats-undVolkerrecbtsei Franciscode Vitoria Zurich,1947)., Les Principes u DroitPublic chez Francisco e Vitoria, hoixde textesintroductiont notespar (Madrid, d. CulturaHispanica,1946).

(c) HistoricalWorksbearing n Subject:Castillo, BernalDiaz del,Verdadera istoria e la conquista e las Indias (Ma-drid,Biblioteca e Autores spanoles, 853, vol. XXVI; Mexico,PedroRo-bredo,1939- 3 vols.).Cortes, Hernan,Cartasde relacion e la conquista e Mexico (Madrid, spasaCalpe, 1942) 2 vols.Landa, Diego de,Relacionde las cosasde Yucatan,ed. AlfredM. Tozzer,vol.XVIII, Papers f thePeabodyMuseum fAmericanArcheologyndEthno-logy (Cambridge,Massachusetts,arvardU. Press,1941).Lopez de Gomara, Francisco, istoriageneralde las Indias,2 vols. (Madrid,EspasaCalpe, 1941).Merriman,RogerBigelow, he Rise of theSpanish mpire n theOld Worldand theNew (New York,1934).Oviedoy Valdes, GonzaloFernandez e,Historia eneral natural e las IndiasyTierra-FirmeelMarOceano, d.JoseAmador elosRios,4 vols. Madrid:1851-1855).Petrus Martyrde Anghiera (Anglerius), e orbcnovo- ?sbuitDecade tro-duitedu latinparPaul GaffardParis,1907).

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EdwardJames chuster,h.C. R. H. A. Ntims. 1G2Prescot,WilliamHickling,History f theConquest fMexicoSahagun, Bernardinoe,Historiageneral e las cosasde la Nueva Espana,ed.Wigberto imenezMoreno, vols. (Madrid,1938).Sarmientode Gamboa, Pedro,Gescbichte es nkareichs,d. RichardPleitsch-mann Spanish ext) in AbhandlungenerKgl. Gesellschafter Wissensch-aften u Gottingen.hilol.-histor.lasse,neueFolge,Bd.VI, No. 4 (iBerlin,1906).Soli's,Antonio e,Historia e la conquista e la NuevaEspana (Madrid, 686).

(d) Juridical-Ethicaloncepts:Barthelemy,J. (Francisco e Vitoria),Les Fondateurs u Droit International(Paris,A. Pillet,1904).Consejode Estado:su trayectoria perspectivasn Espana,El, ed. JoseMariaCordero orres Madrid, nstituto e Estudios oliticos, 944).Gallardo, Ricardo, La obradeLas Casasvistaporun jurista", uadernos me-ricanos Mexico),vol. CXLVII, No. 4, pp. 161-171.Hanke, Lewis,BartolomeeLas Casas an InterpretationfhisLifeandWritings(The Hague,Martinus ijhoff, 951)., BartolomeeLas Casav: etrado propagandistaBogota,Ediciones ercerMundo, 965).Hoffner,Joseph,hristentumnd Menefcn/iid dasAngliegener panischenKolonialethikmgoldeneneitalterTrier,Germany,aulinusVerlag, 947).Hamilton, Bernice, oliticalThoughtn Sixteenth entury pain:a StudyofthePoliticaldeasofVitoria, e Soto,Sudrez,nd Molina Oxford,Claren-donPress, 963).Habler, Konrad, Die AnfangederSklaverein Amerika",n ZeitschriftiirSozial-und WirtschaftsgeschichteBd. IV, pp. 176-223., Die wirtschaftlicheliite Spaniensm 16. Jahrhundertnd ihr Verfll(Berlin, 888).Levene, Ricardo,ntroduccwn la historia el derecho ndiano BuenosAires,

1924).Kaltenborn, Carl,Die Vorlaufer esHugo Grotius uf demGebietedes Jusnaturale t gentiumowieder Politik m ReformationszeitalterLeipzig,1848).Kaibach, R., Das Gemeinwohlnd seine thische edeutung Dusseldorf,928).Rauchhaupt, FriedrichWilhelm on,Geschichte er spanischen esetzquellenvondenAnfangen is zur GegenwartHeidelberg,923).Rommen,Heinrich, ie Staatslehrees FranzSudrez, .J. (Miinchen-Gladbach,1927), also, n expanded panish ranslation., La teorta el Estadoy de la Comunidadnternacionaln Francisco uarez(Madrid, onsejoSuperior e Investigacionesientificas. uenosAires,ns-titutode Derecho nternacional,951).

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Enero-Diciembree 19G6 JuridicalontributionsfLas CasasandVitoria, The State n CatholicThought St. Louis,B. Herder,1945)., Gesetzund Freih^itn der Rechts-und Staatslechreon Swire (Madrid,DireccionGeneralde Propaganda, 949)., Variacionesobre a filosoftauridicay politicade Francisco uarez,S.J.(Madrid,Revistade Investigacion Informacionilosofica, umeroxtraor-dinario, ol. 4, 1948)., "Towards he nternationalizationfHumanRights",WorldJustice, ol.I, No. 2, pp. 147-173 (December, 959)., "Natural Law in Decisionsof the FederalSupremeCourt and of theConstitutionalourts nGermany", aturalLaw Forum NotreDame Uni-versity), ol. 4, No. 1 (1957), pp. 1-25.Scott, JamesBrown,The SpanishOriginsof Internationalaw Lectures nFrancisco e Vitoria nd Francisco uarez (Washington, .C., GeorgetownUniversityress, 928).Stoatund Politik, d. ErnstFraenkel . Karl DietrichBracher FrankfurtmMain,Fischer, 957).Zavala, SilvioArturo, a filosofia olitica n la conquista e America Mexico,Fondode CulturaEconomica, 947)., Las institucionesuridicas n la conquista e America Madrid, 93 ).

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