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The weekly Koha (The T imes) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. E dited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Y ugoslavia, Koha

soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

name of Koha Ditor. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 59

EDITORIAL

SYMPATHY IS KNOCKING ON THE DOOR

by VETON SURROI

Since some time, and recently with a bigger intensity, in

meetings with foreign diplomats in and outside Kosova, the same

question is repeated: is Kosova's leadership thinking of changing

its policy, i.e., of redefining the final goals of its policy?

The question is necessarily formulated mildly and often along the

hypothesis "...e.g., require forms of autonomy instead ofstatehood...", tailing a long message at the end.

Answering to these questions I find myself in a simple situation,

because I simply don't know, therefore I can't even speak of the

intentions of Kosova's leadership. But, for the sake of the

conversation and mental structure which relies behind it, often

and almost automatically I shoot the counter-reply: "And what

will this leadership gain if it makes this change?"

So far I was replied that Kosova and the Kosovans would then havemore sympathy and on the other hand there would be more pressure

on Milosevic in regard to Kosova.

And?

And,...that's it.

Judging upon the past, sympathy and pressure are not words which

give political yields in the solution of the former Yugoslav

crisis. Sympathies for Kosova have not lacked so far, and

sympathies will continue as far as Albanians in Kosova will beoppressed as they are currently by the Serbian regime. But

"sympathy" is not translated into a direct political activity

which would force the Serbian regime to change its mind. What's

more, this is not done either by the word "pressure" nor by the

explanation "we will undertake measures of pressure against the

Serbian regime". The Serbian president has so many times so far

listened to and read these "harsh international communiques",

that he exactly knows when and where do they represent danger.

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After the implementation of the economic sanctions by the

International Community, there is only one more measure which

could be undertaken: military intervention. And this measure was

not undertaken, and when it became so close to escalating in the

direction of intervention, it scared Milosevic enough as to makehim retreat. In Kosova's case, the great powers don't give any

relevant reasons why Serbia should change its policy towards

Kosova.

This is the problem. Instead of having it addressed to Milosevic,

the keeper of the keys to the crisis in the former Yugoslavia,

there are reappearances of attempts to find paths and goat-herds

which should lead towards the solution. One of them is the big

question whether the political aims of the Kosova Albanians can

change. A question which is supposed to prove an international

interest about the problem, while on the other hand there has notbeen a single day in the past five years of police and military

regime in which hundreds of arguments of human rights violations

didn't appear and which oblige the members of the International

Community to center their attention on Kosova's issue.

INTERVIEW

HALIM HYSENI, Director of the Pedagogical Institute of Kosova

TOWARDS THE LOSS OF KOSOVA'S STATEHOOD

Interviewed by ASTRIT SALIHU & BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

KOHA: This is the fourth year outside the school buildings for

the Albanian education. Could you make an evaluation of these

four educational years in Kosova?

HYSENI: The issue is complicated and complex. We have several

parameters that signalize both the positive and negative trends.In general we could say that Albanian education played a big

role, because if it weren't for the engagement of the teaching

staff, today we would have a large number of illiterate children.

Second, we would have much greater problems of intellectual and

psycho-physical upbringing of our children. The consequences of

the possible non-functioning of the education among us would be

apocalyptic. As of 1991 we had an elaborate which determined the

principles of organization of education process. This elaborate

foresaw the functioning of the system in private homes at amaximum of four years. This means that education in private homes

after four years can't stand. Unfortunately, this is proven on

a daily basis. In many parameters, which I will present later,

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this activity is facing more difficulties. It is another issue

whether the results could have been better and more advanced. The

question would be who influenced the situation, to have a reality

which doesn't suit us. There are two factors: one, the Serbian

repression and two, state torture. I am terrified to hear howlong this terror is lasting. This is the situation since 1918.

In 1918, in times of Austro-Hungary, 16 Albanian schools with 30

teachers and 2097 students, were closed. From then and up to now,

Serbian torture has not stopped. Naturally, there were slight

differences, but the torture has always existed. It starts

massively in 1981 and escalates maximally in 1992. No one could

have imagined that the Albanian schools could be shut down. But,

it is our good luck to have organized ourselves in this way.

Political parties, headed by the LDK, created a platform which,

if applied, would be apocalyptic for us. Then it was said thatwe would not be losing anything if the schools closed down for

one year. It was a great mistake. However, after a thorough

analysis we made at the Pedagogical Institute of Kosova, we

concluded that the consequences would be terrible. Because we

knew that this wouldn't last only one year. This was the main

factor which made us organize ourselves and our education in

private houses.

KOHA: Could you tell us about the contents of your plan - the

elaborate?

HYSENI: We had seven options, depending on the circumstances

which could be applied in political conditions. This was an

accompanying strategy. One principle was that Albanian education

could start functioning if we could organize ourselves up to the

stage of state of war. Because of the large number of students,

the population we have, the national homogeneity - Serbia had no

chance to stop Albanian education. This principle was proven to

be true. Serbs tried to intimidate the pupils and students. They

killed three people in U and one in Zall, both in Istog

municipality. On that evening we decided to find private houses,meaning that the Albanian masses were engaged to succeed, while

the Serbian side didn't have the strength to stop us. We had four

main options and 14 other varieties which could be combined.

I.e., we had 57 different sub-varieties of possible organization.

KOHA: Then mention at least one concrete variety.

HYSENI: Option A was: Serbia would allow the children in

elementary and high school premises and there wouldn't be any

obstacles. Then there was Option A/1, in which Serbia would notallow Albanian children to go to school in places frequented by

Serbs. Option B was applicable in the case if Serbia acted as

foreseen in option A/1, and this meant that Albanian students

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would go to school where it was not being banned. And this option

is applicable in some municipalities currently. Option C was the

organization of education in private houses.

KOHA: You said that your option was to have this kind ofeducation last between three and four years. What would the

changes to come be?

HYSENI: We knew that education is not a cage made our of glass.

We believed that the issue of the solution of the political

status of Kosova would start and that on that occasion there

would be discussions about education, too. However, dragging the

problem, we thought that, with a bigger pressure on the Serbian

occupier, we would take the pupils and students back to school.

KOHA: What kind of pressure?

HYSENI: We didn't apply much of it. We had the chance to

internationalize the issue of Albanian education, despite the

evident results, the issue of the internationalization of the

problem was done without any system or success. This was done

without any platform, without any frame, without any support or

systematized propaganda. In other words, this should have been

programmed. I believe that if the issue of education would be

internationalized, our position would be much better. The issue

of internationalization had a positive trend between 1992 and1993. By midst 1993 the curve reached the major decrease. After

this year, and especially in the last year, the level of interest

of the international factor about education has totally relative

tendencies.

KOHA: This most probably happened after the interruption of

conversations with the Serbs within the ICFY.

HYSENI: Yes, this happened after the conversations. But, also

because of the way the conversations were organized and the lack

of an organized platform about one issue: what were we supposedto do to take the children back to school premises? We don't have

clear determinations in this respect, as we have always lacked

determinations in the political life, where we have no concepts

about what we are aiming at... the same thing is happening in

education.

KOHA: Have these issues been discussed by statal and political

institutions of Kosova and what was it said?

HYSENI: Yes. I have asked, both individually and collectively tosolve this problem. I requested the institutionalization of this

issue. What am I referring to? I believe that we must establish

a professional body to deal with this matter. It is a system that

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if would function based on a programmed content and platform, I

am convinced that Serbia would be forced to give up and allow us

to go back into school premises, and even if it wouldn't allow

us, the Serbian repression wouldn't be the one it is today.

KOHA: What were the replies of the political subjects, to your

collective and individual requests?

HYSENI: There is an opinion that we are working well. Then the

other reaction is: "There is no need for this", "Let's leave it

for another time"... Always postponing the problems. Thus, if an

analysis would be made, then we would see that all our

deficiencies are reflected in our daily life. There are people

who want to be leaders, people who would want to penetrate, there

is corruption, manipulation, etc. They function ad-hoc and this

logic has been transferred from politics to other areas.

According to this logic, acts of dangerous consequences were

undertaken, and which violate two principles: the principle of

institutionalization and the principle of professionalism.

The principle of institutionalization has been violated because

the political party has, without any criteria, proposed the

chairmen of the educational councils in municipalities. There are

cases in which people who have never worked in education have

been proposed to be chairmen of councils. This is paradoxical!

No on in the world does this! First the criteria, the tasks,

organizing structure etc. are defined, and then are the

counsellors or posts appointed. In this direction, there is no

criteria whatsoever, and the branches and sub-branches propose

them and the people are elected.

KOHA: What is the source of the "professional" voluntarism?

HYSENI: The source is within the action of five-six parallel

lines, which don't meet. There is where we have individual

voluntarism. This is the main reason of failures. With thepurpose to achieve a coordination, the parliamentarian group for

the activation of the education problem was established, but ad-

hoc policy has penetrated in the area of education too. I was

often told that the issue of Albanian education has been

internationalized fully and that we should wait for the reactions

of the international factor. I am either crazy or I don't

understand, but this doesn't stand. I don't see any

internationalization, but only its relativization.

KOHA: This is in regard to he relations with political subjects,but how are the internal relations? There are discussions about

lack of coordination, careerism, etc.?

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HYSENI: Two approaches were clarified: the first one, which I

believe in is that we must work professionally and scientifically

in the area of education, because only this can successfully

finalize our work. The other approach goes towards the ruin of

the professional institutions and the functioning of theinstrument of voluntarism, in which I see the personal interests

of people coming out. This is only my opinion, and I wish I am

wrong.

KOHA: You mentioned the problem of the educational councils, the

so called upside-down pyramid. What is this like, really?

HYSENI: It is true that our pyramid turned upside-down in the

decision-making of institutions. The formation of institutions

must have been done of Kosova's level and later continue at the

level of municipalities and schools. The whole process went theopposite way, meaning that first the councils were established

and then the other organs. This has caused consequences which I

can't elaborate right now!

KOHA: Mention at least one of them...

HYSENI: First, the election of teachers and professors can't be

done in a correct way, because the changes that have taken place,

in my opinion, are irrational. We needed to strengthen the

legislations and this was a necessary premise and condition. Wewere in need for positive changes, for changes which will advance

this area and not bring it to the level of absurd. In this

aspect, the selection of cadres is totally unprofessional. We

will have people of different political convictions, but not of

professional ones. And this is happening!

KOHA: Are we referring to the Rules and regulations which has the

juridical form of an Order by Law?

HYSENI: I have stated in public that I don't agree with this way

of solving problems. Once again I will stress, that there is noprofessionalism. At least a basic procedure should have been

respected. First, documents should be elaborated by competent and

professional people, who know what the process of educational

legislation and professionalism are. Here we have a serious

breach. Competent people were not engaged in this task. A part

of documents was elaborated also by me. By a person acquainted

with educational matters, but not with the legislature. The other

deficiency is the lack of the public discussion, since this could

help the quality of the document. But, we have found a

stereotypical explanation - the circumstances! Then, a bettertime should have been chosen. It is a rule not to apply new

legislation during the school year. It is an absolute right of

the pupil to finalize the school year with a law on whose grounds

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it started. The application of new legislation has violated the

rights of the pupils. These are flagrant violations, and should

not have been allowed!

KOHA: So now we are then referring to a normative voluntarism?

HYSENI: Without any doubt. Pure voluntarism. It is a rule that

when a new law is adopted the old one is derogated. The

abrogation of the old law has not taken place. So presently we

have two laws being applied in a parallel way. This is

paradoxical.

KOHA: What do the new Rules and Regulations contain?

HYSENI: Their application commenced. And they have caused too

much trouble. The stones have started rolling. It is naive to gounder the stones and try to stop them. There is no way, they

always will hit you. Therefore, I believe that even though their

application started, these provisions must be improved and lifted

to the level of a legal act. This must be done because of the

coherence. At the University we have an Order by Law, therefore

the other two levels must have a document of the same ranking.

This is the only way to assure the juridical coherence which

allows the vertical, but also the horizontal link in the

educational system.

KOHA: Then why wasn't and Order by Law adopted?

HYSENI: This was done by cowards, by people who are calculating

a gain in all of this. By all of those who would like to

safeguard the power and not be seen. Taking the organization of

education by law on oneself, means to end up in jail. These Rules

and Regulations have degraded Kosova's constitutionality under

the level of the '74 Constitution.

KOHA: How much was the situation influenced by the replacement

of school principals?

HYSENI: I told you that it was bad. But, now we have a created

circumstance which can't be stopped. I am in favor of changes,

but I am not in favor of new differences among Albanians. Because

if someone was leading the defense of the Albanian educational

system, then these were the principals and teachers. The

principals which are intended to leave (and I believe some of

them should leave) must not be thrown away. I am in favor of

changes, but we must previously have clearly defined criteria for

cadres. Two issues are very important to me and this should notbe only of my concern, but of all those intellectually

responsible: the elaboration of lists without any criteria by

political structures and lack of professionalism. Both of them

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are signs of dictatorship!

KOHA: Then, what kind of criteria must be applied, according to

you?

HYSENI: The to-be-elected principals should have a considerable

substance of moral, which includes also the personal national

determination. This is especially valid now. Nevertheless, there

is nothing to gain from the national determination of a principal

if he has no organizing capacities and if he is not acquainted

with the educational system. National determination alone can't

solve educational problems. We have people who have the two

structures. Therefore, a principal should apply and present a

program and not apply the sympathies of an individual, the

intervention of a political party, nepotism, etc.

KOHA: Have the governmental organs, the LDK and other political

structures been informed about all these problems?

HYSENI: I am not sure. There is almost a certainty that they

were. However, having advertisements for new principals right

now, to me, is a campaign against the present principals. They

have not deserved this after their four years' long work. If we

had to split with these people, we should reward them and be

grateful for the work they have done.

KOHA: There are rumors that the juridical acts are elaborated in

Kosova and that the Government only signs them without verifying

them at all. Are there any irregularities here?

HYSENI: There are elements to believe so. The government is not

here and there is not enough information, therefore there is

quite some space for manipulations, there are familial

connections applied and the government is often fooled. I am very

much convinced that if the structure of these Rules would be

presented clearly (I want to call them so, because I would rather

to have weaker provisions, but call them laws), then theGovernment wouldn't verify them.

KOHA: Does this mean that, in a way, the institution of education

is being ignored, even though it is in the only institution which

represents the statehood of Kosova?

HYSENI: This is precisely what hurts the most. Because with these

actions, unconsciously we are going towards the loss of statehood

of Kosova. It is not logical to have the changes start in the

juridical aspect to then change the concept. This is preciselywhat is happening with the education in Albanian. Everywhere in

the world, the concepts and programs are first established and

then come the laws. Intolerable! The legislature must adjust to

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the system, it must make it operate.

KOHA: Any names in particular? What instance is responsible for

what is happening in Albanian education?

HYSENI: In this pyramid, the organs at Kosova's level are

responsible. I am responsible and take my share of it, because

I depart from the utilitary principle, whether what I am saying

and whether what you and your magazine will print, will be

useful. I was not consequent in some moments when deformities

should have been fought, and the truth is, that I couldn't have

done more. Nevertheless, the responsibility relies on Muhamet

Bicaj, Minister of Education, Rexhep Osmani from the Teachers'

Association, on the Presidency of the LDK and Premier Bukoshi,

because all of these could have been coordinated better. All of

us have failed in a way, but some have bigger responsibility. Butone of the mentioned above, I don't want to name him, holds the

biggest responsibility.

KOHA: And the salaries. How is possible that the only institution

which gives the attribute of statehood doesn't get paid two or

three months in a row?

HYSENI: Education, in this case, can't help itself. The

contribution in this aspect must come from the political parties.

This is their area, since political parties can't help educationin the professional aspect. It is evident that we have

municipalities in which teachers haven't received any salaries

for three months. How can anyone concentrate on education if

he/she can't sustain him/herself? I am convinced that if the

organization were better, the salaries of the teachers would have

reached 250 DEM. Education and the solidarity among Albanians is

not at the necessary level. It is a moral and national obligation

to fulfil the obligation towards education.

KOHA: The fourth year is ending, so which are your forecasts for

the coming year to start in September. Is there any project whichcould improve the attitude so far?

HYSENI: I am happy to see that this year is ending successfully,

but I'd again stress the deficiencies and weaknesses proven so

far. The whole potential should concentrate on the beginning of

the school year. There are big problems, no school books and many

failures in organization. We must concentrate on evading the

organization of education in private houses. It was proven that

this is not a successful way and that it negatively influences

the quality of studies. We must animate the international factor,while on the other hand, we must make Serbia aware that this

repression must end. Political parties should work in this

direction, because the perspective of Albanian education is not

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in private houses. In relation to all of these, I express a high

level of scepticism.

KOHA: So, what are our chances to go back to the school premises?

HYSENI: We are doing nothing in this direction. It is an

undeniable right of Albanians to go back to their schools. And

we must say this courageously. It is not the fault of the world

for us not having done this. We need the courage we don't have.

The number of students is dropping rapidly and has reached the

level of 1971 in the past three years alone. Isn't this tragic?

EDUCATION

END OF OPTION "B"

by BATON HAXHIU & ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

Year 1989. The Faculty of Medicine of the University of Prishtina

is closed down under the pretext of institutional abuse. In the

next two years, all educational institutions are shut down. In

1991, Kosova introduced the parallel educational system. Then,

the political subjects claimed that the problem of Kosova's

status will be solved very quickly and that if Albanian studentsand pupils would lose one school or academic year they had

nothing to lose.

A group of professionals who were acquainted with the continuance

of Serbian repression against education and sought a pragmatic

continuation of Albanian education, elaborated a plan to be

activated if needed. Not very many believed that elementary and

high school students would be expelled and that everything would

be solved quickly. The Serbian authorities brutally acted against

the Albanian education and in a very short period of time, they

paralyzed the Albanian education.

Then came the mentioned project, in four options, about the

chances for the continuation of Albanian education. Option B

foresaw the continuation of education in private houses if

students and teachers were not allowed to enter the schools. This

project could be applied only in the next four years because, as

the Pedagogical Institute of Kosova claimed, erosion of the

educational process and the decrease of the quality of studies

could appear easily. Even today, this plan is still being applied

in all centers of Kosova, along with the evident erosion whichhas become obvious in the past year. What characterizes the

period after 1992, is the interruption of the conversations with

the Serbian side about Albanian education. The

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internationalization of the issue stagnated and the whole problem

was connected to the issue of the status of Kosova, a fundamental

issue for Kosova's statehood. The Serbian side used this very

wisely, because it came out before the opinion as very "flexible"

in regard to education, since this was not affecting itsstatehood essence.

The later comments, which revealed this matter, proved that

conversations in Geneva were not successful because the statal

issue was proven to be closely linked to education. Thus, the

Serbian politics is still holding Albanian students and

educations as hostages of its own policy. Its only goal was the

de-institutionalization and the loss of independence of the

Albanian education. Not accepting conditions and not making any

concessions, not fragmenting the problem of education, made all

hopes to achieve something more in the internationalization ofthe global Kosovan issue disappear, because education was the

only institution that resisted, worked and functioned.

From this time and on, we felt self-satisfied by continuing

education in private houses. This self-satisfaction has brought

the political life and the internationalization of Kosova's issue

on the level of ethnic territories. Until 1992, the issue of

internationalization had a positive trend, and afterwards it

started stagnating. This stagnation, as looked upon by the people

employed at the Pedagogical Institute, is a consequence ofinsufficient cooperation of subjects, the depressive political

life, the lack of activity inside, the lack of

institutionalization of life on all levels, the confusion of

competencies and the lack of professional organization in

particular professions. In a other document of the Pedagogical

Institute, it is stated that the parameters of the functioning

of the educational process and their deficiencies are a

consequence of the non-functioning of the legislative organs and

executive institutions. These consequences were caused by

juridical vacuums.

Putting aside the fact that the situation of occupation can't be

compared to normal life, nevertheless the organization of

education has given Kosova the attribute of statehood. There

should be no tendencies for comparison to the others, but

efforts should be made to safeguard the optimal level of

education of generations and safeguarding the literacy structure

of the population. Education was and remains the only sector of

the practical realization of the political will of the Albanian

people, the teachers being the ones who carried the main burden

of these processes. Therefore, no one has the right to seekfurther sacrifice from the teachers. If the criterions are not

valorized then there is fear that we will lose the primary

function of education. This is said because according to some

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data concerning this school year, elementary education has gone

back to the position it had in 1980, high-school education has

gone back to the state in 1977, while the University currently

has 53% less students, meaning that it has retroceded to the

situation it had in 1973. All of these are consequences of theexodus and the impossibility to register pre-school children.

According to a document of the Government of Kosova, it is

supposed that this year, compared to 1980, the number of

illiterates has increased for another 55 thousand. Since 1990,

over 3.200 teachers have fled Kosova, the number of elementary

school pupils has been reduced by 17% and in high schools their

number is 19% smaller. On the other hand, University has not

undergone reforms and has not renewed its staff.

All of these result from the four years teaching process atprivate homes. It would be cynical to deny the achievements of

this segment of Kosova's statehood, but it would be unrealistic

not to add all created obstacles and the lack of

institutionalization. For example, the elaborate of the possible

applicable options for the development of the educational process

has stated that this situation could last three or four years.

This means that the elaborate is about the expire and we are

dealing with old strategic documents of educational development.

The data at the disposal of the educational organs in Kosova isnot encouraging. On the other hand, we have engaged people inside

the educational instances who believe that much has not been done

towards offering new plans, strategies and projects for the

alteration of the situation that education faces.

Today, we can proudly say that we have produced whole generation

of high-school and University students who have gone to school

in private houses and in conditions that we knew were dreadful.

We won't speak of the professional capacitation and level,

because this will be proven by their further work and time. But,

in several months, the fifth school year will start, whereAlbanian students must continue studying in these conditions.

There are also no signs of preparations of new strategies nor

pressure on the Serbian authorities to have tens of thousand of

Albanian students on its backs.

In September, the news of the press agencies could start with

"All quiet on the Western front", and continuing with the

information that : there is still fighting in Bosnia; the

Chechens continue resisting; Ebola has not been isolated yet;

violence against Albanian education in Kosova continues. Nothingmore, nothing less...

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KOSOVA

THE UNBEARABLE EASINESS OF DEPARTURE

by DUKAGJIN GORANI / Prishtina

Sknder Blakaj is not (good) for politics any more. It is said

that he understood this some time ago, while we found it our last

week, in the form of his irrevocable resignation from the post

of the head of two (most) important sectors inside the LDK.

And in relation to the resignation written by midst February and

handed in ten days ago, the old tradition of not commenting

openly such acts, which, without any doubt, indicate their

transformation into our future fashion, is not broken at the seat

of the LDK in Prishtina.

Thus, Dr. Fehmi Agani and Hydajet Hyseni, vice-chairmen of the

LDK, each one of them on their own, stated that they had nothing

to add in respect to Blakaj's resignation. Each one of the

individually, doesn't want this issue be given unnecessary

publicity and doesn't want this to get the dimensions of an

extraordinary event. And, not one more word.

This much, as regards the journalists and officials.

So, what is there to say about the departure of the former

secretary of the largest political party in Kosova and untilrecently, the first man for internal organization and

information? How is (can) the resignation of the person who,

according to people close to "reliable sources", was and remained

a man not belonging to any of the clans within the party, be

commented? Let's set aside the truth that such declarations only

verify our old fears, about the existence of the clans (the ones

who think well of themselves call them "streams"...) inside our

legendary subject - officially, Blakaj's departure sounds totally

unimportant.

Is it really so?

In regard to his ideological indetermination during his work in

the LDK, the author of this article heard that Blakaj was, to a

certain point leftist, and then a bit rightist. But, without any

doubt, a big patriot and a devoted person. Therefore, a valuable

person for the "cause", we would add. We heard that his

resignation was in reality a personal act because of a

generalized reason - individual revolt towards the polarizations

inside the party - and that Sknder Blakaj didn't manage to find

his political position in the scene created after the Conventionof Silence at "Show".

But, going back to his levitations between the right and the

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left. According to the opinion of the majority of the careful

commentators of political couloirs, this is precisely his biggest

"sin". We were told at the LDK, that it is hard not to be a

follower of any of the clans, and that this levitating posture

can only assure one the way out from the arena of the politicaland staff race, which entered its sixth year, inside the walls

of the small building of the big party.

However, it is hard to believe that something of the kind would

be proven to a journalist by any of the LDK officials. When it

comes to the officials, the issue of irrevocable (and revoked)

resignations don't exist as such, as important issues. They were

probably only natural acts, normal results of the life and work

of one party. While, the left and right polarizations, according

to them were and remain couloirs gossips and children's games -

"The LDK was and remains a party of the center, which cultivatesthe articulation and approximation of national requests, and in

no way creation or deepening of the divisions in these difficult

times".

There is no doubt, at least in Prishtina, when there is talk

about the LDK, about polarizations and resignations inside, the

membership and followers face a virtual "par excellence" reality

of parallel truths, which, for the (little) number of political

professionals we have, could represent a stereotype of political

acts similar to any party in the world, but for our ordinarycitizen, they only illustrate a miserable mess in content which,

in its most tragic and offending form, has since some time now

transferred from meetings and premises into the couloirs of

"Qafa" (a very much visited area of pubs and cafes in Prishtina)

and the rubrics of readers' letters in our magazines. It is maybe

the time to advise the politically uninformed in Kosova to

approach another address, apart from the seat of the party, and

thus satisfy their curiosity. If there are still people and flows

of the kind. Because there, either there are no shakes, or

whatever quakes they are, they are not important. And finally,

if Blakaj's silenced resignation really represents no tremor norimportant issue for the LDK, then at least a symbolic could be

drawn from it: that it, without any doubt, comprises a chapter

on its own, that of the departure of (maybe) the last man who

refused to believe that the engagement for the political cause

could turn into a left or right politics, "radical" or

"autonomist". Maybe, his departure closed also a form of thought

and political engagement among us. Will there be any romanticism

or political archaism, or how much should it be understood as a

careful withdrawal before the possible ethical fiasco of the

party's concepts and staff capacities - it remains a task fortime and a delicatessen for the couloirs to decipher.

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KOSOVA

RAINY SPRING GATHERING

by YLBER HYSA / Graanica

In a rainy day, in the middle of spring, the Serbian gathering

in Kosova, announced and postponed so many times, finally

happened in Graanica. Forced by the circumstances, the foreseen

Serbian "Sabor", lowered its price to something more realistic -

to a "Serbian National Counselling" which gathered only 250

participants, curious guests and some media representatives under

a tin shelter. The tin tent which was located only several meters

away from the medieval Graanica monastery, was the gathering

point of the hosts from the SRM and their guests from the

opposition combination which form the "national-democratic" bloc,whose biggest star was Vojislav Seselj of the Radicals,

accompanied by his suite, the Kosovan Serb Radicals. The absence

of the leaders of the two fractions of the Democratic Party,

Djindjic and Kostunica was surprising, for they had actively

participated in the formulation of the gathering and in general

the character of this moment. Some analysts explained their

absence with the disagreement regrading the differentiation of

regions in Serbia which would divide Kosova's space, which was

not supported by the unitary stream lead by Seselj, which finally

won. Maybe this was the reason why some academicians didn'tparticipate either, even though they were supposed to present the

plan and program on Kosova. Cavoski's absence was also very

surprising, for several weeks before, he had told the author of

this article that he would be coming to Graanica. In fact, out

of 25 academicians invited to the gathering, only two of them

came: Ljuba Tadic and Djuretic. Cosic was not there, even though

his name is bounded to this initiative. However, the absence of

some of the eminent guests in these meeting, was almost

"balanced" with the strong presence of the senior Orthodox

hierarchs, Amfilohije Radovic, Atanasije Jevtic and Artemije

Radosavljevic, who blessed the gathering which started with "BozePravde" anthem. At the improvised entrance where several duty-

guards with national emblems were standing, a polemic between the

local curious persons about who should have participated and

about the contribution of certain people for the Serbian issue

in Kosova went on. There was also a short polemic between the

local SPS representative Djuric, and Moma Trajkovic, the latter

being told by the first one that "we have started splitting even

before we even gathered".

Anyhow, the meeting started with the anthem and the blessings,as well as the introduction delivered by Moma Trajkovic who

stated that: "The Albanian mafia has assured the support of the

actual government to the separatists, thanks to corruption". But,

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what most preoccupied the first speaker was the fact that "...in

the path towards the definitive solution of the Serbian issue,

not only the anti-Serb coalition forces in the world and the

Former Yugoslavia, but also those forces within the Serbian

state... which question all what the Serbian people have achievedon the battlefield, have become an obstacle!" At the end,

Trajkovic said: "The way the actual regime is acting in Kosova,

is the best example of the irresponsible acts of politics and the

state".But, the fear from the Serbian retreat before world's

diplomatic offensive and the possibility of recognizing the

former Yugoslav republics, was the main issue which motivated the

next speakers, who were applauded every time they touched the

hearts of the audience, which didn't hesitate to make comments,

as was the case of Seselj who was being ironical about "Paroski's

advance", as Paroski requested the establishment of a monarchy

in all Serbian lands. This is why we should establish "a NationalSerb Masonic Lobby" - said Paroski, revealing the recipe.

Apart from the fear that there will be a withdrawal and the

Serbian interests will be betrayed following the blockade of

Drina and the options for the recognition of Bosnia and Croatia,

as the second moment which was repeated constantly during the

meeting was, nothing less than Milosevic's resignation. "If Vuk

Brankovic's treason was of the moral aspect and is disputable

form the historical aspect, then Milosevic's betrayal is both

moral and factive" - said the star of this gathering, Vojislav

Seselj, who got the most frenetic applause under the acoustictin. "Milosevic is again introducing Communism in Serbia... he

is secretly meeting with the separatists, while we are ruled by

an extra-parliamentarian party, the SK-PJ (Communist League -

Movement for Yugoslavia) with a crazy woman leading it" - Seselj

added with a gradation during his speech, suggesting that the

only solution is to "apply all sorts of civil disobedience, and

wake up the Serbian patriotic and national populism", for, as he

said, "..there will be no parliamentarian elections"!

Both vice-chairmen of the fractions of the Democratic Party,

Batic and Petrovic also marched down the scene, who each one intheir own way continued to accuse the Serbian president and cry

over tragic Kosova. Damjanovic said that "...the people have

Graanica, Dean and the Patriarchy... and that it never can be

destroyed", recalling on this occasion what Bishop Nikolaj

Velimirovic had said that even English schools and churches had

celebrated the "Day of St.Vid and Kosova", but that afterwards

came "fifty years of darkness" which made traditions fade away.

Serbian Democratic Party's (DSS) vice-chairman stated again that

his party had told the people that "the star and the cross can't

go together", but that people hadn't believed that, and now wehave the blockade of the Drina and the massacre in Slavonia,

while Serbia was celebrating May 1 and the victory over fascism.

"What do you see when you come to Kosova?" - asked DSS's vice-

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chairman, answering himself: "Walls, mosque minarets, filthiness,

children - colones of children, satellite dishes turned towards

Tirana. If there weren't an inscription, we wouldn't even know

that we are on a Serbian land. This is the truth on Kosova.

Stories about the cradle of Serbia are useless...! If theGovernment is not ready to do anything, then we shall do

something", added this speaker asking for the breakdown of the

separatist uprising, the establishment of Serbs in Kosova and the

"...change of the ethnic structure, the revision of the cadastre

assets and land registers, the expulsion of all emigrants from

Albania. I will tell you what Bulgaria did in this aspect, it

expelled in a short period of time at least 1 million Turks. The

world made a lot of noise, and later said that this is an

internal affair of a sovereign state!" Among others, Batic asked

for the regionalization of the Serbian state and by all means,

Milosevic's resignation.

His colleague, Petrovic, vice-chairman of the Democratic Party

(Djindjic) and MP, preached "that the Serbian people have been

living in Kosova since one thousand years ago", and that it "made

the absolute majority until the Eastern crisis ... until WW I"

and then Fascists brought in Albanians from Albania and

Communists who denied the Serbs the right to come back sanctioned

this situation"! And after coming back to present times, Petrovic

added: "...Kosova Serbs should be represented by those who live

here and not those who live in Belgrade and claim that they arefrom Kosova, as Jokanovic, e.g.!". And then came the ovations...

After the speeches, Jorgovanka Tabakovic read the document "The

Basic Goals of the Serbian National Policy in Kosovo and

Metohija" repeating the already heard qualifications, requesting

the suppression of "any form of territorial autonomy", have "a

population census conducted in Kosova" and adopt the "citizenship

act" which should block owners who came from Albania and who "got

properties as rewards after 1941", do the revision of cadastre

books on property, and have assurances "against majorizations",

have a new "demographic policy" and then a "new organization of

the local administration" in order to create small municipalcores concentrated with Serbs, the colonization of Kosova with

Serbs and, among others, have the "Serbian National Council"

established! This part, qualified as "Goals and Measures"

foresees issues such as are "assuring human rights" and "national

minorities" which are something like "jewels" of this document.

The part of the preamble, explains "the thousand years' long

history of the Serbs in Kosova", the Turkish and Albanian

usurpations, the wrong Communist policy, the Albanian separatist

movement, the current posture of the actual government throughthe ideological prism, stressing also that "...the experience so

far has proven that the Serbian issue in Kosova can't be solved

permanently and regularly any one and only one person, but only

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by a state which is functioning democratically". On the other

document, the Political declaration requests the organization of

a referendum which would decide about the unification of "FRY

with RS and RSK" in one state!, and reminding at the same time

that the decision on the recognition of B&H and Croatia inAVNOJ's borders, whoever may make the decision, would not oblige

the Serb people, etc.

After the recess, the meeting continued with some other

discussions, among which, Amfilohije Radovic must be mentioned.

He first read the communique of the Orthodox Church about the

exodus of Serbs from Slavonia and their killing by Croat troops,

which the Serbian regime is trying to conceal from it's public.

"It is very clear for those who can see, that whoever betrays

God, will betray his own brother"! - metaphorically alluded

Amfilohije. "When the 600 anniversary of the Battle wascelebrated, and when Knjaz Lazar came to sacred Graanica, then

he was holding the fate of these people in his hands, he didn't

come to honor Knjaz's right, but came form the sky in minds of

his own people. It would have been better if he'd never had

appeared on the sky of this people..." - Radovic clarified his

opinions.

After five hours and some discussions, the "noisy" gathering of

Graanica ended, while discussions went on at the "Simonida"

restaurant, nearby, in which the guests were served the nationalmeal - Serbian beans. What was most impressive was the tin tent

which couldn't shelter more than 250 people, mainly from the

opposition, with the domination of the Radicals, the blessing of

the Church, the massive absence of academicians, and of course,

the physical absence of the Serbs on the other side of the Drina.

The traffic police and police patrol in motor-bikes created the

impression that this was an ordinary gathering. Two days before

the meeting, there was evident presence of Serbian police in the

field, and this time there was surprise: the police was not here

because of the Albanians...

MACEDONIA

COLD-WARM RELATIONS

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

Almost in the same way it appeared, an affair which was notexpected to get any special name and whose actors were the

Minister of Finance of the Government of Macedonia and the

Liberal Party, it disappeared. The reasons for this are for the

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time being unknown, but the impression remains that something is

wrong in the League for Macedonia coalition. Last week, after

being accused that he had misused his authority when distributing

the money destined to political parties for elections, Jane

Miljoski, minister of Finance reacted energetically andemotionally. He called the Liberals to a public duel on TV to

clarify the standpoints. Nevertheless, the meeting never took

place, and the reason was banal.

The Liberals replied to the minister's challenge by "offering"

him their secretary. Miljoski insisted to have in front of him

one of his colleagues from the Government or the chairman of the

Liberals, Stojan Andov, who is at the same time Chairman of the

Parliament. His explanation about why he was insisting to have

a determined level on the other side was that this was not a

purely technical issue, but a political one and that he wishedto debate with the ones who were responsible for this matter.

Finally, only Miljoski came on TV trying to give a clear picture

about this new contest which is threatening the existence of the

Government itself. However, his explanation also revealed some

relations which can't be qualified as close. In the whole

elaboration, the minister stated that the reason why the money

was paid with a delay was the giro-account of the Liberals, which

was unknown to the Ministry, or rather, it had to be reconfirmed

so a mistake wouldn't have taken place. In other words, his replywould be rephrased as follows - the Liberals had no interest to

confirm their giro-account number because they are not so

interested in getting the money and as if they had done this on

purpose! On this occasion, he didn't elaborate any details about

the eventual motives of this manoeuvre, but the tone of his

presentation implied that something is wrong in the relations

between the coalition partners.

In fact, the relations between the two parties, the Liberals and

Social-Democrats (Miljoski is vice-chairman), and which are

coalition partners in government since September 1992 (after thefall of the experts' government), are constantly between two

extremes: cold-warm. Their often discordances have gone so far

that in a period during the past mandate there were even rumors

about the possible break-down of the coalition, and that this

would make the liberals unite with VMRO. In this direction, the

biggest discordances were with Ljubomir Frckovski, Minister of

Interior (two mandates in the post) for the Liberals wouldn't

agree (and they still don't) with his approach towards the

transformation of the police. The disagreements went so far, that

the Liberals even expressed some doubts about the trafficaccident that Andov suffered in summer of 1993, for they were

suspecting that maybe it had been "prepared" by someone.

Strangely, before the elections, these parties solved their

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disagreements and together with the Socialist Party, formed the

League for Macedonia out of which all profited. Nevertheless, the

problems reappeared immediately after the division of posts in

the Government. Then, even though the Liberals were against, the

Social-Democrats kept the ministries of Interior and Finance,while the Liberals got "only" four ministerial chairs, as many

as the PPD, even though it had three times more seats at the

parliament than PPD. Nevertheless, for the sake of "higher

interests", the Liberals agreed with Crvenkovski to abstain from

voting the Government!

How will this dispute end and will the Liberals and VMRO get

closer, remains to be seen. This situation can best be clarified

by the Liberals who will either accuse the Minister or present

public apologies, as Miljoski insists. The silence mentioned at

the beginning of this text could be explained as gathering offacts for the first option or getting stronger for the second

one.

And it seems that none of them are easy.

MACEDONIA

TIMES OF DISAPPOINTMENT

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Tetova

Between two issues of KOHA, the municipal court of Tetova worked

intensively: after the trial and sentences against Fadil

Sulejmani and Milaim Fejziu, it did the same thing with Nevzat Halili, Arben Rusi and Musli

Halimi, with the difference that Halili was sentenced to 18

months while the other two to eight months in prison. As it could

be expected, the trials against the activists of the University

of Tetova, disputable for the Macedonian Government, were

qualified as political trials by the Albanian side. Even the pro-governmental daily, Nova Makedonija, in a comment written by Erol

Rizaov admitted that "Fadil Sulejmani was sentenced only because

of his statements and opinions", and the trials that followed,

apart from the uniformed witnesses, gave the same impression.

This opinion is also shared by foreign diplomats in Shkup, who

consider the sentences as "extremely harsh".

The trials of the implicated in the University of Tetova proved

another thing: the incapacity of the Albanian political partiesto exert pressure, i.e. to articulate their requests. One day

before the trial against Fadil Sulejmani, the chairman of the new

PPD, Arbn Xhaferi, in a press conference and on behalf of "the

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Albanian opposition" stated that "there will be an organized and

decisive request" for the release of the arrested, while the

protest meeting started and ended with the promise that "Fadil

will be released and the University will be enlivened". However,

the experience of the "Albanian position" was not good either.

The PPD, chaired by Abdurrahman Aliti, was happy to announce that

Suljemani would be released and would be awaiting the final

decision in freedom. Unfortunately, this announcement was made

three weeks ago, and this didn't happen. The only "happy

surprise" was the decision of the juridical organs to set a bail

at 200 thousand DEM for his release. Meanwhile, Ilir Shaqiri's

cassette "We'll make a University Land out of Tetova" is the most

sought article in the Pollog Plain.

Finally, last Saturday, the PDP, entering its fifth anniversary,celebrated it's first congress. Even though the results of the

Congress were unknown by the time the deadline to hand in this

text expired, the impression is that Ilijaz Halimi will again be

its chairman. The other news is that Musli Halimi is coming back

to the party's leadership, which is being deserted by Mersel

Bilalli, who along with Adbyladi Vejseli quit the party (while

the party expelled them, so now they are even!?).

Halimi declared to KOHA that in the past "there have been many

obstacles and problems. But we are very satisfied that the partyhas grown, has stabilized and has its physiognomy and

individuality, aiming at the internationalization of the Albanian

issue. We are entering this congress unified and unique, and I

believe that we will come out even stronger, form it". Commenting

on the departure of the above MPs, Halimi said that "This has not

caused misunderstandings or divisions within the party. Different

scenarios on the division were not achieved: the party is

following its line and it should be decisive to get rid of

individuals who have totally different concepts".

Meanwhile, the MPs stated the following: "These accusations arenot mentioned even by old ladies any more! Tetova's gossips state

that Bilalli is leaving because Musli Halimi is coming back,

while Vejseli (who is said to have "invested" 70 thousand DEM

in the party) leaves because there is no post foreseen for him.

On the other hand, Vejseli accuses the new/old leadership of the

party that it had not listened to a recommendation of President

Rugova heard in a meeting held in Prishtina, that the Albanian

parties should be in the opposition to operate with the PPD which

is in -position?!

And, what is there to say after this?

The impression is that the secretary of this party, Bedredin

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Ismajli was honest to admit two days before the Congress that in

the past four or five years "none of the programmed objectives

has been accomplished, apart from the right the parents have to

name their children as they wish. I really believe what I say.

In fact, the objectives of the Albanian population in Macedoniawere not realized. The reasons for this should be sought in the

system and constitutional solutions and the way how the

parliament and government are functioning", says Ibrahimi.

The coming days will most probably establish the first contacts

between the Macedonian and Albanian parties. Despite the fact

that the fisrt ones don't want to even listen about "Macedonia

as a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi...". The aim is to

have anticipated parliamentarian and presidential elections...

MACEDONIA

THE FALL AND SPLENDOR OF COMRADE HYSEN

by DAN SEJDIU / Shkup

While the members of the Albanian editorial boards of the

Macedonian Radio and Television are expecting the appointment of

the Deputy Director General of this statal institution who, asrumoured, will probably be Albanian (according to an agreement

reached within the new/old coalition), the comeback of Hysen

Shaqiri at the number one post of the Albanian TV section, arose

a lot of noise.

In 1993 Shaqiri was ousted by request of the Albanian

journalists, Albanian MPs and three political parties and other

organisms where Albanians are organized.

Then it was said that he had direct influence on the departure

of Menduh Hajdini, Alush Kamberi and the anticipated retirementof Murat Isaku. During his mandate, almost ten years long, he

"blessed" the change of toponyms and embargoed some other

journalists. This is why 20 out of 25 employees of the present

Editorial Board do not accept him back: they are not defending

the outgoing editor in chief, Sknder Raufi, but are requesting

from the Management (Saso Ordanovski) to be given the right to

decide for themselves who they want for editor. Ordanovski

declares that "this change is one of the 140 staff movements

inside the RTV", while on the other hand, the vast majority of

journalists boycotted the work for a couple of days. As usual,in such situations, there were threats on suspensions, but also

proposals for promotions for all those who support comrade Hysen.

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In any case, six elder journalists are "sick" and the seventh is

on annual leave. PPD's leadership also expressed its

dissatisfaction with this appointment, while the other political

parties remain silent to this act. Anyhow, the comeback or the

attempt to bring back Hysen Shaqiri almost means going back tothe times when Albanians were forced to call Tetova -Tetovo,

Shkup - Skopje or Krova - Kicevo.

SERBIA

THE RADICAL RUSH

by MILAN MILOSEVIC / AIM / Belgrade

In the past several months, Seselj has announced several times

that, as he loves to say, "the rotten regime of Slobodan

Milosevic and the Dedinje witches" will fall after the "meeting

of truth" which will be organized by the Serbian Radical Party

on June 17 in Belgrade and on what occasion they count with 200-

300 thousand participants. Seselj, who usually exaggerates, has

never managed to gather at least one tenth of this number in his

meetings, not even in the big Radical meetings in Nis, or Loznica

when he demonstratively crossed Drina, nor Novi Sad, on May 19,

after the events in Western Slavonia. In the last meeting, Seseljaccused Milosevic of "betraying the Serbian people on both sides

of the Drina"... and that "now he is bargaining with the great

powers about the price he will sell the Serbian lands, then

Kosova, Vojvodina and Sandzak...". The main slogans of the Novi

Sad meeting were "ousting Milosevic's regime" and "creating

Greater Serbia". The vocabulary was even more radical, but the

event was not such and it is not something that could announce

a serious threat to Milosevic's position.

Serbian radicals have celebrated meetings in many towns of

Serbia, in Kragujevac, Sabac, Cacak and finally in a Belgradeneighborhood called "Borce". Previously, the leaders of the

Serbian Radical Party (SRS) tested the Montenegrin leadership's

patience, when they organized a meeting in Pljevlja on market

day, last month, in which over 5 thousand people participated,

then in Bijelo Polje with circa one thousand people, in Berane...

They said that Montenegrin space will be part of Greater Serbia

"as soon as the regimes in both Serbian states fall".

Even though active, the Radicals don't seem to have any populist

force, as none of the other parties in Serbia do, for the partiesare divided according to the determinations about the end of war

in Bosnia and not the position-opposition line, not even the

nationalist-civic line, but according to a diagonal which

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relativizes these divisions.

Seselj, who while in prison was announcing that he would oust

Milosevic from power, pressured on the other political parties

of the opposition in February - telling them that "it was thelast moment to have all the dissatisfied united in protest". He

thought that a similar situation would be the meeting of protest

in favor of the freedom of the media, which was announced to be

celebrated then.

Seselj had in reality suggested an organization of a meeting of

support to Studio B and the endangered independent media by four

opposition parties : Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO), the

Democratic Party (DS), the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) and

the Radical Party of serbia (SRS).

However, Vuk Draskovic, leader of SPO, was the first one to

reject the idea of having a meeting under Seselj's patronage, who

at the beginning of the war had clearly marked the "journalists-

traitors". Draskovic, in fact, only strengthened the resistance

of the part of the pro-Karadzic opposition, increasing the

pressure for the end of war in Bosnia.

Nova Demokratija, following Draskovic and the Socialists with

whom it split the ministerial posts, refused to participate in

the meeting, because it considered it to be a "manipulation ofits own kind, which threatens to increase the tension in Serbia

in the moment when the negotiating positions with the

international community have deteriorated". Repeating the

evaluation that the organizers of the meeting "are clearly

determined in favor of the warring option", Nebojsa Lekovic, one

of the leaders of Nova Demokratija, said that the creation of a

coalition between the Radicals, DS and DSS represents "Seselj's

great victory, since he managed to squeeze both Kostunica's and

Djindjic's heads".

"We support the independence of Studio B, but we don't want toparticipate in Seselj's meeting" said Zarko Korac, vice-chairman

of the Serbian Civic League (GSS).

After giving up on the meeting, this trio didn't appear together

any longer. Djindjic, openly started escaping Seselj's embrace,

a bit because of the pressure coming from the Socialists, and a

bit because of the criticism coming from former chairman

Micunovic's fraction. The last news is that DS will not be

participating in the meeting to be held in June, despite the fact

that Djindjic, same as Seselj, criticizes the present politicalsteps undertaken in Bosnia by Milosevic.

Kostunica from the DSS also does not consider that a massive

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assembly is the most suitable option in the created situation.

Seselj imposed his rhythm trying to strengthen the tone of the

accusations against Milosevic, especially after the announcement

that he was developing negotiations for the recognition of Bosnia

and Croatia. Djindjic, Kostunica and Nikola Milosevic (Liberalparty) and Slobodan Rakitic (People's Party) disputed the

proposals brought by different negotiators to Belgrade, but the

loudest was Seselj who openly declared that the only logical

reply of the Serbs to the "Z-4" plan was the "unification of the

RSK and RS in an independent and unitary state, which could be

called Western Serbia".

On May 15, Seselj was in Pale where he was received by Karadzic,

on which occasion he declared that "people should be told that

the main persons to blame for the situation Serbs are in right

now are the creators of the renewed Communist policy in Belgrade,who are willing to recognize the former Yugoslav republics of

Bosnia and Croatia, just for the sake of the idea of

reintegration of Yugoslavia and the lifting of the sanctions".

Seselj then expressed his conviction that "the whole of Serbia

will be enthusiastic about the unification of Western Serbian

Lands" and added that "Serbs from the East, after the oust

Milosevic, will concentrate on the creation of a unique Serbian

state". Seselj concluded commenting on the pressure of the

Contact Group on Serbs in Bosnia to accept its plan, by saying

"all those who think that RS will give up on one third of itsterritory, are deeply wrong". On May 11, Seselj told all Serbs

who live in Croatia to abandon it, because, on the contrary, they

will suffer the same fate as those in Western Slavonia.

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26/26

APPENDIX

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