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Alexander VI, Lucrezia Borgiaand her marriage to Alfonso "d'Este

Christine SHAWUniversity of Cambridge

Resumen: En una epoca en que el nepotismo era normal en lacorte pontificia, la personalildad de Lucrezia Borgia se eleva por enci-ma de otros familiares del Sumo Pontffice. Ni antes ni despues unamujer cercana al Papa llegö a manifestar tantos talentos en las artes delgobierno y la diplomacia. En 1501 eIla misma dirigiö las negocia-ciones para su matrimonio con el heredero del Duque de Ferrara,Ercole de Este. Su dedicaciön y fidelidad tanto a los asuntos püblicoscorno privados de su antigua familia eran causa del favor de AlejandroVI; rasgos que continuö despues de casada con su nueva familia.

Summary: At a time when nepotism was common in theVatican court, Lucrezia Borgia's personality stands out among otherrelatives of the Pontiff. Never did any woman close to the Pope showso many talents in the arts of diplomacy and government. She was adriving force in her marriage negotiations with the heir of Ercoled'Este, Duke of Ferrara in 1501. Her fidelity and devotion to her old

. family in relation to public and private affairs were the reason for

. Pope Alexander VI's favour, virtues which she maintained after mar-riage with the Este family.

The marriage of Lucrezia Borgia to Alfonso d'Este, eldest son andheir of Ercole d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, must be one of the most fre-quently-described dynastic unions of Renaissance Italy. It is, of course,

220 CHRISTlNE SHAW

the bride not the groom that has attracted so much attention. Whilethere has been no modern biography of Alfonso d'Este, the stream ofbiographies of Lucrezia Borgia continues to flow', Indeed there haveprobably been more biographies of Lucrezia than of Cesare Borgia,despite the fascination he continues to arouse, and certainly more thanof her father, Pope Alexander VP. Biographical studies of Alexander tendto form part of a collective biography of the Borgia family',

Nevertheless, Alexander VI's relations with his children and theirpersonalities, interests and motives remain enigmatic. They may alwaysremain so: with no records of the private discussions among the mem-bers of the family about their plans and their problems, no diaries ormemoirs or cache of private correspondence to shed light on funda-mental questions such as how Lucrezia, Cesare and their siblings regard-ed their father, there is much about this family that can never be known.The most revealing surviving evidence is to be found in the diplomaticcorrespondence of the time, and biographers and historians of theBorgia have naturally drawn on this. For Lucrezia in particular, the cor-respondence of the d'Este is a prime source of information; it is princi-pally because of the dispatches of Ercole d'Este's representatives inRome that so much is known about the negotiations for Lucrezia's mar-riage to Alfonso. One unusual aspect of these negotiations emergesclearly from the d'Este correspondence, the role that Lucrezia personal-ly took in them. Biographers of Lucrezia have commented on her par-ticipation in the negotiations, but do not appear to have recognised how

, .1 Among the recent additions to the literature' on Lucrezia Borgia are Sarah

BRADFORD,Luaezia Borgia: Lift, luve and tkalb in Renaissance Italy (2004) and GenevieveCHASTENET,Lucria Borgia (1993). For modem summaries of A1fonso's life and rule, see the arti-cle by Romolo Q!_JAZZA, Dizionario biografico tkgli Italiani, Vol. 11, pp. 332-7, and LucianoCHIAPPINI,G/i Estensir MiUe anni di storia (Ferrara, 2001), pp. 231-70. Of the modem biographiesof Lucrezia, that by Maria BEUONCI, Luaezia Borgia (1960) is generally considered the mostsubstantial, but the biography by Ferdinand Gregorovius, first published in 1874 is still amongthe most useful and reliable. References here will be to the modem Italian translation by LuigiQ!Iattrocchi, edited with additional notes by Angelo ROMAND,Luaezie Borgia, secondo docu-menti e carteggi del tempo (Rome, no date).

2 The most substantial biography of Alexander is that by Susanne SCHOllER-l'IROU.Die Borgia-Päpst« Kalixt Ill. und Akxantkr VI (Vienna, 1979).. .

3 The most judicious of these studies is that by Michael MAllETr, The Borgias: The Rjs~and FaOofa Renaissance Dynasty (London. 1969). .' '., '-.

ALEXANDER VI, LUCREZIA BORGIA AND HER MARRIAGE... 221

exceptional this really was -exceptional for any young woman of a rul-ing family, not just for Lucrezia Borgia', But then the Borgia as a familyare generally treated as an exception: normal rules could not be expect-ed to apply to them. It is still surprising how infrequently they are com-pared even to other papal families. If Lucrezia's role in the discussionabout her marriage is put into context, it can be a useful starting pointfor better understanding the dynamics of the relations of Alexander andhis children.

The political context of the negotiations is well-known. Within afew months of the murder on Cesare's orders of Lucrezia's second hus-band, Alfonso, Duke ofBisceglie, in August 1500, there was speculationabout a possible match for her with Alfonso, the eldest son of Ercoled'Este', The suggestion came from Alexander, who saw in the marriagenot only a prestigious husband and secure future for his daughter, but apotential source of support for Cesare in the region where he was settinghis son up as lord of the Romagna. To the d'Este, the prospect of themarriage was less appealing. Twice married, once divorced, once wid-owed, the daughter of the pope was not the bride Ercole and Alfonsowould have wanted to take the place of Alfonso's first wife, Anna Sforza,who had died in childbirth in December 1497'. At first, Ercole rejectedthe suggestion. There was a scheme for a marriage for Alfonso with a

. ., .: 4 Sarah Bradford, who used the Modenese documents, gives a detailed account of

these negotiations, and recognizes that Lucrezia played an important role in them; if anything,she exaggerates this role. 'From all the reports of the Ferrarcse envoys in Rome to Ercole, it isclear that Lucrezia herself handled the negotiations and that the Ferrarese, rather than speakingdirectly to the Pope, generally used her as their intermediary, This cleverly underlined herimportance in the eyes of the Ferrarese, as it was made clear that any concessions made by thePope were gained by her intercession.' (BRADFORD, Lucraia Borgia, pp. 118-9) GenevieveChastenet describes how during the negotiations 'Chaque jour les ernissaires pouvaient la ren-contrer assise aupres du tröne pontifical OU die participait a la discussion des contrats dotauxet devenait ainsi le mcilleur allie de sa nouvelle familie'. (CHASTENET,Lllert« Borgia, p. 219)Rache! Erlanger considers that Lucrczia played a more subsidiary role: 'Perhaps because herfather wished to show the Ferrarese the kind of duchess they were getting, he allowed her to bepresent at his daily sessions with them. She usually sat on a cushion one step below his throne,and he made a point of asking her opinion before committing himself,' (Rachel ERLANGER,Lllerezia Borgia. 11 Biography (London, 1979), p. 156. None of these biographers puts Lucrezia'srole in context.

S Marino SANtrrO, I Diarii, ed. R. Fulin and others, vol. Ill, col. 1130 ..CHJAPPINI, GliEstmsi: Milk anni di storia, p. 265.

222 . CHRlSTINE SHAW

French princess, Louise, widow of the duke of Angoulerne, which wouldhave been much more prestigious. King Louis XII of France, whoAlexander hoped would help persuade Ercole to accept his offer ofLucrezia's hand for his son, preferred a French match for the future dukeofFerrara. By June 1501, however, anxious for papal support in the bat-tle for the kingdom of Naples, Louis began to urge Ercole to agree,although he also continued to hold out the hope of the French match,arguing that any advantages that came to the d'Este from the marriagewould disappear on the death of Alexander', The avaricious Ercole wasthe first to come round to the idea, determined to extract the highestpossible price for his consent; Alfonso, concerned about Lucrezia's rep-utation, needed more persuasion. Once Alfonso had finally agreed, thebargaining could begin in earnest.

Lucrezia was a widow -the circumstances in which she had beenwidowed were notorious- but she was not negotiating with the d'Este asa widow with independent control over her own property, or as anheiress bringing property in her own right to her husband. Her marriagewas an affair of high politics. However anomalous her position as adaughter of a pope, her father was a head of state as well as head of theChurch. She would not be bringing to the marriage the lands she alreadyheld around Rome, which would be given to Rodrigo, her son byAlfonso da Bisceglie, and her half-brother Giovanni. They were of muchless interest to the d'Este than Cento and La Pieve, places long in dis-pute between the duke ofFerrara and the bishop of Bologna. These werethe lands she would bring to her new husband -or rather her new father-in-Iaw- although only after prolonged and difficult negotiations withthe then bishop, Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, who was one of themost resolute opponents of Alexander within the College of Cardinals',

Widow or no, even if she had been a private individual and not amember of a ruling family, she was still a young woman aged just overtwenty at this time, with a father and an elder brother to look after her

GREGOROVIUS, Luaezia Borgia, pp. 174-7.Christine SHAW,ju/ius Il: The W1lrrior Pope (Oxford, 1993), pp. 81-115.

ALEXANDER VI, LUCREZIA BORGIA AND HER MARRIAGE... 223

affairs'. Alexander in fact did take the principal part in the negotiations.Cesare did not take a conspicuous role, even though the potentialadvantages for him, in buttressing his position after his father's death,were among the strongest incentives for Alexander to press for thematch. The vulnerability of papal nipoti who had been set up as rulers ofnewly-formed states with which they had no real connection to helpthem win the allegiance of their subjects, the difficulties they would facein holding on to their lands after the death of the pope in the face of thelikely hostility of the pope's successors -these observations were alreadypolitical commonplaces in Italy. Cesare himself was only too aware ofhow precarious his own position would be, and would soon disagreewith his father about how he could best seek security in his relationswith the Roman barons, for example", The Venetians were inclined tosee the whole idea of Lucrezia's marriage to Alfonso as being principal-ly his''. He was in Rome for some of the time when negotiations wereunder way, and showed interest in their successful conclusion. WhenErcole d'Este sent to Rome a letter that he had received from theEmperor-elect, Maximilian, criticising the match, Cesare summoned theFerrarese envoy to protest that the letter was an insult to the entireBorgia family, and to express his wish that the marriage be concludedquickly, giving assurances that the Borgia would do even more than theyhad promised", He also took part in attempts to resolve the problem ofCento and La Pieve. When Alexander sent an envoy to CardinalGiuliano della Rovere to ask him to renounce the bishopric of Bolognaso that it could be given to Alfonso's brother, Ippolito, Cesare wrote tothe cardinal to ask him to agree, and spoke to Cardinal da Costa, a mendand confidant of Giuliano della Rovere, asking him to use his influence

.' I am not aware of any specific study of the circumstances in which women from pow-erful families might take a prominent role in negotiating their own marriages; my commentson Lucrezia's role are based on my understanding of the general practice.

10 Christine SHAW, -Alexander VI, Cesare Borgia and the Orsini", European Studies&view, 11 (1981), pp. 10-23.

11 GREGOROVIUS, Lsaezie Borgia,p, 188.Il Cambridge University Library, MS Add. 4757, ff. 137v·139r, 27 Nov. 1501. This man-

uscript is one of the volumes of transcriptions and summaries of the correspondence withRome of the dukes ofFerrara from the archives in Modena, made for the English historian LordActon. There are some obvious errors of transcription, but when I have compared these tran-scriptions and summaries with the originals, I have found them to be generally accurate.

224 CHRISTINE SHAW

in the matter", In general, however, despite his personal stake in the out-come, Cesare left the negotiations to his father and his sister.

Lucrezia's part in the negotiations was not limited to being presentand adding her comments when her father was discussing terms with therepresentatives of Ercole d'Este. It is clear from the reports of theFerrarese envoys that on several occasions she met them on her own,and that she was concerned with matters of greater substance. thandetails of her trousseau or what jewels she would bring with her.Principally, according to the Ferrarese accounts, she was discussing nother own interests, but the advantages that the d'Este could derive fromthe match, privileges and concessions from the papacy that formed partof her dowry. She was involved in the discussions about Cento and LaPieve. On 1 October 1501~for example, she showed the Ferrarese envoyletters sent to Alexander by the papal nuncio in Milan about this busi-ness, which had yet to be broached with Giuliano della Rovere, andspoke about the proposal to induce the cardinal to exchange his dioceseof Bologna for other benefices", She also wrote, like Cesare, to the car-dinal asking him to make this renunciation", When Ercole asked for thecustody of Porto Cesenatico, as a pledge that he would eventually begiven Cento and La Pieve, Cardinal Gianbattista Ferrari, one of thosehandling the negotiations for the match in Rome, suggested that the bestapproach would be to get Lucrezia to speak to Alexander about it,because of her great influence with her father'. She was involved in thework of persuading the cardinals to agree to the exemption Ercole want-ed from paying the census due to the papacy for the fief of Ferrara".Most striking, perhaps, was her enquiry to the Ferrarese envoys aboutwho conferred ecclesiastical benefices in the territory of the d'Este. Toldthat in some cases they were conferred by the pope, in others by theordinary or the duke, she replied that it would be useful if the duke con-ferred them all. The envoys thought she might try to obtain the gra~t of

, ; c

13 ua, f. 129,31 Oct. 1501; f. 138,27 Nov. 1501.14 . ua. f. 118, 1 Ocl 1501.IS u«; f. 129,31 Oct. 1501.I' /bid., f. 133v, 20 Nov. 1501. .' "17 Ibid.; ff. 116v-117r, 27 Sept, 1501. Ercole d'Este obtained a substantial reduction in

his census payments, but not exemption from them. .;. r ,

ALEXANDER VI, LUCREZIA BORGIA AND HER MARRIAGE... 225

this privilege from the pope. Ercole apparently responded to this reportby asking to be given the power to confer all benefices in his territory,and Lucrezia promised she would try to get the pope to agree". She alsoassisted Ercole d'Este in bringing to Ferrara Suor Lucia, a nun with a rep-utation for holiness whom he had been trying to persuade to move fromViterbo for three years", Small wonder that the envoys thanked her forthe zeal with which she supported the interests of the d'Este at court",

From the early stages of the negotiations, Lucrezia made it plainthat she wanted the match to be concluded, and that she was eager toleave Rome to begin a new life in Ferrara", There was impatience to wel-come her to Ferrara, she was told, but her presence in Rome was needed ~to bring the settlement to a successful conclusion, because of her influ-ence with her father". Alexander himself spoke openly of the influenceshe could have over him, praising her for knowing well how to win himover to what she wanted. He praised her prudence, her affability, herwillingness to give audiences to those who wished to speak to her. Healso praised the skill with which she had governed the duchy ofSpoleto", In fact she had only spent a few months there in 1499, sent byher father when she had been distressed by the flight of her husbandAlfonso da Bisceglie from Rome, where he had felt unsafe".'Notoriously, Alexander also left his twenty-one year old daughter incharge of the Vatican when he went to Sermoneta in late July 1501 andagain in October. She stayed in the papal apartments' while her father

1& na. ff. 124r, 127r·v, 11 and 23 Oct. 1501. ., "The correspondence on this matter was published and analysed by Luigi AlberteGANDlNI,·Lucrezia Borgia nell' imminenza delle sue nozze con Alfonso d'Este", Atli t memo-rie Jel/4 R. Deptaazione di storia patria p" le Prooind« di&magna, 3rd series, 20 (1902), pp. 285·340. ' '

,20 Cambridge University Library, MS Add. 4757, ff. 127r-v,23 Oct. 1501. " "I21 na; f. 65r, 25 Sept. 1501.22 Ibid., f. 116v. 26 Sept. 1501. . "23 Despateh of Gerardo Saraceni to Ercole d'Este, 6 Oct. 1501, Rome, 'quoted in'

GREGOROVlUS,Lucrtzia Borgia, p. 202: •..• laudö la llIustrissima duchessa per prudente e facileaprestare audienza e a carezare ove bisogna, estolendola asai ehe govemö iIducato di Spoletocum tanta grazia dil mondo. Estollendola molto ehe, anehe quando Sua Signoria trattavaqualehe cosa cum Sua Santi~, s3Pev:amolt? ben guada~arc; e volere_Ia part~ ~ua·. ' .., ' . Z4 Franco MANCINI, Lucrezia Borgia govematnce di Spoleto , ArchlVlO storico italiano,115 (1957), pp. 182-7.

226 CHRISTlNE SHAW

was away, and was given authority to open his letters; she was to consultthe cardinals if a matter required urgent attention", Gregorovius arguedthat Alexander did this, in his joy at Alfonso d'Este finally consenting tothe match with Lucrezia, in order to present his daughter as a politicalfigure, fit to assume the role of a duchess of Ferrara",

The women of the signorial dynasties of Renaissance Italy couldtake on a political role. None ruled in their own right; if they were leftin charge of affairs, they would be acting as representatives of theirabsent husband or son, or as guardians for minor heirs. Isabella d'Este,for instance -who did not approve of her brother Alfonso marryingLucrezia Borgia- governed in Mantua while her husband FrancescoGonzaga was held prisoner by the Venetians in 1509-10. As her volumi-nous correspondence shows, even when she was not directing affairs inMantua, she evidently wished to be kept informed of political develop-merits", The formidable Caterina Sforza took full charge of the signorieof her husband Girolamo Riario on behalf of their young sons after hewas assassinated in 1488, and even took an active part in defendingImola and Forll against the forces of Cesare Borgia in the winter of 1499-150028

• How much political influence such women could have whenthey were not taking. on the role of a regent can be difficult to assess.Such discussions as they may have had with their husbands or sonsabout public affairs would generally be conducted in private and wouldnot be recorded. Intelligence and understanding, even experience of gov-ernment, would not guarantee that their counsel would be heeded, or

25 Johannes BURCKHARDT, "Liber notarum", ed. E. Celani, Rerum ltalicarum Scriptores,XXXII (Citta di Castello, 1906), pp. 294, 30I.

26 GREGOROVlUS, Lucrezia Borgia, p. 178.21 The files of her correspondence in the Archivio Gonzaga in the Archivio di Stato of

Mantua have been used extensively by historians. Much has been published, at least in part, ina series of studies by A1essandro LUZIO;his study of her relations with the Borgia is still themost detailed: "Isabella d'Este e i Borgia", Archivia storico lombardo, 41 (1914), pp. 469-553, 673-753,42 (1915), pp. 115-67,412-64. .

28 Once again, the fullest biography of Caterina Sfona is an old one, that by PierDesiderio PASOUNI,Caterina Sjöna, 3 vols (Rome, 1893); the third of these substantial volumesconsists entirely of documents. All subsequent biographers have been endebted to Pasolini.Two later studies that go beyond Pasolini are: Ernst BREISACH, CaJerina Sforza: A RtnaiuanaVirago (Chicago, 1967), and Natale GRAZIANIand Gabriella VEmuRElll, CaJerina Sforza (Milan,1987). ,. i :

ALEXANDER VI, LUCREZIA BORGIA AND HER MARRIAGE... 227

even welcome, as Bianca Maria Sforza found when her wilful sonGaleazzo Maria succeeded his father, her husband Francesco Sforza, asduke of Milan in 14662'1. I , ,

As wife of the heir to the duke there would be no political role forLucrezia in the government of Ferrara. As consort to the duke,afterAlfonso succeeded his father in 1505, she would be called upon to' actas regent, at times jointly with Alfonso's brother, Cardinal Ippolitod'Este, when her husband was absent. Little attention has been paid tothis aspect of her career. In writing of her years as duchess of Ferrara,biographers have been more interested in whether she had love affairswith Pietro Bernbo or with Francesco Gonzaga. Her responsibilities asregent were limited to the internal government of the duchy, in whichshe had the support of the ducal council and administration. Externalrelations' remained the concern of Alfonso and Ippolito", She never hidso political a 'profile as her sister-in-law Isabella d'Este in Mantua, orCaterina Sforza or Bianca Maria Visconti Sforza. While her father wasalive, he was concerned to ensure that his daughter was treated well, andtried without success to persuade the parsimonious Ercole d'Este toincrease her allowance". Yet despite Alexander's fond comments to theFerrarese envoys about Lucrezia's prudence and ability to obtain whatshe asked for from him, she does not seem' to have been used by thed'Este to' handle negotiations with Alexander for them after she leftRome.' ::

If Alexander had been trying to give Lucrezia opportunities to dis-play her capacity for government by leaving her in charge of the Vaticanor appointing her governor of Spoleto, or by allowing her to participatein the negotiations for her own marriage, it is likely that the d'Este didnot really care about her putative political gifts. Ability to rule was nota quality that was looked for in a prospective bride for a prince or noble.Her family connections, the size of h~r dowry, her looks, her health, and

29 Lila JAHN, Biance Maria, Duchessa di Milano (Milan, 1941) is the only biography ofher; for her relations with her son Galeazzo Maria, see G. LUBKlN,A Renaissance Court, Milanunder Gakazzo Maria Sjorza (Berkeley, 1994). .: .. , ..

30 BRADFORD, LucreziaBorgia, pp. 290-315, 335, 345-9; ERlANGER, LucreziaBorgia, p. 289.31, Cambridge University Library, MS Add. 4757, £ 146r-v, 5 Aug. 1502.

228 CHRISTINE SHAW

indications she would be fit to bear healthy children were the factors thatwould be weighed and assessed most carefully. Her intelligence, charac-ter, temperament and tastes might also come under consideration butwould generally be of secondary importance. Lucrezia's character was ofspecial concern to the d'Este because of the rumours about her conductand the history of her previous marriages, but the envoys' reports on thatscore were reassuring", and she gave Alfonso and his family no cause torepent that they had overcome their misgivings.

That she had been married twice before, and had borne at least onechild" was unusual for the bride of the heir to a signoria. Alfonso him-self was a widower, but he had no legitimate son as yet; Lucrezia wouldbe the prospective mother of a future duke. Although it was quite usualfor the girls of princely families to be betrothed when they were youngchildren, and not rare for them to have been betrothed more than oncebefore they reached marriageable age, the heir to one of the most presti-gious signorie in Italy would not normally choose a woman who hadalready been twice married to be his wife and the mother of his heir. Theladies of signorial families tended to be married young. In such circum-stances, it would not be surprising that they should have taken little partin negotiating the terms of their marriages once they had been agreed.There is no evidence that Lucrezia had any notable .involvement in thenegotiations for her marriages to Giovanni Sforza or Alfonso daBisceglie. She had been only thirteen years old at the time of her firstmarriage in 1493, eighteen at the time of her second marriage in 1498.By then, she would have been old enough to be able to participate in thenegotiations, but her father showed little sign of paying attention to heropinions and wishes ..The annulment of her first marriage had been ahumiliation for her as well as her husband, exposing her to maliciousgossip and rumour; she had left the Vatican 'insalutato hospite', andgone to reside in the convent of San Sisto on the via Appia -some peo-ple even said that she wanted to become a nun", Whether this retreat

32 Ibid.; fr. 4r-5v, 23 Dec. 1501; printed in GREGOROVlUS, Lucrezia Borgia, pp. 212-3.33 There were rumours in 1498 that she had given birth to an illegitimate child; see e.g,

BRADFORD, Lucrezia Borgia, p. 68.34 GREGOROVlUS, Lucrezia Borgia, p. 122..

ALEXANDER VI, LUCREZIA BORGIA AND HER MARRIAGE... 229

was her idea or her father's, it points to some difference of opinionbetween them over the matter. Still she made the necessary declarationsthat allowed the commission of cardinals that Alexander appointed todeclare that her marriage to Sforza had never been consummated, andsubmitted to the next marriage arranged for her, to a reluctant bride-groom younger than she was. This was not a suitable occasion forAlexander to allow his daughter to display her ability to manage her ownaffairs, or for him to boast of her influence over a fond father. His affec-tion for her was shown on this occasion by the conditions he imposedthat Alfonso must come to live in Rome for a year, and that, duringAlexander's lifetime, Lucrezia could not be obliged to go to live in thekingdom of Naples",

Setting aside the more lurid accounts of the relations betweenLucrezia and her father, there can still be no question that he loved herand liked to have her with him. His fondness for her and his pleasure inher company gave her an unusual role in the papal court. Strictly speak-ing, of course, there was no usual role for a woman in the papal court.That there was no legitimate social or ceremonial role for women at thepapal court, was a feature that set it apart from other princely courts.Alexander's pontificate came in the middle of the period of'il grandenepotismo': indeed it is generally perceived as the prime example, theapogee of papal nepotism on the grand scale. It had come to be expect-ed -in Italy, at least- that the popes would not only provide for theirfamily, as other ecclesiastics provided for their own relatives, from theresources of the Church, but that they would seek to promote them intothe ranks of signorial, even princely dynasties. It was also expected thatthe pope would have members of his family with him in Rome, and givesome of them, laymen and clerics, positions within the government andadministration of the Church or the Papal States.

During the pontificate preceding Alexander's, that ·of InnocentVIII, those relatives had included the pope's own son, FranceschettoCibo, who had been given as prominent a role as his limited abilitieswould allow. Innocent's daughter Theodorina was married to the papal

35 Mantua, Archivio di Stato, Archivio Gonzaga, b. 852: Gian Lucido Cattaneo toFrancesco Gonzaga, 8 Aug. 1498, Rome. .

230 CHRISTINE SHAW

treasurer Gherardo Usodimare, and sometimes stayed in the Vaticanwith her father; she was reported to be lodged in the Belvedere with himin August 1491, for example", His granddaughter, Peretta Usodimare,was married in the Vatican in November 1488 to the Marchese delFinale, and the wedding banquet was attended by the pope and severalcardinals". Theodorina, Peretta and another daughter of Theodorina,Franceschetto's wife (daughter of Lorenzo de' Medici) and another ofthe pope's female nipotiwere all among the guests invited in March 1492to a feast traditionally given by the senator of Rome to officials of thecity on the Saturday before the period of Carnival began", By the endof Innocent's pontificate, therefore, the Romans could have becomeaccustomed to the pope's daughter and granddaughter being openlyacknowledged and feted, even in the Vatican itself

But no daughter of any previous, or subsequent, pope was givensuch a public role and prominent role in the life of the papal court asLucrezia had during her father's pontificate. No other pope left hisdaughter, or any other female relative, in even nominal charge of theVatican. Lucrezia did not usually live in the Vatican, but she was regu-larly called on to entertain her father there. Alexander liked to watch hischildren dance, for example, to the extent that Lucrezia and even Cesarewould become exhausted by this. In September 1501, the Ferrareseenvoys reported that Lucrezia had stayed behind in Rome whileAlexander had gone on a pleasure trip for a few days with Cesare: shewas indisposed, they reported, but would be put right by a little rest. Shelooked after herself well, but when she went to see the pope there weredances and parties late into the night, which did not do her any good",Before he left Rome with his father they had spoken to Cesare, who was

36 Milan, Archivio di Stato, Archivio Sforzesco, b. 104: copy Ascanio to GiangaleazzoMaria Sforza, 6 Aug. 1491, Genazzano.· - )

37 . The punctilious papal master of ceremonies, Johannes Burckhardt, noted the detailsof who had been present and at which tables they had been seated, although he also noted thatthe banquet contravened the prohibition on women dining with the pope; he commented thatthe affair was not kept secret, but was known throughout the city. (BURCKHARDT, Lib" notarum,pp. 243-5.)

31 ASMilan, ASforzesco, b. 105: Ambrosio Mirabilia, senator, to Bartolomeo Calco, 20Mar. 1492, Rome.

39 Cambridge University Library, MS Add. 4757, f 64r-v, 25 Sept. 1501.·

ALEXANDER VI, LUCREZIA BORGIA AND HER MARRIAGE... 231

resting on his bed, weary with having danced so much the eveningbefore, and preparing himself to do the same again that evening in the.presence of the pope, with whom Lucrezia was to dine".

Costanza Farnese, the widowed daughter of Paul Ill,was also a con-stant presence at her father's court, and the affection between father anddaughter gave rise to the inevitable malicious rumours of incest, but herrole was merely that of providing comfort and affection to the aged pon-tiff. She had no perceptible political influence over him. Among thegifts and grants that Paul made to her was the governorship of Bolsena,to which he appointed her in 1543; for her it was primarily just anothersource of revenue and she governed it through a delegate".

Leo X's sister-in-law, Alfonsina Orsini, widow of Piero de'Mediciand mother ofLorenzo, duke ofUrbino, was politically influential. Thevery idea of acquiring Urbino as a stato for her son may have been hers(Lorenzo apparently would have preferred to be lord of the Romagna).She competed with Leo's sisters for the preferments and financial bene-fits in the gift of the pope, each woman anxious to obtain them for herown husband or children. As mother of one of the main hopes for thefuture of the Medici as a ruling dynasty, and exercising considerableinfluence over her son, Alfonsina was in a strong position to play aneffective political role. The main scene of her political activity, however,was Florence rather than Rome. She acted as a representative of theMedici interests in Florence when Lorenzo was away on campaign in

, Lombardy in 1515, and continued to be active in protecting and admin-istering his affairs until his death in 151942

• Indeed, it has been arguedthat she 'ruled' Florence during those years, although this is a gross exag-geration of her role", She had influence rather than power: there could. .

. ~.'40 na, ff. 115v-116r, 23 Sept. 1501.41 Roberto ZA!>PERI, La lrggmdiz del Papa Paolo 1I1: Arte t Ct7ISlIrantOa Roma pontificia

(rurin, 1998), pp. 49-59. .42 Rosemary DEVONSHIRElONES, "Lorenzo de' Medici, Duca d'Urbino, 'Signore' of

Florence?-, in Myron P. GUMORE(ed.), Stlldits on MachiaveOi (Florence, 1972),pp. 299-315.43 Natalie TOMAS,·Alfonsina Orsini de' Medici and the 'problem' of a female ruler in

early sixteenth<entury Florence", Rmaissana Studies, 14 (2000), pp. 70-90; Idea, The MediciWOmm:Gmtkr and P01IIlT in Rmaissana Florma (Aldershot. 2003), pp. 124-40, 164-94. Tomasacknowledges that Alfonsina Orsini's position was 'dependent on her role as mother of a ruler'(The Medici WOmm,p. 178)~but in her estimate of AIfonsina's role reads too much into the nor-mal language and transactions of patronage. . . _. .' .'

232 CHRISTINE SHAW

be no official position for her in the republican government of Florenceor at the papal court. Her influence and interests, like those of Leo's sis-ters, were largely confined to promoting the interests of her own imme-diate family. Her main rival within the Medici family, the most forcefulof the pope's three sisters, Lucrezia Salviati, helped her husband and hersons acquire offices, tax farms and benefices. She lived in Rome, but inthe Palazzo Medici, not in the Vatican",

The most direct comparison to the role of Lucrezia Borgia at thepapal court is with that of the daughter of Julius 11,Felice della Rovere.She was brought to Rome from the pope's native Savona in June 1504,together with his sister Luchina and two of his nieces, joining his sister-in-law, Giovanna da Montefeltro and her daughter Costanza. Julius haddisapproved of Alexander's display of his own family, and did not wantto emulate him. Neither Felice nor his other female relatives lodged withthe pope in the Vatican; they stayed in the Palazzo San Marco and otherpalaces nearby",

Felice was already a widow, and inevitably there was much specula-tion about who she would marry. At first, the most persistent report wasof negotiations for a match with the lord of Piombino", Then Juliusfavoured one with the Neapolitan baron, Roberto da Sanseverino, Princeof Salemo, but this negotiation was bound up with the question ofwhether the pope would side with Ferdinand of Aragon or Louis XII inthe conflict over the kingdom of Naples: Gonsalvo da Cordoba held outthe hope of restitution of the estates of the Prince of Salemo as an incen-tive to win the pope's support", Arguments that if he were married tothe daughter of the pope, he would not lack for favour from France,Spain or other powers and that 'quando non abbi altro ehe l'ombra delmanto de San Pietro, per fino ehe la durerä, poträ essere assai, la qualpoträ durar tanto ehe le cosse del mondo piglieranno tal forma ehe lui

44 Md., pp. 124-63; Pierre HURTIJBISE,"L'implantation d'une famille florentine a Romeau debut du XVI' siede: les Salviati", in Roma C4pil4k (1447-1527), ed, Sergio Gensini (Pisa,1994), pp. 253-71; P. HURTUBISE,Unefamilk-timoin: ks Salviati (Vatican City, 1985).

45 Modena, Archivio di Stato, Cancelleria Ducale, Cartcggio Arnbasciatori, b. IS, 98-lXIII: Beltrando Costabili to Ercole d'Este, 13 June 1504, Rome. .

46 Antonio GIUSTINIAN,Dispaai, ed, Pasquale Villari, 3 vols, 11,p, 409, 26 Jan. 1504. ,47 GIUSTINIAN,Dispacd, Ill, pp. 334-5, 13 Dec. 1504.

ALEXANDER VI, LUCREZIA BORGIA AND HER MARRIAGE... 233

se n'averä a contentare', induced the prince to attend to these propos-als". Soon, he was having second thoughts, 'vedendo massime ehe lialtri, che se hanno apparentado con Sua Santitä, ancora ehe non sii statoper conto de fiole, ma de coniuntissime nepote, fiole de sorella, piupresto sono da Sua Santitä disfavoriti ehe adiutati', while the pope washolding back because he wanted to see the outcome of negotiations withFrance". Felice had her opinion on the proposed match too, and it wasnot a favourable one -he was poor, she objected, and committed toanother woman. So critical had she been in some of her remarks, that itwas thought she might have a hard time of it if she did marry him inthe end. ':" According to the duke of Urbino (the brother of Julius's sister-in-law), Felice had already refused several prospective husbands that herfather had suggested to her, always finding something to object to in themen, but that 'al tutto el Papa e disposto de darla via 0 a costui 0 ad altri,e mandarla fuori de Roma, per non se tegnir questa vergogna dinanti gliocchi'". In fact this was what Julius eventually did, marrying Felice to aRoman baron, Giangiordano Orsini da Bracciano. She had objected tothis match too, and had to be persuaded to agree by two cardinals closeto Julius, his nephew, Galeotto Franciotto della Rovere, and FrancescoAlidosis,• Earlier in the year she had also objected to a proposal that sheshould marry another Roman baron, Marcantonio Colonna: when shewas told that the pope had agreed to it, 'ingenuamente respose ehe nonvolere marito'", There were no indications that Felice was playing anypart in these discussions, other than saying that she did not want tomarry this man or that, or even to marry at all. Lucrezia had marr!ed

~. na, pp. 354-5,2 Jm 1505.~9 na, pp. 372-3, 15Jan. 1505.so Md., pp. 409-10, 10 Feh 1505. Giustinim heard from other sources that Urbino

might have been helping to create difficulties because he had his own reasons for opposing thematch with Salemo, whom he accused of aiming to replace him as captain of the papal troops.(ibid) ~ ... ... . . , ,

51 . ASMantova, AGonzaga, b. 857, c. 90: A1essandro Picenardo to Francesco Gonzaga,24 Mar. 1506, Rome; Florence, Archivio di Stato, Archivio della Repubblica: Carteggi,Responsive, Died di Balia, b. 86, c. 33: A1essmdro Nasi, 17 May 1506, Rome; ibid., c. 41: A.Nasi, 21 May 1506. .

52 Md., b. 81, c.19: A. Nasi, 3 Jan 1505(6), Rome.

234 CHRISTlNE SHAW

who her father told her to marry, and does not appear to have had muchif any choice in the matter.

Apart from Felice's objections, and a dispute about the dowry,another problem was that Julius did not seem very concerned himselfabout his daughter's marriage: 'se ne cura pOCO'S3.Far from presentinghis daughter as the member of a ruling family, as Alexander had so assid-uously done with Lucrezia, Julius distanced himself from the affair sodeliberately that he almost seemed to be disowning her. The contractwas finally concluded in the palace of Cardinal Galeotto della Rovere,and Julius was not there, 'non havendo voluto la Santitä del Papa aliapresentia sua se ne facci acto alcuno'", Nor did he want to be named inthe contract - her cousins, Cardinal Galeotto della Rovere and FrancescoMaria della Rovere acted for her. Julius was reported not even to haveprovided her wedding clothes and to have forbidden her to wear clothof gold - 'le demonstrationi di Sua Beatitudine non potrebbono essere distimarla manco et la donna si ritrahe per omni verso ehe ne e maIissimocontenta'", The marriage itself was celebrated, if celebrated is the word,at Galeotto della Rovere's palace too, not at the Vatican, and with littleceremony or rejoicing. The bride and groom then made their way, onfoot, to the Orsini palace in the Montegiordano area of Rome, where theonly food provided, it was said, was what remained of the banquet thathad been given at Galeotto della Rovere's palace. In all, 'pare a ciascunoehe il Papa habbi dimonstro di stimare poco questa sua figliuola'",

If Giangiordano Orsini at least gained the dowry of 20,000 ducatswith which to redeem some of his estates", Felice found herself marriedagainst her will to a renowned eccentric (in the opinion of some, an out-right madman) in a ceremony that her father had not wished to be asso-

53 Ibid., b. 86, c. 45: A. Nasi, 22 May 1506, Rome .. 54 Ibid., c. 48: A. Nasi, 23 May 1506, Rome .

. 55 Ibid., c. 50: A. Nasi, 24 May 1506, Rome.. 56 Ibid., c. 53: A. Nasi, 27 May 1505 (sic, but 1506), Rome. For a description of the pro-cession to Montegiordano and the poor festivities there, see Alessandro LUZIO and RodolfoRENIER, Mantova e Urbino: IsabeOad'Iist« td Elisabttta Gonzaga (furin, 1893; reprint, SalaBolognese, 1976), pp. 178-80. ,. . .

57. Rome, Archivio Capitolino, Archivio Orsini, Serie I,b. 334, c. 56, 15 June 1506; C.DE CUPIS, "Regesto degli Orsini e dei Conti Anguillara"; Bullettino dtOaR. Deputasione Abruzzestdi storiapatria, Series 3,18 (1927), pp. 184-5, 15 and 19 June 1506.

ALEXANDER VI, LUCREZIA BORGIA AND HER MARRIAGE... 235

ciated with, even though he had arranged the match. To add insult toinjury, two months later Julius presided in person over a public ceremo-ny of betrothal in the Vatican, in the presence of the cardinals and theambassadors to the Holy See, of his niece Lucretia della Revere,Cardinal Galeotto's sister, to Marcantonio Colonna", Earlier, in mid-June, he had at least given a banquet in honour of Felice and anotherbride, Laura Orsini, who had married Niccolö dell a Rovere, in 'la salladeli Pontefici molto sumptuosamente cun feste, canti et soni', and hadmade Felice dance there with Francesco Maria della Rovere-but he alsopromised Francesco Maria that there would be even better celebrationsfor his wedding",

Once married, Felice seems to have identified herself with the inter-ests of the Orsini family, and to have tried to use what influence shemight have with her father on their behal£ If Julius had not wanted toflaunt his paternity, as Alexander did, he did not in fact want to disownhis daughter. Before Lucrezia left Rome, Alexander had assured theFerrarese envoys that for her sake he would deny nothing in his powerto the d'Este. As she took her leave of her father, he told her to write tohim whenever she wanted something, and that he would do more forher when she was far away than when she was in Rome", Nevertheless,from the surviving correspondence it does not appear that the d'Estesought to make use of what influence Lucrezia might have over thepope. Duke Ercole d'Este was one of the senior political figures in Italy,with a corps of experienced diplomats in his service, and apparently felthe did not need to call on the aid of his young daughter-in-law.After her J

father died in August 1503, of course, there was no point at all in usingLucrezia as an intermediary in Rome.

By contrast, the Orsini did make use of Felice della Rovere in deal-ings with her father, and in important business. She was an intelligentwoman, quite capable of talking to' her father about' affairs of state.

1

58 SANtTTO, Diarii, VI, col. 384, 1 Aug 1506.59 ASMantua, AGonzaga, b. 857, CC. 31-2: Girolamo Arsago to Francesco Gonzaga, 17

June 1506, Rome: .. '.' ". ;, , :, 60 Cambndge University Library, MS Add. 4757, if. 6v-7r: Gian Luca Pozzi to Ercole

d'Este, 6 Jan. 1502, Rome; GREGOROVIUS.Luaai« Borgia,p. 224 ...

236 CHRlSTlNE SHAW

When Orsini condottieri had accepted contracts from the Venetians justat the time that Julius was finally joining the League of Cambrai againstVenice, Felice acted as a mediator to reconcile her father and her hus-band's family in April 150961, and a year later, when Julius had madepeace with Venice, she asked him to release the Orsini from theirpromise not to serve the Venetians", When her husband, a devoted par-tisan of Louis XII, insisted on going to France against the pope's wishesin July 1510, Julius required Giangiordano's subjects on his estates toswear an oath of fidelity to Felice and to julius", It was probably becauseof Giangiordano's connection with France that the French Queen Annerepeatedly asked Felice to speak to the pope about making peace withFrance, or with another French partisan, the Duke of Ferrara",: Notoriously difficult to advise, especially on matters -like his griev-

ances against the duke of Ferrara- on which he felt strongly, Julius didnot always receive her interventions kindly, On one occasion, he toldher to go away and get on with her sewing", and on another, she wasreported to have left Rome in tears after trying to speak to him aboutPerrara". It must have taken courage for her to approach her father onsuch subjects, but it seems that he was sometimes prepared at least to lis-ten to her relaying a message from the Queen of France, or to speak tohim about matters concerning the Orsini, and to trust her loyalty tohim", In any case, Felice appears to have been able to manage to stay onbetter terms with the pope than Francesco Maria della Rovere did, evenbefore he murdered Julius's favourite, Cardinal Alidosi, On one occa-sion, when Francesco Maria tried to speak to Julius about his father-in-

61 SANUTO,Diarii, VIII, col. 135,23 Apr. 1509, col. 139, 17 Apr. 1509. ' ..62 SANUTO,Diarii, X. col. 64, 6 Mar 1510. , ; ",63 DE CUPIS, "Regesto degli Orsini", Series 3, 18 (1927), p. 194,11 July 1510; SANUTO,

Diarii, X. col. 831,17 July 1510.64 Alessandro LUZIO, "Isabella d'Este di fronte a Giulio 11 negli ultirni tre anni del suo

pontificate", 4th series,17 (1912), pp. 300,323,412; SANUTO,Diarii, XlI, col. 301, 21July 1511.65 LUZIO, "Isabella d'Este di fronte a Giulio II negli ultirni tre anni del suo pontificato·,

4th series, 17 (1912), p. 300.66 Ibid., 18 (1913), p. 127. '67 When Julius heard a report that Louis XlI was asking Giangiordano to receive French

troops on his lands, he sent secretly to Felice to find out whether this was true: Baron deTerrateig, Polftica m ltalia tkl Rry CatOlico, 1507-1516: CUTrespondmcia inEdita con el EmbajalkrVzch,2 vols (Madrid, 1963), lI, p. 184. . .

ALEXANDER VI, LUCREZIA BORGIA AND HER MARRIAGE... 237

law, Francesco Gonzaga, who was being held prisoner by the Venetians,Julius thought he was trying to dissuade him from proceeding with theabs'olution of Venice from the interdict that was being negotiated at thetime, and demanded to know 's'el voleva esser il Valentino [CesareBorgia] e governar 10 Papai'".,,' Julius had been in exile for most of Alexander's pontificate, andwould have had little opportunity of observing for himself how muchinfluence Cesare Borgia could actually have over his father. At the' timehe had left for exile in April 1494, Cesare had been a young cardinal,and although he had been in France with Cesare in 1498, he had notbeen in Rome while Cesare had been at the height of his power. In fact,Cesare did, not, 'govern the pope', and the unusual prominenceAlexander gave Lucrezia at the papal court was not matched by his treat-ment of Cesare or his other sons. Certainly they were given lands inabundance, money and military commands; certainly, he wanted themto be treated like princes by other powers, and delighted in the honourspaid to them. But even Cesare did not have the role or enjoy the influ-ence over the policy of the papacy that Pietro or Girolama Riario hadunder Sixtus N, for example, or that the Carafa nephews of Paul IVwould have.

Pietro Riario, Cardinal San Sisto in the period of just'over two yearsthat he lived after the election of his uncle to the papacy and his ownelevation to the College, quickly established himself as the leading nipoteof Sixtus, accumulating great wealth (and great debts), having a decisivevoice in shaping the pope's relations with the other Italian powers, andtaking over control of the papal troops", So dominant did he becomethat some thought his death in January 1474 came as something of arelief to Sixtus, as well as a cause of grief, 'perche terneva altrotantoquanto amava?", His brother Girolamo could not succeed to all his

, '

68 Alessandro LUZIO,"La reggenza d'Isabella d'Este durante la prigionia del marito(1509-1510)-, Archivio storico Iombardo, Series 4,14 (1910), pp. 44-5. ' - ','

'69 Ludwig PASTOR,Geschichte der Päpste seit dmr Ausgang tUs Mittelalters, Vol. 11(Freiburgim Breisgau, 1894), pp. 451-70; the best archival source for the short career ofPietro Riario isASMilan, ASforzesco, bb. 68-74. ' .

lU ASMantua, AGonzaga, b. 845, c. 121: GianpietroArrivabene to Marchesa Barbara,16 Jan. 1474, Rome. : '. ,,', .

238 CHRISTINE SHAW

responsibilities because he was, and remained, a layman, but he did takeon the charge of the papal troops, and became Sixtus's mainstay: thepope loved him as he had loved Pietro, but did not fear him", Later inthe pontificate, as Riario's ascendancy over the pope was consolidated,much of the responsibility for Sixtus's involvement in the Pazzi Waragainst Florence in 1478-80, and the War ofFerrara in 1482-4 can be laidat his door. At times, when affairs were going badly, Sixtus would pub-licly blame Riario for bringing him into such difficulties '''10 son mortoet desfacto del honore. Oime, oime", chiamando spesso "Conte, Conte,non me'l fare venire piu qui"?', Although it did not go unchallenged,Riario retained his dominance over the secular policy of the papacy untilthe death of Sixtus. The dispatches of ambassadors in Rome are full ofdiscussions they had with him about a wide range of business, discus-sions whose purpose was to find out his policies and plans and reactionsto events, not just. to find out from him what the pope was thinking.

Cesare Borgia, by contrast, did not readily grant audiences. Whenhe received the Ferrarese ambassadors who were negotiating the terms ofLucrezia's marriage in September 1501, they told Ercole d'Este that thiswas a marked favour, because Cesare never gave audiences in Rome, noteven to cardinals", They found it difficult to get another when theywanted one, however, and complained to the pope about this. Alexanderlooked displeased and told them that there were envoys from Rimini inRome who had been waiting for two months for an audience withCesare. If Cesare went on like this, turning night into day, Alexandercomplained, it was doubtful whether, after his father's death, he wouldbe able to hold on to the lands he had conquered",

Cesare knew well enough what he would need to survive when hewould no longer have the protection of the pope. InJuly 1500, for exam-ple, he was reported to be persuading the pope of the need to create

71 Ibfd., c. 122: Gianpietro Arrivabene to Lodovico Gonzaga, 16 Jan. 1476, Rome. " ,72 Sixtus was lamenting the danger he was placed in by the incursion of the Duke of

Calabria into the Papal States inMay 1482 (ibid., b. 846, cc. 561-2: copy of intercepted despatchfrom Venetian ambassador, Francesco Diedo, 31 May 1482, Rome). .

73 Cambridge University Library, MS Add. 4757, if. 115v-116r, 23 Sept. 1501.74 Ibfd., f. 121r, 6 Oct. 1501; GREGOROVlUS,Lucraia Borgia, p. 202.

ALEXANDER VI, LUCREZIA BORGIA AND HER MARRIAGE... 239

some cardinals to give his son more friends in the College, 'per man-tenerli questo stato de Romagna, e vole ehe passeno per sue mani perobligarli a lui'", References to Cesare taking part in the ceaseless roundsof negotiations about appointments to ecclesiastical offices and the dis-posal of benefices are rare, however. Nor was he conspicuous in thediplomatic negotiations at the papal court. Cesare's interests were highon Alexander's agenda, and Cesare did discuss his own affairs with hisfather, but that is not the same as his having the kind of influence onthe general policy of the papacy that the Riario brothers had had.Alexander always retained effective control of papal affairs; ambassadorswere not invited to discuss them with Cesare, let alone Lucrezia. For allAlexander's fond remarks about Lucrezia's winning ways, and how sheknew how to get what she wanted from the pope, neither she nor Cesareseem to have had much influence over the bestowal of papal patronage.In May 1502 Cesare was angry with Alexander, 'dicendo che non se pöhonorar ne gratificare cum amici e subditi, perehe el non pö obtenir cosache volia ...disseli el papa "lasa far a me ehe facio melio li fatti toi chenon faresti tu"?', Was Cesare's noted reluctance to give audiences a wayof warding off petitions that he knew he would not be able to grant, oreven to facilitate?

Much loved by their father, lavishly endowed with money andlands, put on display in public ceremonies and private festivities in thepapal court, Cesare and Lucrezia may well have appeared to observers tobe more powerful, more influential with the pope, than they really were.Cesare's frustration at his position was evident, but for Lucrezia too, therole she was expected to play had become burdensome. Her father mightleave her in charge of the Vatican palace but there was never any hintthat she had any part in affairs of state, other than her own third mar-riage. She had no more influence at the papal court than other womenwho were close relations of popes had; she probably had less than thesisters and sister-in-law of Leo X, for example. Lucrezia was on show,

75 ASMantua, AGonzaga, b. 854, Gian Lucido Cattaneo to Francesco Gonzaga, 16July1500, Rome.

76 Ibid., b. 855, G.L Cattaneo to F. Gonzaga, 7 May 1502, Rome.

240 CHRISTlNE SHAW

while Alexander played the indulgent father. Her weariness with the lifeshe had to live in the papal court is evident from her attitude as she par-ticipated in the negotiations for her marriage, how keenly she looked for-ward to going to her new life in Ferrara, and her ready identification withthe interests of the d'Este.