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Community conservation in Tamil Nadu

Shantha BhushanAuthor’s note: This study was carried out with the help of several individuals and groups in Tamil Nadu. The paucity of information on coastal conservation in this chapter does not indicate that there is no community-based conservation here, but only that documentation is insufficient.

1. Background1.1. Geographic profile

Covering 130,058 sq km of south-east India, the state of Tamil Nadu is blessed with a tremendous diversity of natural resources. The principal crops grown in the state are paddy, millets, cereals, pulses, sugarcane and groundnut. Tamil Nadu receives rainfall from the north-east monsoon between the months of October and December, and some parts of the state such as the Nilgiris benefit from the south-west monsoon in the months of May and June.

1.2. Ecological profileThe state is characterised by three distinct ecoregions:

• The Eastern coastal plains, a long and wide stretch of land lying between the Eastern Ghats and the Bay of Bengal, are dissected by broad valleys and deltas of major rivers such as Cauvery that flow through the state. The 1,067 km coastline comprises 13 coastal districts and 591 marine fishing villages. Rainfall in the region varies between 100 to 300 cm annually.

• The Eastern Ghats have rugged, hilly terrain, run parallel to the east coast and cover Dharamapuri, North Arcot, Salem and parts of Nilgiri district. The western and eastern flanks receive annual rainfall between 80 and 200 cm while the central parts are quite dry. The uplands of the Eastern Ghats are comprised mainly of the hill ranges of Javadi, Shevaroy, Kalrayan, Pachchamalai and Kanjanmalai. The hill ranges form a chain of low, flat hills dissected by the Ponnaiyar, Cauvery and Vellar rivers. The high mountains of Nilgiri district rise at the tail end of the Eastern Ghats and mark the meeting point of the Eastern and Western Ghats. This region is the watershed of perennial rivers like the Cauvery, Amaravathi, Vaigai and Tamaraparini.

• The Western Ghats constitute a narrow but long range of hills running from the north to south along the western coast of India. These hills separate the western coastal plains from the drier parts of the Deccan plateau. The ecologically rich Western Ghats extend from Nilgiri District into Kanyakumari and Tirunelveli districts.

1.3. Socio-economic profileTamil Nadu has a population (2001) of about 62.5 million, with about 35 million in rural and 27.5

million in urban areas. The population is predominantly Hindu, comprising about 88 per cent, while Muslims and Christians comprise about 5-6 per cent each.1

In the past the economy was largely agriculture- and fisheries–based. The population was mainly rural in the erstwhile Madras Presidency (which also had some parts of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka

Pelicans and other waterbirds at Koonthakulam, Tirunelveli district Photo: S. Subramanya

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and Kerala ), of which Chennai (earlier called Madras) was the capital. Post-independence, the nature of the economy changed to one based on industry and agriculture. High levels of education and industrialization in the inland areas have led to increased urbanization, and a reduction in dependence on wild biodiversity. Over the last five decades there has been a boom in the number of small towns. Thus the need to protect natural resources, especially habitats containing wild biodiversity, has not been strongly felt by people in the inland areas.

The other ecosystem-dependent community is that of fisherfolk along the eastern coast. As in other coastal areas of India, there are problems due to mechanisation, trawling, and increasing human population, leading to depletion of fish stock and marine life. The Gulf of Mannar (a Biosphere Reserve) is one such example where the population and diversity of marine life is reported to be declining. In spite of intense conflicts between traditional fishing practices and modern trawling, there is scope for communities to conserve their areas proactively, as demonstrated by fisherfolk at Pulicat lagoon. Here, fisherfolk practice a sustainable form of fishing but their traditional systems of fishing are currently under threat from development projects (See Case Studies).

2. A Brief history of administrative control over land and resources2.1. The pre-colonial era

Village sabhas (assemblies) enjoyed considerable local autonomy in Tamil Nadu during the Pallava and Chola periods (600-1300 AD). These sabhas appointed several committees or variyam with distinct responsibilities: for instance, the yeri variyam was responsible for the village lake or tank, and the thotam variayam looked after the village gardens. Tanks, streams, channels and pastures were considered common property. There are records dating back to the Pallava era which indicate that misuse of common property was punished. According to Dharampal,2 villages (through the village accountant or karnam) maintained land records.

Dams were built across river Cauvery to divert water for cultivation in the Chola period. Though the planning and building of dams was considered a central responsibility, their maintenance was entrusted to local communities.3

2.2. The colonial eraThe decline of the gram sabhas began with the British takeover of revenue control. In 1860,

the British established that the land revenue should on the average be equal to half the net produce and 33 per cent of the gross produce for dry lands and 40 per cent for wetlands. The consequence of this was economic depression and wholesale desertion of land and breakdown of traditional institutions. There were repeated famines and an unprecedented rise in prices. This led to the almost complete destruction of the village systems. Land management systems such as Samudhayam (community ownership of land and equitable sharing of its yield) almost disappeared by the mid-20th century.4 Under British Dominion, the Madras Presidency appointed a Conservator of Forests as early as 1806. The first Conservator went about surveying the state of forests and demarcated commercially viable forests. Later, a variety of protection regimes of forests were introduced. In 1823, Governor Thomas Munro abolished the position of Conservator in the belief that supply and demand would stimulate private afforestation if timber supplies ran low.5 In the years following this, there was considerable exploitation of forests for railway construction and consequent degradation of forests, both under government control as well as under private ownership.6

Large expanses of forests were also converted into plantations of coffee, tea and cardamom, especially in the Nilgiris in the early 19th century, contributing to habitat fragmentation. This has been particularly problematic for elephants. Much degradation was also caused by the forest department policy of encouraging plantations of exotic fast-growing species such as pine, eucalyptus, and wattle (often in the face of massive opposition by the local populace that depended on these forests for survival). In the Nilgiris, such plantations affected the grassland–shola ecosystem and had ecological impacts such as the drying-up of streams and increased soil erosion. The Madras Forest Act was enacted in 1882.

2.3. Post-IndependenceThe enactment of the Madras Panchayat Bill of 1958 was an attempt at reviving local self-

governing bodies, but this did not succeed. As Ramachandra Guha7 points out, ‘destruction of

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ecological resource base has rendered the once possibly highly adaptive organization of caste society largely maladaptive.’ The change in ownership of land and resources and the resultant change in the institutions and institutional structures seems almost irreversible.

The forest department traditionally concentrated on conserving the rich evergreen and moist deciduous forests of the Western Ghats. Till the 1980s, of a total of 2,112 sq km of Protected Areas in Tamil Nadu, about 2,027 sq km (95.97 per cent) were located in this ecoregion.8 After the mid 1980s, conservation emphasis has been on natural forest for improving and enhancing intangible benefits. The forest department also started research on understanding population dynamics of flora and fauna in representative forest types. Importance was also given to augment produce of NTFP (Non-Timber Forest Produce) within and outside protected areas (PAs).

It is estimated that about 7,000 sq km of forest land, interfacing with about 3,100 villages, was under various stages of degradation.9 This was mainly due to excessive cattle grazing, illicit felling, recurrent forest fires and encroachment. Social forestry programmes were started in 1982 to address these problems. In the second phase of the Social Forestry project in 1988, an innovative component called ‘Interface Forestry Programme’ was introduced. This programme was not very successful, partly because of a standardised rather than a site-specific implementation approach. In a critique of the social foresty process in Tamil Nadu, K. Balsaubramanian10 has pointed out that ‘people’s participation cannot be programmed. Social Forestry and natural resource management is an extensive intricate task that requires location specific approach.’ According to him, the issues of natural resource management are of such magnitude that even a macro-level institution like the government will not be in a position to address issues at the appropriate time. In terms of economics also such an approach may not be cost-effective. In his opinion, sustainability of such programmes can only be ensured by meaningful participation of the local communities. ‘It is important to realize that a benefit sharing process will work only if the project fits the felt needs of the community. A standardized benefit sharing process will not work even if the framework is good.’ When the state realized that this approach of social forestry was not suitable, Joint Forest Management was seen as the solution towards arresting degradation of forests.11 In 1992 the state initiated a 5-year scheme, referred to as the Tamil Nadu Agricultural Development Project (TNADP), which aimed at increasing agricultural production by improving degraded forest areas and implementing water augmentation works. The strategy adopted was that of participatory forest management with the involvement of communities by constitution of village-level committees. The process of benefit sharing was outlined in a Government Order (GO MS.No.8: Environment and Forests (FR VI) dated 04-01-1993). However this scheme was not successful in achieving its objectives, reportedly because it was implemented as yet another departmental plantation scheme without the staff having internalised the concept of community participation.

The state passed a Joint Forest Management resolution in 1997 (GO No. 42, dated 8-8-1997), stating the objective that the ‘Government of Tamil Nadu stands committed to involve local people in reforestation and protection of degraded forests and to share with them the sustainable benefits from these forests.’ With the end of TNADP, the Tamil Nadu Afforestation Project (TAP) was launched in 1997-98, with the objective of ecological restoration with the fullest participation of people through JFM. This project is scheduled for a five-year period with an annual target of 200 villages, each village covering approximately 300 ha of degraded forests. With the project getting over in 2002, the role of the community in protection of these lands needs to be assessed.

An interesting and important feature has been that of multi-sectoral integration. The Chief Secretary, Tamil Nadu, has asked all district collectors to follow integration of various department activities in the villages where TAP was being implemented (vide D.O letter no 1251/FR.V/98-2, Environment and Forests, 4th April 1998). The Tamil Nadu government has constituted district-level Joint Forest Management Committees, with the district collector as chairman (GO Ms No 166/E&F/FR VI Department, dated 11.6.98). The District Forest Officer will act as member secretary. The committee has to review the functioning of Village Forest Councils and achievements of JFM in 23 districts where the programme is being implemented. This committee meets once in two months to identify the integration of forestry with other sectors and functioning of village forest councils. However, whether this integration has actually happened and whether it leads towards a participatory method of conservation needs to be assessed.12

3. Origins of community conservation3.1. History of community conservation efforts

Historically, Tamil Nadu was divided into several tinnai or zones, some named after a flower, such as kurinji (hill regions), marudham (fields in riverine plains), neidhal (coastal regions) and paalai (wasteland).

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Apart from numerous historical references to the close association between the Tamil people and their natural resources (such as the functioning of the variyams), there are many telling examples in Tamil literature. The state’s abundant natural wealth is reflected in poems such as the Malaipadupakam (sound of the mountain), Nedunalavadai (good, long north-wind) and Kurinjipatta (mountain song) among others. The Kurinjipatta lists 99 different flowers of the mountains. Villages were often named after the closest hill (suffix: malai or kundru), lakes (suffix: eeri) and tanks (suffix: kulam). Several others were named after trees, flowers, mammals or birds.

Ancient temples were closely associated with groves, as evidenced in the epic poem Silapadikaram, which describes a number of groves such as ilavandigaisolai, sampaathi solai and kaveri vanam in the Chola port of Poompuhar. The poems of the saints (known as Alwars) describe the beautiful groves around the holy temple of Srirangam.

Thirunandavan-kaingkarya (special grants from the king) were made to thirunandavanu-puram (temple gardens and orchards). The tiruvalangadu plates of King Rajendra Chola (10th century AD) describe parts of a village endowed to the local Shiva temple: ‘All the land within the four boundaries including wetlands, dry lands, village sites, houses, house gardens, streams, rivers, ponds … land where iguanas run or tortoises creep.’13

As in other parts of India, the worship of trees was prevalent among the Tamils. There are numerous references in Sangam literature to the commonly held belief that trees were the abode of gods. The tree that was worshipped subsequently developed into the sthalavriksha of the temple with which it was associated.14 When temples were erected for the god who resided in the sacred tree, people took special care not to damage the tree. The tree actually forms the garbha-griha (sanctum sanctorum) of several of these temples.

Almost all the state’s temples are associated with a holy tree and a legend. Kanchipuram is named after the kanchi tree, and Chidambaram or Tillaivanam is named after tillai (mangroves). During the 18th and 19th centuries, sthala puranas were written about the temples, each emphasizing the characteristics of the sthalavriksha (holy tree) and teertha (water source). About 357 sthala and 60 sthalavriksha have been recorded in Tamil Nadu.15 The tradition of worshipping sacred trees continues today; sometimes the stump is worshipped even after the tree is dead.

Many temples also had a small tank that was part of the temple complex and was considered sacred. The sacred tanks were believed to serve the ecological function of attracting clouds and ensuring that water-table levels were sustained. The CPR Foundation for Environment Education is documenting sacred tanks. The revival of sacred tanks could have an important role considering the extreme water shortage that the state has been facing in the last few years.

In the following sections, community conservation initiatives in the state under three categories have been explored: (i) sacred groves, (ii) irrigation tanks, and (iii) natural wetlands.

3.2 Sacred grovesPatches of forest preserved by local communities out of love, fear or reverence, the sacred groves

of Tamil Nadu (kovilkaadagul or mara kaavagula) are an essential part of the state’s landscape. They are dedicated to the feminine deities, Amman, Kaliamman and Mariamman, or to masculine forms such as Muniyandi and Karuppan. Almost every village in the state has at least an acre of land dedicated to the local deity. The groves are small, usually ranging from half a hectare to 20 hectares, but a few are as large as 500 ha.

The sacred groves of Tamil Nadu represent a variety of vegetation types ranging from evergreen to semi-evergreen to dry deciduous type depending on the region. The climax vegetation species in the drier regions of the plains are predominantly ironwood, East Indian satinwood, Capparis bush and siris. In high altitude areas, species such as Indian wild lime, hardwood tree, arjun and sandalwood are found. Some rare, endangered and threatened plant species (many of them medicinal) are found in sacred groves.

Apart from fulfilling several ecological functions, the regular celebration of festivals in sacred groves played an important part in fostering stronger ties between local communities.

3.2.1. Institutional structures in the conservation of sacred groves

Sacred groves are located on temple lands that are either owned by the forest department or temple Trusts, or lie in village commons. The ownership pattern seems to vary. For example, many sacred groves in the forested regions of Eastern and Western Ghats were large and at some point declared reserved forests (thus currently under state ownership), but existing customs and traditions were usually allowed to continue. This contrasts with the situation in the plains, where

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many villages had a temple with a garden (nandavanam), situated in the centre of the village, and also a sacred grove on the outskirts of the village (which often served as a windbreak). The ownership of this kind of sacred grove would usually be with the panchayat or sometimes with a trust.

Practices associated with conserving sacred groves are deep-rooted and cut across caste barriers. In some cases, the groves are considered a renewable resource base, from where locals can collect twigs, dead wood, fruits and herbs. In several cases, however, even the removal of twigs is taboo. Some of the taboos that have been and are still practised are: prohibition on felling of trees, footwear not allowed, animals not to be harmed, etc. There was also considerable fear that breaking taboos could lead to failure of crops or pestilence. Sometimes animal sacrifice, fire-walking and suchlike practices were and are still practiced in these groves.

Of the terracotta figurines16 of bulls, elephants and horses that decorate each grove, the making of the Ayyanar’s17 horse and its dedication is still an important event in villages around the state.

3.2.2. Constraints and opportunities for the conservation of sacred groves

Documentation conducted by the CPR Foundation Environment Education Centre (CPR-EEC), Chennai, reveals at least 448 existing sacred groves in different parts of Tamil Nadu, of which about 80 per cent are reasonably well protected.18 The groves are concentrated in the Perambalur, Tiruvannamalai and Tiruchirapalli districts. The Foundation has started a programme on restoration of groves. This has provided telling insights into the willingness of communities to participate in such an endeavour: in some villages, people expressed fears of the government or implementing agency usurping community lands. Fear of the deity, in several cases, also acted as a deterrent against restoration.

In 1998, the CPR-EEC, with local communities, began restoring degraded sacred groves in 14 villages. Restoration activities are centred on the clearing of thorny shrubs, fencing the grove, soil-working and, finally, selection of species to be planted. In restoration taken up by CPR-EEC, the response has been encouraging in terms of community participation and biodiversity conservation of the grove.19

3.3. Water resource conservation The eeris (yeri) or kanmoi of Tamil Nadu, keres of Karnataka, and the cheruvu of Andhra Pradesh

all refer to tanks spread over the entire Deccan plateau and dating back at least 2000 years. Even today, more than 140,000 small and big tanks spread over the Deccan provide not less than 25 per cent of the total irrigation requirement of the region. To give an idea of the extent of irrigation and the scale of revenue: the Veeranum tank in South Arcot district supplied water to 149 villages and provided a revenue of Rs 1,14,150 in the year 1850.20 Eeris are especially important in dry areas of Tamil Nadu such as Ramanathapuram district.

The tanks were maintained largely for irrigation and drinking water, but several tanks have a considerable diversity of trees species that attract many species of nesting and migratory birds. The Directory of Indian Wetlands, prepared by WWF-India,21 highlights many such tanks in the state. There are many instances of heronries on tanks that were maintained by communities being declared bird sanctuaries under the Wild Life (Protection) Act (e.g., Chittarangudi, Vedanthangal). The declaration of these tanks as sanctuaries meant that the role of community in use and maintenance was stopped or reduced. Earlier the communities had specified systems of sharing water, maintaining the tank and regular desilting of the tanks. Once the forest department took over the tanks, it had to wait for funds to do the desilting (which is very important as the silt is used as fertiliser in fields and also ensures sustained water storage in the tank). At Chittarangudi sanctuary, the village now depends on the forest department for desilting the tank, on which they depend heavily for irrigation.

The famous Vendanthangal bird sanctuary, one of the oldest sanctuaries in India, was established in 1925.22 Vedanthangal literally translates as ‘ban on hunting’, a system practiced and enforced by villagers residing and farming near this tank. The farmers valued the birds for the fertilizer provided by the guano. In the late 18th century, British soldiers regularly held shoots at the tanks, events that were strongly objected to by local villagers. In 1790, after repeated attempts, the local villagers were able to obtain a cowle or Document of Rights from the first Collector of the East India Company for Chengelput district, preventing the hunting of birds in the tank and granting official recognition of the local communities right to protect the birds of the tank. The original document was lost and the villagers re-applied for this recognition in 1858. In 1936, the then Collector, a Mr

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Todd, issued an order stating: ‘Vedanthangal is a bird sanctuary and has been kept as such by the villagers for over a century. Notice in English and Tamil should be painted on wooden boards and set up at each end of the tank bund.’

The Vedanthangal tank continues to be managed by the forest department. The sanctuary is now threatened by large numbers of tourists, a pressure that is especially intense during the breeding season. This tank is an important breeding area for colonial nesting waterbirds, and a critical roosting site for many breeding birds and a large number of migratory waterfowl. Here the two trees of special significance are Barringtonia acutangula and Alangium salvifolium. It is not known what the present role of the community is in protection and maintenance of the tank.

In a similar initiative, the villagers of Chittarangudi do not burst crackers during the festival of Diwali, for fear of scaring the birds away from the village tank. They are also known to nurse injured birds back to health. The villagers are quite proud of the fact that they are known as people who protect birds. The tank is important for the economy, as the village is mainly dependent on agriculture. The tank is an important source of water and the bird droppings serve as good organic fertilizer (See Case Studies).

In sharp contrast to Vedanthangal and Chittarangudi, there are some village tanks in Madurai district where birds are hunted by methods as crude as crackers and explosives, and tanks are maintained only for agriculture and fishing. It has been observed that communities in areas that are resource-rich are negligent in contrast to areas where there is scarcity. An example of the latter is the rain-shadow area of Ramanathpuram district, where people are very careful in use of resources.

3.3.1. Institutional structures in the management of irrigation tanks

The development of the tanks were traditionally undertaken by local chieftains with technical advice from specialist surveyors and craftsmen, and construction by villagers. One of the main functions of the ancient gram sabhas (village assemblies) was managing the village irrigation tanks. Revenue generated from the tank (farmers, known as ayacutdars—ayacut is a measure of land irrigated—pay for the water they get and have responsibilities in protecting the tank water), and the corpus fund was generally sufficient to pay local villagers who undertook repairs and maintenance. Apparently each village had different rules, but broadly the system involved the stakeholders paying for the services and sharing the work of maintenance.

This system was disrupted under British dominion, as they introduced several settlements23 and began taxing revenues earned from irrigation tanks. Net money available after taxation was considerably reduced, and gradually eroded the ability of village institutions to manage the tanks.

In the middle of the 19th century, the irrigation tanks were brought under the PWD (Public Works Department) of the Madras Presidency. The Madras Compulsory Labour Act was passed in 1858, forcing local communities to provide labour for repair and maintenance of the tanks.24 This system did not work and tanks continued to disintegrate. The situation has not changed much post-independence: decision-making and tank administration continue to be centralised and village panchayats do not play an important role in their management. Most tanks belong to and are managed by different government bodies, leaving limited space for community participation.

In the 1970s, the PWD began a tank modernization programme focused on equitable benefit-sharing and the prevention of water seepage. This scheme

was not successful, as it did not take traditional management structures into account and also did not involve farmers.

3.3.2. Constraints and opportunities for conservation in tanks

Even though these tanks are human-made structures and are usually constructed for drinking water or irrigation purposes, they serve an important part

in harbouring wildlife. They also provide sources of revenue from trees planted on bunds and foreshores, fish and silt. Middlemen, contractors or corrupt officials

are often reported to be siphoning off these revenues, and only a negligible amount reaches the government. In this process, both villagers and the government lose out, leaving the farmers weaker and the village economy more fragile.

As a part of the Social Forestry Programme, afforestation was tried out on foreshore of tanks and other common areas. This was not successful because the people

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rejected the choice of species and the manner in which the programme was implemented.

There are efforts to revive community management of tanks. Recently an organization called DHAN (Development of Humane Action) Foundation25 has started helping people organize themselves into groups called Tank Farmers Associations (TFAs) in Madurai and Ramanthapuram districts. In the last few years, these associations have gained in strength and proved that they have the potential to manage and safeguard the tanks. This concept seems to be gaining in strength.

3.4. Natural wetlandsThere are a few wetlands mainly adjoining coastal areas, or near mangrove forests. Confusion

regarding ownership, rights and management of these wetlands has left limited scope for community-based conservation. Many of these wetlands dry up in summer, and livelihoods dependent on these are therefore seasonal. An interesting example is that of Pulicat lake (see case study for more details), where the fisherfolk have an elaborate system to regulate fishing, and have also opposed development projects that have negatively impacted the biodiversity of the complex lagoon system and therefore the livelihoods of the fisherfolk.

Local community movements have also helped reduce the threats to some other waterbodies. The Noyyal river that flows through Coimbatore district is an important source of water. There is a concentration of industries, especially knitwear, which has resulted in considerable pollution of the river and groundwater in the area. In 1992, the Orthapalayam dam was constructed about 10 km from Tirupur to provide irrigation for 8,000 ha. Since the catchment area of the river has polluting industries, the dam became a reservoir for polluted water. In February 1997, there was no flow of water from the Cauvery and the stored water was becoming dangerous; the effluent-laden water was released from the dam, which led to the death of many animals. There was concerted, regular opposition by the local farmers associations against this pollution, and release of such waters for irrigation.

The flourishing leather industry in Vellore led to pollution of groundwater, destruction of farmlands and considerable health impact on humans and cattle population here. The leather industry is an important foreign-exchange earner and it was only when the people protested against this that any action was taken by the government. A PIL was launched by the people under the ‘Vellore Citizens Forum’ and in a landmark judgement in 1996, the Supreme Court ordered shutting down of tanneries here and ordered a pollution fine of Rs 10,000 to be paid by polluting industries. This judgement also required the Central Government to establish an authority under Section 3(3) of the Environment Protection Act of 1986, headed by a retired high court judge, to deal with the situation created by the tanneries and other polluting industries. This authority was conferred wide powers, including ordering closure or relocation of units if necessary.26

The Palar river is an important seasonal river that flows through north Tamil Nadu. There has been large-scale sand mining from the river, mainly for the construction and glass industry. Even when the river is dry, there are several springs which supply fresh water. However continued sand mining will be a threat to the existence of these freshwater springs. The large-scale sand mining in the Palar basin is being opposed by many panchayats,27 especially in and around Kanchipuram town, as the mining is seen as being detrimental to availability of fresh water.

3.5. Other initiativesOther community-based conservation examples include the Longwood Shola

near Ooty and Pambar Shola near Kodaikanal. At both these sites, the local community understands the importance of the forest as a source of water security, and is doing everything to prevent deforestation. The determined efforts of the Vattakanal Conservation Trust here have not only led to less pressure for fuelwood on the shola, but it has also taken up active planting of shola species from the nursery that it has set up. The Longwood Shola is protected by several villagers situated close to this reserved forest, driven by the belief that this forest ensures the year-round flow of streams.

Another example is that of an initiative in Simson Industrial estate in Chennai. There were earlier about 40 night herons here, in an area with about 200 trees. A person called V. Guruswami convinced the managers of the site to protect it. Now there are reportedly about 10,000 birds that roost and/or nest here.

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4. Conclusions4.1. Constraints and opportunities for community conservation

As seen above, both traditional and new forms of community-based conservation can be seen in Tamil Nadu. This includes sacred groves and other forests, wetlands, and other ecosystems. It also includes struggles against destructive land uses of these ecosystems, such as mining and industrial pollution. There also seems to be a revival of conservation of agro-biodiversity and organic farming, which has conservation potential. However, these initiatives face considerable hurdles that will need to be tackled if community-based conservation is to become widespread and be scaled up.

One of the biggest constraints to community-based conservation is posed by the degree of industrialization and urbanization across Tamil Nadu. High degrees and intensities of conflict over existing natural resources have lead to enormous ecological pressures. Most of the communities are either part of the mainstream economy or dependent on it, due to comparatively high levels of literacy and industrialisation. This reduces the intensity and desire among local communities to participate in conservation of wild biodiversity.

Secondly, as in many other parts of India, much of what was common property is now under state control. This leaves little incentive for local communities to protect their ecosystems, even though they may depend on these areas directly or indirectly. Equity issues internal to communities also continue to be hurdles; for instance, caste based politics appears to be a strong deterrent.

There are government schemes such as the TAP where funds are allotted for community participation in restoration and protection of forests and watershed areas. The drawbacks of such programmes are that they are externally funded, provide resources for a specified period of time and are dependent on officials implementing the programme, with little attempt to devolve decision-making to local institutions. On the other hand, sometimes such programmes may end up either introducing or reinforcing the concept of conservation and the benefits derived from it among local communities. They might also make the existing community more cohesive in order to derive benefits, and even after the official programme is over the conservation effort may continue (as is reported to have happened in the case of the ecodevelopment effort at Kalakkad Mundanthurai Tiger Reserve). The fringe benefit of such programmes is that they build confidence in people when they get to know more about the policies and schemes of the government, and are put in touch with government, non-government and other agencies.

One of the largest spaces for community conservation in the state exists in the restoration and management of wetlands and tanks. Some organisations have been working with local people to motivate them to form tank-farmers associations, and have been lobbying with the government both for allocation of funds for restoration of waterbodies as well as transferring ownership rights over such resources back to local communities. A comparison of budgets reveals that community-based tank management is cheaper in the long run for the government. An example of this is the desalination of sea water (Naripayyur scheme) to supply water to about 30 villages. This scheme incurred high cost in setting up infrastructure such as overhead tanks, the desalination plant with high maintenance cost and the membrane that was imported and is now not working (a rough estimate was about Rs. 3 crores or 30 million for a period of three years). On the other hand almost every village has a tank whose one-time clean-up will not cost more than Rs 50000 to one lakh and will ensure supply of water till the next desilting. According to Mr Karrupasami (member of DHAN),28 the task of restoring forgotten management systems can also help unite and strengthen the community. And it would support the revival and conservation of tank-based biodiversity.

AcknowledgementsThe author wishes to thank members of DHAN foundation, especially

Karruppusamy, P. Anand Kumar and Seenivasan. Ossie Fernandes, Jesu Ratinam and others of CAN (Coastal Action Network) were also supportive in explaining coastal issues, especially that of Pulicat Lake. Members of the Tamil Nadu Green movement, especially Jayachandran, Michael Danino, and Bhojanam, helped in

understanding conservation issues in the Western Ghats. Sugato Dutta was helpful in reviewing this paper. A special thanks to K.C. Bhushan for

supporting this research and documentation.

Shantha Bhushan is a member of Kalpavriksh Environmental Action Group, Pune.

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Endnotes1 www.censusindia.net/t_00_003.html and www.censusindia.net/religiondata/Religiondata_2001.xls.

2 Dharampal, Panchayat Raj and India’s Polity (Goa, Other India Press, 1995).

3 Anil Agrawal and Sunita Narain (eds), Dying Wisdom (New Delhi, Centre for Science and Environment, 1997).

4 Dharampal, Panchayat Raj and India’s Polity. (As above)

5 Sir Thomas Munro abolished conservatorship, as he held that dictates of capital and market would regulate forest exploitation. He was committed to what he construed as the ancient Indian tradition of personal government and thought that state control of forests would provoke peasant resistance. The lack of conservancy system, combined with the breakdown of community institutions caused by existing policies, led to increased rate of deforestation.

6 Mahesh Rangarajan, Wildlife History of India (New Delhi, Permanent Black, 2001).

7 Ramachandra Guha, Social Ecology (New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1994).

8 W.A. Rodgers and H.S. Panwar, Planning a Protected Area Network for India. 2 volumes (Dehradun, Wildlife Institute of India, 1997).

9 Tamil Nadu Forest Department, ‘Tamil Nadu Afforestation Project: A Resume of Achievements.’ (Report by Tamil Nadu Forest Department for 1997-2001, 2001).

10 Annamalai. Report on JFM in Tamil Nadu, www.iifm.org/databank/jfm/tnstatus.

11 Another positive spin-off was foreshore afforestation of tanks. In some districts of Tamil Nadu, afforestation done under the social forestry project has provided favourable conditions. Ramanathapuram district (TN) and Tirunelveli district (TN) are such examples. Species of Acacia were planted on the foreshore and sometimes in the tanks and this has been beneficial for the birds. Examples include Chittarnagudi and Vettangudi sanctuaries.

12 Tamil Nadu Forest Department, ‘Tamil Nadu Afforestation Project’. (As above)

13 Agrawal and Narain, Dying Wisdom. (As above)

14 M. Amrithalingam, Sacred Groves of Tamil Nadu - A Survey (Chennai, CPR Environment Education Centre, 1998).

15 Amrithalingam, Sacred Groves. (As above)

16 Terracotta was used as a dedication to the restorative powers of the earth.

17 The Ayyanar, a terracotta figurine of a man astride a horse, is deified as the village watchman and mounted in the local sacred grove.

18 Amrithalingam, Sacred Groves. (As above)

19 Bhavani Shankar, ‘Restoration of Sacred Groves in Tamil Nadu’, Nanditha Krishna and J. Prabhakaran (eds), Ecological Traditions of Tamil Nadu (Chennai, CPR Environment Education Centre, 1997).

20 Agrawal and Narain, Dying Wisdom. (As above)

21 WWF – India, Directory of Wetlands (New Delhi, WWF India and Asian Wetlands Bureau, 1997).

22 Rangarajan, Wildlife History of India. (As above)

23 These were schemes for maximising revenue mainly from agricultural land, designed and introduced by Munro when he was Governor of Madras. This scheme was designed to ensure maximum rent returns even in famine years. There was a lot of debate within the company about the social and economic impact of deforestation, and therefore of the security of the British regime.

24 Agarwal and Narain, Dying Wisdom. (As above)

25 www.dhan.org

26 Armin Rosencraz and Shyam Diwan, Environmental Law and Policy in India - Cases, Materials and Statutes (New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2000).

27 These panchayats are especially emboldened by, and are trying to use, the 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Indian Constitution, which empowered local bodies to handle development and welfare activities.

28 Personal communication with Karuppasami, member of DHAN Foundation, Mudukulathor, in 2001.

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CCA/TN/CS1/Nellore/Pulicat/Wetland protection

Pulicat lake, Nellore

BackgroundPulicat Lake is a well-known lagoon close to Chennai and also a legally notified bird sanctuary.

However, what is not so well known about this lake is the link of the livelihoods and traditions of the local people with the lagoon ecosystem, and people’s struggles consequent efforts to save their livelihoods, and thus the lagoon, from over-exploitation, pollution and developmental pressures. This case study is a small effort to bring out the aspirations and struggles of the local fisherfolk, which, if taken into account, could lead to long-term protection and conservation of the lake.

Pulicat is an extensive brackish-to-saline lagoon with marshes and a brackish swamp on the north. This is the second largest saltwater lagoon in India and a Ramsar site (internationally recognized wetland under the Ramsar Convention). Only 16 per cent of the lagoon is in Tamil Nadu ; the rest is in Andhra Pradesh. It is fed by the Araani River at the southern tip and the Kalangi River from the north west. Buckingham canal, a navigation channel, passes through the lagoon. On the eastern boundary of this lagoon is Shriharikota island, which separates the lagoon from Bay of Bengal. The lagoon is shallow with large areas of mudflats and sandflats. In general, the seawater enters the lagoon through the northern end near Shriharikota Island and flows back into the Bay of Bengal through the southern end. The salinity is greatly affected by rains. There is a sand-bar formation at the north end where the lagoon is separated from the sea, and this has to be removed manually if the rains do not wash it away. The closure the of sand bar (either due to lack of rain or massive sand deposition) leads to depletion of fish stock, as the lagoon acts as nursery for the hatchlings. The lagoon is a delicate system and requires constant inflow of seawater and gets adversely affected by sand deposition.

The Pulicat Lake is situated between 13°25’ and 13°55’ North, and 80°3’ and 80°19’ East. The lake is about 45 km north of Chennai and can be reached by bus from Chennai. Pulicat Lake has been a traditional fishing centre. This was a trading port for the Portugese and Dutch in the 16th and 17th centuries. The process of soil erosion and siltation is believed to have started with the Dutch over-exploiting the mangroves for commerce and trade.

Legally, part of the lake was notified as Pulicat Bird Sanctuary (Tamil Nadu) on 22 September 1980, and was finally declared a Sanctuary on 30 May 1990. This sanctuary is controlled by the FD and managed by the DFO Nellore. There are patches within the lake where the ownership is not clear. Pulicat Lake is also a CRZ-I area under the Coastal Regulation Zone rules of the Environment Protection Act, 1980.

Pulicat Lake is located on the boundary of Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh. This case study focuses on the efforts of local people in the 6000 ha on the Tamil Nadu side of the boundary.

The lagoon is known to support 160 species of fish, 25 species of polycheates, 12 species of penaeid prawns, 29 species of crabs and 19 species of molluscs.1 It is also known to support rich growth of algae (especially filamentous algae) and high populations of invertebrate fauna, including annelids, coelenterates, molluscs, crustaceans and echinoderms.2 Pulicat is an important habitat for a wide variety of resident and migratory waterfowl, notably pelicans, herons, storks, flamingoes, ducks, shorebirds, gulls, terns and many species of raptors. Pulicat is known to be the third most important wetland for migratory shorebirds along the eastern shore.

The total human population in Pulicat Lake is around 35,000, spread over 52 kuppams (settlements). Two-thirds of the settlements are on the Tamil Nadu side. The majority of fishermen belong to the traditional marine fishing caste called the pattanavars or pattanathirs (literally meaning ‘belonging to a city’). The others include dalits (scheduled castes) and tribals (irulas and yennadis) who have moved to fishing from agriculture. It is estimated that a total of about 12,370 fishermen live on full-time fishery in the lake (6000 in AP and 6370 in Tamil Nadu).

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Towards community conservationPaadu is a traditional system of fishing, where a part of the lagoon is controlled and earmarked

for the exclusive fishing use of designated villages. This system is common to many coastal areas of Tamil Nadu.

The highly productive southern sector of Pulicat Lagoon, close to Ennore and about 5 km from the estuary (where the sea water and lagoon water meet), is controlled by fishermen from three villages: Kottai Kuppam, Christian Kuppam and Andikuppam. The fishing grounds fall within a radius of five kilometers from the mouth of the lake, with a salinity which is well maintained even during low tides. According to the traditional fishermen, this is a caste-specific system.

Among the traditional fisherfolk there are different classes and they are more or less designated as castes. The pattanavar (one who owns the village or who founded the village) is respected as the traditional leader and his family becomes the ruling caste. The fisherfolk of the pattanavar caste generally live at the southern end of the lake which does not usually dry up. Married men of the pattanavar caste (above 15 years of age) are eligible to be members of the talekattu, which is the village level organization of fishermen. The fisherman seeking membership should be skilled and acceptable to the village community. As a member of the talekattu, he has to participate in common tasks such as contributing towards litigation, temple repairs and festival expenses. This designated caste is supposed to protect the mouth of the lake since it is the best fishing ground .

There are three paadu systems in the lagoon:

• Vadakku Paadu: This is a canal-like area of about 1.25 sq km on the northern side. This is the most productive area and therefore the most intense fishing is done here.

• Moonthuri Paadu is about 2.5 sq km in area and is not as productive as Vadakku Paadu.

• Odai Paadu is the smallest and least productive paadu and has almost been abandoned.

Fisherfolk are strict about the kind of fishing equipment used. The boats usually used are ordinary country rafts called nattupadagu (literally, country boats) The length of this plank-built boat ranges from 6-8 metres, with a capacity of about two tonnes. A lot of fishing gears are used in Pulicat Lake. Researchers have listed nine types of fishing gear: cast nets, gill nets, drag nets, shore-seine, bag nets, stake nets, hook and line, vallikodi (lure fishing) and adappu (impoundment). The most effective of these nets are sutru valai and padi valai (both kind of fishing nets).

The operation is done at night during low tide when shrimps migrate to sea. The tadukku (an obstruction that functions as a barricade in the path of the mobile prawns and they consequently get caught in the sutru valai). The operations of sutru valai are done from shore to shore, virtually blocking the movement of prawn and thereby affecting the catch of downstream fishermen. The padi valai is essentially a drag net, almost in the shape of a shore-seine, mainly used for catching mullets and other species during neutral phases of the tide. The padi valai is a symbol of affluence and not owned by many and its operation requires about 30 people at a time. The padi valai is not used often as the fishing grounds have been altered by the 1984 cyclone.

Some of the rules and regulations followed include:

1. Each village carries out the fishing operations independently of the other.

2. The paadu system for the sutru valai operates on a lottery system for the eligible talekattu of the villages. Every paadu village knows the days

designated for the village for fishing in the fishing ground. The talekattu meet on certain auspicious days to draw lots for allocation of fishing grounds.

The most productive as well as the least productive villages are used and this gives equitable access to all fishermen.

3. Fishing is carried out three days before and three days after the full moon and new moon. This period has heightened tidal activity, which enables active movement of prawns.

4. This system excludes new fisherfolk, Yannadi and Irula tribals and Muslims from Jamilabad from fishing in these grounds.

5. Irulas and yannadis are allowed to use simple fishing gear to hunt crabs or manually hunt crabs but are strictly prohibited from using plank-boats or fishing nets.

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It seems difficult to accurately assess the total production of fishes and shrimps available in Pulicat lake given the complexity of the system. One of the most serious threats to conservation of this lagoon, according to local experts such as Sanjeev Raj, seems to be overfishing. There has been a drastic dip in the income levels of the fishermen of Pulicat. This is attributed to high pollution levels in the lake. The outlet of coolant water from Ennore Thermal power plant at elevated temperatures has adversely affected aquatic life. The pollution caused by fly-ash from the Ennore plant has also had a big impact on the water quality and therefore on the biodiversity of Pulicat lake.

The pressures and conflicts within the lake have led to establishment of a fishermen’s union which is a union of 29 different fishermen’s societies from 20 different villages in Pulicat. This union has a major role to play in sorting out conflicts, reducing tension and mobilising people to act. Currently the paadu system is being extended to include the villages on the other side of the sand bar. The sand-bar formation at the mouth of the lake happens quite often and hampers the exchange of water between the sea and the lagoon. When the sand-bar formation is partial, then the rains either wash it away or it could be manually removed. The failure of monsoons in 2000 led to complete closure of the mouth of the lagoon and this led to rapid depletion of stock.

The exact details of the conflict resolution mechanisms were not available in the secondary literature. The relevance of the paadu system to the current situation of depleted fish stock also needs to be understood. There needs to be a better understanding of ‘overfishing’ in this context. There were conflicting opinions on this system, ranging from accusations of fishermen overfishing to pollution causing depletion of aquatic life and consequent loss of income. It is clear that the paadu system of ensuring equitable use of the lake is under threat from overpopulation, depleting stock and pollution caused by the thermal power plant. It is for this reason that we view the sustained struggle against pollution as an attempt to conserve biodiversity, though livelihood issues are also involved.

Opportunities and constraints Conflicts due to displaced fishermen

Though the paadu system guarantees equitable access to the members of the pattanavar caste over the lagoon, access to outside fishermen is strictly restricted, which does lead to conflicts, which often turn violent. The settlements practicing paadu have experienced an influx of fishermen displaced because of the Shriharikota space station and the Kalpakkam atomic power plant. The Shriharikota Rocket Space Landing Station has been built on a small natural island in the midst of Pulicat, displacing three fishing villages. The project also involved building a road with a bridge right across the lagoon, which has had an impact on the ecosystem. The Kalpakkam atomic power plant (75 km south of Chennai) displaced two villages of marine fisherfolk, who have been then settled in Pulicat. In 1990, the Tamil Nadu government granted special fishing rights to the five newly settled villages, thereby leading to a conflict with the local fisherfolk.

Between 1985 and 2000, about twelve fisherfolk died in such conflicts. Since there was recurrent violence especially in fishing seasons (Oct-Dec), the paadu fisherfolk started calling for a ‘fisherfolk leaders’ council’ in Pulicat lagoon. The role of this council is to resolve conflicts and ease tensions. The council also ensures that the rule and regulations laid down by traditional leaders councils are followed while fishing.

According to Rajashekharan, leader of the Fishermen’s Union, because of the paadu system, conflicts are on the rise, and regulated fishing is under threat. The situation is further complicated by pollution, which is threatening the very survival of the lagoon and thus the fishing community.

The lagoon fisherfolk are divided over the paadu issue. About 70 percent of the fisherfolk benefit from this system and therefore support it, while those who do not are obviously against this system.

Struggle against pollution from thermal power project

North Chennai Thermal Power Station (NCTPS) was set up by the Tamil Nadu Electricity Board (TNEB). This plant is located within CRZ-I; however clearance for this was granted prior to 1991 when CRZ came into existence. This plant draws 44 lakh litres of freshwater from Ennore creek and releases hot coolant water into Buckingham canal and discharges about 3000 tonnes of toxic fly-ash in the form of slurry every day. The release out of hot coolant water at temperatures of about 40°C leads to oxygen depletion and death of aquatic life. The combination of coolant water and fly-ash has had a serious impact on the livelihood of people by depleting fish populations.

In order to tackle this problem, the people of Pulicat tried to have a dialogue with the state government, district collector, chief engineer NCTPS and others. As a result of these meetings, a fact-finding committee was set up to investigate the pollution caused by this plant. One of the basic

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questions that concerned the fisherfolk was whether they would be granted jobs if the pollution continued, resulting in loss of livelihood. Nothing concrete emerged from these meetings with the government and the pollution continued unabated. On 5 August 2000, fisherfolk from Pazhaverkadu met the Chief Engineer regarding the intake of coolant water from Pulicat lake and continued release of hot coolant water. The engineer claimed that the coolant water was being drawn from Ennore creek and not from the lagoon. In response the fishermen decided that they would block the inlet of coolant water to NCTPS. Besides there was a total strike from 6-11 August and no one did any fishing for the next 15 days. A breakthrough was achieved as a result of this agitation. The NCTPS devised a system of reusing the hot water that it releases, and it was no longer necessary to discharge hot water into the lagoon. It is not clear if this system is efficient for the NCTPS and whether this will continue.

Struggle against petrochemical park

Kattupalli island is a narrow longitudinal island separated from the mainland by the backwaters extending from the Pulicat lake. The island is bordered by the Bay of Bengal on the east, Buckingham canal on the west, Pulicat Lake on the north and Ennore creek on the south. The total area of this island is about 18 sq km, and it supports a human population of about 2250 families. The island has a rich biodiversity of vegetation, especially mangroves, freshwater and brackishwater flora and fauna, and medicinal plants. The Tamil Nadu Industrial Development Corporation (TIDCO) had planned to establish a Rs 6000 crore petrochemical complex on this island with the idea that the Ennore port would be used for transporting the products. TIDCO went ahead with the acquisition of land of 2,900 ha even before the public hearing under Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) rules was held. The state government had directed the district collector to invoke Section 17(1) of the Land Acquisition Act, which is an emergency provision. They sought to acquire farmlands, wetlands, salt-pan areas, and private and peramboke (wasteland) land. The people of Kattupalli and Pulicat were vehemently opposed to this—they knew the impact that this project would have and therefore decided to oppose it. The local community approached Coastal Action network (CAN) for help in this matter. CAN is a state-level federation of people’s organizations, environmental organizations, activists, consumer action groups, advocates, etc. CAN filed a writ petition (WP 7613 of 2000) asking to quash the GOMS 85 dated 21/3/1997 issued by the Industries Department and for a direction not to set up the petrochemical park. On 3 May 2000 a public hearing was held at the Tiruvallur Collectorate. A large number of fishermen from Pulicat and Kattupalli participated and clearly expressed their opposition to this TIDCO project.

This case study has been contributed by Shantha Bhushan of Kalpavriksh in 2002. It is based on a day-long field trip to Pulicat lake, Ennore Thermal Power Plant and Kattupalli island; detailed conversations with the union leader of the Fishermen’s Union and a secondary literature review.

For more details contact:Shantha BhushanKalpavrikshApt. No. 5, Shri Dutta Krupa,908, Deccan GymkhanaPune 411016, MaharashtraPh: 020-25654239E-mail: shantha.s.bhushan@gmail.com

RajashekharJoint Secretary Pulicat Coastal Fishermen’s AssociationKottaikuppam, Pulicat Post, Ponneri Taluk Nellore District, Tamil Nadu - 601205

Endnotes

1 D. Panini, ‘Addressing livelihood issues in conservation-oriented projects: Case study of Pulicat Lake’ in R. Jeffrey and B.Vira, (eds), Conflict and Cooperation in Participatory Natural Resource Management (London and New York, Palgrave, 2001).

2 World Wide Fund for Nature, Directory of Wetlands of India (Delhi, WWF, 1996).

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CCA/TN/CS2/Nilgiris/Longwood Shola/Forest protection

Longwood Shola, NilgirisBackground

Longwood is a typical shola that is found in the higher ranges of the Western Ghats. The sholas are patches of evergreen tropical rainforests in the valleys of the southern end of the Western Ghats, surrounded by natural grasslands. Sholas are rich forests with two or three wood strata, and are usually rich in epiphytes like moss, orchids and ferns. The herbaceous cover on the ground varies according to soil moisture. The ground is usually covered with high humus content and leaf litter. Their expanse is restricted by the extreme climatic conditions of frost in the morning and strong sun during the day. There is an intense competition for sunlight among the trees in the sholas, and trees take a long time to mature. Sholas are like sponges that retain moisture and provide a continuous source of water.

Longwood is located in the Nilgiri mountains. It is a biodiversity hotspot and believed to be the richest in amphibian diversity in Asia. The conservation effort of the local people at Longwood Shola can best be understood in the context of the rapid rate of forest destruction that is taking place though most of the Nilgiris, mainly for extraction for fuelwood or conversion into plantations. The Nilgiris were among the most favoured hill stations of the European settlers who came here 150 years ago. The early settlers cleared large patches of natural vegetation for planting tea, coffee and cinchona. Destruction was so evident that towards the end of the 19th century concern were being raised about saving the sholas and other forests in the Nilgiris. Thus, large areas of forest land were reserved by the government under the Madras Forest Act of 1882. As early as 1905, some people were concerned with the degradation of forests and urged local people not to convert natural forests to plantations. In particular an Englishman, Mr. Bracks, had tried to organize people against deforestation. His initiative did raise awareness but the conversion to plantations continued. In the latter half of the 20th century, afforestation attempts were made by the FD by planting nilgiri and wattle to meet fuelwood needs.

Longwood Shola is located near Kothagiri town (about 50 km from Coimbatore), located at an elevated level close to the junction of Eastern and Western Ghats. This town is easily accessible by bus from Coimbatore town. Legally a Reserved Forest, this small shola of 116 ha is administratively under the control of the FD.

Longwood Shola is the source of three perennial streams with a few seasonal ones. Two of the main streams join in the central swamp and the third joins them in a pond below an old nursery. Longwood Shola has many endemic species of flora and fauna.

Towards community conservationThe forests in and around Longwood Shola have been getting degraded, leading to problems such

as water depletion and erosion. The main reasons for this degradation have been cutting of trees for fuelwood and the timber market. The women and children would come here to cut fuelwood and the men would cut the bigger trees, which were then sold at local timber market. There were and perhaps are still several ‘illegal’ firewood dealers in Kothagiri town and adjoining areas.

What is now a community effort at preserving the shola started as an individual’s determined effort to protect this rich patch of forest. In the early 1980s, Michel Danino (a French national), a researcher at the Mother’s Institute of Research, started to create awareness about the need to protect this shola. He especially tried to get the forest department to protect this reserved forest, which is an important source of water for the residents of the adjoining area. In 1984, he sent a petition to the DFO (Udhagamandalam) regarding the rapid deforestation that was taking place. The forest department officials did provide help at this point, but it was not a sustained effort at

A typical shola forest (photo from Kerala) Photo: Ashish Kothari

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prevention of tree cutting. Gradually, in the 1990s, many individuals from the villages around the shola started taking an effort in creating awareness among the local people. They also started patrolling the shola on a regular basis. They would take turns in patrolling and made sure that there was somebody patrolling everyday. This patrolling involved sometimes confrontation with men and women who came for fuelwood or timber. Many times the tree-cutters ran away on seeing the patrollers. By 1997, the effort put in by this group of individuals had gained recognition. The group included nearly 40 people, who would take turns to patrol regularly. There were some determined and earnest members who would patrol everyday, while there were some who would come once a month to patrol. This informal but regular patrolling continues even today.

Apart from controlling illicit felling, these individuals also prevented encroachments, including encroachments for religious purposes. Finally a chain-link fence was erected around the shola to prevent trespass. In 1998, the new DFO Doraiswamy started taking interest in the shola. Since there were so many individuals trying to protect it, the forest department felt that formation of an officially recognized committee could institutionalize their efforts. In May 1998, a Longwood Shola Watchdog Committee (LSWC) was formed. It comprised Danino, Balamurugan (headmaster), Raju (mathematics teacher and social worker), and Michael Ezeikel (music teacher). The members of LSWC were chosen at a meeting where forest department officials and some members of the local community were present.

The primary responsibility of the LSWC is to prevent tree cutting and report offences to the forest department. On some occasions the FD has actually levied fines from the tresspassers, but usually the fact of being caught has itself served as a deterrent and tree cutting has reduced. The LSWC has also been trying to find alternative sources of fuel so that fuelwood pressure comes down. They have been lobbying for fuelwood depots to be opened so that the long-time residents as well the new settlers have an official source of fuel.

The LSWC has been conducting regular awareness camps in nearby villages, and also seminars for teachers and headmasters. They also have eco-awareness camps at the interpretation centre constructed at the entrance (close to Kerbetta village) of the shola. This was financed by the forest department and several interested individuals helped. They also hold regular nature camps for children, giving the children actual field experience apart from lectures. The children also help in cleaning of the shola. In 1998, the LSWC printed about 4000 pamphlets describing the importance of the shola and distributed this to all the villagers. They also went door to door to about 700 houses in nearby settlements and villages to create awareness about Longwood Shola and its role in protecting their water supply. This campaigning has had an impact and reportedly villagers are more aware of the saving the shola for their water.

The LSWC has no legal powers and prosecution of offenders is done by the forest department. The role of the LSWC is purely in patrolling, informing the FD of any problems that might adversely affect the shola, and creating awareness. For the LSWC, the main motives for protecting the shola are water and biodiversity.

The LSWC has been maintaining the chain-link fence. They undertake repairs and many times put in their own money as the FD funds are released only at the end of the year.

Impacts of conservationWithin a year from the time that LSWC was formed, the incidents of illicit tree felling have

reduced by 90 per cent. In addition, there has been spontaneous regeneration of shola species in the open and degraded areas within the shola.

Often picnickers used to visit the shola. Often groups of people would come here and litter the place and also scare the animals. Large amounts of plastic packaging could be seen strewn in the forest. LSWC has been able to control these harmful activities of the tourists to a great extent.

As has been mentioned above, Longwood Shola is the water-catchment area for several streams in the area. Protection of this shola has ensured drinking water to the surrounding villages of Kerbetta, Hosatti, Aaravenu, Jackaranai and 16 associated hamlets. There are many villages situated far away which also benefit from the streams originating at Longwood Shola.

This initiative also encouraged the forest department to focus more actively on conservation of sholas in the area. To this end, they have created nurseries at Bandishola, Aramby and Thalaikundah.

Constraints and opportunitiesThe FD has a budget allocation for maintenance of the fence and for conducting camps for

children, teachers, etc. Usually these funds are released at the end of the financial year. By this

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time the members of LSWC carry out the required work by contributing personal funds. However, recovering their money from the FD means a long follow-up and running around.

This initiative has evolved slowly, starting with one individual’s attempt at conservation. The effort of the concerned people has been purely voluntary and there is no commitment by these individuals to any particular group/organization. Also, the entire community is not involved in this conservation attempt. The lack of structure is both the strength and weakness of this initiative.

Many people recognize that they need to protect this shola as a watersource, and implicitly support this conservation initiative. Neither the constitution nor the mandate of this group (the constitution keeps changing) has the explicit consensus of all the people living around Longwood Shola in the form of any referendum. At the same time there has been no opposition to the effort put in by this group.

There are many tea factory workers in this area who take fuelwood from Longwood Shola, as they have no other cheap means of fuel. With the tea market slump, there has been more pressure on the forests, as the workers who had switched to gas/kerosene are no longer able to afford gas cylinders. There are also recent settlers (such as refugees from Sri Lanka, migrant workers) who have put added pressure on this fragile forest. The LSWC has been lobbying for a fuel depot to meet the fuelwood needs of the people of this area but the Forest department has not been able to arrange this.

The LSWC has no authority to prosecute offenders and therefore the cooperation of the FD is crucial. The relationship between LSWC and the ranger determines whether the ranger will actually register the complaints. Recently there have been reports of conflict between the ranger and some members.

There has been a sharp increase in the crow population, possibly because of the increased human population and garbage in the surrounding area. The crows are reportedly affecting the population of other birds, as they feed on them. They have even been seen chasing raptors like eagles.

The second problem has been that of an aggressive weed called orange cestrum, originally from South America. It is a fast-growing shrub that can reach a height of about 6-8 m and with a girth of 1 m, with clusters of orange trumpet-like flowers and spherical creamy seeds. The plant is identifiable by the bad odour that its crushed leaves produce. This weed is difficult to eradicate and since it grows about 20 times faster than shola species, it suppresses the regeneration of other saplings. The LSWC and other individuals have been manually removing these weeds, often with help from students and other volunteers.

This case study has been contributed by Shantha Bushan, member, Kalpavriksh, in 2002. The author is deeply grateful to Coastal Action Network (Ossie Fernandes, Jesu Ratinam and others), DHAN Foundation (Seenivasan, P. Anand Kumar and Karrupusamy) Tamil Nadu Green Movement (Jayachandran), and individuals such as Michael Danino and Bhojanam who took time out to help us understand the issues in community-based management in Tamil Nadu.

For more details contact:1

Shantha BhushanKalpavrikshApt. No. 5, Shri Dutta Krupa,908, Deccan Gymkhana, Pune 411016, MaharashtraPh: 020-25654239E-mail: shantha.s.bhushan@gmail.com

K. Senthil PrasadSecretary, KWEA, 5/112, Jackanarai Aravenu, PO Kotagiri, Nilgiris, Tamil Nadu. Telephone: 04266-371345

Endnotes1 For more details on the initiative, also see Roy Lajapathi, ‘Treasure of the shola’, The Hindu, 25 March 2000; D. Radhakrishnan, ‘Infusing new life into the Nilgiri sholas’, The Hindu, 3 July 1999; Harry Miller, ‘Halt desertification of the Nilgiris’, Indian Express, 26 October 1984; Report of the Longwood Shola Watchdog Committee, 2001.

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CCA/TN/CS3/Palni Hills/Pambar Shola/Forest protection

Pambar Shola, Palni Hills

BackgroundPambar Shola is near Kodaikanal town, at an altitude of 2000 ft. The village of Vatakkanal,

adjoining the shola, can be reached easily from Kodaikanal, which is a tourist destination in the Palni hills. The village of Vatakkanal has been taking a keen interest in the conservation of Pambar shola and is also attempting to restore the adjoining degraded areas. Rampant felling for fuelwood and timber, cattle grazing, potato farming, and soil erosion due to Ravine Falls being designated a tourist spot had led to steady degradation of Pambar shola. Now this degradation has been arrested and restoration of the shola and adjoining areas is underway. Legally the shola is a reserved forest and covers an area of about 100 ha.

The village of Vattakanal stretches from Kodaikanal lake to Pillar Rocks and extends down to Shembaganur in the north-east. The extensive grasslands surrounding the shola stretch towards Vellegevi in the mid hills. This village came into existence about 150–200 years ago when the British decided to explore these hills. Many of the villagers originally came here as labourers or as workers in the convents and churches that were established around Kodaikanal. Presently, the major sources of income include plying taxi and auto services and letting out rooms to tourists. Villagers also tried potato cultivation and then stopped it as it was not profitable and caused soil erosion.

Ecologically this area is an endemic hotspot for plants and is extremely rich in birdlife. The Nilgiri wood pigeon, Nilgiri flycatcher, white-bellied shortwing, Verditar flycatcher, black and orange flycatcher found in and around Pambar Shola are included in the Red Data list.1 There are eight species of plants that are endemic and are found only in this shola. The grassland slopes between Pambar and Shembaganur sholas have been declared as a Kurinji Reserve.

Towards community conservationR.W. Stewart and Tanya Balcar, an English couple, came to Vattakanal and settled here in 1985.

When they settled here primarily for the ‘majestic beauty’ of village and the sholas, they realized that the sholas were getting denuded fast as firewood cut from the shola was available at Rs 6 per bundle. They decided to try and stop the degradation and help in the regeneration of the shola and the surrounding areas. They started experimenting with seed collection and growing saplings of shola species. In their effort they were helped by Jean Pouyet of Auroville. Thus the Vatakkanal shola tree nursery was started in 1989; now this has saplings of about 250 tree species. They realized that apart from fuelwood collection and timber extraction, potato cropping and free-ranging cattle were causing extensive degradation and soil erosion in the shola.

Stewart and Tanya began discussions with the local people about the problems facing the shola. It emerged that potato cultivation was not only bad for the soil but was also unprofitable, and hence people decided to explore an alternative. Discussions were also held with cattle-owning families. A local milkman, Bilavendran, helped in compiling a socio-economic database of the village. After many discussions, it was decided that the cattle-owning families would either practice stall-feeding or have specified patches where cattle could graze. This helped reduce soil erosion. By 1990, the shola tree nursery had become popular and saplings of all kinds (timber, fuelwood, shola and fruit) were taken from here and planted by the villagers. The villagers started planting fast-growing species as fences so that these could be used as fuelwood. Villagers made a conscious decision not to cut slow-growing shola species for fuelwood.

Tanya and Stewart realized that conservation and development of the community go hand in hand. They developed a strategy which would ensure economic growth of the villagers while ensuring conservation of the shola.

One of the key tools used to generate awareness about the degradation of the shola was an audio-visual presentation to the villagers. Since this village had no electricity, a generator was hired (a TV and video player were also hired) for a Tamil programme on sholas. This seems to have brought a dramatic change in the attitude of the villagers toward conservation of the shola.

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In 1992, a massive tree plantation was done by the villagers and the forest department. The plantation was done in areas that were destroyed in a fire in 1989. However, along with the shola species, exotics such as nilgiri, pine and wattle were also planted.

The youth of the village started taking active interest in plantation and protection of the shola. There are instances where villagers have gone way beyond their capacities to conserve the shola: e.g., a youth shut down his traditional bakery after turning a conservationist. The bakery consumed a large amount of fuelwood which was obtained from the shola. With financial help from a family in New Zealand, the youth of the village were also able to take up plantations along the roads. From the savings of the work on saplings, the youth were able to go on an environment trip to the lower Nilgiris. During their trip they realized that they had to register as an organization to get any funding for conservation- and community-related work. This group was registered as VOYCE (Vattakanal Organisation for Youth Community and Environment) in 1994. The group established its presence and made sure that tree cutting in the shola was not done either by villagers or outside gangs.

Activities of VOYCE • Regular and periodic cleaning of the area. This has resulted in drastic reduction of garbage inside

the shola.

• Encouraging cultivation and multiplication of highly endangered plants including ferns, herbs, shrubs and trees. This is done by giving saplings to different people and institutions.

• Planting saplings in the degraded fringe areas with the help of the FD.

• Campaigning against illegal logging in the mid hills.

• Defending village watersources from developers.

• Working on relocation and recycling of waste from Kodaikanal.

The most active among the VOYCE members are John and Munniyandi. The VOYCE building was built through community labour and now has a small restaurant and eco-shop, which sells soaps and other items made by the village women’s groups. It is a key meeting place for the villagers and serves as an information centre on environmental issues.

The profits from the sale of plants at the shola tree nursery go to VOYCE. Alchemilla indica, a member of the rose family, was found in Pambar shola in the early 20th century and then almost disappeared. Now the specimens of this plant are multiplying and will probably grow well again in their original habitat. Psydrax ficiformis and Elaeocarpus blascoi, two tree species listed as ‘extinct or almost extinct’, were found here and are now being multiplied in the nursery. Genera Hova and Sonerita (which have only one species in that genus) and species of Plectranthus and Phyllanthus have also been successfully grown in the nursery. Crotalalaria beddomeana (a shrub) has also been propagated and planted extensively in and around Vatakkanal village.

None of the people involved with the initiative have a scientific background, yet through this close association with the shola they have now developed deep understanding of the ecosystem and its character. For instance, they have learnt that in a plantation shola species have a tendency to invade the exotic species (which are used to provide cover from the sun). They have realized that where shola invasion is strong, the succession should be allowed to proceed and encouraged by selective weeding and species enrichment. Regarding removal of wattle, it was felt that manual weeding and ring barking at the base of fertile mother trees would speed up removal, and also that the cut material should be burnt or removed lest it act as cover for invasive species.

Impacts of conservationIn addition to the flora, the village has provided sanctuary to a family of gaur,

which has increased to more than 13 in number. Because of the efforts of the youth, the garbage from the shola has considerably reduced.

Constraints and opportunitiesThe FD erected a fence around the shola. The fencing was necessitated partly by

the heavy influx of the tourists into the shola, which is an extremely beautiful place with its many waterfalls. This fencing has however caused resentment amongst the villagers, as it goes against the ‘social fencing ‘ practiced by the villagers.

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Planting in degraded areas belonging to the FD requires permission, and sometimes this causes conflict between the people and the FD.

A fire in 1998 under the Pond thermometer factory on the steep slopes of Pambar ravine led to seeding of exotic species (encouraged by the opened canopy), particularly acacia and surai, and now dense patches of these seedlings are well established.

Considering the Palni area as a whole, it is important to restore the grassland in the upper hills. Vast plantations of exotic species such as wattle, eucalyptus and pine and weeds such as Ageratum pose a threat to the habitat restoration of this area.

Tourism is a major threat to the shola. Waste washed down the Pambar stream due to large number of tourists coming to Ravine Falls has a detrimental impact on the stream and the shola. What seems to be demoralizing the villagers of Vatakkanal is that while part of the reserved forest is open to busloads of tourists who litter the place and go away, people who have been protecting the shola have no rights in this area.

This case study has been contributed by Shantha Bhushan, Kalpavriksh, in 2002. The case study is largely based on: Bob Stewart and Tanya Balcar, ‘Pambar Shola – a success story in conservation’ in Shola, Anglade Institute of Natural History. Issues 17 (1996), 20 (1997), 22 (1998), 25 (2000). The author is grateful to Tanya, Stewart, Munniyandi and John, members of VOYCE, for their help during the visit to the village, and for sharing their views and insights.

For more details contact:Shantha BhushanKalpavrikshApt. No. 5, Shri Dutta Krupa,908, Deccan GymkhanaPune 411016, MaharashtraPh: 020-25654239E-mail: shantha.s.bhushan@gmail.com

VOYCEP.O. Box No.109 12/110 Vattakanal Kodaikanal Dindigul - 624109. Tamil Nadu

Endnotes

1 IUCN listing of threatened species.

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CCA/TN/CS4/Ramanathapuram/Chittarangudi/Heronry

Chittarangudi tank, Ramanathapuram

BackgroundChittarangudi is a small village located 8 km from Muthukulathoor town in Ramanathapuram

district. Chittarangudi tank, a traditional tank, is situated on the northern side of this village. About 4 km in length and about 2.5 km in breadth, Chittarangudi tank is an important heronry. There are several other tanks around Chittarangudi. Vettangudi and Kanjirkulam bird sanctuaries are two other important ones from the point of view of bird conservation. This area has experienced a severe drought in 2000 and 2001 and the number of birds coming to these tanks has therefore decreased.

Traditionally, Chittarangudi villagers have treated birds like children, as they have realised the importance of bird droppings in agriculture and thus their economy. Sentiments associated with the birds cut across all class and caste barriers in the village. The importance of the tank in the lives of the villagers can be gauged from the fact that they explain their history mostly in relation to the tank.

In earlier times there were nearly twelve castes in the village: thevars, konars, pallars, vellalars (pillai), sakkiliars, chettiyar, brahmins, Muslims, asariyars, poosaris, vannars (washermen), and ambattayars (barbers). Now the Muslims, brahmins and chettiyars have completely left the village. Among the nine castes that live in the village presently, Kondayan Kottai Thevars are in a majority, with nearly 55 families. Most of them are engaged in agriculture; some of them own cattle as well. The four servayar families are in a position of authority here. The village heads have been mostly from this community and even now the panchayat president and the society president belong to this community.

The next most important caste in the village is Konar, with about 25 Konar families in the village. Most of them own cattle and also practice agriculture. The Pallar community also has about 25 families in the village, who are engaged in agriculture and cutting of Prosopis juliflora. The sakkiliar community comprises mostly of labourers who are engaged in the cutting of juliflora. However, there is unity among all castes and socially the entire village stands as a single unit. The people have good relations with each other and the Chittarangudi tank seems to be a common factor that binds them all.

Seasonal agriculture is the main source of livelihood in the village. Being located in a rain shadow zone, this area receives very little rainfall. Rain is received from September to November (north-east monsoon) when the tank also fills up. Paddy is grown in the wetland and chillies in the dry lands. In the off-season the land is left fallow. During the dry season people grow some vegetables in the dry tank bed (each family has occupied some land in the tank). Till the 1980s several crops were grown in the dry areas of the tank. Around that time the FD planted acacia and disallowed the villagers from using the tank.

The major source of income for the village is charcoal-making from Prosopis juliflora. In the dry lands Prosopis grows naturally and is cut every 3 years. Normally an acre of land produces 5-20 tonnes of charcoal and fetches about Rs 3000 per ton. People also produce charcoal from their own fields; sometimes the land is leased for Rs 3000-5000 per acre for charcoal production. Due to a long drought and limited natural resources, there has been an increased migration to nearby towns and big cities.

Politically, the village is divided between two major political parties in Tamil Nadu—the DMK and the AIADMK. Political positions and loyalties are stronger than the caste differentiation in the village. If at all there are clashes or conflicts in the village they are largely party politics-based. Divided political loyalties have ensured that the village lacks most infrastructure facilities, as the proposals from one group are shot down by the other.

Traditionally, the village has been administered by a village committee. This committee includes 8 to 10 members from all the communities in the village. The functions of the committee include:

1. To store the water in the tank and pond and to regulate the supply of water.

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2. To maintain the tank.

3. To collect taxes from the villagers.

4. To organise village festivals.

5. To solve disputes and conflicts within the village.

6. To solve disputes with other villages.

7. To maintain the temples.

8. To protect the village from thieves and strangers.

9. To act as a mediator with the government.

This traditional system functioned well in the past but its efficiency has gone down in the recent times mainly after the introduction of the official Panchayati Raj1 system of administration.

The present official system of administration in the village is the panchayat. The panchayat comprises three villages: Chittirangudi, Erachikulam, and Veppangulam colony. In Chittarangudi, though, even today the actual power of authority of the village is with the village committee. The panchayat only acts as an executor of government schemes.

Another important administrative unit is the District Forest Office (DFO) of the forest department (FD), which came to the village in 1979. The FD has planted Acacia sp. around the tank and in the dry parts of the tank under the Social Forestry Scheme. This plantation is maintained by the FD for the birds that come during the season.

Towards community conservationChittarangudi tank is the most important asset for the livelihood of the village. In 1800 a canal

from the Ragunatha Kaveri river was linked to supply water to the tank. The tank has a total water-spread area of about 7 sq km and has an ayacut (irrigated area under a tank) of 350 acres, which consists of 54 ayacutdars (the beneficiaries of an ayacut). There are 5 sluices, all of them in the southern side of the tank. The bund height is about 4-5 ft on the southern side, while it is only about 1-1.5 ft on the northern side. The tank at its full capacity irrigates nearly 600 acres. The tank gets water only during the rainy season and dries up by the end of February.

In 1920, the neerkatti (one who irrigates water to the fields) system of water distribution was introduced to the village by the village committee. Under this system, the committee appointed two persons for distributing water to different fields in the village. Initially they were paid half or one anna for their work, which has now risen to Rs 30-50 per day. This is paid from the village fund. The village committee collects 10 rupees per acre of irrigated land from each farmer. The job of the neerkatti is to see which land needs water and to irrigate it without any bias. There are different sluices in the tank to irrigate different sizes of land.

The neerkatti after discussing with the committee and the villagers looking after the level of the water in the tank has to irrigate the land according to the wish of the village and the committee. During times of scarcity, there are more people to guard the sluice gates and a rationing system of water sharing is followed. Anybody caught stealing water is fined heavily by the village committee.

Chittarangudi attracts a large number of waterbirds, which roost here in the monsoons, and is hence referred to as Chittarangudi heronry. For the birds to continue to visit a waterbody, it is important to have an assured food supply and good cover for nesting. A heronry needs other waterbodies in the vicinity as well to provide food to the birds. Chittarangudi has many tanks in its vicinity, including Vettangudi and Kanjirkolam, which are also legally notified bird sanctuaries. The other small tanks in this region have now gone dry because of mismanagement. In recent times, however, interests in tank management and upkeep has revived. Birds visiting Chittarangudi include storks, ibises, herons, egrets, cormorants and several other migratory birds. Chittarangudi is very safe for the birds as there is practically no poaching or stealing of eggs. The canopy cover in the surrounding area is good and there is adequate food, as fishing is not allowed in the tank.

The villagers have great love for the birds and are committed to safeguarding them. The following steps have been taken by the villagers to ensure safe and favourable habitat to the birds:

1. Villagers do not burst crackers during Diwali (which falls in the month of November) as they feel it would frighten the birds during the nesting season (which is around October and November).

664 Community Conserved Areas in India - a directory

2. Many other tanks have been leased out by the village panchayat for fishing. This does not happen here as it would disturb the birds and would affect their food consumption.

3. The eggs of the birds are not collected by the people (in some other heronries close by, the local villagers take away eggs by bagloads). The villagers neither hunt the birds nor allow anybody else to hunt.

4. The villagers do wish to cultivate a second crop in February but the water in the tank is usually not enough for irrigation, and they leave it for the birds. It is possible that lack of consensus of how to share the water for the second crop might result in not using it for cultivation.

5. One of the important functions of the village committee is to safeguard the birds; in this task it is supported by the entire village. The villagers quote an incident: ‘Some strangers walked into the tank one night to steal some birds. Then some of the birds flew over to the village and made a big noise. The villagers ran with some weapons to stop the strangers; in the struggle one of the villagers was very badly hurt and was admitted to the hospital.’ This is to indicate the importance placed by the villagers on their winged seasonal guests.

Constraints and opportunitiesConstraints

1. Ever since the plantation of acacia trees around the tank by the forest department, the villagers are not allowed to use the dry tank bed for vegetable cultivation. This has caused resentment among the villagers, as vegetable cultivation is an important source of supplementary income.

2. After the declaration of the sanctuary, cutting of karavel trees for fuelwood was banned. This has further intensified the conflict between the FD and the people.

3. Excessive silt in the tank has reduced the storage capacity. Lack of regular desiltation leads to inadequate water supply for irrigation. Also the water table in the village has dropped because of a long drought. This has had serious impact on the economy of the village, as agriculture is the primary source of livelihood and the tank is the main source of irrigation. Management of the tank and regular desilting was a responsibility of the village committee in the past. The forest department, which is currently in charge of tank management, has (for several reasons) not been able to manage the tank effectively. One of the reasons cited is that management of Chittarangudi sanctuary is low on priority in the FD’s allocation of funds, and even when funds are allocated they usually come at the end of the financial year and not when money is required. This seems to have had an impact on the nesting birds as well; according to the villagers, the bird population in the monsoon of 2000 was much less than in previous years.

Threats

1. The number of trees in and around the tank has gone up (mainly Acacia nilotica) but canopy cover has gone down, and many of the old trees are dying because of age (and excess bird droppings on the leaves of the trees). This will have an impact on the nesting birds in the heronry.

2. The nature of association between the villagers and the tank is changing. There is increased out-migration of young people and thus agriculture may not be the primary source of livelihood for the village anymore. The reduced dependence on the tank may have negative impact on the heronry.

ConclusionChittarangudi sanctuary presents a strong case for joint tank management. It is strongly felt that

given the tradition of the villagers protecting the birds and the fact that they depend on the tank for their livelihood, joint tank management would help in protection of the heronry. A management strategy can be worked out jointly by the forest department, villagers and NGOs working in the field of community-based tank management.

Tourism as a source of revenue is a distinct possibility. The people here take great pride in the tank and the birds that it attracts. The infrastructure is very poor and at the best of times there

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is only a single daily bus trip from Mudukulathur to this village. There is a watchtower, which is not in good condition and needs repair. Yet eco-tourism, if carried out with social and ecological sensitivity, can provide revenue and incentive for conservation.

This case study has been contributed by Shantha Bhushan, member, Kalpavriksh, in 2002. The primary research for the case study was done by P. Anand Kumar from DHAN Foundation, Madurai. Mr Karruppsami and his colleagues from the Muddukulathur office of DHAN contributed by providing a complete picture of tank restoration in Ramanathapuram district. DHAN Foundation was also very helpful in arranging the field visit and establishing contact with the villagers.

For more details please contact:Shantha BhushanKalpavrikshApt. No. 5, Shri Dutta Krupa,908, Deccan GymkhanaPune 411016, MaharashtraPh: 020-25654239E-mail: shantha.s.bhushan@gmail.com

DHAN Foundation18, Pillaiyar Koil Street S.S. Colony, Madurai - 625 016. Tamil NaduPh: 0452-2610805 Email: dhan@md3.vsnl.net.in

Endnotes1 Under the current system, the first unit of administration is the panchayat, the village executive council, constituted of the elected members of the villages which fall under the panchayat. The panchayat system does not take into account the existing traditional systems of administration in a village.

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CCA/TN/CS5/Tirunelveli/Koondakulam/Heronry

Koondakulam, Tirunelveli

BackgroundThe village of Koondakulam is a site

where painted storks, known to the villagers as sangulavlai narai, come to breed and have been protected by the villagers for more than 200 years. Koondakulam village is located in the Tiruneveli district in Tamil Nadu. The population of the village is around 9000, with most of the people being agriculturists. The villagers are mostly vegetarian. Their avian visitors include painted storks, spot-billed pelicans, egrets, Eurasian spoonbills, black-crowned night herons and flamingoes. These birds arrive in November-December every year and their nesting homes are in almost every neem and tamarind tree in the village. At times they are even found on the low-slung prosopis trees. All the species of birds that come here can be easily spotted in the village except for the grey herons and the spoonbills which home on the trees on the farther side of Koondakulam tank. Hundreds of grey pelicans, spoonbills and darter birds nest on Acacia nilotica trees on the Koondakulam lakeside.

Towards community conservationThe 129 ha Koondakulam lake gives its name to the village, as kulam means a lake in Tamil.

Koondakulam receives water from the Manimuthar canal and lies to the western side of the village. This lake and neighbouring waterbodies like Kandankulam, Ilamalkulam, Sungulam and Vijayanarayanam lake are brimming with fish and other small aquatic life after the monsoons and serve as feeding ground for waterfowl. Pate, a former Collector of Tirunelveli, has recorded in the District Gazetteer in 1914 that pelicans fed regularly in the Vijayanaranyanam Lake.

The villagers consider these birds as harbingers of rain, prosperity and a good harvest. The bird droppings, called guano, is rich in nitrates and phosphates and provide a good source of manure in the fields. Apart from this, large quantities of the guano also settle in the tanks, the waters of which are used to irrigate the fields.

The significance of fostering the birds is well-embedded in young and the old alike. The children in the village are trained to monitor bird casualties and report to the elders . The cause of death of the birds is then ascertained, and any person found guilty is punished. Once a man was found guilty of killing a fledgling. As a punishment his head was shaved and he was paraded on a donkey with the bird tied around his neck.

There are some instances where fledglings fall out of their nests. The villagers make efforts to put them back in their nests or nurse them at home till they are old enough to fend for themselves. Koondakulam has a small ‘nursery’ where these birds are reared and fed fresh stock of fish. One villager is appointed in charge of the nursery. Birds can be very closely observed in this village. With the owner’s permission, bird lovers can literally peep into the nests from the terraced houses of the villagers. The birds are not perturbed by any such human intrusive activity since they are accustomed to the villagers and the village.

The acacia trees, which now provide shelter to the birds, were planted under the Social Forestry Scheme by the forest department. In 1993, FD tried to auction off these trees for fuelwood. This is when the villagers got together and through their panchayat persuaded the FD to spare the trees. In 1994, this place was declared a sanctuary and a village committee was formed to look after the birds.

Painted storks roosting at Koondakulam Photo: S. Subramanya

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Impacts of community conservationWaterfowl gather in these lakes in large numbers during the breeding season and nest in colonies

in secure spots where food is plentiful. In the countryside around Koondakulam, a large number of other species of birds are also seen, such as the brahminy kite and Montague’s harrier, black ibis, cattle egret, and Indian roller. All the birds that nest in Koondakulam are local ones and not migratory. Migratory birds also come to these lakes, but they come only in the winters and only to feed. Such birds include the black-winged stilt, sandpipers, godwits, Northern pintails, mallards, blue-winged teals, comb ducks and the bar-headed goose. The bar-headed geese breed in Ladakh and come south in the winters. This is the southernmost point where they can be seen. The presence of such high numbers of fish and bird population indicates low or no pesticide contamination of the lakes.

Constraints and opportunitiesTill recently, Koondakulam was a remote and unknown village because of which few visitors

frequented the village. The scenario started to change when an enterprising travel agent included this village in his itinerary. During the season, hundreds of tourists have now started coming here more as a picnic spot rather than to observe birds. Since these tourists are unaware of the importance of this site as a bird habitat, they end up causing much disturbance to the birds. The villagers need to make serious and conscious efforts against the dangers of such tourism to ensure that birds remain safe and undisturbed in this village.

It is believed that years ago painted storks used to nest in the tamarind trees in Moondradaipu village on the main Tirunelveli-Nagarcoil highway. With the increase in vehicular traffic and harassment, the birds have abandoned that spot and moved here. Efforts need to be made to ensure that the same situation is not repeated here.

ConclusionA heronry is an indication of the good health of a wetland. Critical to the environment, wetlands

maintain subterranean water, sustain food chains, control floods and provide habitat for wildlife. By protecting heronries, villagers play an important role in conservation of biodiversity and maintaining ecological functions.

This information has been extracted from S. Vinayakumar, ‘Koondakulam: A village heronry’, The Hindu, 31 October 1999, and S. Vinayakumar, ‘Visitors at Koondakulam’, The Hindu, 17 December 2006.

For more details contact:S. SubramanyaPHT scheme, J block, GKVK campus, University of Agricultural Sciences, Bangalore 560 065Ph: 080-6585916 (R) Email: subbus@vsnl.comOr S. Theodore BaskaranEmail: thillaikan@yahoo.co.uk