language, style and slang
TRANSCRIPT
Slang Everybody talks about it Can it be defined? Does it exist? If it exists, can we describe it and,
therefore, define it?
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Australia and New Zealand Aussie Vs Kiwi slang: https://
www.youtube.com/watch?v=jr4rQ5QpXrU&feature=related
(vocabulary) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xuRrp83jCuQ&feature=related
(slang) Aussie slang matehttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9uExUyhlP5o&feature=related (Australian slang; controversial)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EoE4xxW6U78&feature=related 3
Colloquial features: Are they slang?
Bald as a bandicoot: completely bald (<a rat) Dinkum, dinky, dinky-di: genuine, right (dinkum
Aussie: real Aussie) Full as a goog: dead drunk (goog<egg) Hoon/yobbo: loutish youth Ocker: archetypical, uncultivated Aussie man Prang: minor car accident Sanger/Sanga: sandwich Sheila: girl (a beaut Sheila: an attractive girl) Shortening of words: Beaut <beautiful; Words
ending in the suffix –o or –y/-ie . Examples: Arvo (afternoon), Tinnie (for a can of beer)
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Slang must be distinguished from other subjects of the lexicon such as regionalisms or dialect words (you all/y’all in south US), jargon, profanity and obscenity, colloquialism, and cant or argot- although slang shares some characteristics with each of these and can overlap with them. (Eble 1996:19)
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Cant/Argot: the specialised and sometimes secret language of thieves and other groups at the fringes of society
Polari Sometimes words that start out as the jargon of a
particular group become slang for a wider group (‘ice’ for ‘diamonds’)
In other instances, words pass from the jargon of a group into the general vocabulary without ever being slang (e.g. input, output)
Slang is colloquial but not all colloquial expressions are slang (‘Shut up’ is not slang)
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Intra-speaker Variation Dialect: variation according to region Style: Variation according to user Register: Variation according to use/topic Jargon: specific vocabulary associated with a
group, mostly professional, e.g. doctors, lawyers, linguists, or with a hobby/interest
Jargon examples (army jargon: jam, ejecta) Where does slang fit in? (army slang: chicken
colonel/full colonel, John Wayne/militarily exemplary)
Slang: specific words and phrases7
Slang includes many obscene words but not all slang words/phrases are obscene
Patois (English pronunciation: /ˈpætwɑː/, pl. /ˈpætwɑːz/[1][2]) is any language that is considered nonstandard, although the term is not formally defined in linguistics. It can refer to pidgins, creoles, dialects, and other forms of native or local speech, but not commonly to jargon or slang, which are vocabulary-based forms of cant. Class distinctions are embedded in the term, drawn between those who speak patois and those who speak the standard or dominant language used in literature and public speaking, i.e., the "acrolect". (wikipedia here, but it’s a nice description)
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Standard English is: a dialect. One variety among many.
However it is not associated with any specific accent.
a purely social (not geographic) dialect. is different from the other dialects not
phonologically but in some of its grammatical forms.
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Trudgill (2002:167-168) on Standard English
SE fails to distinguish between the forms of auxiliary forms of the verb do and its main verb forms. This is true both of the present tense, where many other dialects distinguish between aux. did and main verb done, as in You done it, did you?
SE has an unusual and irregular Present Tense verb morphology in that only the 3rd sing. receives morphological marking: he goes Vs he go. Many other dialects use either zero for all persons or –s for all persons.
SE lacks multiple negation, so that no choice is available between I don’t want none, which is not possible, and I don’t want any. Most non-standard variities of English around the world permit multiple negation.
SE has an irregular formation of reflexive pronouns, with some forms based on the possessive pronouns e.g. myself, and others on the objective pronouns, e.g. hisself, theirselves.
SE fails to distinguish between 2nd person sing. and pl. forms, having you in both cases. Many non-standard dialects maintain the older English distinction between thou and you, or have developed newer distinctions such as you versus youse.
SE has irregular forms of the verb to be both in the present tense (am, is, are) and in the past (was, were). Many non-standard dialects have the same form for all persons, such as I be, you be, s/he be, we be, they be, and I were, you were, he were, we were, you were, they were.
In the case of many irregular verbs, SE redundantly distinguishes between preterite and perfect verb forms both by the use of the auxiliary have and by the use of distinct preterite and past participle forms: I have seen Vs I seen.
SE has only a two-way contrast in its demonstrative system, with this (near to the speaker) opposed to that (away from the speaker). Many other dialects have a three-way system involving a further distinction, between for example that (near to the listener) and yon (away from both speaker and listener).
Common Non-Standard FormsNon-Standard Standard
1 I didn’t do nothing to nobody (multiple negation)
I didn’t do anything to anybody (single negation)
2 I never threw it (never as past-tense negative)
I didn’t throw it (didn’t as a negative in the past tense)
3 I’m not keen on them films (them as demonstrative adjective)
I’m not keen on those films (those as demonstrative adjective
4 Six pound of potatoes, please (plural without markedness)
Six pounds of potatoes, please (plural marked by –s)
5 The boy played brilliant (adjective form as adverb)
The boy played brilliantly (suffix –ly)
6 I’m going up London (shortened preposition form)
I’m going up to London (complex preposition up to)
7 He did it hisself (patterned on my(self), your(self), his (self))
He did it himself (breaking the regular pattern of the previous example)
11Cf. Coupland 1988
Other non-standard features
What as a relative pronoun: the book what was on sale
There’s/There was + plural: there was loads of them
Be + Sat/Stood: She was sat/stood on the other side of the room
12Rhys 2007; Cheshire and Milroy 1993)
Innovation Innovation is central to the notion of
slang Innovation is a general characteristic of
slang The rapid rate of innovation in slang just
makes it more visible Innovation in slang follows the same
patterns/devices as in other aspects of language
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Innovations on Shakespeare
Semantic Neologisms Word-formationDerivationCompounding Borrowing
The same means are used in slang
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New words and phrases from Shakespeare
Words: addiction, assassination, comply, consign,, compulsive, denote, discontent, domineering, exhale, generous, hostile, investment, luggage, obscene, pious, protester, retirement, survivor, supervise, tranquil, unreal, useful
Phrases: neither here nor there, breathe one’s last, cheer up, a foregone conclusion, the long and the short of it, good riddance, household name, salad days, seamy side, tower of strength, with bated breath
About half the words Shakespeare coined remain in English today. Others underwent semantic shift; some fell out of use, either immediately or gradually.
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Multicultural London English (MLE)Linguistic Innovators: the English of Adolescents in London, (Kerswill and Cheshire ) : the effects of a multiracial vernacular…on mainstream
speech’ from a dialectal, a phonological point of view. an emergent common vernacular, a dialect, heavily
influenced by Afrocaribbean and Asian speech patterns, spoken by young people across swathes of Greater London.
There is a possibility that this variety may well have a lasting effect because those social pressures that stop people taking their youthful language practices forward into middle age are no longer in place.
Factors: the print and broadcast media, other electronic interactions and peer-pressure on the street and in the playground actually encourage this blurring of generations and blurring of distinctions between ‘standard’ and ‘non-standard’ usage (pp4-5)
16www.llas.ac.uk/cardiff2006
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Main findings on teenage MG slang(Iordanidou & Anroutsopoulos 2001)
1. Word formation types common to other colloquial varieties of MG (e.g. derivational suffixes –ias, -akias, -atos, -iaris, -dhiko, -menos)
2. Some genuine nonstandard formation types specific to teenage slang and in certain argots of MG
3. Innovative use of known formation types, often with a shift in semantic function
4. Several suffixes can be combined with unusual bases (anetos<anet-ia ‘cool’)
5. Idiomatic construction patterns6. Specific syntactic features7. Semantic neologism8. Back slang
slang is an ever changing set of colloquial words and phrases that speakers use to establish or reinforce social identity or cohesiveness within a group or with a trend or fashion in society at large (Eble 1996)
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Criteria Dumas and Lighter (1978, 14-16) reject the classical
formula for definition and instead propose four identifying criteria for slang.
1. Its presence will markedly lower, at least for the moment, the dignity of formal or serious speech or writing. 2. Its use implies the user’s special familiarity either with the referent or with that less statusful or less responsible class of people who have such special familiarity and use of the term. 3.It is a tabooed term in ordinary discourse with persons of higher social status or greater responsibility. 4. It is used in place of the well-known conventional synonym, especially in order a) to protect the user from the discomfort caused by the conventional item or b) to protect the user from the discomfort or annoyance of further elaboration.
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when something fits at least two of the criteria, a linguistically sensitive audience will react to it in a certain way. This reaction which cannot be measured, is the ultimate identifying characteristic of true slang”…None of the four criteria is formal, for slang is not distinct in form….
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Function: The case of London (Sian 2010)
Similar to studies of their school-aged counterparts (Harris1997, 2006; Leung, Harris, and Rampton 1997; Rampton 2005), the students display a strong affiliation to the local vernacular, in this case London English (Harris 2006), which they consistently refer to as ‘slang’. They construct a ‘slang/posh’ dichotomy to contrast the language practices of their peers with those of the academic community. While some of the female students in my study appeared
ready to balance their ‘slang’ and ‘posh’ selves, most of the students seemed reluctant to embrace the ‘posh’ language and literacy practices of the academic community and to display academic knowledge.
This may well be a hangover from schooling, in which students learn to balance (or not) popularity and high academic achievement to avoid the risk of being ostracized (Frosh et al. 2002; Jackson 2006; Francis 2009); as such, it seems related to life stage, gender and popular culture. 21
Summary of Characteristics
Slang is ephemeral Sometimes a new slang form either
replaces an earlier one or provides another synonym for a notion already named in slang
Sometimes new slang extends to new areas of meaning or to areas of meaning of recent interest to the group inventing the slang
Some slang terms come back for a second and third life
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Insights on Slang (Iordanidou & Anroutsopoulos 2001)
Main ideas:1. Interrelation between lexical innovation and
grammaticalisation processes2. Mostly lexical items and certain discourse items (terms
of address, formulaic expressions, discourse markers)3. Slang research not ideally conducted via
questionnaires4. Relation to adolescent networks and particular
subcultures5. Distinction between youth specific slang-items from
general slang ones remains vague (Cf. Adams 2009) Corpus of 2,000 words (face-to-face and mediated
discourse); (1990-1995) recorded conversations, interviews, informal letters and youth magazines
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My study (Kailoglou 2010)1. Diminutives2. Nominal endings3. Compound words4. Malapropism constructions 5. Greek and English compounds6. Formations based on a new root + usual nominal
endings7. Formations based on an existing root + usual
ending, combined in a new way8. Words with obscure meaning9. Obscene words about religion and the saints10. Formations based on the change of gender11. Back slang
The Method
Three groups with different socio-cultural styles Invitation by an insider of the group Ethnographic observation Recordings took place between 2005-2008 (more than
20hrs) Analysis of 12 hours of natural speech (4 each group);
video and audio recordings Three communities of practice (Wenger& Lave 1991,
Wenger 1998, Eckert & McConnell-Ginet 1992, Eckert 2000)
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The three groups Trendy Group: mainstream, 9 persons, male majority, age
22-27, pop music, designer clothes, holidays: Paros & Mykonos, quest for not being uncritically mainstream
The Parea: alternative/non-mainstream, 15 persons, male majority, age 27-35, electronica/brit-pop/world music, mixed clothing style, holidays: Elafonissos & Gavdos, quest for differentiation from the mainstream,
The Cavemen: alternative/hard-core/non-mainstream, 8 persons, male, rock music, mixed clothing style, holidays: Gavdos, quest from differentiation from the mainstream
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The linguistic styles There are four main aspects which characterise the style
of all three groups: 1. the construction of new words, 2. the use of unusual metaphors, 3. the use of slang, and 4. the use of taboo language
These are all means for creativity and are inextricably intertwined
(e.g. Adams 2009:44-45 & 112-113, Eble 1996: 67-68, Kovezses 2010: 35, Kailoglou forthcoming)
Shannon (1992) sees metaphor as a prime instrument for the creation of novelty, too, and argues that “metaphor confronts one with incongruence” which is highly reminiscent of a typical feature of humour
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The communities of practice
‘’A community of practice is an aggregate of people who come together around mutual engagement in some common endeavour.’’ (Wenger& Lave 1991, Wenger 2000, Eckert & McConnell-Ginet 1992, Eckert 2000)
Stylistic Practice (bricolage) Bricolage consists of the processes by which people acquire
objects from across social divisions to create new meanings (Hebdige 1979)
‘’Jocks’’ and ‘’Burnouts’’ in Belten High (Eckert 2000) Co-construction of linguistic and social meanings
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Signs and their meaning in different subcultures
Example A. Iron Cross Example B. Suspenders
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Signs and their meaning in different subcultures(continue)
Example C. Army jacket 1 Example D. Army jacket 2
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Meaning Signs have meaning as part of a system Language:
1. Linguistic meaning (denotatio): Knackered (tired)
2. Social meaning (connotatio): (informal, familiarity)
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Style and Identity Social meaning is created in interaction
and stylistic processes making use of connotational practices
Style is a combination of connotations End product: One’s Identity Identity as Distinction (i.e. as opposition
to pre-existing signs and meanings) The issue of authenticity
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Central Notions The approaches to style Structure Vs Agency Audience Vs Speaker Fixed Social Categories Vs Fluid
Formations Identity Vs Personna Indexical Processes Bricolage
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The study of variationCorrelation of Independent Social Variables with Dependent Linguistic VariablesAims: a) To describe linguistic variation b) To explain itA linguistic variable is a linguistic unit (of any level of linguistic analysis) which consists of at least two variants. The occurrence of each variant depends on linguistic (e.g. the linguistic context) and/or social (characteristics of the speaker, social context etc.) conditioning factors.Inter-speaker variation → Dialect (different speaker)Intra-speaker variation→ Style (different context)
Linguistic variation may lead to language change, but language change cannot occur without the prior existence of variation!
Social Variables
Linguistic Variables
Age H-droppingSocial Class Th-frontingSex ↔ Glottal stopsEthnicityetc.
Quotatives etc.
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The first two waves of variation studies in a glance
The first wave : established broad correlations between linguistic variables and the macrosociological categories of socioeconomic class, sex, class, ethnicity, and age.
The second wave: employed ethnographic methods to explore the local categories and configurations that inhabit, or constitute, these broader categories.
In both waves, variation was seen as marking social categories.
35Eckert 2012
Third Wave(a) variation constitutes a robust social semioticsystem, potentially expressing the full range of social concerns in a given community;
(b) the meanings of variables are underspecified, gaining more specific meanings in the context of styles, and
(c) variation does not simply reflect, but also constructs, social meaning and hence is a force in social change.
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Variation and Style (Eckert 2005)
Variation also emerged as part of a broader stylistic complex including territory and the full range of consumption—such as adornment, food and other substance use, musical tastes— that jocks and burnouts exploit in constructing their mutual opposition
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Meaning in Third Wave stylistic practice:
speakers make social-semiotic moves, reinterpreting variables and combining and recombining them in a continual process of bricolage (Hebdige 1984)
This leads to the mutability of indexical signs Indexicality (Silverstein 1993; 2003) Indexical Order Indexical Field (Eckert 2008)
meanings at any particular time constitute an indexical field (Eckert 2008)—a constellation of ideologically linked meanings, any region of which can beinvoked in context.
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Distinction
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Goth or Pirate?
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Lifestyle in late modernity A lifestyle can be defined as a more or less
integrated set of practices which an individual embraces, not only because such practices fulfil utilitarian needs, but because they give material form to a particular narrative of self-identity (Giddens 1991)
the new heroes of consumer culture make lifestyle a life project and display their individuality and sense of style in the particularity of the assemblage of goods, clothes, practices, experiences, appearance and bodily dispositions they design together into a lifestyle. (Featherstone 2007)
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Lifestyle: why it matters …Nor is it any more legitimate to attempt to explain the
contemporary subcultural scene with a conception that assumes a homological unity of class-based practices, particularly one that ‘imposes a hermeneutic seal around the relationship between musical and stylistic preference” (Bennet 1999:599).
It is common for members of a nebulous neo-tribal grouping to demonstrate their enthusiasm for a wide range of musical dance genres (Bennet 2000).
This somewhat paradoxicall expression of ‘widespread tastes’ in underground sounds is one tactic by which ‘liminal’ youth cultures attempt to accumulate ‘subcultural capital’ thereby maintaining distinction from other, more “restrictive” (sub-)groups and claiming authenticity of identity (Muggleton 2000)
42 Weinzierl & Muggleton 2003:7
Authenticity Language and authenticity; how people lay
claim to authenticity through their speech Postmodernism: The end of authenticity? The role of media; subcultures are not authentic
since they are formed ‘inside the media’ (cf. Thornton 1995)
Claims to authenticity: Widdicombe and Woofit (1995) interviewed members of subcultures who contrasted their ‘deepness’ and ‘authenticity’ to the claimed ‘inauthenticity’ and ‘shallowness’ of others
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Subculture and late modernity
The end of subcultures? A) increasingly fragmented, and B)there can be no authentic subculture which is media-free (Redhead 1997)
Despite post-modern assertions that hybrid eclectic styles today make it more problematic for young people to distinguish between themselves and other youth cultures (Muggleton 1997:199), many young people have no such difficulty in identifying varied nightlife spaces inhabited by different social groups”. (Chatterton and Hollands 2003)
Moreover, youth cultures are not unified but they have internal hierarchies (with claims to authenticity) (Thornton 1995)
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Distinctions of Taste distinctions are never simply statements
of equal difference they entail claims to authority, authenticity and the presumed inferiority of others (Thornton 1996; cf Bourdieu 1984))
Cultural hierarchies: ‘authentic’ vs ‘phoney’; ‘hip’ vs ‘mainstream’; ‘underground’ vs ‘the media’ (Barker 2000)
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Subcultural Capital (Thornton 1996)
can be objectified “in the form of fashionable haircuts and well-assembled record collections (full of well-chosen, limited edition ‘white label’ twelve inches and the like)”;
or embodied “in the form of being ‘in the know’, using (but not over-using) current slang and looking as if you were born to perform the latest dance styles”.
“Both cultural and subcultural capital put a premium on the ‘second nature’ of their knowledges. Nothing depletes capital more than the sight of someone trying too hard”.
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Socio-cultural Style and Space Three main types of nightlife
consumption spaces: mainstream, residual, and alternative (Chatterton and Hollands 2003)
Athens1. Exarheia Square, (Anarchists, Rockers,
Students, Hardcore, Electro)2. Kolonaki Square,
(businessmen/businesswomen, intellectuals, stars, artists, politicians)
3. Mavili Square (“Alternative” youth, Rockers, Students, Hardcore, Electro)
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Map of Athens
48 Map: www.athens-greece.us
Alternative and Mainstream Alternative: originally a sub-genre of rock (Rock FM 96.9 ‘the
alternative radio of town’); extension: what is non-mainstream Mainstream: Pop music (Greek and foreign, MTV, Radio stations
with hit lists); Urban, hip-hop etc. Alternative tourism; Alternative cultivations (agriculture) Socio-cultural terms and subcultural classifications do not have
the same meaning in different societies (e.g alternative, hard-core, goth, emo); Global subcultures are reified differently in local contexts (Chatterton and Hollands 2003); (cf. Pennycook 2010)
Time lapse: Brit-Pop in the UK mid-1990s, in Greece ‘2000s Greece since the 1990s
1. Introduction of lifestyle magazines had already begun (late’80s): Nitro, Klik, Men etc.2. Private TV channels: Mega Channel, Antenna, Star Channel3. New radio stations (private)4. From a ‘society of need, to a society of consumption’ (Karakousis 2006)
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Overview The styles of the 3 groups are characterised by
the use of slang, neologisms, humour and unusual metaphors
Each of these features can be used to increase the distance from the conventional/mainstream
Each group chose to use them to a different degree according to what they perceive to be a desired level of divergence from the conventional/mainstream
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ExamplesFood Stories (description of a dish of deer leg) (‘There was a whole leg with the
hair in the hoof staring at you like the old lady. This from the hoof.’)
(‘Oh, malakas, you are crisps. Crisps. Simply, like that. Of such quality [you are], crisps.)
(about food) (‘-Pastrami fucks. –What [do you mean] fucks? Personally, my blood pressure is raised, malakas.’)
Taboo language/Swearing (‘You look awful, you suffered lead poisoning’) (‘You have the psycho-synthesis of a transsexual,
malakas’) (‘Do not breathe again. Never.’)
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Neologisms and Semantic Innovation
(‘Τhese, they are some goat-calves who say Vatatzí’.) (‘Gosh, they are both stupid, re my child. Anti-
football-faces that is. They are not human (commenting on the hosts of a sport show on TV’).
(“Although we are by definition little men; and the little man as an animal…this is his phase (his nature). He is flock-ish, re my child. He cannot avoid it. And many animals are flock-ish. Whatever the other little animals do, he does it (too)”).
Playing Video Games (‘When we say ‘see that’, we do not mean for the other one to see
that. We mean ‘I fucked you’, did you understand?’) (‘Because I am Batman’!) (‘With all these arrows on you, you have become a Christmas tree.
You acquired roots
More Video Games
(‘You are the worst because you have the look of a cartoon ‘I fucked you and now I’m getting bored, so I will fuck you again’’.)
(‘After that, I shall be sending you to buy me cigarettes [meaning ‘I shall rule over you’]’).
(‘Right, Sir Vomit entered (the game) {meaning ‘someone who ruins the game’).
(‘Play pistol to do El Paso [meaning ‘Use the pistol so we shoot together’].
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Watching TV (‘We are talking about a schizophrenic size, when it [the boat] is
loaded [with cargo and passengers]’.) (‘The biggest port in the world is Pireas, malakas; because the
ancient [Greeks] had dug the ocean with [their] cosmo-spheres. Argo [the boat of the Argonauts] was actually a spacecraft, malakas. And the Golden Fleece, malakas, was dioxide of what’s its name.)
(talking about a woman allegedly innocent) (‘She looks like she has swalowed a U-Boat. Where do you see the innocence’?)
(about Oprah Winfrey) (‘Her face is like a mackerel. She hits her breasts like a baboon. If she was green, she would be Hulk’).
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Slang definition revisited Dumas and Lighter (1978) criteria seem
to be the most satisfactory approach: A) lowering formality, B) indexicalities of familiarity with
specific groups, C) taboo status, and D) substitution of conventional synonyms
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Slang and Authentic identities
Slang and taboo language is used by all groups Authenticity is not about fitting nicely in a prefabricated
subcultural label, but about originality expressed in the degree of distance from the conventional/mainstream (cf. the posh/slang dichotomy in London)
Slang is a means of authentication (as one of its indexicalities) and a feature of specific stylistic constructions
Linguistic originality (incl. slang usages) is related to subcultural affiliation as authenticity is linked to subcultural capital and status acquisition
Status acquisition is influenced by the ‘classnessness” of youth club-cultures in late modernity
Slang meaning is linked to lifestyle practices and nightlife consumption spaces in the construction of personas
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Selected References:Adams, M. (2009), Slang: The people’s poetry, Oxford: Oxford University PressAndroutsopoulos, Yannis (1997). (1997). ‘Teenage slang in a comparative perspective. Greek, French, German’ [in
Greek] Meletes gia tin Elliniki Glossa. 17, 562-576. Thessaloniki: Kyriakides.Ioardanidou, A. & Androutsopoulos, Y. (2001) ‘Youth slang in Modern Greek’, in Georgakopoulou, A. & Spanaki
M. (2001) (eds.), A Reader in Greek Sociolinguistics: Studies in Modern Greek Language, Culture and Communication, Oxford/Bern: Peter Lang.
Barker, C. (2000), Cultural Studies: Theory and Practice, London: SageChatterton, P. and Hollands, R. (2003), Urban Nightscapes: Youth Cultures, Pleasure Spaces and Corporate Power,
Oxon: Routledge.Eckert, Penelope and Sally McConnell-Ginet. (1992) Think Practically and Look Locally: Language and Gender as
Community-Based Practice. Annual Review of Anthropology. 21, 461-90. (Reprinted in Camille Roman, Suzanne Juhasz and Christanne Miller eds. (1994). The Women and Language Debate. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. 432-60).
Eckert, Penelope. (2000) Linguistic variation as social practice: the linguistic construction of identity in Belten High. Malden, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers
Eckert, Penelope. 2005. ‘Variation, convention, and social meaning’. Plenary talk. Linguistic Society of America. San Francisco.
Featherstone, M. (2007), Consumer Culture and Postmodernism (2nd edn.), London: Sage Publications.Hebdige, Dick. 1979. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London: MethuenGiddens, A. (1991), Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age, Cambridge: Polity
Press.Hebdige, D. (1979), Subculture: The Meaning of Style, London: MethuenLave, Jean and Etienne Wenger. 1991. Situated Learning: Legitimate Peripheral Participation. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.Mackridge, P. (2009), Language and National Identity in Greece, 1766-1976, Oxford: Oxford University Press.Pennycook, A. (2010), Language as a local practice, London/NY : Routledge.Thornton, S. (1995), Club Cultures: Music, Media and Subcultural Capital. Cambridge: Polity PressWenger, Etienne. 1998. Communities of practice : learning, meaning, and identity. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
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