LEARNINGFROM

THE INFORMALA STUDY OF CHARLOTTE’S A STUDY OF CHARLOTTE’S

CORRIDORS AND MOBILE ECONOMIES

Learning from the Informal: Globalization, Urbanization and the New South City This book is the result of an independent study that was prompted by two things—both of which took place in the fall of 2010: a cross-disciplinary research and design studio and an event held at the Levine Museum of the New South. My studio, called SXSAm (or, South by South America), explored demographic and urban trends in the Americas broadly in order to speculate upon Charlotte’s future with the year 2050 as our target. The Levine Museum event was the final in a year-long series of community conversations focused on Charlotte and its changing demographics, cultural arenas and physical landscapes; this closing public forum featured several of the contributing authors (myself included) whose work was included in the book Charlotte, NC: The Global Evolution of a New South City. These two events sparked the interests of two students, Jesse Miller and Anthony Rodriquez, who wanted to join me in my explorations into Charlotte’s changing and often shifting local landscapes. Our common mission: to make visible the invisible, to illustrate how forces of globalization are in fact shaping the local—to see what could be learned from what has often been called “everyday urbanism.”

However, in the case of Charlotte, what some might call everyday occurrences were recent phenomena. In order to learn from them, we needed to know how to see them and to understand where and why they were occurring. My contribution to the New South City book, which formed to basis for my talk at the Levine Museum, opened with an ethnographic account of my visits to various destinations along Central Avenue on the east side of Charlotte. Using ethnographic methods, I examined some of the impacts of Charlotte’s globalization through the lens of Latino immigration. And I did this by walking around, eating, talking, observing, and speaking Spanish—I did this by entering the transnational social worlds that immigration has helped to build within

some of Charlotte’s aging auto-oriented strips. Participant observation gave me a way to see, map and describe phenomena that, for Charlotte, were not everyday occurrences; rather they represented a form of urbanity that collapsed the global into the local in new and compelling ways.

What I found as I walked around and along Central Avenue were elements of what James Holston has called an “emergent urbanism” or an urbanity that establishes place via grass-roots occupation rather than through top-down planning design initiatives. What I found was a form of urbanity that had migrated along with a diverse set of people and that had been overlaid upon existing spaces in ways that actually illustrate how our cities could be repaired, retrofit and revived. In this sense, what I was observing was neither “everyday” (it was recent and not common a decade earlier) nor traditionally urban in form (it was not a phenomena easily characterized by physical form). In order to explain the activities, patterns, and symbolic meanings of the emergent urbanity that I had witnessed, I began to see them as a part of larger (global) network of informal forces.

The informal has often been described a part of an economic system, typically in developing parts of the world, in which some forms of labor are controlled and taxed, for example (the formal), while others are not—others are dominated by the untaxed or the unregulated (the informal). According to the World Bank, informal sector economies are characterized by two things: “coping,” or survival, strategies and “unofficial earning strategies,” or ways of earning income that do not involve traditional (formal) employment. These two sectors overlap and are interdependent—one does not exist without the other—and they represent not only economic but also cultural systems that can have significant impacts upon urban spaces.

The informal has also more recently been described as a form of urbanity that arises as a consequence of the rapid and radical growth that we have seen in Latin American cities like Rio, Caracas, Mexico City, or in sub-Saharan cities in Africa. In these cases, such urbanization, which appears completely uncontrolled, is often a result in part of national policies and of global trends that spur flows of migrants to leave rural places and to move to major metropolises. As increasing numbers of migrants arrive in cities, so to do irregular, informal or non-planned urban settlements.

The informal city—the unplanned city—despite all its troubling qualities, does provide a framework for understanding recent urban phenomena that both explains their workings and provides a way to imagine new urban futures. Those new urban possibilities apply to a wide range of cities across the globe and not just those of, for example, developing countries. So, at the time of the writing of my chapter (New South City book), parts of Central Avenue were teeming with life; the intersection Central and Rosehaven, for example, seemed almost radically urban, in this sense—the low density, mid-20th century auto oriented suburban strip felt urban; what one would have seen at this location (the photo above captures a late weekday afternoon setting) were two mobile food vendors, taco trucks, both parked in an asphalt parking lot near this intersection. On weekends, up to five taco trucks would arrive in various parking lots clustered and facing the intersection of Central and Rosehaven. What I recorded in my essay was a vibrant social space that was, in large part, a result of immigration and cultural practices that were remapping, remaking and

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reinventing a lifeless sea of parking lots and setbacks by turning them into a plaza-like social spaces. These patterns are indicative of the fact that Charlotte is globalizing—that Charlotte is becoming more deeply engrained within a larger network of global flows and forces.

It is important to note that Charlotte’s globalization is occurring at a time in which over one half of the world’s population now lives in urban centers (and that number is expected to increase to 75% within a few decades). Additionally, approximately one billion people live in informal communities worldwide and this number expected to double by 2030. This type of growth, which is fueled by both internal and international migration and population booms, accounts for 60 to 90% of all urban growth today. Simultaneously, globalization has fueled an increase in migration from cities in Latin America, for example, to cities like Charlotte, NC. Migrants come to this New South City bringing with them a culture of urban living often rooted in the social, economic, and physical networks of informal settlements.

The rise of patterns of informality in parts of Charlotte challenged us to better understand some of the city’s new “everyday” urban settings. Our initial answer to this challenge was the independent study that led to the contents of this book. Our study aimed to examine the impacts of globalization, aspects of global urbanization, and the impacts of emergent informal networks in the local urban environment.

The goal of this study was to learn from the informal. Social practices tied to the informal demonstrate that place is emergent and performative, that hybridity is one aspect of our new Southern cultural landscapes (both physical and social), and that there are lessons to be learned about the role of and the repair of the public realm in our auto-oriented cities. This “invisible urbanity” (as I initially described it in my presentation at the Levine) holds lessons for us about the value and importance of a diverse public realm and potentially about how policy, planning and urban design might begin to both build upon what the global has to offer and to re-affirm a specific local identity. This is one way of learning how to build what the geographer Doreen Massey might call a global sense of place.

CHARLOTTE

CHARLOTTE

PLACE _Location _Issues

PEOPLE _Location _Hispanic

Correlations _Incomevs Unemployment _StabilityvsVacancy _ChecksCashedvs QoLvsInformal

Background

Population:731,424

MetroPopulation:1,745,524

Rank:17thlargestCity

13thLargestMetro

EconomicBase:ServiceBanking

Subtropicalarea

Wind7.4m

ph

66avg

43.51

”reain

Lattitude:3513’37”O

Profile

Climate

Population:731,424

MetroPopulation:1,745,524

Rank:17thlargestCity

13thLargestMetro

EconomicBase:ServiceBanking

Subtropicalarea

Wind7.4m

ph

66avg

43.51

”reain

Lattitude:3513’37”

Longitude:-8050’35”

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Charlotte’s Immigration

Charlotte, North Carolina is described as a globalizing city. With this transition, the city is attracting a growing number of Immigrants from around the globe. The increasing immigrant population is now becoming a large force in reshaping the economics, aesthetics, culture, and form of Charlotte as a whole. The immigration from South and Central American countries is the most impactful, given that over half of the foreign born population comes from a country located within their boundaries.

Hispanic migration to Charlotte in such heavy numbers has produced interesting pockets of obvious Latin American influence. The increasing numbers of first, second, and third generation immigrants from Hispanic regions are carrying the Spanish language through parts of Charlotte, making the city’s people increasingly more bi-lingual. As the Hispanic population of Charlotte begins to assume the title of majority minority, implications of the cities future point to a Hispanic one.

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Central Ave. is a strip of commercial sandwich by large residential areas with the highest concentration of the Hispanic population in the city limits. The corridor’s commercial buildings have heavy Hispanic influence as do the billboards. Central Ave. also has high pedestrian traffic that caters to mobile vendors that once occupied significant portions of the corridor.

Wilkinson Blvd. is located on the west side of Charlotte, stemming from Interstate 77. This corridor’s concentration of Hispanic population sits on the edge of the city’s limits near Charlotte-Douglas International Airport. Wilkinson Blvd. like North Tryon St. has weathered urban flight and is starting to see Hispanic influence. The influence on this area is more subtle, but growing.

South Blvd. runs from center city Charlotte and into the town of Pineville, just north of the South Carolina and North Carolina border. This corridor’s Hispanic influence is seen in the southern portion between Tyvola Rd. and East Arrowood with Spanish billboards and a variety of Hispanic geared businesses. These businesses have thrived in the past ten years driven by an increasing Hispanic populations. Complementing these businesses have been Hispanic mobile vendors, occupying empty lots along South Blvd. Charlotte’s Hispanic population is constantly growing spurred on by it’s economic opportunities and globalization.

North Tryon St. hosts a lively Hispanic population that tucks in close with Sugar Creek Rd. and Interstate 85, as shown in the map. The population has influence of over the local economy and culture. Over the past ten years, the city has seen a significant jump in Hispanic geared businesses along North Tryon St. With the expansion of Hispanic enterprises, the influence has expanded to billboards solely in Spanish. These billboards range from marketing locally owned grocery stores to large national banks such as Wachovia and Bank of America. The North Tryon St. corridor has been influenced by Hispanic mobile vendors as well, contributing to economic growth. Central Ave., located just south North Tryon St. has arguably been influenced the most by the Hispanic population.

Hispanic Location and Influence:Charlotte’s Hispanic population is located along four of the major corridors: North Tryon St., Central Ave., Wilkinson Blvd., and South Blvd. These corridors were once former suburban areas that were greatly effected by urban flight during the mid 20th century.

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Income Distribution:

Charlotte’s income distribution is found in slices with the most apparent slice in the southeast portion, between Independence Blvd. and South Blvd. This slice represents the wealthiest Charlotteans with a majority of these families grossing over $80,000 a year. A majority of the residents within the southeast slice are Caucasian. The demographics change significantly when the map shifts to the western parts of the city. The western slice of Charlotte is majority African American with several pockets of Hispanic populations. The household incomes of these areas average around $40,000 which is in stark contrast to the southeastern slice of the city. The northern slice of the city maintains the same statistics, until you reach the northern most tip, where income levels sharply rise. The sharp rise of income results in higher property values on and near Lake Norman. The northern slice includes denser Hispanic populations than the western area of city along the North Tryon St. corridor. The eastern slice of the city is perhaps the most diverse regarding income distribution. This slice is also perhaps the most racially diverse as well, almost evenly dividing the Caucasian, African American, Hispanic, and Asian populations. These areas within the slice have moderate household income levels average around $50,000. These slices of income distribution are very unique and add to Charlotte’s diversity.

Unemployment Location:

The unemployment map, left, shows that most of the unemployment is locat-ed in areas that align with the major cor-ridors, South Blvd. and North Tryon St. These corridors house most of Char-lotte’s lower to mid income levels. The unemployment in the southeast section of Charlotte is relatively non-existent, which draws a direct comparison to its high income levels. The outer perimeter of Charlotte is mostly untouched by unemployment with the exception of the university area in the northeast portion of the city. The map reveals that the greatest unemployment is centralized and revolves around center city.

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Central Ave. is the most stable of the corridors in terms of limiting vacancy and creating consistency within communities. This corridor also houses the most eclectic communities within Charlotte.

Wilkinson Blvd.is the corridor that struggles the most with creating stability within its neighborhoods. This correlates with maps showing income and unemployment as the Wilkinson Corridor also struggles in these areas as well.

South Blvd. has pockets of instability and vacancy concentrated near the city center. The corridor houses a large Hispanic population and has several urban renewal projects that are located around the LYNX transit line that exists along-side of South blvd.

North Tryon St. contains moderate amounts of vacant properties and has relatively unstable neighborhoods surrounding the corridor. This may suggest that the communities that make up this area suffer from unrest.

Location of Vancancy:Charlotte has a sparatic placement of its vacant properties, because they exist in numbers in roughly every major section of the city.

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taco tr

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carwash

ice cream

taco

tru

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rwas

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carw

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taco truck

GROWING URBAN DECAY

REVIVED

REVI

VED

Checks Cashed:

The maps indicates the locations of the establishments that solely cash checks. The location of the establishments are then complemented with a one mile radius to indicate the impact area. Checks cashed services are mainly located primarily in low to mid income areas of Charlotte. These areas also contain a large percentage of the city’s Hispanic population. Indications are given that Hispanic families that have migrated to Charlotte are still trying to establish themselves financially. Checks cashed services assist in helping families get their earnings when they may not have the minimum to establish a bank account. The locations of these services are located along the main corridors that once were thriving middle class suburbs. The lingering effects of sprawl have left some of these areas vacant. During the economic boom post 2001, many Hispanic families filled these vacated ex-suburban homes. The result of this led to many new cultural businesses and checks cashed services. The checks cashed map shows a correlation with the quality of life study in that they occur in the same areas as the informal economy.

Word Map:

The word map indicates points in Charlotte that have an informal economy of mobile food vendors, car washes, etc. The gray area outlined indicates minority majority areas and red area indicates suburban sprawl. A majority of the informal activity takes place along the corridors between suburban sprawl and minority majority areas. The areas labeled “revived” indicate ex-suburban areas that have undergone revitalization. These areas are tucked in right next to informal economies, providing local services to under served clientele. Mobile enterprises are assisting in spurring economic growth by providing practical services that were originally limited to a long car ride.

Quality of Life:

The quality of life study indicates that most of Charlotte’s struggling communities are occupied by minorities. The study concludes that former ex-suburban areas that were once consider struggling are now in a transition phase to a stable community. The quality of life map relates to the word map in that places of informal activity take place in transitioning communities. These changes are in part to Hispanic populations which are establishing businesses and generating economic growth through self-sustaining practices.

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INFORMALINFORMAL

INFORMALINFORMAL

SERVICE GAPS _GreenSpace _Food

RESTRICTIONS _Code _Suggestions

PLANNING METHODS _NorthTryon _SouthBlvd _CentralAve _WilkinsonBlvd

Analysis+Design

Park Map:

The park maps indicate lack of green spaces near informal activities. Charlotte’s main parks tend to be in wealthier neighborhoods and less so in the more diverse and lower to mid income areas. The walk-ing distance to public parks are much greater along the main corridors of the city (ie. North Tryon St. and South Blvd.). Public parks seem to be completely absent from the communities that align themselves with these main corridors. The informal activities seem to fill a void and act as a public space. Public parks are a social space, something that is created by the mobile enterprises that align with the corridors. These informal vendors may be a guide for the city in future planning on where social spaces may occur.

Food Desert:

The food desert map indicates the location of the main chain grocery stores. The red circles indicate a two mile radius of service and the blue circles indicate smaller main chain grocery stores with a one mile radius of service. The map points out that the food deserts are located in areas where the income is generally low and personal transportation is also low. The map shows that Hispanic populations are far from a big chain grocery store and require over a two mile drive. The effect from this is shown in these where small local grocery stores start to service the areas to make up for the lack of larger chain stores. In the southeast portion of Charlotte, there is a wealthier population with many large grocery chains. While the map may indicate that there are some large gaps between stores and neighborhoods, these communities have more access to personal transportation.

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SUPPORT SMALL BUSINESS, SUPPORT LONCHEROS PETITION

OVERVIEW WE ENCOURAGE YOU TO PLEASE ADD YOUR OWN PERSONALIZED MESSAGEIn the fall of 2008, the Charlotte City Council approved an ordinance that in effect put the majority of hispanic mobile food vendors (Loncheras) out of business. The ordinance states that a mobile food vendor may not be within 400 feet from a home; must close by 9pm; and may only be in a specific location for no more than 90 days.Before the passage of the ordinance, there were approximately 50 vendors working in the Charlotte area. Two years later, there are now around 7 still open. This ordinance is based on what the Zoning Department has admitted are just “perceptions” of how Loncheras attract crime and loiter-ing in the community. Zoning admitted that they had no hard evidence to substantiate these “perceptions”. The ordinance was written in such a way that in effect it only affected negatively Loncheras.Loncheras are small businesses trying to survive in the current bad economy. In an economic atmosphere where many are out of work, Loncheras employ people locally. As hard-working tax payers who pay for permits to do business, they help stimulate the local economy. Ask the Charlotte City Council to ammend the ordinance and allow these hard-working valuable members of our community to go back to work. WE ENCOURAGE YOU TO PLEASE ADD YOUR OWN PERSONALIZED MESSAGE

PETITION LETTERCharlotte City Council, Support Small Businesses, Support LoncherosDear Council MemberI am writing to ask that you repeal parts of Section 12.510 –titled Mobile Food Vending Service- of Appendix A of the Code of Ordinances of the City of Charlotte. Loncheras are a culinary and cultural treasure and are economic engines for the areas in which they operate. I fully support these mobile food vendors in their quest to remain open for business.

As with any rules that regulate any other parts of our daily lives, I am not opposed to regulations, as long as they promote the general good. I just ask that you do not regulate in such a manner as to put these hard-working productive members of our society out of business. In an economic atmosphere where many are out of work, mobile food vendors help by employing people. As valuable tax-paying members of our community who pay for permits to work, they also help stimulate the economy.

The specific parts of Section 12.510 that require a 9PM closing time and a distance of 400 feet from a residence have forced many vendors to go out of business. The hours and locations of operation are what used to make these mobile food vendors successful. The sections in the ordinance that deal with duration in a particular location are also too strict and needlessly create a barrier to building a sustainable clientele.

Like any other small private enterprise, mobile food vendors are taking the initiative and have chosen to open their own businesses. They are try-ing to survive in the current economy, and regulations like the ones the Charlotte City Council passed in the Autumn 2008 only work to deter the growth and productivity of small businesses.

We know that you only have the best interest of the citizens of Charlotte in mind and that you are a pro-small business governing body, but the or-dinance as it was approved is unfortunately written so narrowly that it singles out small business owners of a specific ethnic group. We know this was not your intent and hope to work with you on this matter.

The ordinance originated based on complaints that these businesses increase crime and loitering. In spite of the numerous requests, the individu-als raising these concerns never produced any evidence to substantiate their claims. Instead, the ordinance was based on what the Zoning De-partment admitted were just “perceptions”.

I believe there is room to allow these small business owners the leeway to stay open a little later and to work in what are already considered busi-ness corridors. Additionally, in order for these vendors to build a sustainable clientele, it makes sense to lift the overly burdensome 90-day limit on duration in a location. It is only fair that they be afforded the same consideration and support that is given to other small businesses in other parts of our great city.

It is my hope that as a member of the Charlotte City Council who is responsive to the needs of your constituency, you will support these hard-working small business owners and amend the ordinance in order to allow them to go back to work and be able to provide for their families.

Political Implications:

Section 12.150 of the Charlotte Code:

Mobile Food Vending Services shall meet the following requirements:(1) The mobile food vending service shall [not be located in any required setback], any sight distance triangle, or required buffer.(2) Any operator of a mobile food vending service must receive a zoning use permit and display placard from Neighborhood Development. The maximum duration of a mobile food vending service [permit is for 30 days at one location, renewable up to 2 additional times, for a total period of 90 days per calendar year at that one location.](3) The operator of a mobile food vending service shall submit proof that the property owner or designated agent (lessee) grants his/her permission to locate the mobile food vending service on the property. This documentation shall be submitted to Neighborhood Development and attached to the zoning use permit application.

(4) If the operator of a mobile food vending service is issued a notice of violation at the location assigned for the permit, then the operator or his/her agent(s) are not eligible to renew the permit at the same location, during that calendar year.(5) [Trash receptacles] must be provided for customers to dispose of food wrappers, food utensils, paper products, cans, bottles, food, and other such waste. Such receptacle shall be located no more than 10 feet from the mobile food vendor.(6) The vendor is responsible for removing all trash, litter, and refuse from the site at the end of each business day. This includes food wrappers, food utensils, paper products, cans, bottles, food, and other such waste discarded improperly by customers.(7) The hours of operation shall be from shall be [between 8:00 a.m. and 9:00 p.m.](8) The mobile food vending service [shall provide one parking space per 250 square feet of the mobile food vending unit.] The mobile food vending service shall not locate in any minimum required parking spaces for other businesses on the site. Parking spaces may be shared with other uses on the site, unless the Zoning Administrator determines that parking congestion problems will be present on the site. The Zoning Administrator may require additional parking to alleviate the congestion. If enough parking cannot be provided, the use may not be located on the site.(9) Any person(s) so engaged shall not be relieved from complying with the provisions of this section by reason of association with any local dealer, trader, operator, merchant, organization, or auctioneer, or by conducting the mobile food vending service in connection with, as part of, or in the name of any local dealer, trader, operator, merchant, organization, or auctioneer.(10) The mobile food vending service shall not have ingress/egress access to a Class V (collector), Class VI, (local), or Class VI-L (cul-de-sac) street.(11) There shall be a [minimum 400’ separation from any other mobile food vendor service, and a minimum 400’ separation to a residential use or residential zoning district.] The distance shall be measured as the shortest distance between the nearest point of the mobile food vending service unit to the closest residential property line or district.(12) A zoning use placard must be posted in the front window of the mobile food vendor’s vehicle or trailer, while in use.(13) All applicable local and state codes shall be met.

(14) Section 12.510(1), (2), (3), (4), (7), (8), (9), (10), (11), and (12) shall not be applicable in the following situations:(a) [Special events recognized by the City where mobile food vendors are permitted.](b) Non-profit, fundraising events of 5 days or less in duration, where persons or organizations participate in duly recognized fundraising events, including but not limited to, religious, charitable, patriotic, or philanthropic events. With the exception that if the mobile food vendor service is the sponsor of the event, the mobile food vendor service would not be considered exempt from these regulations.

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[not be located in any required setback]

Economically, a mobile food vendor would thrive right along the street, in the required setback. When you walk through uptown Charlotte, the hot dog vendor does better when he is right on the sidewalk, addressing the street. The same applies to the mobile food vendors. Their business does best when closest to the street, not necessarily on the sidewalk, but possibly parked up on the edge of a sidewalk. The required setback entailed by the city inhibits economic growth in very diverse areas of Charlotte. If a required setback is rescinded then mobile food vendors will have a chance to liven up economically struggling commericial strips.

[permit is for 30 days at one location, renewable up to 2 additional times, for a total period of 90 days per calendar year at that one location.]

The permits should be effective for a year and in any location within the city limits of Charlotte. By having a permit only good for 30 days, it adds more unnecessary red tape for mobile food vendors. Mobile food vendors should have the right to assemble wherever private businesses allow them to, as it increases economic value to the area. Once you limit vendors to a location, you limit competition and economic success. It is proven that when mobile food vendors and other sevices such as carwashes cluster, they feed off of each other’s business. The permitting structure the city currently has inhibits land owners from regulating the types of vendors they may have occupying their site. If land owners were given more control over the types of businesses they desire, then they can create a source of income based on mobile vendors.

[Trash receptacles]

Trash receptacles should be a personal responsibility of the land owners in which the mobile food vendors occupy. The city does have a responsibility to require mobile food vendors to have trash receptacles on public land. The city also has the opportunity to provide private-public partnerships to enhance certain parking lots, to make them more suitable for mobile enterprises.

[between 8:00 a.m. and 9:00 p.m.]

When you limit the time of operation, you hurt the economy around the area. There is an obvious respect for the 11pm noise ordinance, but there also must be a respect for mobile food vendors to make money. Hot dog vendors are open past 9pm on weekedays and weekends because they have a market to cater to. The same should apply to mobile food vendors if they want to open their doors downtown or any other place.

[shall provide one parking space per 250 square feet of the mobile food vending unit.]

Mobile food vendors should not be required to provide parking spaces when they occupy a certain area. The space that they provide should be up to them as there are many different types of communities in Charlotte. If a vendor happens to be in a more dense community, then they may not provide a parking spot because most of their customers would be pedestrians. If a vendor happens to locate in a car driven community, then they might provide a few parking spaces for customers. The decision can also be left up to the land owners who provide spaces to mobile food vendors.

[minimum 400’ separation from any other mobile food vendor service, and a minimum 400’ separation to a residential use or residential zoning district.]

This part of the ordinance may be the most destructable, significantly minimizing the areas mobile food vendors can occupy. Charlotte’s most vibrant area of mobile food vendors were lined along Central Ave, a strip of commerical buildings, sandwich by large areas of residential homes. Sadly, no vendors are allowed to occupy this walkable community. Many other neighborhoods are hurt by the city’s decision as they are not available to the services they once had. Central Ave is a densely developed area that is very pedestrian friendly. Mobile food vendors are a catalyst for a vibrant pedestrian development and the ordinance deters that from happening. The original intent of the ordinance was to discourage congregation of the mobile enterprises in order to reduce noise pollution in the area. A possible solution for Central Ave is found in Portland, Oregon’s handling of mobile food vendors. Portland’s dense landscape dedicated a specific spot in a pedestrian friendly neighborhood to vendors. This specific spot acted more as a venue for residents and economically beneficial for the mobile businesses. A symbiotic relationship can be formed between vendors and private businesses in assisting with urban repair.

[Special events recognized by the City where mobile food vendors are permitted.]

This exception in the ordinance proves that the city is not aware of the people they serve. Events within the Hispanic communities in which most mobile food vendors serve are not planned but, spontaneous and organic. The city must accept that it serves many diverse communities with different characteristics and not one monolithic block. Ethnically diverse communities are inhibited by this ordinance to congregate spontaneously and organically.

Conclusion:

The ordinance in place by the city of Charlotte debilitates a vital part of the Hispanic community and its economy. The city needs to repeal Section 12.150 and reevaluate the impact mobile food vendors have on Charlotte. The ordinance constricts vendors from operating freely and in marketable places. By rescinding the ordinance, the city has a chance to mend its relationship with the Hispanic community and develop public-private partnerships to provide economic stability to these areas. If the city invests in collaborating with local businesses to provide adequate spaces for vendors and green spaces to cover worn down, undeutilized land, it will see an uptick in revenues and economic development.

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Insert Public Space

Insert Public Space

Insert Public Space

Informal Cluster

EXISTING STRUCTURE

EXISTING STRUCTURE

Suggested Pedestrian Path

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N. Tryon st

The intersection of North Tryon st and Sugar Creek Rd contains a large strip mall that holds the structural remains of thriving businesses. Currently the strip holds only two operating businesses, and a sea of asphalt that is severely underused. A phenomenon is occurring within these underused areas with the introduction of informal, mobile services that are ran by Hispanic entrepreneurs. The inclusion of this mobile economy is slowly repairing the economic and formal decay of this block. If restrictions that govern the placement of the mobile economy on this site are lifted, it will allow the city of Charlotte to plan suggestive areas for them to cluster; ultimately creating a venue or attraction of these informal business ventures.

Clustering informal activity allows for a symbiotic relationship to occur between differing mobile businesses. For instance, many mobile car washes currently populate underutilized space within the N. Tryon strip mall. Removing restrictions on spacing between mobile businesses will allow for nearby taco trucks and ice cream vendors to gather within the same area, giving customers of the mobile car washes the opportunity to become customers of other non-competing businesses without having to travel to a different area. Ultimately the pace of economic and aesthetic repair of this site would be catalyzed by the clustering of the mobile economic activity.

Due to the scale of this site, Charlotte has a unique opportunity to turn these underutilized spaces into public ones. The creation of public spaces within the block would promote public gathering, increased service venues, and a more pedestrian friendly atmosphere to people who lack them within this area. Pedestrian paths and public spaces will also help with the revitalization of the site, allowing the block to become heavier in program and more usable as an urban space.

view of existing informal activity, located within a suggested public space

view of existing informal activity, located outside a suggested public space

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EXISTING STRUCTURE

EXISTING STRUCTURE

Insert Public Space

Insert Public Space

Insert Public Space

Informal Cluster

Informal Cluster

Sugge

sted P

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Framework:

The removal of the urban fabric reveals the underlying framework for N. Tryon St, but can be applied to other large sites in need of urban repair. To the left is Eastland Mall, an abandoned development that has sat vacant for many years in Charlotte. There has been much debate about how to use/ reuse this property since its decay in ‘00. One idea for development is to allow mobile economies to patch the existing exterior parking lots that lay bare. Imposing the framework N. Tryon st site onto a section of Eastland Mall reveals several opportunities that could potentially allow private business to repair the existing fabric.

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South Blvd:

The location of the map shown left is at the corner of South Blvd and Sharon Lakes Rd. This corner is home to multiple informal activities that circle around a central formal activity. The formal activity, left, is a gas station, providing a local convenience to the residential areas to the west. The gas station then services two informal activities to the northwest corner and the east part of the site. The northwest corner of the site is occupied by a mobile vendor, addressing the intersection of Sharon Lakes Rd. and South Blvd.

The mobile vendor works in unison with the gas station, each funneling customer traffic to each other. The vendor helps bring in pedestrian traffic while the gas station brings in car oriented business. In the eastern corner of the site is a car wash, which is surprisingly an informal activity. The car wash was once operated by the gas station, but since it broke, there is a single person running it. The car wash draws a direct connection to the gas station, keeping economic activity going. The car wash is located in an open area on the site and gives an opportunity for people to gather and converse. The two informal activities on the site also help direct car traffic as well as pedestrian traffic. The symbiotic relationship between the formal and informal economies benefits the city and the residents of Charlotte as well. These informal activities are beginning to act as urban infill, stimulating areas that have suffered urban flight.

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Background Image provided by Terry Floyd

Background Image provided by Terry Floyd

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Framework:

The frame work shown to the left, indicates that the functions currently taking place can be applied to other places in the city, acting as urban infill. The South Blvd. site symbolizes a framework of a small and compact site. The site is defined by an existing centralized formal business. The pedestrian traffic is primarily on the perimeter of the site while the interior is mainly occupied by car traffic. The informal activities are then pressed to outer edges of the site to act as infill. The framework, left is applied to a small site on the corner of Matheson Ave. and North Tryon St. The existing building is centered on the site then there is the potential to have two informal activities, one addressing the street and pedestrian traffic and the other in the rear of the site, attracting car oriented business.

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Central Ave:

Due to the restrictive legislative acts that govern mobile vending, many mobile businesses have relocated away from Central Ave. This intersection of Kilborne and Central provides an opportunity for a mobile vending “hotspot” since it contains two decaying buildings with rather large parking lots that are underutilized. Through correct intervention of a mobile market plan, this Central ave site can reclaim and reuse the exterior spaces to revitalize the area. Since there is more than one area for a mobile business to locate to within the site, the pedestrian and public market can extend beyond the bounds of the street.

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CENTRALAVEFRAMEWORKINSTALATION+REVITALIZE

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Wilkinson Blvd:

The location of the map shown left is on Wilkinson Blvd. between Pruitt St. and Deherradora Ave. This site is currently absent of an informal economy but possesses the potential due to a growing pedestrian population and Hispanic influence. The site introduces a fairly empty parking lot that fronts an existing business. The existing site has much potential in housing informal businesses and creating a symbiotic relationship with existing businesses currently there. Mobile vendors would have the opportunity to address the street and court pedestrian traffic while a car wash could occupy the empty parking lot and attract car traffic. These potential informal economies could act as urban infill and boost an area effected by urban flight.

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WILKINSONBLVDFRAMEWORKINSTALATION+REVITALIZE

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Jose GamezDoctor of Philosophy in Architecture, University of California, Los AngelesMaster of Architecture, University of California, Berkeley Bachelor of Environmental Design, Texas A&M University

José L.S. Gámez is an Associate Professor of Architecture and Urban Design as well as a member of the Latin American Studies faculty at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte. He is also the Coordinator of the Design+Society Research Center in the College of Arts+Architecture. His research and design practices explore questions of cultural identity in architecture and urbanism. Prior to joining the faculty at UNC Charlotte, he taught at Portland State University and the University of Nevada at Las Vegas.

Editor Profile:

Jesse MillerB.A. Architecture UNC CharlotteB.A. Geography UNC Charlotte

Hometown: Orlando, FL

After working on the SxSAm (South by South America) project under Dr. Jose Gamez, Jesse took interest in producing maps that define Charlotte, North Carolina’s character, and more specifically Charlotte’s informal economic developments.

Anthony RodriguezB.A. Architecture UNC Charlotte

Hometown: Salisbury, Maryland

Anthony Rodriguez is from Salisbury, Maryland and currently resides in Charlotte, NC. He currently holds a Bachelors of Arts in Architecture and is pursuing a Bachelors of Architecture degree from the University of North Carolina at Charlotte.

AUTHOR PROFILES:

LEARNINGFROM

THE INFORMALA STUDY OF CHARLOTTE’S A STUDY OF CHARLOTTE’S

CORRIDORS AND MOBILE ECONOMIES