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Linguistic Categories in the Brain: The case of Nouns and Verbs
Gabriella ViglioccoCognitive, Perceptual and Brain Sciences
University College London
still produced verbs better than nouns in speech. The sameis true of patient JR [15], whose lesion bypasses thoseportions of the temporal lobe thought to be implicated innoun production [16]. At the same time, some patientswith apparently verb-specific deficits have no trace offrontal damage [17]. These ‘exceptions’ to the anterior–posterior rule imply that several brain regions could besensitive to the differential processing of nouns and verbs,perhaps at distinct stages of word retrieval.
What is a ‘grammatical category’?The possibility that distinctions between nouns and verbsat different levels of representation are mapped ontodifferent cortical areas poses a problem for researcherstrying to identify the locus of impairment in individualcases. It also presents a wealth of opportunity for thoseinterested in charting the cortical layout and cognitivearchitecture of language functions. To exploit this oppor-tunity, we must be able to define the levels of represen-tation at which grammatical category might be relevant.
Are nouns and verbs distinguished at the semantic level?There is good intuitive reason to believe that thedistinction between nouns and verbs is captured at leastin part by differences in word meaning [18,19]. Proto-typically, nouns refer to objects or entities, whereas verbsrefer to actions. The action-object distinction has beeninvoked frequently to account for apparently grammatical
category specific deficits in neuropsychology [8,11], andderives some of its force from the felicitous observationthat verb deficits seem to result from damage to parts ofthe brain adjacent to those involved in motor planning,whereas noun deficits result from damage to areasassociated with the processing of sensory and othersemantic features of objects. Computational models havebeen used to quantify this intuition, showing that whenwords are rated for their sensory and motor associations,nouns and verbs segregate partly along that dimension[20]. Moreover, verbs referring to actions tend to clusterwith motor-related nouns, such as names of tools.
Another class of semantic accounts hinges on theobservation that nouns and verbs differ along continuoussemantic dimensions like concreteness [21,22] and image-ability [23]. On these hypotheses, noun or verb productionmight be impaired following brain damage because of aninability to access information about the meaningfulfeatures of concrete words (noun deficits) or abstractwords (verb deficits). As we will argue, it is unlikely thateither of these kinds of semantic explanation is sufficientto account for grammatical category specific deficits.
Is grammatical category encoded at the level of lexicalform?It is possible that distinctions between grammaticalcategories are reflected in the organization of the lexicon;that is, that features like noun and verb are associatedwith word forms, independent of semantics. Some of themost striking evidence for the representation of gramma-tical category at this level comes from the study of patientswith modality specific impairments (Box 1).
Another way of approaching the problem is to useproduction tasks controlled explicitly for semantic vari-ables. When this has been done, the results show thatsemantic factors do not tell the whole story. One patientwho is impaired at producing verbs shows better perform-ance with highly agentive action verbs [24], contrary towhat meaning-based accounts (and computational modelsthat ostensibly support them) seem to predict. This patientalso shows no difficulty naming tools compared withnaming nouns that have more ‘sensory’ associations.Likewise, Berndt and colleagues have shown that gram-matical category and imageability contribute indepen-dently to word production deficits [25] (Fig. 2). Suchstudies suggest that grammatical category may be anintrinsic property of representations at the form level.
Are grammatical categories really morphologicalprocesses?In a few cases, it seems unlikely that grammatical categoryselective processing impairments arise because of aninability to retrieve stored properties of words, whethersemantic or phonological. Two patients we have studiedpresent with complementary deficits in producing nounsand verbs on a variety of tests [16]. Interestingly, bothpatients fare poorly at using words of the impairedcategory in morphological transformation tasks, in whichthey must complete sentence frames such as ‘every day, hejudges; every day, they…’ or ‘these are judges, this is a…’.(In both cases the correct response is ‘judge’.) Even more
Fig. 1.EBA: ‘Oh Lordy, she’s making a mess. She let the thing go, and it’s getting on
the floor. They’re stealing something. He’s falling; he’s gonna hurt himself. She’scleaning these things. She’s looking at him falling, and she’s gonna get some ofthe stuff he’s giving her.’
CH: ‘Okay, the boy is, his cookies, he is, uh, his sister is look for him cookies,but he is going to fall out of his stool because his legs are not bent that way. Andhis mother is, all the time her dishes are bein’…and his mother is, she has got this[k ^ sıt] and her faucet is never really on that, and then he has a tree, but he is, Idon’t know.’Samples of oral production from two patients asked to describe the picture shown.EBA is relatively more impaired at naming nouns than verbs, and uses onlygeneric nouns (like ‘stuff’) in her spoken description of the picture. CH, by contrast,has difficulty retrieving verbs, and the verbs that he does produce often occur inungrammatical contexts (‘is look for him cookies’). Cookie Theft picture repro-duced with permission from Ref. [43].
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From Shapiro & Caramazza (2003)
• reports of selective disfunction of the grammatical classes of nouns and verbs (e.g., Miceli et al., 1984; McCarthy & Warrington, 1985; Zingeser & Bernt, 1988 -- 200+ cases on record to-date).
• reports of selective disfunction of the grammatical classes of nouns and verbs (e.g., Miceli et al., 1984; McCarthy & Warrington, 1985; Zingeser & Bernt, 1988 -- 200+ cases on record to-date).
Verb
Noun
Association of the behavioural double dissociation with different neuroanatomical substrates (e.g., Daniele et al., 1994)
• Double dissociation between noun and verb processing in patients with focal lesions
• Distinct neural substrate for nouns and verbs (as inferred from lesion data)
One Theoretical Tradition
• Double dissociation between noun and verb processing in patients with focal lesions
• Distinct neural substrate for nouns and verbs (as inferred from lesion data)
One Theoretical Tradition
Grammatical class is a principle of lexical organisation in the brain
• Double dissociation between noun and verb processing in patients with focal lesions
• Distinct neural substrate for nouns and verbs (as inferred from lesion data)
One Theoretical Tradition
Grammatical class is a principle of lexical organisation in the brain
Neural separability for networks processing nouns and processing verbs
“...the results we have reported suggest a remarkably specific organization of lexical knowledge in the brain [...]. Although we do not have clear hypotheses about the nature of the brain mechanisms that compute lexical structure, it is clear that the information computed by these mechanisms must represent [...] their grammatical class”. (Caramazza & Hillis, 1991, pg. 790)
The Alternative Tradition
“There must be something to talk about and something must be said about this subject of discourse [...] The subject of discourse is a noun. As the most common subject of discourse is either a person or a thing, the noun clusters about concrete concepts of that order. As the thing predicated of a subject is generally an activity [...], the form which has been set aside for the business of predicating, in other words, the verb, cluster about concepts of activity. No language wholly fails to distinguish noun and verb, though in particular cases the nature of the distinction may be an elusive one” (Sapir, 1921)
“[the Functionalist approach] seeks to equate the categories that are mapped onto surface grammar with a set of semantic-pragmatic elements, bypassing an independent, abstract and unitary set of syntactic categories or symbols” (Bates & MacWhinney, 1982)
Grammatical class is not an organisational principle of lexical knowledge in the brain while semantics is, noun/verb processing does not engage distinct neural networks
Nouns and Verbs in the Cognitive System
Conceptual Features
Lexical Codes
Phonological/ Orthographic
Codes
NN V V
(e.g., Levelt, 1989; Pickering & Branigan, 1998)
Nouns and Verbs in the Cognitive System
Conceptual Features
Lexical Codes
Phonological/ Orthographic
Codes
NN V V
(e.g., Levelt, 1989; Pickering & Branigan, 1998)
NN V V [NP:Det+N] [VP:V+NP]
Nouns and Verbs in the Cognitive System
Conceptual Features
Lexical Codes
Phonological/ Orthographic
Codes
NN V V
(e.g., Levelt, 1989; Pickering & Branigan, 1998)
NN V V [NP:Det+N] [VP:V+NP]
Conceptual Features
Lexical Codes
Phonological/ Orthographic
Codes(e.g., Cheng et al., 2006; Elman, 2003
Nouns and Verbs in the Cognitive System
Conceptual Features
Lexical Codes
Phonological/ Orthographic
Codes
NN V V
(e.g., Levelt, 1989; Pickering & Branigan, 1998)
NN V V [NP:Det+N] [VP:V+NP]
Conceptual Features
Lexical Codes
Phonological/ Orthographic
Codes(e.g., Cheng et al., 2006; Elman, 2003
[the+w1] [w2+the+w3]
Communicative Intentions
Nouns and Verbs in the Cognitive System
Conceptual Features
Lexical Codes
Phonological/ Orthographic
Codes
NN V V
(e.g., Levelt, 1989; Pickering & Branigan, 1998)
Other theories in between (e.g., Levelt et al, 1999; Garrett, 1975)
NN V V [NP:Det+N] [VP:V+NP]
Conceptual Features
Lexical Codes
Phonological/ Orthographic
Codes(e.g., Cheng et al., 2006; Elman, 2003
[the+w1] [w2+the+w3]
Communicative Intentions
Nouns and Verbs in the Brain
Neural separability at the lexical level between nouns and verbs
Nouns
Verbs
Nouns and Verbs in the Brain
Neural separability at the lexical level between nouns and verbs
Nouns
Verbs
ObjectKnowledge
ActionKnowledge
Neural separability at conceptual level between object and action knowledge. Common system for nouns and verbs
Nouns and Verbs in the Brain
Neural separability at the lexical level between nouns and verbs
In between: neural separability not at lexical level, but between processes that integrate nouns or verbs in morphological and/or syntactic frames
Nouns
Verbs
ObjectKnowledge
ActionKnowledge
Neural separability at conceptual level between object and action knowledge. Common system for nouns and verbs
Vigliocco, Vinson, Druks, Barber & Cappa (2011)
A principled look to Behavioural, Imaging and Patients’ data:
Vigliocco, Vinson, Druks, Barber & Cappa (2011)
A principled look to Behavioural, Imaging and Patients’ data:
• Objects and Actions (rather than nouns and verbs) have different neuroanatomical correlates
Vigliocco, Vinson, Druks, Barber & Cappa (2011)
A principled look to Behavioural, Imaging and Patients’ data:
• Objects and Actions (rather than nouns and verbs) have different neuroanatomical correlates
• Grammatical class is not a principle of lexical organisation in the brain however triggers integration processes that can differ depending upon task and language
Vigliocco, Vinson, Druks, Barber & Cappa (2011)
A principled look to Behavioural, Imaging and Patients’ data:
• Objects and Actions (rather than nouns and verbs) have different neuroanatomical correlates
• Grammatical class is not a principle of lexical organisation in the brain however triggers integration processes that can differ depending upon task and language
• The challenge is to capture the cognitive and neural mechanisms underscoring these integration processes
Vigliocco, Vinson, Druks, Barber & Cappa (2011)
Criteria guiding the evaluation of empirical work
1. Noun-Verb distinction vs. Object-Event distinction
Criteria guiding the evaluation of empirical work
1. Noun-Verb distinction vs. Object-Event distinction
Criteria guiding the evaluation of empirical work
1. Noun-Verb distinction vs. Object-Event distinction
Studies must tease apart semantics and grammatical class (most often, this has not been the case in the literature, especially neuropsychology and imaging)
Criteria guiding the evaluation of empirical work
1. Noun-Verb distinction vs. Object-Event distinction
Studies must tease apart semantics and grammatical class (most often, this has not been the case in the literature, especially neuropsychology and imaging)
In our work: focus on words referring to events, either nouns or verbs (e.g., “the dance”, “to dance”; “the advice”, “to advise”)
Criteria guiding the evaluation of empirical work
1. Noun-Verb distinction vs. Object-Event distinction
Studies must tease apart semantics and grammatical class (most often, this has not been the case in the literature, especially neuropsychology and imaging)
In our work: focus on words referring to events, either nouns or verbs (e.g., “the dance”, “to dance”; “the advice”, “to advise”)
Criteria guiding the evaluation of empirical work
2. Task requirements - Ecological validity
Studies must distinguish between when grammatical class is not relevant to the task (engages only lexical retrieval processes) vs. when grammatical class is relevant to the task (engages lexical retrieval + integration processes)
Criteria guiding evaluation of empirical work
Criteria guiding evaluation of empirical work
3. Processing demands for nouns and verbs differ within and between languages:
Criteria guiding evaluation of empirical work
3. Processing demands for nouns and verbs differ within and between languages:
• verbs are more complex semantically
Criteria guiding evaluation of empirical work
3. Processing demands for nouns and verbs differ within and between languages:
• verbs are more complex semantically
• verbs are more complex syntactically. e.g., across languages, nouns and verbs engage different types of dependencies (agreement).
Criteria guiding evaluation of empirical work
3. Processing demands for nouns and verbs differ within and between languages:
• verbs are more complex semantically
• verbs are more complex syntactically. e.g., across languages, nouns and verbs engage different types of dependencies (agreement).
• verbs are more complex morphologically (within and across languages have more inflected forms than nouns and this difference is greater in some languages
Criteria guiding evaluation of empirical work
3. Processing demands for nouns and verbs differ within and between languages:
• verbs are more complex semantically
• verbs are more complex syntactically. e.g., across languages, nouns and verbs engage different types of dependencies (agreement).
• verbs are more complex morphologically (within and across languages have more inflected forms than nouns and this difference is greater in some languagesEnglish: 2 (number) vs. 5 (number, tense)
Criteria guiding evaluation of empirical work
3. Processing demands for nouns and verbs differ within and between languages:
• verbs are more complex semantically
• verbs are more complex syntactically. e.g., across languages, nouns and verbs engage different types of dependencies (agreement).
• verbs are more complex morphologically (within and across languages have more inflected forms than nouns and this difference is greater in some languagesEnglish: 2 (number) vs. 5 (number, tense)Italian: 4 vs. approx. 96!
Criteria guiding evaluation of empirical work
3. Processing demands for nouns and verbs differ within and between languages:
• verbs are more complex semantically
• verbs are more complex syntactically. e.g., across languages, nouns and verbs engage different types of dependencies (agreement).
• verbs are more complex morphologically (within and across languages have more inflected forms than nouns and this difference is greater in some languagesEnglish: 2 (number) vs. 5 (number, tense)Italian: 4 vs. approx. 96!
Criteria guiding evaluation of empirical work
Behavioural Studies
in collaboration with: Noriko Iwasaki, Simona Siri, David Vinson
Behavioural Studies: Background
• Effects of grammatical class have long been established in sentence comprehension and sentence production (e.g., Garrett, 1976)
Behavioural Studies: Background
• Effects of grammatical class have long been established in sentence comprehension and sentence production (e.g., Garrett, 1976)
• Lateralization differences between noun and verb processing with verbs showing a greater advantage for right hemifield presentation (Day, 1979; Sereno, 1999)
Behavioural Studies: Background
• Effects of grammatical class have long been established in sentence comprehension and sentence production (e.g., Garrett, 1976)
• Lateralization differences between noun and verb processing with verbs showing a greater advantage for right hemifield presentation (Day, 1979; Sereno, 1999)
• However, these studies (1) confound semantics and grammatical class; (2) do not provide crucial evidence that grammatical class affects lexical retrieval
Behavioural Studies: Background
Italian Picture-Word Interference Experiments
DistracterWord
+
Vigliocco, Vinson & Siri (2005)
Italian Picture-Word Interference Experiments
DistracterWord
+
Vigliocco, Vinson & Siri (2005)
Speaker says: Saltare [to jump]
Condition 1: Bare Verb Production (citation form)
Italian Picture-Word Interference Experiments
Distracter WordsCorrere [to run] (sem related, same GC)
Donare [to donate] (sem unrelat., same GC)
Passeggiata [the walk] (sem related, diff GC)
Richiesta [the request] (sem unrelat., diff GC)
DistracterWord
+
Vigliocco, Vinson & Siri (2005)
Speaker says: Saltare [to jump]
Condition 1: Bare Verb Production (citation form)
Italian Picture-Word Interference Experiments
Distracter WordsCorrere [to run] (sem related, same GC)
Donare [to donate] (sem unrelat., same GC)
Passeggiata [the walk] (sem related, diff GC)
Richiesta [the request] (sem unrelat., diff GC)
Speaker says: Saltare [to jump]
Condition 1: Bare Verb Production (citation form)
750
775
800
825
850
SemRel SemUnrel
Noun Distracter Verb Distracter
Nam
ing
Late
ncie
s (m
s)
DistracterWord
+
DistracterWord
+
Speaker says: Salta [s/he jumps]
Condition 2: Phrasal Production (inflected form)
DistracterWord
+
This is also a full sentence
Speaker says: Salta [s/he jumps]
Condition 2: Phrasal Production (inflected form)
Distracter WordsCorrere [to run] (sem related, same GC)
Donare [to donate] (sem unrelat., same GC)
Passeggiata [the walk] (sem related, diff GC)
Richiesta [the request] (sem unrelat., diff GC)
DistracterWord
+
This is also a full sentence
Speaker says: Salta [s/he jumps]
Condition 2: Phrasal Production (inflected form)
Distracter WordsCorrere [to run] (sem related, same GC)
Donare [to donate] (sem unrelat., same GC)
Passeggiata [the walk] (sem related, diff GC)
Richiesta [the request] (sem unrelat., diff GC)
Speaker says: Salta [s/he jumps]
Condition 2: Phrasal Production (inflected form)
800
850
900
950
SemRel SemUnrel
Noun Distracter Verb Distracter
Nam
ing
Late
ncie
s (m
s)
DistracterWord
+
Iwasaki, Vinson, Watanabe, Arciuli & Vigliocco (2008)
Japanese Picture-Word Interference Experiments
DistracterWord
+
Iwasaki, Vinson, Watanabe, Arciuli & Vigliocco (2008)
Japanese Picture-Word Interference Experiments
Speaker says: Moyasu [to burn]
Condition 1: Bare Verb Production (citation form)
Distracter WordsYuderu [to boil] (sem related, same GC)
Kamau [to care] (sem unrelat., same GC)
Himei [the scream] (sem unrelated, diff GC)
DistracterWord
+
Iwasaki, Vinson, Watanabe, Arciuli & Vigliocco (2008)
Japanese Picture-Word Interference Experiments
Speaker says: Moyasu [to burn]
Condition 1: Bare Verb Production (citation form)
Distracter WordsYuderu [to boil] (sem related, same GC)
Kamau [to care] (sem unrelat., same GC)
Himei [the scream] (sem unrelated, diff GC)
Speaker says: Moyasu [to burn]
Japanese Picture-Word Interference ExperimentsN
amin
g La
tenc
ies
(ms)
700
750
800
850
SemRelV SemUnrelV SemUnrelN
Condition 1: Bare Verb Production (citation form)
Condition 2: Phrasal Production
Otoko[man]
Condition 2: Phrasal Production
Otoko[man] Speaker says: “otoko-ga” [man-NOM]
Condition 2: Phrasal Production
Speaker says: moyashite-iru “burning-PROG”
+
Distracter Word
Otoko[man] Speaker says: “otoko-ga” [man-NOM]
Distracter WordsYuderu [to boil] (sem related, same GC)
Kamau [to care] (sem unrelat., same GC)
Himei [the scream] (sem unrelated, diff GC)
Condition 2: Phrasal Production
Speaker says: moyashite-iru “burning-PROG”
+
Distracter Word
Otoko[man] Speaker says: “otoko-ga” [man-NOM]
Distracter WordsYuderu [to boil] (sem related, same GC)
Kamau [to care] (sem unrelat., same GC)
Himei [the scream] (sem unrelated, diff GC)
Condition 2: Phrasal Production
Speaker says: moyashite-iru “burning-PROG”
Nam
ing
Late
ncie
s (m
s)
600
650
700
750
800
SemRelV SemUnrelV SemUnrelN
Behavioural Studies:Conclusions
Once semantics is controlled grammatical class does not affect lexical retrieval
Behavioural Studies:Conclusions
Once semantics is controlled grammatical class does not affect lexical retrieval
Grammatical class affects integration in phrasal contexts in some languages (Italian and English too! see Vigliocco, Vinson & Barber, 2008) but not other languages (Japanese) plausibly due to to different demands on verbs
Behavioural Studies:Conclusions
Imaging Studies
in collaboration with: Pasquale della Rosa, Stefano Cappa, Simona Siri, Jane Warren, David Vinson, Richard Wise
Imaging Studies: Background
Imaging Studies: Background
• Most studies, confounding between semantics and grammatical class
Imaging Studies: Background
• Most studies, confounding between semantics and grammatical class
• Some studies that reduced semantic confound: Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus (IFG) or Middle Frontal Gyrus for verbs (e.g., Longe et al., 2007; Shapiro, Moo & Caramazza).
Imaging Studies: Background
• Most studies, confounding between semantics and grammatical class
• Some studies that reduced semantic confound: Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus (IFG) or Middle Frontal Gyrus for verbs (e.g., Longe et al., 2007; Shapiro, Moo & Caramazza).
• Large variability in activations (see Crepaldi et al., 2013)
Imaging Studies: Background
• Most studies, confounding between semantics and grammatical class
• Some studies that reduced semantic confound: Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus (IFG) or Middle Frontal Gyrus for verbs (e.g., Longe et al., 2007; Shapiro, Moo & Caramazza).
• Large variability in activations (see Crepaldi et al., 2013)
• Studies differ in task-specific requirements and language investigated (in addition to testing objects vs actions)
Shapiro, Moo & Caramazza (2006)
Task:This is a sail; these are ___This person sails; these people ___
These are wugs; this is a ___These pigs wug; this pig ___
Shapiro, Moo & Caramazza (2006)
0
0.02
0.04
0.06
0.08
0
0.02
0.04
0.06
0.08
0.1
-0.04
-0.02
0
0.02
0.04
Nouns > Verbs Verbs > Nouns
% s
ignal change
L. fusiform gyrus
L. middle frontal gyrus
L. superior parietal lobule
Task:This is a sail; these are ___This person sails; these people ___
These are wugs; this is a ___These pigs wug; this pig ___
6 English speakers:Guess what “a wug”/”many wugs”/”he wugs”/”they wug” mean (40 items)
Vigliocco, Vinson, Druks, Barber & Cappa (2011)
A wug: small wiggly insect, cross between worm and bug.Many wugs: punctuation marks.He wugs: a crazy dance.They wug: come to an agreement.
6 English speakers:Guess what “a wug”/”many wugs”/”he wugs”/”they wug” mean (40 items)
Vigliocco, Vinson, Druks, Barber & Cappa (2011)
A wug: small wiggly insect, cross between worm and bug.Many wugs: punctuation marks.He wugs: a crazy dance.They wug: come to an agreement.
6 English speakers:Guess what “a wug”/”many wugs”/”he wugs”/”they wug” mean (40 items)
10 English speakers:Does the definition refer to an object/action/abstract/others (240 definitions)?
Vigliocco, Vinson, Druks, Barber & Cappa (2011)
A wug: small wiggly insect, cross between worm and bug.Many wugs: punctuation marks.He wugs: a crazy dance.They wug: come to an agreement.
6 English speakers:Guess what “a wug”/”many wugs”/”he wugs”/”they wug” mean (40 items)
10 English speakers:Does the definition refer to an object/action/abstract/others (240 definitions)?
Singular pseudonoun (A wug): 81% objectPlural pseudonoun (Many wugs): 87% objectSingular pseudoverb (He wugs): 89% actionPlural pseudoverb (They wug): 74% action
Vigliocco, Vinson, Druks, Barber & Cappa (2011)
Motion Sensory
VerbsGaloppa ga!op Rincorre chase
Pattina skate
Luccica shine
Starnazza quacks
Degusta taste
NounsGiravolta twirl
Tuffo dive
Atterraggio landing
Lampo lightning
Oscurita’ darkness
Ronzio buzz
Nouns and Verbs in inflected formTask: listening to blocks of words, or rotated speech (baseline)
Vigliocco, Warren, Siri, Arciuli, Scott & Wise (2006)
Semantics & Grammatical Class: a PET study
No area of significantly greater activation for either nouns or verbs
fMRI experiment in Italian using overt picture naming
No semantic (and visual) confound: same picturePicture naming used to establish noun-verb dissociations
Imaging Naming Nouns and Verbs
Siri, Tettamanti, Cappa, della Rosa, Saccuman, Scifo & Vigliocco (2008)
Description of Conditions
Description of Conditions
Lexical Retrieval
Description of Conditions
Lexical RetrievalLexical Retrieval +
inflectional processes
Description of Conditions
Lexical RetrievalLexical Retrieval +
derivational processesLexical Retrieval +
inflectional processes
Action Noun - Infinitive Verb
Dorsal IFG (60% BA44) x=-46,y=16,z=26
Ventral IFG (BA45/47) x=-48,y=24,z=-4
(p < .05, false discovery rate type correction)
Action Noun - Infinitive Verb
Dorsal IFG (60% BA44) x=-46,y=16,z=26
Ventral IFG (BA45/47) x=-48,y=24,z=-4
(p < .05, false discovery rate type correction)
Ventral IFG (BA45/47)
Dorsal IFG (60% BA44)
• Once semantics is controlled, noun and verb processing may not engage segregable neural networks
• Left frontal cortex is more (or less) engaged depending upon (1) extent of integration required by the task; (2) extent of engagement of processes related to selection and decision
• Language has not been addressed properly!
Imaging Studies:Conclusions
Patients’ Studies
in collaboration with: Stefano Cappa, Judit Druks, Simone Matzig
A closer look to Neuropsychological Evidence
Matzig, Druks, Materson & Vigliocco (2009)
Review of patients’ studies (focal lesions) published between 1984-2006 (note that picture naming has been used primarily)
A closer look to Neuropsychological Evidence
Matzig, Druks, Materson & Vigliocco (2009)
Review of patients’ studies (focal lesions) published between 1984-2006 (note that picture naming has been used primarily)
• 240 patients with focal lesions have been reported in 38 papers.
A closer look to Neuropsychological Evidence
Matzig, Druks, Materson & Vigliocco (2009)
Review of patients’ studies (focal lesions) published between 1984-2006 (note that picture naming has been used primarily)
• 240 patients with focal lesions have been reported in 38 papers.
• Many more patients with verb specific deficit (11% noun deficit; 75% verb deficit) suggesting greater heterogeneity in causes of verb naming deficit
A closer look to Neuropsychological Evidence
Matzig, Druks, Materson & Vigliocco (2009)
Review of patients’ studies (focal lesions) published between 1984-2006 (note that picture naming has been used primarily)
• 240 patients with focal lesions have been reported in 38 papers.
• Many more patients with verb specific deficit (11% noun deficit; 75% verb deficit) suggesting greater heterogeneity in causes of verb naming deficit
• Magnitude of the dissociation is extremely variable (2 - 81%. if we limit to large dissociations (>30% difference) only 36 cases reported (12 nouns, 24 verbs
A closer look to Neuropsychological Evidence
Matzig, Druks, Materson & Vigliocco (2009)
Matzig, Druks, Materson & Vigliocco (2009)
Lesion Data: Noun Deficit
Lesion Site N.pts
L. Fronto-Temporal 1
L. Temporo-Parietal (Bilat) 2
L. Fronto-Temporo-Parietal 1
L. Temporo-Parietal-Occipital 2
L. Temporo-Occipital 2
L. Temporal 4
Plausible semantic account of object/noun naming deficit
Matzig, Druks, Materson & Vigliocco (2009)
Lesion Data: Verb Deficit
Lesion Site N.ptsL. IFG, premotor, Insula, Internal Capsule 1
L. IFG, White Matter 1
L. Internal Capsule, White Matter 1
L. Basal Ganglia 1
L. Parietal, White Matter, External Capsule, Thalamus 1
L. Insula, Basal Ganglia, External Capsule, Thalamus 3
L Fronto-Temporal 4
R. Fronto-Temporal 1
L. Occipito-Parietal 1
L. Temporo-Parietal 3
L. Fronto-Temporo-Parietal 3
L. Temporal 1
L. Parietal 3
Different causes for action/verb naming deficits
Verb naming impairment in NfPPA, PSP and CBD
•Non fluent Primary Progressive Aphasia (NfPPA): left IFG and insular atrophy (Gorno-Tempini et al., 2004)
•Corticobasal Degeneration (CBD): asymmetric (left>right) brain atrophy involving premotor cortex, superior parietal lobes and striatum
•Progressive Supranuclear Palsy (PSP): atrophy of midbrain, pons, thalamus, and striatum with minimal involvement frontal cortex (Boxer et al., 2006)
Cotelli et al. (2006)
Verb naming impairment in NfPPA, PSP and CBD
•Non fluent Primary Progressive Aphasia (NfPPA): left IFG and insular atrophy (Gorno-Tempini et al., 2004)
•Corticobasal Degeneration (CBD): asymmetric (left>right) brain atrophy involving premotor cortex, superior parietal lobes and striatum
•Progressive Supranuclear Palsy (PSP): atrophy of midbrain, pons, thalamus, and striatum with minimal involvement frontal cortex (Boxer et al., 2006)
Cotelli et al. (2006)
0
25
50
75
100
NfPPA 1 NfPPA 2 Controls0
25
50
75
100
PSP (n=10) CBD (n=10) Controls
Object/Noun Action/Verb
% C
orre
ct N
amin
g
% C
orre
ct N
amin
g
Patients’ Studies: Conclusions
• Double dissociation does not provide clear evidence for lexical representation of grammatical class information
Patients’ Studies: Conclusions
• Double dissociation does not provide clear evidence for lexical representation of grammatical class information
• It provides evidence for dissociation between object and action knowledge
Patients’ Studies: Conclusions
• Double dissociation does not provide clear evidence for lexical representation of grammatical class information
• It provides evidence for dissociation between object and action knowledge
• Heterogeneity of verb deficits plausibly linked to deficits in integration/decision processes (in addition to deficits in action knowledge)
Patients’ Studies: Conclusions
• Double dissociation does not provide clear evidence for lexical representation of grammatical class information
• It provides evidence for dissociation between object and action knowledge
• Heterogeneity of verb deficits plausibly linked to deficits in integration/decision processes (in addition to deficits in action knowledge)
• Language has not been addressed!
Patients’ Studies: Conclusions
Behavioural data
• effects of grammatical class only when task involves integration processes
• cross-linguistic differences related to different demands on integration processes
Imaging data• semantic differences
• common neural network for nouns and verb processing
• interactions with and language
Patients’ data• semantic differences
• plausibly, differences in demands on integration processes for verbs can account for some action/verb naming impairments
Nouns and Verbs in the Cognitive System
Conceptual Features
Lexical Codes
Phonological/ Orthographic
Codes
NN V V
(e.g., Levelt, 1989; Pickering & Branigan, 1998)
Conceptual Features
Lexical Codes
Phonological/ Orthographic
Codes(e.g., Cheng et al., 2006; Elman, 2003
Other theories in between
NN V V [NP:Det+N] [VP:V+NP]
[the+w1] [w2+the+w3]
Communicative Intentions
Nouns and Verbs in the Brain
Neural separability at the lexical level between nouns and verbs
Nouns
Verbs
Nouns and Verbs in the Brain
Neural separability at the lexical level between nouns and verbs
Nouns
Verbs
ObjectKnowledge
ActionKnowledge
Neural separability at conceptual level between object and action knowledge. Common system for nouns and verbs
Nouns and Verbs in the Brain
Neural separability at the lexical level between nouns and verbs
In between: neural separability not at lexical level, but between processes that integrate nouns or verbs in morphological or syntactic frames
Nouns
Verbs
ObjectKnowledge
ActionKnowledge
Neural separability at conceptual level between object and action knowledge. Common system for nouns and verbs
Neural separability between processes thatintegrate nouns and verbs in frames?
Shapiro et al. (2006)
0
0.02
0.04
0.06
0.08
0
0.02
0.04
0.06
0.08
0.1
-0.04
-0.02
0
0.02
0.04
Nouns > Verbs Verbs > Nouns
% s
ignal change
L. fusiform gyrus
L. middle frontal gyrus
L. superior parietal lobule
Neural separability between processes thatintegrate nouns and verbs in frames?
Shapiro et al. (2006)
Ventral IFG (BA45/47)
Dorsal IFG (60% BA44)
0
0.02
0.04
0.06
0.08
0
0.02
0.04
0.06
0.08
0.1
-0.04
-0.02
0
0.02
0.04
Nouns > Verbs Verbs > Nouns
% s
ignal change
L. fusiform gyrus
L. middle frontal gyrus
L. superior parietal lobule
Nouns and Verbs in the Brain
Neural separability at the lexical level between nouns and verbs
In between: neural separability not at lexical level, but between processes that integrate nouns or verbs in syntactic frames
Nouns
Verbs
ObjectKnowledge
ActionKnowledge
Neural separability at conceptual level between object and action knowledge. Common system for nouns and verbs
The way forward
• A typological emergentist view of grammatical class (Vigliocco et al., 2011)
• Pragmatic/semantic: universal primary building blocks for establishing grammatical class differences in development.
• Distributional probabilistic cues that can vary across languages (syntactic and morphological) would be necessary for learning and processing non prototypical members (integration)
The way forward
• A typological emergentist view of grammatical class (Vigliocco et al., 2011)
• Pragmatic/semantic: universal primary building blocks for establishing grammatical class differences in development.
• Distributional probabilistic cues that can vary across languages (syntactic and morphological) would be necessary for learning and processing non prototypical members (integration)
• The challenge is to capture the cognitive and neural mechanisms underscoring these integration processes
The way forward
• A typological emergentist view of grammatical class (Vigliocco et al., 2011)
• Pragmatic/semantic: universal primary building blocks for establishing grammatical class differences in development.
• Distributional probabilistic cues that can vary across languages (syntactic and morphological) would be necessary for learning and processing non prototypical members (integration)
• The challenge is to capture the cognitive and neural mechanisms underscoring these integration processes
• Way forward: proper principled investigations of cross-linguistic differences!
The way forward