ling 566 dec 3, 2019 - university of washingtoncourses.washington.edu/ling566/1203.pdf · conj or n...

© 2003 CSLI Publications

Ling 566 Dec 3, 2020

Catch-up/review

© 2003 CSLI Publications2

Overview

• RQs from last time

• Midterm Q3

• Big picture

• Untangle this…

• Course evals


Reading Questions

• I’m curious about how LDDs are handled in relative clauses. I’m guessing they’re not licensed by the Head-Filler Rule since combining a relative clause with its antecedent gives an NP, which isn’t of HEAD verb. If that’s the case, how should we fill the gap? Are we going to postulate a new rule that is similar to the HFR?

3


Relative clausesS

NP

I

VP

V

like

NP

D

the

NOM

N

book

S

S

NP

Kim

VP

wrote


Relative clauses

S

NP

D

the

NOM

N

cat

S

NP

that

S

NP

I

VP

saw

VP

slept


Reading Questions• How well does this handling of LDDs generalize cross-

linguistically? It seems to me that it would generalize quite well, as it really only relies on headedness to work, but would generalize over other differences in language structures.

• On page 441, the book says GAPs are never filled in head-specifier and head modifier phrases. Why is that? Is this constraint specific to English only, or is it also common in other languages?

• It (easy adjectives) also makes me wonder how many examples of such exceptions to broader constraints in HPSG pop up in other languages (not just specifically about LDD).

6


Reading Questions

• Will our grammar take punctuation in to a count at all or are there any variants of HSPG that do so?

• I am wondering though if places of ambiguity in the ARP w.r.t. the operation "COMPS (-)", can cause practical problems when parsing trees?

• Maybe we could review some of the motivations for not positing empty categories, like traces? I feel like sentence processing might be among them, but are there others?

7

Poll!


Midterm Q3 tree

8

Which rule licenses each node?How many nodes have ARG-ST?

S

VP

V

Throw

NP

Sandy

NP

NP

DP

your

N

keys

CONJ

and

NP

DP

NP

Pat

D

’s

N

phone

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NO EXTRA FEATURES

9

"SPR h iCOMPS h i

#

"SPR h 1 iCOMPS h i

#

2

6664

SPR h 1 i

COMPS h 2 , 3 i

ARG-ST h 1 NP, 2 NP, 3 NPi

3

7775

Throw

2

2

64SPR h iCOMPS h iARG-ST h i

3

75

Sandy

3

"SPR h iCOMPS h i

#

"SPR h iCOMPS h i

#

4

2


3

75

your

2

664

SPR h 4 iCOMPS h i

ARG-ST h 4 DPi

3

775

keys

2


3

75

and

"SPR h iCOMPS h i

#

5

"SPR h iCOMPS h i

#

6

2


3

75

Pat

2

664

SPR h 6 iCOMPS h i

ARG-ST h 6 NPi

3

775

’s

2

664

SPR h 5 iCOMPS h i

ARG-ST h 5 DPi

3

775

phone

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4 step chain: throw.RECIPIENT to name.NAMED

10

S

VP

V

Throw

NP

Sandy

NP

NP

DP

your

N

keys

CONJ

and

NP

DP

NP

Pat

D

’s

N

phone

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4 step chain: throw.RECIPIENT to name.NAMED

1. Lex entry for throw

2. ARP (+SHAC)

3. HCR

4. Lex entry for Sandy

11

But not:SCP


Parts of our model

• Type hierarchy (lexical types, other types)

• Phrase structure rules

• Lexical rules

• Lexical entries

• Grammatical principles

• Initial symbol


Pause for reflection

• What have you learned about the nature of human language?

• What have you learned about how linguists think about language?

• How does this model/type of model differ from CFG (with atomic categories)?

• In what applications might (atomic category) CFG be sufficient?

• What applications might benefit from something linguistically more motivated?

Poll!


Complicated example #1

• What phenomena are illustrated by this sentence?

• What rules or interesting lexical types are involved in our analysis of it?

• What tree structure does our grammar assign?

It was explained to me that Kim left.


S

NP

It

VP

V

was

VP

V

explained

PP

P

to

NP

me

CP

C

that

S

NP

Kim

VP

left



I expect it to continue to surprise Kim that Sandy laughed.


S

NP

I

VP

V

expect

NP

it

VP

V

to

VP

V

continue

VP

V

to

VP

V

surprise

NP

Kim

CP

C

that

S

NP

Sandy

VP

laughed


Why not these?

*I expect it to continue to surprise Kim Sandy laughed.

*I expect there to continue to surprise Kim that Sandy laughed.

*I expect that Sandy laughed to Kim be surprised.



You all laughed, did you not?

*You all laughed, did not you?

You all laughed, didn’t you?


S

S

NP

you

VP

ADV

all

VP

laughed

S

V

did

NP

you

ADV

not


S

S

NP

Y ou

VP

ADV

all

VP

laughed

S

V

didn!t

NP

you



That Sandy could laugh so hard, Kim did not realize.

*That Sandy could laugh so hard, Kim realized not.

*Sandy could laugh so hard, Kim did not realize.

*That Sandy could laugh so hard, Kim did not realize it.


S

CP

C

That

S

NP

Sandy

VP

V

could

VP

laugh

S

NP

Kim

VP

V

did

ADV

not

VP

realize



Kim continues to be likely to be easy to talk to.

*Kim continue to be likely to be easy to talk to.

*Kim continues to be likely to is easy to talk to.

*Kim continues to Kim be likely to be easy to talk to.


S

NP

Kim

VP

V

continues

VP

V

to

VP

V

be

AP

A

likely

VP

V

to

VP

V

be

AP

A

easy

VP

V

to

VP

V

talk

PP

to



That cake, Kim thought would be easy to eat.

*That cake, Kim thought would be easy to eat pie.

*That cake, Kim thought would be easy to eaten.

*Cupcake, Kim thought would be easy to eat.

*That cake, Kim thought that would be easy to eat.


S

NP

D

That

N

cake

S

NP

Kim

VP

V

thought

S

V

would

VP

V

be

AP

A

easy

VP

V

to

VP

eat

Poll!


wh- question

S

NP

Who

S

V

did

NP

Kim

VP

see


wh-questions again

S

NP

Who

S

V

did

NP

Kim

VP

V

think

S

NP

Sandy

VP

saw


wh- complications

• Subject-aux inversion required

• In matrix non-subject questions

Who saw Kim? I wonder who Kim saw.

• Pied piping

Who’s brother’s sister’s kid did you meet?

• ‘Subjacency’

Who read what? *What did who read?

• the hell: Who the hell reads what (*the hell)

ling 566 dec 3, 2019 - university of washingtoncourses.washington.edu/ling566/1203.pdf · conj or n...

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