llop_2013_rai_56_ber-nadin-apli.pdf

Time and History in the Ancient Near East

Proceedings of the 56th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale at Barcelona

26–30 July 2010

edited byL. FeLiu, J. LLop, A. MiLLet ALbà, And J. SAnMArtín

Winona Lake, Indiana eiSenbrAunS

2013

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Rencontre assyriologique internationale (56th : 2010 : Barcelona, Spain)Time and history in the ancient Near East : proceedings of the 56th Rencontre

assyriologique internationale at Barcelona 26–30 July 2010 / edited by L. Feliu, J. Llop, A. Millet Alba, and J. Sanmartín.

pages cmConference proceedings in English, French, and German.Includes bibliographical references.ISBN 978-1-57506-255-6 (hardback : alk. paper)1. Assyria—Civilization—Congresses. 2. Beginning—Congresses.

3. Cosmology—Congresses. I. Feliu, Lluís, 1965– editor. II. Title.DS71.R47 2013299′.21—dc23 2013020959

v

Contents

56th World Congress for Assyriology and Near Eastern Archaeology, Barcelona 2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi

AddreSS (JuLy 26, 2010) proF. JoAquín SAnMArtín, ChAirMAn

Program . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv

opening LeCtureS

Time before Time: Primeval Narratives in Early Mesopotamian Literature . . 3gonzALo rubio

The Extent of Literacy in Syria and Palestine during the Second Millennium b.C.e. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

WiLFred h. vAn SoLdt

tiMe And hiStory in the AnCient neAr eASt

Time “Pulled up” in Ashurnasirpal’s Reliefs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35LAurA bAttini

Akkadian and Aramaic Terms for a ‘Favorable Time’ (ḫidānu, adānu, and ʿiddān): Semitic Precursors of Greek kairos? . . . 47

dAnieL bodi

Masters of Time: Old Babylonian Kings and Calendars . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57doMinique ChArpin And neLe ziegLer

Notes on the Neo-Assyrian Siege-Shield and Chariot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69FAbriCe de bACker

Changing Space, Time, and Meaning: The Seal of Yaqaru from Ugarit— A Reconversion? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79

SiLvAnA di pAoLo

Time in Neo-Assyrian Letters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91FrederiCk MArio FALeS

The Historical Preamble of the Talmi-Šarruma Treaty (CTH 75) and Some Chronological Problems of the History of Halap . . . . . . . . . 101

dAriA groMovA

Magie et Histoire: les rituels en temps de guerre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107CynthiA JeAn

Contentsvi

Time and Again: Marduk’s Travels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113erikA d. JohnSon

Time in Death and Afterlife: The Concept of Time and the Belief in Afterlife . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

dinA kAtz

Concepts and Perception of Time in Mesopotamian Divination . . . . . . . . . 127uLLA SuSAnne koCh

Temps, mémoire et évolution des cultures aux époques archaïques: écriture du passé et listes lexicales . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143

CAMiLLe LeCoMpte

Time in Ancient Israel: Hebrew ʿôlām, Past and Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159bAruCh A. Levine

“Lange Jahre” und Lebenszeit bei den Hethitern . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169Jürgen Lorenz

The Heuristic Value of E. de Martino’s Concept of Metahistory and Related Topics in Research into Mesopotamian Cultural History . . . . 181

ALeSSAndro di LudoviCo

“I Read the Inscriptions from before the Flood . . .” Neo-Sumerian Influences in Ashurbanipal’s Royal Self-Image . . . . . 199

nAtALie nAoMi MAy

Mesopotamian Idea of Time through Modern Eyes (Disruption and Continuity) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211

àngeL MenArgueS rAJAdeLL

Temporalité et spatialité dans les rites de passage de l’Anatolie hittite . . . . . 229ALiCe Mouton

Reconsidering the Categories of Time in Ancient Iraq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245SuSAnA b. Murphy

“Internal” and “External” Evidence for a Reconstruction of Nuzi Chronology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253

p. negri SCAFA

The Other Face of the Moon: Some Hints on the Visual Representation of the Moon on Third-Millennium b.C.e. Mesopotamian Glyptic . . . . . 265

SArA pizziMenti

The Tuleilat al-Ghassul Star Painting: A Hypothesis Regarding a Solar Calendar from the Fourth Millennium b.C. . . . . . . . . . . . 273

AndreA poLCAro

The Monster’s Gaze: Vision as Mediator between Time and Space in the Art of Mesopotamia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285

k. Sonik

A Time to Rejoice: The Egalkura Rituals and the Mirth of Iyyar . . . . . . . . 301henry StAdhouderS

Der Kalendar von Adab im 3. Jahrtausend . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325M. SuCh-gutiérrez

Contents vii

Divine or Human Creation of Time? The Issue of Time as a Factor Determining the Relationship of Man to God . . . . . . . . . . 341

krzySztoF uLAnoWSki

WorkShopS

Architecture and ArchaeologyModern Architecture and Archaeology: The Case of the Hypothetical

Reconstruction of the Neo-Assyrian Palace at Tell Massaïkh (Syria), 2007–2009 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 357

Jordi AbAdAL, pedro AzArA, dAvid CApeLLAS, ALbert iMperiAL, And MigueL oreLLAnA

Idea and Image: How What We Know Determines What We Want to Know . . 369FernAndo eSCribAno MArtín

Architecture and Ancient Near East in Drawings, Buildings, and Virtual Reality: Issues in Imagining and Designing Ancient and Modern Space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379

MAriA gAbrieLLA MiCALe

Invented Space: Discovering Near Eastern Architecture through Imaginary Representations and Constructions . . . . . . . . . 391

dAvide nAdALi

Fragments d’arts mésopotamiens: aux origines des empires . . . . . . . . . . . 405MAriA grAziA MASetti-rouAuLt

Reception of Ancient Near Eastern Architecture in Europe and North America in the 20th Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 413

brigitte pedde

Assyrian Wall Paintings and Modern Reconstructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 423pAoLA poLi

Early Akkadian and Its Semitic ContextForm und Datierung früher semitischer Lehnwörter im Sumerischen . . . . . 445

J. keetMAn

Stativität und Perfektivität in den Ost- und Westsemitischen Sprachen . . . . 455euLàLiA vernet i ponS

Hurrian LanguageA Hurro-Akkadian Expression for Changing One’s Testimony Attested in

Nuzi Trial Records . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 471JeAnette C. FinCke

Hurrian Personal Names in the Kingdom of Ḫatti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 481SteFAno de MArtino

Gedanken zu den Textstellen I:90 und III:30 in dem Mittanni-Brief . . . . . . 487J. oLivA

Contentsviii

Law in the Ancient Near EastHistorical Context and Social Theories: Its Influence on the Study of

Mesopotamian Juridical Phenomena . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 495eLeonorA rAvennA

The Importance of Time in Old Babylonian Juridical Texts . . . . . . . . . . . 503CriStinA SiMonetti

Middle Assyrian Texts and StudiesSag mir quando, sag mir wann . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 509

SteFAn JAkob

Contractual Formalism and Zukunftsbewältigung in Middle Assyrian Agricultural Accounting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 525

J. CALe JohnSon

The Eponym Bēr-nādin-apli and the Documents Referring to the Expeditions to the City of Tille in the Reign of Tukultī-Ninurta I (1233–1197 b.C.e.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 549

JAuMe LLop

Die tägliche Speisung des Assur (gināʾu) und deren politische Bedeutung . . . 561SteFAn M. MAuL

Imperial Culture: Some Reflections on Middle Assyrian Settlements . . . . . . 575ALine tenu

vAriA

Tugdamme and the Cimmerians: A Test of Piety in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 587

SeLiM F. AdALi

The Changing Approaches to History in the Neo-Assyrian Palace Reliefs . . . 595MehMet-ALi AtAç

Genres Meet: Assurbanipal’s Prayer in the Inscription L4 and the Bilingual Communal Lamentations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 611

AMitAi bAruChi-unnA

L’incorruptible et l’éphémère: le miel et la glace, composants sacrés des boissons royales . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 625

dAnieL bonneterre

Three Kings of the Orient in Archaic Ur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 635petr ChArvát

Ilum-išar et Apil-kīn: deux nouvelles inscriptions de Mari . . . . . . . . . . . . 645LAurent CoLonnA d’iStriA And Anne-CAroLine rendu LoiSeL

A Few Thoughts about Late Chalcolithic Architecture and the Uruk Expansion in the Middle Euphrates Area . . . . . . . . . . . 657

JeSúS giL FuenSAntA And JuAn MAnueL gonzALez SALAzAr

Further Considerations on the Ankara Silver Bowl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 665FederiCo giuSFredi

Contents ix

The Evolution of the Side Court House in Late MB Central and Southwestern Anatolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 681

FAbrizio giovAnnetti

The Role of the Saĝĝa in Ur III Based on the Puzriš-Dagān Texts . . . . . . . 689Jorge hernández

Life Extension: Secondary Burial and the Making and Unmaking of Self in EB IA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 705

riCk hAuSer

The Offering for the Ritual of King Seleucus III and His Offspring . . . . . . . 739yASuyuki MitSuMA

Some New Light on Pre-Sargonic Umma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 745SALvAtore F. MonACo

Settlement Patterns and Interactions in theWest Bank Highlands in the Iron Age I Period: A New Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 751

ALeSSio pALMiSAno

Computational and Spatial Approaches to the Commercial Landscapes and Political Geography of the Old Assyrian Colony Period . . . . . . . 767

ALeSSio pALMiSAno

Eunuchs in Hatti and Assyria: A Reassessment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 785iLAn peLed

Eridu Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 799giovAnni pettinAto†

Les particularités d’emploi des signes cunéiformes à différentes périodes de la langue hittite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 803

oLgA popovA

Recent Researches in the Erbil Region: 2010 Excavations in Kilik Mishik (Iraqi Kurdistan) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 809

oLivier rouAuLt

Wer war Großkönig I(a)+ra/i-TONITRUS der KARAHÖYÜK-Inschrift? . . . . 823zSoLt SiMon

Identification of an Unfinished Statue Found in a Quarry at Karakiz, Yozgat, Turkey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 833

dr. İLknur tAş, ÖMer yiLMAz, And ÖzLeM Sir gAvAz

549

The Eponym Bēr-nādin-apli and the Documents Referring to the Expeditions

to the City of Tille in the Reign of Tukultī-Ninurta I (1233–1197 B.c.e.)

Jaume LlopuniverSity oF bArCeLonA

1. Introduction

In contrast to the Old Assyrian and Neo-Assyrian periods, no significant list of eponyms has been found for the Middle Assyrian period. Nevertheless, scholars such as C. Saporetti, 1 H. Freydank, and W. Röllig, to name just the most prominent and recent ones, have considered the sequences of eponyms in published and unpub-lished documentation, in addition to further evidence ranging from historical events to the growth of people (biologically and numerically) in the lists of personnel. As a result, they have made significant contributions to the reconstruction of the list. However, we are still far from having a complete list of eponyms from the 15th to the 11th centuries b.C.e., and a great deal of work remains to be done. The original goal of this workshop was to make some progress in this reconstruction.

In my paper, I will concentrate on the sequence of eponyms for the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta I (1233–1197 b.C.e.). Freydank 2 and Röllig 3 have recently made significant progress in reconstructing the sequence of the 37 eponyms, one for each

1.

Author’s note: An early version of this paper was read by E. C. Cancik-Kirschbaum, B. Faist, H. Frey-dank, and M. C. Perroudon; I would like to thank them for their invaluable comments. I am responsible for any remaining error. The bibliographical abbreviations in this article can be found in M. P. Streck (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie. Berlin – New York, vol. 11 (2006–2008) iii–xliv. Further abbreviations not listed there are the following:

Freydank, SGKAO 21 Freydank, H. Beiträge zur mittelassyrischen Chronologie und Geschichte (Berlin, 1991).

Jakob, Tell Chuēra Jakob, S. Die mittelassyrischen Texte aus Tell Chuēra in Nordost-Syrien mit einem Beitrag von Daniela I. Janisch-Jakob (Wiesbaden, 2009).

Saporetti, EMA Saporetti, C. Gli eponimi medio-assiri (Malibu, 1979).His book Gli eponimi medio-assiri (Malibu, 1979; hereafter EMA) is still one of the most signifi-

cant in the field.2. Freydank, SGKAO 21 (1991); see more recently on the eponyms of Shalmaneser I and Tukultī-

Ninurta I, Freydank, “Zu den Eponymenfolgen des 13. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. in Dūr-Katlimmu,” AoF 32 (2005) 45–56.

3. W. Röllig, “Eponymen in den mittelassyrischen Dokumenten aus Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu,” ZA 94 (2004) 18–51.

Offprint from:L. Feliu, J. Llop, A Millet Albà, and J. Sanmartín (ed.), Time and History in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the 56th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale at Barcelona© Copyright 2013 Eisenbrauns. All rights reserved.

JAuMe LLop550

year, of his reign. However, although Röllig 4 has recently accepted the corrections made by Freydank, and a certain consensus has been reached, the list is still far from complete and flawless.

2. The Sequence of Eponyms for the Tukultī-Ninurta Reign: the Dissimilitudes

Before we proceed, let us look at the proposed sequence of eponyms for the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta as suggested by Freydank, Röllig, S. Jakob, 5 and Y. Bloch. 6 The table on p. 551 shows a comparison of their proposals. As we can see in the table, there is no dissimilarity among the proposed sequences up to the year of Aššur-zēra-iddina—that is, ca. the 16th year of the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta. After this year, S. Jakob has taken certain facts into account that Freydank and Röllig both knew about but either found irrelevant or simply overlooked when assembling their respective lists. First, Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat should be placed before Abī-ilī son of Katiri, given that Aššur-iddin was the great vizier (sukkallu rabiu) in the former’s year, whereas Salmānu-mušabši was the new great vizier in the latter’s year. 7 The second fact is that, for reasons we shall see below, and which Freydank himself has proposed, 8 Ninuāiu should probably be introduced into the sequence and placed before Abī-ilī son of Katiri. 9

Here, I will concentrate on the eponym Bēr-nādin-apli and try to introduce him into the above sequence. Freydank has placed Bēr-nādin-apli roughly in the second half of the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta. 10 Röllig has situated him tentatively (with a question mark) between Abī-ilī and Salmānu-šuma-uṣur. 11 However, as far as I know, there is no clear reason for locating him between these two eponyms. Bloch has placed him in the 26th year of Tukultī-Ninurta, after Enlil-nādin-apli, also with a question mark. 12 The sequence I propose is as follows: Ninuāiu → Bēr-nādin-apli → Abī-ilī son of Katiri → Salmānu-šuma-uṣur. This is done on the basis of the cune-iform tablets containing a reference to the expeditions to fetch barley from the city of Tille, which, as far as I know and at the time of writing (July 2010), are fifteen published documents from the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta.

4. Röllig, Land- und Viehwirtschaft am unteren Habur in mittelassyrischer Zeit (Wiesbaden, 2008; BATSH 9) 4.

5. S. Jakob, “Diplomaten in Assur–Alltag oder Anzeichen einer internationalen Krise?” Isimu 6 (2003 pub. 2007) 107; and Jakob, Tell Chuēra, 3.

6. Y. Bloch, “The Order of Eponyms in the Reign of Tukultī-Ninurta I,” Or. 79 (2010) 1–35.7. Jakob, Tell Chuēra, p. 3a; see also Bloch, Or. 79: 3–9.8. Freydank, SGKAO 21, 62.9. At all events, Jakob does not clarify in his 2009 book the reasons why the succession Enlil-

nādin-apli Bēr-išmânni should be placed before the sequence Ninuāiu Abī-ilī son of Katiri. It is also not clear why the sequence Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat Aššur-mušabši (why this sequence?) should be inserted between Enlil-nādin-apli and Bēr-išmanni. Moreover, the introduction of Aššur-mušabši in this position is not completely certain. It is based on DeZ 3847/2, where the epomym is 1.d.a-šur-mu[. . . (Röllig, Letter 28/4/2010); however, this personal name could also be reconstructed as Aššur-šumī-aṣbat; see BATSH 4, no. 22: 30. Cf. Bloch, Or. 79: 4–5 and n. 12.

10. Freydank, SGKAO 21, 44 n. 112 and p. 128 and Freydank, “Kār-Tukultī-Ninurta als Agrar-provinz,” AoF 36 (2009) 75. Followed by Cancik-Kirschbaum, BATSH 4 (1996) 17.

11. Röllig, BATSH 9, p. 4a; cf. Freydank, “Betrachtungen zur Weidewirtschaft in Dūr-Katlimmu,” Studia Chaburensia 1 (2010) 97.

12. Bloch, Or. 79: 30 and 32. Bloch states that this position is “purely conjectural.”

The Eponym Bēr-nādin-apli 551

3. The Tille-documents

First, however, we should familiarize ourselves with the passage mentioning Tille in the documents from the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta.

The cuneiform tablets found by the German archaeologists at Kār-Tukultī-Ninurta (Tulūl al-ʿAqr, Iraq) in 1913–14 belong to the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta I.

Freydank, AoF 32, 49–50 and AoF 36 (2009) 76

Röllig, BATSH 9, p. 4 Jakob, Tell Chuēra, p. 3

Bloch, Or. 79, pp. 31–32

Tukultī-Ninurta Tukultī-Ninurta Tukultī-NinurtaQibi-Aššur, son of Ibašši-ilī

Qibi-Aššur, son of Ibašši-ilī

Qibi-Aššur, son of Ibašši-ilī

Mušallim-Adad Mušallim-Adad Mušallim-Adad, son of Salmānu-qarrād

Adad-bēl-gabbe Adad-bēl-gabbe Adad-bēl-gabbe, son of the king 5 Šunu-qardū Šunu-qardū Šunu-qardū

Libūr-zānin-Aššur Libūr-zānin-Aššur Libūr-zānin-AššurAššur-nādin-apli Aššur-nādin-apli Aššur-nādin-apli Aššur-nādin-apli, son of the

kingUrad-ilāni Urad-ilāni (?) Urad-ilāni Urad-ilāni (?)Adad-uma’’i Adad-umaʾʾi Adad-uma’’i

10 Abattu son of Adad-Šamšī

Abattu son of Adad-Šamšī

Abattu Abattu son of Adad-Šamšī

Abattu son of Adad-šumu-lēšir




Aššur-daʾʾān Aššur-daʾʾān Aššur-daʾʾānEtel-pî-Aššur (?) Etel-pî-Aššur Etel-pî-Aššur Etel-pî-Aššur, son of KurbānuUṣur-namkūr-šarri Uṣur-namkūr-šarri Uṣur-namkūr-šarri Uṣur-namkūr-šarri

15 Aššur-bēl-ilāni Aššur-bēl-ilāni Aššur-bēl-ilāni Aššur-bēl-ilāniAššur-zēra-iddina Aššur-zēra-iddina Aššur-zēra-iddina Aššur-zēra-iddinaAbī-ilī son of Katiri Abī-ilī son of Katiri ?>Enlil-nādin-apli

(3–4 years before Bēr-išmanni)

Aššur-mušabši (?; son of Adad-bān-kala)

Salmānu-šuma-uṣur Bēr-nādin-apli (?) Ina-Aššur-šuma-aṣbat, son of Aššur-nādin-šume

Ina-Aššur-šuma-aṣbat Salmānu-šuma-uṣur Ina-Aššur-šuma-aṣbat

Ninuāyu (?)

20 Enlil-nādin-apli (?) Aššur-mušabši Adad-šamšī (son of Mariannu?)Ina-Aššur-šuma-aṣbat Abī-ilī, son of KatiriBēr-išmânni (?) Bēr-išmânni Salmānu-šuma-uṣur

Enlil-nādin-apli (?)Ninuāiu >? Bēr-nādin-apli (?)

25 Abī-ilī son of Katiri Kaštiliašu (?)Salmānu-šuma-uṣur Bēr-išmânni (?)

JAuMe LLop552

Most of them have been published by Freydank in his volume MARV 4, 13 and they include some documents stating the geographical origin of the barley that was dis-tributed by the royal administration. 14 In one group of texts, barley comes from the city of Sîn-rabi near Kalhu. This barley was distributed in Kār-Tukultī-Ninurta probably in the year of Etel-pî-Aššur, as I have tried to show elsewhere. 15 Barley was also brought from Nineveh in the year one of both Abattus, 16 from Šīmu in the year of Abī-ilī, 17 and from other cities whose names are either not preserved or not clearly legible. 18

In a larger group of texts, the distributed barley comes from the city of Tille (Tell Rumēlān?, Iraq). 19 The documents containing the passage mentioning Tille are dated in the years of Abī-ilī son of Katiri and Ninuāiu. Freydank, who studied some of the relevant texts in this group, proposed that the distributed barley is connected with an expedition undertaken during the year of Ninuāiu by the official Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat (a former eponym). 20 According to Freydank, one of the earliest docu-ments should be MARV 4, 33 (VAT 18105), which contains the longest version of the passage mentioning Tille:

1. 36 ANŠE 7 BÁN 4 qa ŠE.UM i+na ⸢GIŠ.BÁN ša ḫi-bur-ni⸣2. ša É.GAL-lim ša ŠÀ ŠE.IM ša URUti-le3. ša 1i+na-da-šur-MU-aṣ-bat DUMU da-šur-SUM-M[U.MEŠ]4. [i]š-ši-an-ni ša 1DI.KUD-EN-É.KUR 1LU[GAL-ú-ša-n]i5. ⸢ša⸣ SAG LUGAL ù 1da-šur-IBILA-SUM-na DUMU [10-EN-ga]b-be6. ⸢qe⸣-pu-ú-tu im-ḫu-ru-ni

13. Freydank and C. Fischer, Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden und Verwaltungstexte IV. Tafeln aus Kār-Tukultī-Ninurta (WVDOG 99; Saarbrücken, 2001).

14. For the tablets from Kār-Tukultī-Ninurta, see T. Eickhoff, Kar Tukulti Ninurta (Berlin, 1985), 61–97; Freydank, “Die Tontafelfunde der Grabungskampagne 1913–1914 aus Kār-Tukultī-Ninurta (Tulūl al-ʿAqar),” AoF 16 (1989) 61–67; Freydank and Fischer, MARV 4, pp. 10–14.

15. J. Llop, “Barley from Ālu-ša-Sîn-rabi: Chronological Reflections on an Expedition in the Time of Tukultī-Ninurta I (1233–1197 bC),” in Studies on War in the Ancient Near East: Collected Essays on Military History (AOAT 372; ed. J. Vidal; Münster, 2010) 105–16. Cf. now Freydank, “Anmerkungen zu mittelassyrischen Texten 7,” AoF 38 (2011) 359–65.

16. The barley was brought by the official Aššur-mušēzib (possibly the eunuch of the king but with-out this title in both documents) according to: MARV 4, 172: 3′–5′ and MARV 4, 57: 20 (the latter without the name of the city).

17. The name of this city is partially reconstructed. The name of the official leading the expedition is not stated.The representatives responsible for the barley were Daʾʾānī-bēl-uṣur and Aššur-tappūti in this case. Only one of the documents has preserved the date:

VAT MARV Date18099 4, 42 broken away18104 4, 43 5th Ḫibur, Abī-ilī

For Šīmu, see K. Nashef, Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der mittelbabylonischen und mittelassyrischen Zeit (RGTC 5; Wiesbaden, 1982) 248.

18. In MARV 9, 58: 5–8 (VAT 20120), it is stated that Aššur-mušēzib, the eunuch of the king, brought barley in ships from a city whose name is damaged (cf. Freydank, MARV 9, p. 8a ad no. 58, reads Tille, but the traces of the signs preserved there are difficult to reconcile with this reading; see Freydank, AoF 36: 60 n. 104). This document is dated in the year of Erīb-Marduk (Freydank, AoF 36: 60 n. 104). In the fragment of a tablet MARV 4, 143: Rs?. 4′–5′, barley (?) may have come from URU.KI.ID.

19. Nashef, RGTC 5, 261; S. Parpola and M. Porter, The Helsinki Atlas of the Near East in the Neo-Assyrian Period (Helsinki, 2001) Gazetteer p. 17; K. Radner, “Provinz. C. Assyrien,” RlA 11 (2006) 53.

20. Freydank, SGKAO 21 (1991) 62–63.


3674 litres of barley in the sūtu measure of the ḫiburnu-house, belonging to the palace, from the barley from Tille, which Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat the son of Aššur-nādin-šumī brought in (and) which Daʾʾānī-bēl-ekur, Šarru-ušanni, the eunuch of the king, and Aššur-apla-iddina the son of Adad-bēl-gabbe, the rep-resentatives, received. . . .

This document is dated as the 16th day of the second month (Qarrātu) of the year of Ninuāiu. 21

As a consequence of the above statement (on MARV 4, 33), the barley recorded in the documents mentioning Tille and belonging to the eponymy of Abī-ilī should be (according to Freydank) the barley brought in by Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat in the earlier year of Ninuāiu. The name of Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat does not appear any more in these documents, but the three representatives, who received this barley and were in charge of it, are the same as above: Daʾʾānī-bēl-ekur, Šarru-ušanni, and Aššur-apla-iddina, son of Adad-bēl-gabbe. The Tille-passage of the documents for the year of Abī-ilī states the same as above concerning the barley “that was brought from Tille” (ša IŠTU URUTille naṣṣanni): 22

13) ša IŠ-TU URU.[ti]-le na-ṣa-an-ni (MARV 1, 40: 13) 3) ša IŠ-TU URU.ti-le 4)na-ṣa-an-ni (MARV 4, 34: 3–4) 3) [ša I]Š-TU URU.ti-le na-a[ṣ- ṣa(-an)-ni] (MARV 4, 113 + MARV 4, 71) 2). . . ša IŠ-TU URU.ti-li 3)na-ṣa-an-ni (MARV 4, 36 + MARV 4, 80)

To date, there are four documents from the year of Abī-ilī that contain this sen-tence and mention the above three representatives. These documents range from the sixth (Allanātu) to the tenth (Muḫḫur-ilāni) month of the year (Abī-ilī):

VAT MARV Abī-ilī (son of Katiri)18017 1, 40 6th Allanātu (VI)18100 4, 34 16th? Bēlat-ekalli (VII)16451 + 20158 4, 113 + 4, 71 1[+n] Bēlat-ekalli (VII)20079 + 20129 4, 36 + 4, 80 3th Muḫḫur-ilāni (X)

Here, I do not consider further documents for the year of Abī-ilī, neither those con-taining the above representatives but not the sentence mentioning Tille 23 nor those containing the Tille-passage and the three officials named above but whose date is

21. Perhaps earlier than MARV 4, 33 in the same year (Ninuāiu) is the document MARV 4, 46 (VAT 20236). The tablet is badly damaged and the names of the three representatives are not extant in the remaining part of the document. The month in the date is also damaged. However, the Tille-passage contains the name of Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat. This tablet might have been dated with the eponym Bēr-nādin-apli; see below, section 3.

22. The badly damaged fragment MARV 9, 72 (VAT 20137) may have contained the reference to Tille (lines 5–6; see Freydank, MARV 9, p. 14a), but the traces of the eponym’s name in the date cannot be read with certainty (MARV 9, p. 19b). A possible reading might be Salmānu-[šuma-uṣur].

23. MARV 4, 121 (VAT 20131) and MARV 8, 38 (VAT 20152) are two badly damaged documents from the year of Abī-ilī, with the three representatives above and dated with the tenth month of this year (Muḫḫur-ilāni). They might belong to this group, although they do not contain the sentence mentioning Tille.

The fragment of a tablet, MARV 4, 79 (VAT 20124), which contains the name of Daʾʾānī-bēl-ekur (line 3) and a damaged date, where the name of the eponym Abī-ilī can be reconstructed, could also be-long to this group of texts.

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damaged, 24 because discussion of these documents is not relevant to the main pur-pose of my paper.

Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat was not the only official who led an expedition to fetch barley from Tille. After him, in the eleventh month (Apu-šarrāni) of the same year of Abī-ilī, a second expedition headed by Kidin-Sîn, son of Adad-šadûni, was launched with the same goal (MARV 2, 17: 18–20). The supply of 110 people to form the crew of the expedition ships is recorded in a Sammeltafel written during the eponymy of Salmānu-šuma-uṣur but containing counts of barley from the latter months of the preceding year, that of Abī-ilī:

MARV 2, 17: 18–20 (Abī-ilī → Salmānu-šuma-uṣur) 18) [3 emār 3 sūtu] i+na GIŠ.BÁN ša ḫi-bur-ni a-na 1 ME 10 ÉRIN.MEŠ ša GIŠ.MÁ.ME[Š ša?] 19) IŠ-TU [1Kidin-Sî]n DUMU dIM-KUR-ú-ni a-na URU.ti-le ŠE.AM [(x x)] 20) a-na x x [iṣ-bu]-tu-ú-ni 3 qa.TA.ÀM ta-d[in]

[330 litres of barley] in the sūtu measure of the ḫiburnu-house, for the 110 people of the ships, [who?] fetched barley for [. . .] with Kidin-Sîn son of Adad-šadûni to the city of Tille; three liters each has been given.

This expedition returned and the barley was received and measured on the first day of the twelfth month (Ḫibur) of the same year of Abī-ilī (MARV 2, 20: 35). On this occasion, Daʾʾānī-bēl-ekur (in Assur) and Ninurta-ālik-pāni, the eunuch of the king (in Kār-Tukultī-Ninurta) were the representatives responsible for receiving the grain (MARV 2, 20: 12.15 and 32–33). A new formulation citing Tille (and con-taining the name of Kidin-Sîn) and the names of the two officials mentioned above appears in documents of the last month of the year of Abī-ilī:

MARV 2, 20: 30–34 (1st Ḫibur, Abī-ilī) 30) ŠE.UM ša 1ki-din-d30 DUMU 10-KUR-ni URU.U[R?]-tar-ra ÉRIN LUGAL 31) IŠ-TU URUti-le i+na GIŠ.MÁ.MEŠ iš-ši-a[n]-ni 32) ša 1DI.KUD-EN-É.KUR ù 1dNIN.URTA-a-lik-pa-ni ša SAG LUGAL 33) i+na URU.ŠÀ.URU ù URUkar-1GIŠ.TUKUL-ti-dNIN.URTA erasure

34) im-ḫu-ru-ni

(It is) the barley which Kidin-Sîn, the son of Adad-šadûni, (of the city of?) . . . tarra, trooper of the king, brought with ships from the city of Tille, (barley) which Daʾʾānī-bēl-ekur and Ninurta-ālik-pāni, the king’s eunuch received in the cities of Libbi-āli (Assur) and Kār-Tukultī-Ninurta.

This passage appears in two administrative documents:

VAT MARV Abī-ilī (son of Katiri)18001 2, 20: 31 1. Hibur (XII)18094 4, 31: 5 28 Hibur (XII)

24. Containing the Tille-passage and the three officials mentioned above, and therefore possibly belonging to the eponymy of Abī-ilī are the following tablets whose date is broken away:

VAT MARV Abī-ilī (son of Katiri)?18076 MARV 4, 59 date broken away19579 MARV 4, 44 date broken away


Again, I shall leave aside other documents that contain the name of Kidin-Sîn or the sentence mentioning Tille, but not the representatives above. 25

To sum up, we have a first expedition to Tille headed by the official Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat, probably in the first month of the year of Ninuāiu, whose barley was distributed during that same year and the following year of Abī-ilī (the distribution is attested during the sixth to tenth months of the latter year). A later expedition to Tille took place in the eleventh month of the year of Abī-ilī. This was headed by Kidin-Sîn. The barley from this expedition was distributed in, at least, the 12th month of this same year. On the basis of this information, Freydank proposed a sequence of eponyms: Ninuāiu → . . . Abī-ilī son of Katiri → Salmānu-šuma-uṣur. 26

Eponym (chronologically) Date

Barley from Tille, expedition led by

Representatives(receiving) the barley Document

Ninuāiu 16/II Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat son of Aššur-nādin-šumī

Daʾʾānī-bēl-ekur, Šarru-ušanni,Aššur-apla-iddina

MARV 4, 33

Abī-ilī son of Katiri

6/VI " (but name not written) " MARV 1, 40

" 16?/VII " (but name not written) " MARV 4, 34" 1[+n]/

VII" (but name not written) " MARV 4, 113

+ MARV 4, 71" 3/X " (but name not written) " MARV 4, 36 +

MARV 4, 80" 1/XII Kidin-Sîn son of

Adad-šadûniDaʾʾānī-bēl-ekurNinurta-ālik-pāni

MARV 2, 20

" 28/XII " " MARV 4, 31

4. Ber-nādin-apli and the Tille Documents

However, three more documents bearing the Tille-passage and the name of Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat as the leading official (i.e., the official responsible for the earlier expedition) have been published recently by Freydank. Although the Tille-passage in these documents contains the name of the official Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat, they are dated with neither the year of Ninuāiu nor that of Abī-ilī, as we would expect from the above. Let us compare the relevant wording in these three documents: 27

25. The fragment MARV 4, 122 (VAT 20084), which contains the name Kidin-Sîn and possibly the Tille-passage, but whose date is broken away, may also belong to this group of documents.

Containing the sentence with Tille (without the names of either Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat or Kidin-Sîn) but of unsure classification in the year of Abī-ilī (?) or near, because the officials named therein are neither the ones which received the grain of the first or second expedition to Tille, and the date is broken away, are the following documents:

VAT MARV Date20172 8, 58 [Abi]-ili18069 4, 39 [Abi-ili?]

MARV 4, 39 (VAT 18069) could belong to the period after the second expedition to Tille, because the rep-resentative Ninurta-ālik-pāni is mentioned.

26. Freydank, SGKAO 21, 62.27. I was able to collate these documents on the 16–17 June 2010. Therefore, I would like to thank

B. Salje, J. Renger, and J. Marzahn. MARV 4, 45 and MARV 9, 64 are too broken to know if they contained

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MARV 4, 45 (VAT 18092) MARV 8, 43 (VAT 20433) MARV 9, 64 (VAT 20096)beginning broken away3′) [ša ŠE.I]M ša [URUti-le]4′) [ša 1i+n]a-da-šur-MU-a[ṣ-bat]5′) [DUMU] 1da-šur-SUM-M[U.MEŠ]6′) iš-[ši]-an-ni(. . .)20′) [ITI d]30 UD.11.KÁM21′) [li-mu] 1dbe-er-na-din-IB[ILA]

[barley]4)[ša I]Š-TU URUti-[le]5)[1(i+na-)da-š]ur-MU-a[ṣ]-bat ⸢ÍL⸣(or ⸢iš-ši⸣- [an-ni])(. . .)

17) [ITI] qar-ra-a-tu UD.10?.KÁM18) [li-mu 1]db[e-er]-SUM-IBILA

20 emār barley5) ša [Š]À [ŠE.IM ša U]RU.ti-[le]6) ša 1[Ina-Aššur-šumī]-⸢aṣ-bat⸣7) DUM[U 1da-š]ur-[SUM]-⸢MU.MEŠ⸣8) [iš-š]i-an-ni(. . .)Rs.10′) [I]TI kal-mar-te UD[.n.KÁM]11′)[l]i-mu 1dbe-er-SUM-IBIL[A]

The passage mentioning Tille in these documents is damaged but can be recon-structed by comparison with among the three. The date of MARV 4, 45 (on the left) is damaged but almost complete. The name of the eponym on the date of MARV 8, 43 (in the middle) can be reconstructed as Bēr-nādin-apli 28 by comparing it with the date of the two other documents. Three other eponyms of the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta might also be considered for this reconstruction: Aššur-nādin-apli, 29 Enlil-nādin-apli, and Ninurta-nādin-apli. 30 However, the sentence mentioning Tille is not, at the time of this writing (July 2010), attested in the documents dated for either of these eponyms. Moreover, they seem to have to be placed earlier (Aššur-nādin-apli) or later (Ninurta-nādin-apli) in the sequence of eponyms of the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta. 31

Another tablet, recently published, is dated in the eleventh month (apu šarrāni) of the year of Bēr-nādin-apli. 32 It probably contained the Tille passage, but it is mostly broken ((lines 5′–9′: lines 5′ and 6′ might be a single line); only traces of the representatives receiving the grain in the year of Ninuāiu and named in the year of Abī-ilī (i.e., Daʾʾānī-bēl-ekur, Šarru-ušanni, and Aššur-apla-iddina, son of Adad-bēl-gabbe) are preserved in lines 10′–13′ of the document (see MARV 9, 88, p. 557). 33 In conclusion, the so-called Tille passage also appears in the above documents in the second, third, fourth, and eleventh months of the year of Bēr-nādin-apli. 34

the names of the three representatives receiving the grain. MARV 8, 43 does not contain the names of the three representives.

28. More documents dated for this eponymy are listed in Saporetti, EMA, 98; Freydank, SGKAO 21, 128–129 (all published now) and Röllig, ZA 94, 50. Add BATSH 9 no. 72: 24, according to Freydank, Studia Chaburensia 1, 98. See also TSA T 97–15 (friendly communication of F.A.M Wiggermann).

29. In this regard, see Freydank, “Anmerkungen zu mittelassyrischen Texten. 5.” AoF 33 (2006) 217, but also cf. Freydank, MARV 8, p.19a, without reconstruction.

30. Freydank suggests this reconstruction, correcting himself, in AoF 36, 76 note 121 and MARV 9, p. 6a ad no. 33.

31. Enlil-nādin-apli may be placed in this period, but the Tille-passage does not appear in any docu-ment dated with the time of his eponymy .

32. MARV 9, 88 (VAT 20112): 5′(?)–9′, only the verb iššianni (line 9′) is partially preserved (collated, 17th June 2010).

33. Collated, 17th June 2010; cf. Freydank, MARV 9, pp. 10b, and 14–18, where these names are misread or not compiled. The badly damaged tablet MARV 4, 109 (VAT 20123) contained the Tille-pas-sage (lines 1′-6′, collated), as well as the names of the three representatives receiving the barley (lines 7′-10′). The date of the tablet is broken. It can belong to the eponymies of Ninuāiu or Bēr-nādin-apli.

34. The badly damaged document MARV 9, 26 (VAT 20182) is also dated with the year of Bēr-nādin-apli. It seems not to contain any reference to Tille (collated 17th June 2010). All the documents coming from Assur dated with this eponym in the VAM Berlin, and listed by Freydank, SGKAO 21, 128–129 are now published.


The presence of the sentence mentioning Tille in these documents brings the eponymy of Bēr-nādin-apli close to the above-mentioned group: Ninuāiu → . . . Abī-ilī son of Katiri → Salmānu-šuma-uṣur. But, where is Bēr-nādin-apli to be placed in this sequence? First, we have to take into account the Sammeltafel, MARV 2, 17, where Abī-ilī and Salmānu-šuma-uṣur follow directly one after another. This invalidates the placement of Bēr-nādin-apli between these two eponyms, as pro-ēr-nādin-apli between these two eponyms, as pro-r-nādin-apli between these two eponyms, as pro-ādin-apli between these two eponyms, as pro-din-apli between these two eponyms, as pro-posed by Röllig (see the lists above in section 2). 35 We must also consider that the most-complete formulation of the Tille-passage is made in a document dated with the eponymy of Ninuāiu (see above MARV 4, 33), which should therefore be the ear-āiu (see above MARV 4, 33), which should therefore be the ear-iu (see above MARV 4, 33), which should therefore be the ear-liest in the row (as assumed by Freydank). Moreover, in the documents considered in this section (MARV 4, 45; MARV 8, 43; and MARV 9, 64), the name of the lead-ing official, Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat, is written (or can be reconstructed), whereas his name does not appear any longer in the documents of the supposed following year of Abī-ilī. Therefore, it is reasonable to place Bēr-nādin-apli between Ninuāiu and Abī-ilī and propose the sequence:

35. See also Freydank, Studia Chaburensia 1, 97. The sequence Abī-ilī → Salmānu-šuma-uṣur is also present in BATSH 9, 92 (as noted by E. C. Cancik-Kirschbaum).

MARV 9, 88 (VAT 20112) a

1) KIŠIB 1DINGIR-⸢x⸣ sealing 2) 11[+n] ANŠE [ŠE] 3) [i+na GIŠBÁN ša Éḫi-bur-ni] 4) [ša] ⸢É.GAL-lim⸣ 5′) [ša ŠÀ ŠE.IM] 6′) [ša URUti-li] 7′) [ša 1da-šur-MU-aṣ-bat] 8′) [DUMU] 1da-šur-⸢SUM⸣-[MU.MEŠ] 9′) ⸢iš⸣-ši-an-[ni]10′) ša 1.DI.K[UD-EN-É.KUR]11′) ⸢LUGAL⸣-[ú- ša-ni]12′) ù 1d[Aššur-apla-iddina]13′) DUMU 10-E[N-gabbe (qēputtu)]14′) im-ḫu-ru-ni [ 0 ]15′) i+na UGU 1DINGIR-[ x ]16′) DUMU? da-šur-uṣ-[ra-ni]17′) ⸢ša/UGU??⸣ É.nu-pa-⸢ri ?⸣18′) [ ] x x 1da-šur-ú-[ ]19′) ZÌ.DA a-na ṭé-a-ni20′) ri x LUGAL a-na x21′) ta-ad-na-áš-šu22′) ZÌ.DA i-ṭí-an i-d[an?]23′) ù tup-pu-šu i-hap-[pi]24′) [1d]a-šur-i-din DUMU ÌR-[DINGIR.MEŠ]25′) [1dŠamaš-E]N?-ke-na-te š[a SAG LUGAL]26′) [ù?] 1SU-da-šur ÌR LU[GAL]27′) qe-pu-tu ša i[l-te-šu]28′) [IT]I.⸢a-pu-LUGAL.MEŠ⸣ UD.8.KÁM29′) [li-m]u 1dbe-er-⸢na⸣-din-⸢DUMU?⸣.UŠ

Seal of Ilu/ī-[. . .]

11[+n] emār [barley][in the sūtu-measure of the ḫiburnu-house][of the palace],[from the barley][from Tille],[which Aššur-šumī-aṣbat],[the son of] Aššur-nādin-[šumī]brought[which] Daʾʾānī-[bēl-ekur],Šarru-[ušanni]and Aššur-apla-iddina],son of Adad-bēl-gabbe,[(the representatives)], received;(this barley) is owed by Ilu/ī-[. . .],son of Aššur-uṣranni,the workhouse overseer.[. . .]. . . Aššur-. . .to grind (to make) flour. . .(the barley) was given to him.He will grind and give back,and he will break his tablet.Aššur-iddin, the son of Urad-[ilāni],[Šamaš]-bēl-kēnāte, the [eunuch of the king]and Erīb-Aššur, the servant of the king,(are) the representatives, which are with him.Month: Apu-šarrāni, 8th day,eponym: Bēr-nādin-apli.

a. Collated, 17 June 2010.

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Ninuāiu → Bēr-nādin-apli → Abī-ilī son of Katiri → Salmānu-šuma-uṣur

Against the proposed sequence are only the following consideration. It is possible that Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat led more than one expedition to Tille to fetch grain. 36 This consideration should remain open until additional dated documents with the Tille passage or with sequences of eponyms appear and either confirm or invalidate the proposed sequence. No more mentions of Tille are, at the time of writing, at-tested in documents dated with other eponyms in the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta.

5. Conclusions

Let us summarize:With the attestations published to date, it is possible to propose the sequence of

eponyms Ninuāiu → Bēr-nādin-apli → Abī-ilī son of Katiri → Salmānu-šuma-uṣur on the basis of the so-called Tille-passage. Abī-ilī and Salmānu-šuma-uṣur follow one another directly. Between Ninuāiu and Abī-ilī, further eponyms are possible (see addendum 2).

This sequence should be placed after the eponymy of Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat, the last eponym for which Aššur-iddin is attested as the great vizier (sukallu rabiu), whereas Salmānu-mušabši was the new great vizier in the years of Abī-ilī and Salmānu-šuma-uṣur.

It remains to be seen how long after the eponymy of Ina-Aššur-šumī-aṣbat this sequence should be placed. Obviously, this should be the subject of further study.

Addendum 1

After hearing this paper at the RAI, S. Jakob points out to me that Bēr-nādin-apli should be possibly placed after the sequence Abī-ilī → Salmānu-šuma-uṣur. He grounds his opinion on the following argumentation, which I reproduce verbatim:

Meine Argumentation ging eher dahin, dass Abi-ili in Tell Chuera (nach Frey-dank) der juengste Eponym ist. Die Dokumente aus dem Eponymat Ninu’aju wurden im Archivraum an einer speziellen Stelle, gesondert von aelteren Ur-kunden aufbewahrt. Daraus schloss ich, dass Ninuʾaju das letzte vollstaendige Jahr des Archivs darstellt. Da andererseits die einzige Bezeugung fuer Abi-ili ein vermeintlicher Tuerverschluss ist, schien dieser Eponym unmittelbar auf Ninuʾaju folgend.” (email, August 12th, 2010).

August 2010

Addendum 2

After having read this paper (July 2010) and committing it to writing (August 2010), Yigal Bloch sent kindly to me his recently appeared article in Orientalia 79/1 (2010) 1–35, which I received in October 2010. If Bloch’s assessment of MARV 5, 83 is correct (see Or. 79: 26f.), the eponym Adad-šamšī should be integrated in the sequence discussed above before Abī-ilī.October 2010

36. This may be the case for Aššur-mušēzib, who possibly led two different expeditions; see above, nn. 16 and 18.


Addendum 3

The appearance of a servant of Aššur-iddin (without title) in a loan from Tell Sabi Abyad (TSA T97-15, unpublished; personal communication of F. A. M. Wigger-mann) might be an indication to place Bēr-nādin-apli earlier in the reign of Tulultī-Ninurta than proposed above, in the case that Aššur-iddin was still acting Grand Vizier during the eponymy of Bēr-nādin-apli.

References

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