M411 IDDIKIF DVA I

A

LS.f 1k - . cr ...

- *_.**. S •' • • 1-' It ir - 4i AJ t4

- 4

•low

-WPM

l

* S :::: $#— S S

\

_

S 7.

'S

*lt4* S

0

4C r

Ac

Nix

PHILIPPINE PLANNING JOURNAL(Vol. VII, No. 1,0ctober 1975)

1EO VL:L t -L .3 LL..

UVEfl3I3Y OF THE PHILIPPILIES

fP58sBOARD OF EDITORS

Dolores A. EndrigaTito C. FirmalinoJaime U. NierrasEleanor GuerreroMichael Molina

Issue Editor Associate Editor

Tito C. Firmalino Ernesto M. Serote

Managing Editor Art Editor

Adrienne A. Agpalza Marcel ino T. Maiozca

Official journal of the Institute of Environmental Planning, University of thePhilippines System. Published semi-annually in October and April. Views and opinionsexpressed in signed articles are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those ofthe UP-IEP. Address all communications to the MANAGING EDITOR, Philippine Plan-ning Journal, Institute of Environmental Planning, University of the Philippines System,Diliman, Quezon City 3004. Telephone Nos. 97-16-37 and 97-60-61 local 248, 292 and638. Subscripton Rates: Domestic: P6.00 Foreign : US$4.00

Table of Contents

1

The Tondo ForeshoreUrban Development Project

Dio R. B. Lan toria

6 Dagat-Dagatan:Building a Total Community

Eleanor Guerrero

The Andam Mouswag Project:An Experience in Resettlement

Tko-C. Firma/mo

19"

Migration and Regional Development:the Bicol Region

Benjamin V. Cariflo

29

Current Issues in Housingand' Land Development

Jose fina M Ramos

35 The Central Place Theory in an African Setting:Ibadan as a Case Study

Lekan Oyedeji

48 Planning News

Michael Molina

50 Training Activities

"We must renew and recreate this city,

bestow it and revive it with our love."

-Gov. Ime/da A. Marcos

-

-

MAW

*

.4

k'000 4,L

*. k $Wt

gn

-

,44 .?

Improving the quality of lifeof the urban poor

The TondoForeshoreUrbanDevelopmentProject

Dio R. B. LantoriaTechnical Writer

Community Relations and Information OfficeTDFA, National Housing Authority

Postwar Changes in Manila

Shortly after World War II, major changes inthe social, technical and economic trends inthe convalescing city of Manila, occurred at arather fast pace. Although the atmosphere ofchange had its influence felt in the areas ofeducation, politics and even culture, thebasic catalyst of this urban evolution was pre-dominantly economic, as indicated by theaccelerated industrial growth taking placeright after liberation. This postwar switchfrom the traditional human labor to mecha-nization had somehow triggered greater produc-tion. Visible signs of this postwar change arethe jeepney and the faster interisland vesselwhich replaced the calesa and the banca.

The principal effect of this change was toaccelerate the urban activities of manufacturing,marketing and wholesaling, which, in turn hadtremendous repercussions on the areas of mig-ration and employment.

This phenomenon, which was more univer-sal than Filipino, enhanced the Utopian imageof the city among the people back in the pro-vinces and promoted the exodus of migrantsto Manila. Unfortunately, Manila could not, allat once, accommodate the hordes of migrantsin its midst, despite its relative success at reha-

2 PHILIPPINE PLANNING JOURNAL

bilitation -and development. Its seemingly unin-creasing volume of job opportunities accountedfor the accumulation of maladjusted and unem-ployed migrants who came along with hardlythe skills or education required by the urbaneconomy. They struggled for survival, whilethe thick of shack communities we term slumsoffered them refuge. Perhaps, the history, ofslums actually dated back even before theSecond World War, but historians normallyattribute their growth to the reconstruction ofthe late 1940's because it was at this particularstage that the continuous streams of migrationoccurred.

Although the classification of slums mayvary, that is, either they are temporary shelterson public or private lots, or structures improvedupon existing ruins, all of them share' a com-mon characteristic: they serve as a shelter forthe migrants from the harsh realities of theirnew urban environment.

But slums and squatters are not unique toManila. Reports indicate the existence ofsquatter-settlements in Ankara, Kinshasa, Cal-cutta, Caracas, Bangkok, Singapore, Peru,Hongkong, Mexico, Indonesia and New York.1Even to date, these countries and cities sharethe experience of urban implosion, their undi-minished appeal enticing the continued arrivalof more families per year. In Metro Manila, theimplosion has deteriorated into the formationof slums, their total population numberingabout 201,000 squatter families as of 1972.Approximately 13 percent of this figure com-prise the 27,000 squatter families of TondoForeshore, acknowledged today as the biggestsquatter colony in the entire Southeast Asia.They, too, are the beneficiaryi of the biggestand most comprehensive development plan everundertaken by the national government.

For many years, the stigma of this commu-nity, with all its crimes, violence, filth and socio-economic-political disorder and deprivation,lingered in the mind of every Manileño.

Tondo Foreshore has a total area of 137hectares, 67 of which cover the residentialareas, and into which are squeezed 27,000families equivalent to 180,000 people. Popu-lation density is estimated at 3,000 personsper hectare. Congestion is compounded bygrave deficiencies in site and services and theinadequacy of basic community amenities.The inadequacy of water, light, toilet and medi-cal facilities explains the disease and misery thatonce were prevalent therein. But viewed aloneas a government land lost to squatters, TondoForeshore was a problem replete with politicalinterference that almost laid its case utterlyhopeless. -

This narrow sliver of land was originallyintended for the construction of an inter-island port complex (now the North Harbor)and to serve as site for the proposed extensionof the Dewey Boulevard (now the Roxas Bou-levard). Unfortunately, several shacks sprung upon this land just as soon as it was reclaimed,and this partly frustrated the original plans forthe reclaimed area. The expansion of the NorthHarbor might have been pursued as intended,but the planned Roxas Boulevard Extensionwhich was expected to relieve traffic congestionalready predicted then was aborted due to theexistence of squalid settlements.

Soon the issue of land tenure or occupancyright emerged. Politicians, lobbyists and agita-tors found common cause with the squattersand succeeded in having Congress enact a num-ber of measures benefiting the squatters. Spe-cial mention may be made of Republic Act 15922

1 See Charles Abrams, Man's Struggle for Shelterin an Urbanizing World, Cambridge, Massachusetts:The M.I.T. Press, 1964

2This Act, known as Reoublic Act No. 1597,authorized the Land Tenure Administration to sellwi'thout delay and without the necessity of publicbidding the lots as subdivided to their respectivelessees and bonafide occupants. It was amended byRepublic Act No. 2439 in 1959, which enlarged theland subject to subdivision from 130.5 has. to 185.75has, and shrank the land, available for port and roadimprovements.

Lantoria: The Tondo Foreshore Urban Development Project 3

passed by Congress in 1956. This act authorizedthe subdivision of the Foreshoreland and theimmediate sale of the lots to the residents atP5.00 per square meter as an open condonationof urban squatting and a bestowal of protectiverights to the squatter families.

But such gestures of sympathy of the govern-ment to the squatters were not altogether favor-able to either party and were often self-defeat-ing. On one hand, it meant discontinuance ofthe originally planned use of the Foreshoreland;on the other, it gave more anxiety to the squat-ter families because the law was never fullyimplemented.

Today, the community leaders debate withthe authorities on the spirit of Republic Act1597 and its provision to sell the land on easyterms whenever the issue of land rights isbrought to the fore. The people cling fast tothe grace of this measure, and insist on its com-plete implementation. But until then, the resi-dents still speculate over the vague status oftheir occupancy with a feeling of insecurity.Worst of all, the people have learned to be cyni-cal to the point of apathy or demanding to thepoint of belligerence.

Comprehensive Human SettlementsApproach to Redevelopment

Confronted by the ever-increasing problemsposed by the Tondo Foreshore slum issue, Pre-sident Ferdinand E. Marcos created . the TondoForeshore Urban Renewal Project, which waslater transformed into an implementing body -the Tondo Foreshore Development Authority(TFDA)3

The general objective of the project is toimprove the quality of life in Tondo Foreshore,through a comprehensive and integrated up-grading of site and services tied up with thesocial and economic reformation of the peopleand, with minimum relocation to resettlementsites. The task is rather broad and encompasses

3Presjdentjal Decree 570.

a wide scope of community development acti-vities that include the social rehabilitationof the squatter families, the cultivation of civicor, social consciousness, social integration, lead-ership training, introduction of community pro-jects, the establishment of land ownership, andthe breaking of attitudinal resistance of theresidents, conditioned by the unfulfilled, pro-mises of unscrupulous politicians in theOld Order.

Evidently, the entire development of TondoForeshore gives equal emphasis both to thephysical structural changes as well as to thevalues, attitudes or culture of the community.Thus, the general objective, which is ultimatelyset at improving the quality of life of thepeople of Tondo Foreshore, entails the accom-plishment of the following specific tasks:

1. The resolution of the land issue;

2. The development of Tondo Foreshorethrough the improvement of site andservices, including housing;

3. The development of a self-sustainingresettlement site for the populationspillover;

4. The establishment of a planned commer-cial-industrial estate which will generateeconomic opportunities for prospectiverelocatees; and

5. The creation of an implementing body.

These specific objectives are to be achievedalong the following guiding principles:

1. Maximum community participation;

2. Total community development;

3. Provision of economic opportunities;

4. Maximum retention of structures andinfrastructures;

5. Provision of site and services; and

4

PHILIPPINE PLANNING JOURNAL

6. Maximum recognition of land rights.

To support all social, economic and physicalplans for the area, the Tondo Foreshore UrbanRenewal Project conducted a socio-economicbaseline survey and an environmental research todefine the community profile.

Seventy-three percent of the total popula-tion, according to this survey, have migratedfrom the provinces, while 27 percent are origi-nally from Metropolitan Manila. The commu-nity has a very young population with a medianage of 17 years for household members.

The average household size corresponds tothe national average of 6.5 members.

Majority have had some form of formal edu-cation but 33 percent have not completedelementary education. Despite their low educa-tional attainment, however, the Tondo resi-dents are considered highly literate because oftheir access and high exposure to mass media.

Ninety-six percent of household heads inter-viewed are employed. Twenty-four percent ofthem are skilled workers and the rest unskilled.About 30 percent of employed householdheads in Tondo Foreshore work within walkingdistance in the Foreshore area and 22 percentwithin the periphery of the Tondo district.

The average monthly income per householdis about P372.004 while the average monthlyexpenditure is about P402.00.

Fifty-three percent of those interviewedhave toilet facilities in their houses and aboutseven percent make use of public toilets in theirarea. However, human waste is generally dis-posed of through the "wrap and throw me-thod."

Sixty-four percent do not have any drainagesystem at all. Drainage is commonly the open

type where water from the house passes intoan open canal.

About 53.4 percent of the structures areeither severely dilapidated or showing evidenceof major deterioration and 46.6 percent may beretained or simply rehabilitated, if not affectedby final layout or design considerations.

Water is very scarce: only 40 percent of thearea has adequate water supply. There is onlyone water source - a deep well - in the area.Others buy water sold by the can. There areno existing sanitary sewers except for a 42-inchsewer outfall that traverses the area. Only three36-inch pipelines for storm drainage serve theForeshore area.

From the community findings, the TondoForeshore Urban Renewal Project evolved, incoordination with constituted leaders - civic andpolitical - and residents of the area, three alter-native framework plans (A, B, and C) whichoffered varying uses and transportation net-works for the Foreshore land.5

Under alternative Plan A, Tondo Foreshorewill be developed basically as a residentialarea. Roxas Boulevard Extension (R-10), willskirt the customs zone in the western boundary,at a distance of 146 meters from the pier bulk-head. It requires the least number of relocateesbut, like the other two plans, it provides forthe resettlement of about 1 1 500 families resid-ing in Dulo Puring Bato, Luzviminda and Boni-facio, which comprise the site entirely coveredby the proposed International Port.

Plan B earmarks about 35 hectares forcommercial and port facilities. Roxas Boule-vard Extension will pass 260 meters. away fromthe pier bulkhead, setting the commercial areaapart from the residential. About 17,000 families.will be resettled under this scheme.

4This figure may not be very accurate becausepeople tend to underestimate their income.

5Tondo Foreshore Development Framework, fromthe Tondo Urban Renewal-cum-Resettlement Project.

Lantoria: The Tondo Foreshore Urban Development Project 5

Alternative Plan C calls for the developmentof more areas for commerce and industry, orabout 81 hectares with a meager portion leftfor residential purposes. A greater number ofresidents - about 22,000 families - will have tobe relocated.

But based on the objectives of the project,framework Plan B was adopted and readjustedto fit technical and social requirements. Themajor change is marked by the realignment ofR-10 to merge with the proposed CustomsRoad and by-passing the houses of 10,000families who would otherwise be relocated. Therevised plan also expands the industrial andrecreational areas within Tondo Foreshore andin the reclaimed areas in Vitas.

Nevertheless, all plans require a solutionmore substantial than housing, that is to say,relocation or provision of low-cost housingcomplexes. More than this, the solution of theproblems of human settlements in Tondo Fore-shore consists of the elimination of urbanpoverty and deprivation which justifies theinclusion of commercial-industrial sectors in theproject site as well as in the resettlement site.If housing were the only remedy for the prob-lem of squatting, government-subsidized tene-ments would have long wiped squatter com-munities off Metro Manila.

Basically, this comprehensive and integratedplan entails not merely a housing solution, thatis to say, relocation or the provision of low-costhousing complexes.

The essential features to be demonstrated inTondo Foreshore and its resettlement site aretherefore, two-fold, namely: a commitment toimprove human conditions and to raise the levelof living through economic development closelyintegrated with social and environmental deve-lopment program attuned to the socio-economicand psychological make-up of the residents.

The achievement of these dual objectivesdepends, among other things, on the rationalallocation of the different means of production,consumption and services in an efficient, health-ful, convenient and pleasing environment.

Citizens' Participation

The over-riding principle adopted by theTFDA in support of the physical, social andeconomic development of the area is the parti-cipation of the people in planning and imple-mentation. This would at least ensure that theoverall plans for the area will suit the true aspi-rations, interests, needs and socio-economiccharacter of the residents. Further, such a"people-centered approach" has enchancedgovernment's efforts in the area. Today, acloser and genuine working relationship bet-ween the government and the people has beeninitially achieved through this particularapproach.

Utilizing several media of communication,supported by interpersonal liaison, the TFDAdelivered and introduced its plans to the people.

•

.,y_111-

1

A

PHILIPPINE PLANNING JOURNAL

This was done through a multifarious commu-nication program consisting of disseminationof question-and-answer leaflets, copies ofPintig, the Project Team's monthly newsletter,and a Series of public meetings with theBarangay Chairmen and other civic leaders.

The establishment of rapport with the lead-ers and the community at large, with the endin view to stimulating the people to participateand cooperate with the Team's study andimplementation activities, was painstakinglyplanned and carefully executed.

An unprecedented program which aimed tostrengthen the approach was the holding of aseries of seminars sponsored by the Authority.Such group dynamics and leadership trainingseminars have,to a large extent, contributed tothe Barangay Chairmen's better perception andunderstanding of the development project. Asa result, these organizations of youths, civicleaders, etc. - now serve as channels of infor-mation between the Authority and the commu-nity.

To further concretize its concept of people-participation, the TFDA has likewise conductedpublic hearings to seek out the views and opi-nions of the people on certain issues, specifi-cally on land tenure.

Since its inception, the TFDA has under-taken interim physical and social developmentprojects in Tondo Foreshore with the activeparticipation of the people themselves under a"Bayanihan Bayan" arrangement, while simul-taneously working on the expropriation andreclamation of the 471-hectare Dagat-Dagatan -a subdivision of marginal fishponds owned bya few private families. Dagat-Dagatan, which isat present under the jurisdiction of the cities ofCaloocan and Manila and the municipalities ofNavotas and Malabon, was chosen as the reset-tlement site for the Tondo Foreshore popula-tion spillover who will be affected by thedevelopment of the International Port andother infrastructures because it is only threekilometers away from Tondo. Aside fromresidential use, the Dagat-Dagatan resettlement

will be developed with commercial and indus-trial sectors which can generate productiveactivities for the benefit of a large number ofrelocatees.

Interim Projects

Due to the low nutritional and sanitary con-ditions of Tondo Foreshore, which basicallyresulted from the inefficient or non-deliveryof basic health services and medical supplies,there is an ur'ent need to develop an integ-rated health service system for the area. Thus,in December 1974, the TFDA initiated interimprojects on social services and economic oppor-tunities in the Foreshoreland.

Some thirty-two volunteers from the com-munity were trained to become local parame-dics who assist today in the deliveries, disse-mination of family planning information, andpromotion of health and sanitation campaigns.

Eleanor Guerrero

Dagat-Dagatan is probably the first realattempt at building a planned community inthe country. It is envisioned to absorb some13,000 families from the Tondo Foreshore-land who will be displaced by the massivepublic works and urban renewal projectscurrently being implemented.

Unlike previous resettlement projectswhere squatters from Manila were virtuallyuprooted and simply transferred to somerelocation sites several kilometers away inthe nearby provinces, the Dagat-Dagatanproject holds the promise of a better life forthe Tondo residents for a number of reasons.First, the proposed site is within walking dis-tance from the North Harbor in Tondowhere most of the intended residents areemployed. This spares would-be relocatees

Lantoria: The Tondo Foreshore Urban Development Project 7

For health protection, the Social Servicesand Manpower Development Office of theTFDA embarked on deworming and immuniza-tion drives for pre-school children.

Equal emphasis was also given to trainingon basic construction skills like masonry, car-pentry, plumbing, tinsmithing and houseelectrical wiring. Thus, in the event that theTondo Foreshore and Dagat-Dagatan will befully developed, the inactive labor, supply of the

Foreshoreland ma y be utilized maximally.Simultaneously, the Authority has conti-nuously sought the assistance of the Depart-ment of Local Government and CommunityDevelopment on the feasibility of organizingcooperatives for the area, to strengthen produc-tion and marketing efforts.

Viewed as a whole, the project, launched inDecember 1974, reflects the almost blurringcomplexity of the Tondo problem -- its com-ponents, almost intertwined with one another,

demand a coordinated and integrated prog-ram of personnel training, nutrition educa-tion, food assistance to pre-schoolers, healthprotection and the provision of income generat-ing activities.

Evidently, the plan being prepared for TondoForeshoreland and Dagat-Dagatan rides on new

approach to the slum problem. Whereas, thetraditional approach has been one of resettle-ment and nothing beyond, this plan shalldemonstrate a program of upgrading the physi-cal blight and raising the economic status of theurban poor.

Every component of the project reflects theTFDA's consciousness of the total needs of the

residents.

In line with the provision of housing, theTeam has adopted the core-house scheme forthe residents, a scheme experimented on inLatin America, Africa and some parts of Asia.This is basically a self-help project by which the

Dagat-Dagatan:Building a Total Community

from the economic dislocation that was thelot of others in previous relocation projects.Secondly, the site will be accessible not onlyto places of work but also to other areas ofthe city, thus enabling the residents to enjoythe amenities of city life normally deniedprevious relocatees. Thirdly, Dagat-Dagatanis planned as a total community where notonly the dwelling units but also facilities andservices such as schools, shopping centers,church, health services and the like will beprovided. Furthermore, opportunities forsocial and recreational activities among neigh-bors will be provided by the multi-level hier-archy of open spaces.

The new community will rise on a 367-hectare site to be reclaimed from marginal

fishponds in Navotas, Rizal, some three kilo-meters away from Tondo. Five hectares ofthis area have been allocated for a modelcommunity which will house 526 families.Another five hectares have been set aside asthe site of the first-prize winning entry inthe on-going International Competition forHuman Settlements using Tondo as the pro-totype. The rest of the area will be deve-loped for the settlers: 50 percent of which isplanned to be residential, 25 percent com-mercial-industrial, and 25 percent institu-tional and open spaces.

The implementation of the project startedin 1974. When completed in 1979, the targetdate, the project shall have cost the govern-ment an estimated P500 million.

8

applicant is awarded a corehouse composed ofa party wall, toilet and bath and kitchen sink.Through the owner's initiative, supported byfree technical advice on building, the occupantmay undertake the expansion or improvementof his house. It is hoped that, under his ownsupervision with the least interference fromthe technocrats, the house can be constructedor remodelled according to the lifestyle, densityand household chores of the dweller.

This housing concept, incidentally, will beapplied in the development of two experimentalsites - one in Tondo Foreshore and another inDagat-Dagatan. The need for an experimentalcommunity which will serve as a testing groundfor all theoretical formulations, was recognizedby no less than the World Bank.

Due to the existence of structures in theForeshore experimental area, planners under-took a physical survey of the Old Tondo (a vastportion of which is covered by the experimen-tal community) to determine the possibility of

PHILIPPINE PlANNING JOURNAL

retaining old but satisfactory structures. Theplanning group has also gathered informationon housing improvement schemes based on thefindings. As proposed,the TFDA will only provide technical assistance to the residents.

Lessons from the Tondo Experiment

From the objectives of the Tondo Foreshoreand Dagat-Dagatan development projects, it isobvious that the planners have employed aninversion-of-the-problems process. There isdanger and little sense in relying on limitedkey objectives which have, in fact, been adoptedalready by past authorities in piece-mealfashion. There have been so many attempts ateliminating or relieving urban squatting, at leastto a realistic degree, but previous failures clearlystrengthen the suspicion that somewhere, oneor other substantial ingredient had been missedby those who held the reins. The slum issue ofTondo is a lesson, both to the people and thetechnocrats who, at one time in the past, colla-

-q

I

rn•1u1 1_. ____ ____ --

• _1

f: ir-

Lantoria: The Tondo Foreshore Urban Development Project 9

borated to undertake the rehabilitation of problems of the government and the squatters,the slums.

so as to evolve ways by which both couldmutually progress.

Not that the planners of the Tondo ProjectOn the surface, it may appear that consulta-

assume that they found the ultimate solution totion with the people is an insignificant aspect of

this haunting ill, but from what they have seenthe planning process. But it has been proven

in the past, as they do see in the present, thethat actual communication with the people by

people for whom they lay out technical plans,the planners elicits a greater cooperation from

are people who know their goals in life, andthose involved. It gives the people a sense of

that, given the chance, they could establish andresponsibility and the ability to recognize their

maintain a point of reconciliation with thepotential as humans and to prevail over their

planners. For this reason, the planners submitwretched conditions.

their theoretical formulations to the thinkingof, and debate by those who are to benefit or It is not, in any way, to be assumed that thesuffer from them. Perhaps, as the recipients Tondo Foreshore Development Project hasthemselves would observe, the multifarious acti- found the ultimate solution to urban squatting.vities that the project entails are all being carried In fact, its plans do not even guarantee theout on experimental basis, in an attempt to stoppage of potential squatters' migration toreally comprehend and improve the effects of Metro Manila, but that instead, the on-goingits induced social development,

comprehensive project in Tondo Foreshorelandshould be understood as an experiment in

Its unusual methodology- which interlinks the human settlements the results of which onlyplanners' and the, people's aspirations - exem- the people - who have served as co-planners andplifies an aim to gain useful insight into the co-implementors - may ultimately be the judge.

&t( TTjj'T11 l!"i, I L.jI1_ r

t)

;,• b• 1- rp

4

The Andam Mouswag Project:An Experience

in Resettlement

Introduction

.qWVC' *1I2.

Resettling families to places of their choice orto government-selected sites, with governmentassistance of some kind to achieve certainnational objectives, has been a practice in thePhilippines for many years. For instance, duringthe Commonwealth period, before World War II,low-income families in congested urban centerslike Manila were encouraged to resettle in Min-danao which was then a frontier area. Asidefrom the objective of decongesting the cities,the government hoped to populate rapidly theisland of Mindanao to exploit its natural resour-ces and to attain self-sufficiency in staple food.

The resettlers were advanced loans and wereeach allotted a few hectares of land for cultiva-tion and for residential use. The governmentalso provided the newcomers with essentialcommunity services and undertook construc-tion of roads to connect the resettlementareas to more developed urban centers or toport terminals.1

Then in the past decade or so, the nationalgovernment made serious efforts to solve the

Ok

1 An organized program of resettlement to developvast rural hinterlands is now under the responsibilityof the Bureau of Resettlement, Department of Agra-rian Reform.

Tito C. firm alma

Associate ProfessorInstitute of Environmental Planning

University of the PhilippinesDiliman, Quezon City

12

seemingly formidable problem of squatting inMetropolitan Manila. The main solution adoptedwas the clearing of squatter communities, espe-cially in park areas, along railway tracks and insectors where crime rates were high. Most ofthe squatter families were transported to reloca-tion areas hurriedly prepared for them.

Government assistance generally consisted ofthe following: transportation of squatters toresettlement sites, assignment of lots uponwhich the squatters could reassemble their dis-mantled shacks, and some initial services. Theresettlement projects (notably Sapang Palay inSan Jose, Bulacan; San Pedro, Laguna; andCarmona, Cavite) have one common short-coming: they are far from places of employ-ment. For lack of job opportunities withinproject sites or in nearby towns, the heads ofthe resettled families continued to work in themetropolitan area. Costly transportation faresreduced considerably their income while thedistance between their, homes and places ofwork increased travel time.

More recently, in its effort to accelerateeconomic development, the national govern-ment undertook huge infrastructure and indus-trial development projects, some of which werefinanced by foreign loans. The engineeringrequirements of a few of these projects necessi-tated the uprooting of existing settlements.

An example of such projects is the construc-tion of the Pantabangan Dam (in the provinceof Nueva Ecija) by the National IrrigationAdministration. 2 The main objective of theproject was to irrigate from 72,000 to 77,000hectares of land. Expected additional benefitsinclude effective flood control, supply of po-table water, fish production, installation ofhydroelectric power system, and recreationalfacilities.

The National Irrigation Administration com-menced construction work in 1970, . but itactually closed the dam in 1974. As a conse-quence of the dam closure and the impound-

2 A on the resettlement phase of this pro-ject was conducted in 1974 by Cynthia D. Turiigan ofthe U.P. Institute of Environmental Planning.

PHILIPPINE PLANNING JOURNALment of water, the town center of Pantabdnganand the surrounding barrios (villages) wereinundated. Some 1,624 families had to beresettled in 1973.

A more elaborate guideline for the resettlingof the affected residents near the dam sites wasdrafted, essentially with the following features;1) notification of the families about the project,its importance and purpose; 2) compensationfor owners of property to be submerged andprovision of job opportunities for those whowould be deprived of their means of livelihood;3) distribution of farm lots and home lots withlong-term lease agreement; 4) organization ofcooperatives; 5) food assistance to sustainfamilies through rationing for a period of threeyears; and 6) loans of various categories -housing, subsistence, etc.

The above-cited guideline suffered in its im-plementation as shown by the numerous com-plaints aired by the resettlers. Examples ofsuch complaints were: 1) services were inade-quate; 2) food rationed were not suited to thepeople's taste or eating habit; 3) some propertyowners were not adequately compensated; and4) there was a shortage of agricultural land forfarm needs.

Another significant project which causeddisruption in the existence of a rural communityis the industrial estate project of the PHIVIDECIndustrial Estate Authority 3 in the province ofMisamis Oriental in Northern Mindanao Theestate is located along the coastal area of theprovince, 20 kilometers from Cagayan de OroCity. It covers an area of 3,000 hectares in thetowns of Tagoloan and Villanueva. Among itsobjectives are: to induce the development ofexport-oriented industries which can utilizeindigenous labor and raw materials and to en-hance the fulfillment of the national policyon industrial dispersal.

3me Authority was- created on August 13, 1974by Presidential Decree 538 as a subsidiary of the Phil-ippine Veterans Investment Development Corporation,"to operate, administer and manage PHIVIDEC Indus-trial Areas and other areas which shall be proclaimed,designated and specified in subsequent PresidentialProclamations."

Firmalino: The Andam Mouswag Project 13

If fully implemented, as claimed, the projectcan accommodate 12 heavy, 60 medium and240 small-scale industries. The industries cangenerate some 10,000 jobs. Incentives offeredto industries are in the forms of: 1) tax exemp-tion on imported capital equipment and rawmaterials, 2) tax exemption on capital gains,3) admission of fully-owned foreign enterprisesin selected industries, 4) employment of foreignnationals, and 5) simplified import and exportprocedures.4

The first industrial concern that took advan-tage of the generous incentives offered is theKawasaki Steel Corporation which is putting upan iron ore sentering plant, with a pier wharf of200,000 - ton dead weight capacity. To giveroom for this plant, some 138 hectares of land,in private ownership, had to be purchasedthrough negotiation.

The plant site is in Nabacaan, a barrio in themunicipality of Villanueva. Affected were 143families who had to be resettled somewhereoutside the estate. Again, as in the PantabanganDam construction project, the national govern-ment was called upon to assist in the resettle-ment of the Nabacaan families. An inter-agencytask force was formed to carry out the task of"providing a new community for families fromNabacaan and other barrios affected by the riseof the Northern Mindanao Industrial Estate."5

With the representative of the DevelopmentManagement Staff (under the Office of thePresident) as Chairman, the Inter-Agency TaskForce (IATF) had the representatives of thefollowing other agencies as members: PhilippineVeterans Investment and Development Corpo-ration (PHIVIDEC), People's Homesite and

4The Authority, likewise, cited in one of its bro-chures incentives guaranteed by the Constitution:1) the repatriation of the proceeds of the liquidationof the investment (in the same currencies in whichinvestment was made); 2) non-registration of property(except for just cause); and 31 freedom from expro-priation.

5The data on the industrial estate and of the suc-ceeding discussion on the Andam Mouswag Projectwere obtained from the reports of the Inter-AgencyTask Force that carried out the difficult job of relo-cating and rehabilitating the families adversely affectedby the industrial estate project.

Housing Corporation (PHHC), PresidentialAssistant on Housing and Resettlement Agency(PAHRA), Bureau of Public Works (BPW),Bureau of Public Highways (BPH), NationalHousing Corporation (N HC), 52nd EngineeringBrigade, Philippine Army, and Department ofSocial Welfare (DSW). The IATF was chargedwith the responsibilities of choosing the relo-cation site, preparing plans and designs for thedevelopment of the site, and supervising theimplementation of the plans. The discussionthat follows deals entirely on the establismentof the new community (called Andam Mous-wag) 6 in Kalingagan, part of Villanueva, wherethe Nabacaan families found their new homes.

Some Guiding Concepts

It is perhaps common knowledge that someof the previous relocation sites were selectedhaphazardly with little regard for the peoplewho would ultimately reside there. This wasnot the case of the Andam Mouswag projectwhere some clearly defined concepts haveguided many of the decisions affecting thedifferent aspects of its development.

The concepts formulated by the IATF mightbe summarized as follows:

1. Element of Choice - Insofar as relocationwas concerned, every family had three options.One was to move to any residential area purelyon the family's own initiative, but fully compen-sated like the rest of the families. Another wasfor the family to be resettled to a Departmentof Agrarian Reform (DAR) resettlement projectin Bukidnon, enjoying all types of assistance of-fered by that agency. A third, of course, was toobtain an award of a house and lot in the An-dam Mouswag project. Based on the lATE sur-vey, 88 percent preferred the third alternative.

The families were also asked their preferencesamong three to four types of housing. The re-sult of this survey provided the IATF a basisfor preparing a more detailed site plan.

6The term andam mouswag is a local expressionwhich means"rèady to progress".

A system of footpaths leading from the housesto centrally located services separates pedes-trian from vehicular traffic.

4

PHILIPPINE PLANNING JOURNALnil. The families, too, have close kinship tiesthat neighboring is a common phenomenon.

2. Concern for Environmental Quality - Oneof the factors considered in the selection of thesite was its distance from the industrial estate.The idea is to preclude any future problem ofpollution. A distance of about six kilometersfrom pollutive industries is believed to be safe.Through the use of this criterion and a host ofother factors,7 the barrio of Kalingagan in thetown of Villanueva became the logical choice.

Foremost in the mind of the planner whenhe designed the land use scheme and the circu-lation system of the area was to create a moresatisfying environment. A system of footpathsleading from the houses to centrally located ser-vices (e.g., the elementary school and the com-munity center) would separate the pedestrianfrom vehicular traffic. The road network con-sisting of culs-de-sac and single loops was aimedat promoting neighborhood activities and pos-sibly group identity.

At this stage, however, it is extremely doubt-ful whether the residents could appreciate thescheme (of pedestrain separation from traffic)since vehicles entering the project are almost

7The other factors that influenced the selection ofKalingagan as the relocation site were: 1) physicalcharacteristics of the site (terrain and area for expan-sion), 2) cost of development, including land acquisi-tion, and 3) social considerations such as the people'spreference and proximity of the site to places of work.

3. Provision of Basic Community Servicesand Utilities - The scheme indicated what ser-vices and utilities should be provided in AndamMouswag. Certainly, the first priority was elem-entary education for which service three pre-fabricated buildings were set aside. A commu-nity center to house other services and offices(health clinic, library, DSW field office, barang-ay hall and post office) was part of the outlineplan.

A local spring with a discharge of 8,000 gal-lons per minute was tapped as a source of pota-ble water supply. The waterworks system wasconstructed at a cost of about one and a-halfmillion pesos. The Kawasaki Steel Corporationcontributed pumps and pipes for the system.The system's present capacity is adequate for20,000 residents.:

Electricity , is. provided by a private franchiseholder, the Cagayan de Oro Electric Power andLight Company (CEPALCO). This companyobtains its power from the Maria Cristina Hy-droelectric Plant in lligan City.

4. Betterment of Economic Life - Accordingto the pre-relocation survey of household heads,over 50 percent of the Nabacaan families hadincome of P250 & below. This apparently lowincome of the majority of the households isdue mainly to the fact that most householdheads earned their income as laborers, clerksor drivers in construction work, the industrialsector and in transport service. The farmersand the fishermen constitute 20 percent of thehousehold heads. Only nine percent belong tothe category of professionals (in the fields ofteaching, medicine and engineering).

More than 50 percent of the household headsdid not finish elementary education. This pro-bably explains why most of the respondentswere dependent on wages as means of liveli-hood.

These findings indicate positively that theparamount problem faced by the resettlers iseconomic in nature. The IATF made theappropriate decision by stressing the initiationof projects that could augment the income ofthe families.

Firmalino: The Andam Mouswag Project 15

In this regard, a number of income-generat-ing projects were started. Among them were:weaving, sericulture, tomato growing, and dairyand meat processing. In fulfillment of its pro-mise, Kawasaki hired many of the male adultsas construction workers in the preparation ofthe site and of the wharf for the iron ore senter-ing plant.

5. Andam Mouswag as Nucleus of a LargerCommunity - One of the underlying reasonswhy Kalingagan was favored as the relocationsite was that the barrio has sufficient space forexpansion. It was believed that with the comingof industries to the Industrial Estate more peo-ple will be displaced and will have to be relo-cated somewhere. It was envisaged that AndamMouswag should perform such function ofaccommodating families forced out by theinvading industries. To attain this objective, thescheme proposed the staging of development(of Andam Mouswag) into three phases. Thefirst phase has already been completed with thedevelopment of 30 hectares 8 for the familiesfrom Nabacaan. In the future (to proceed withthe succeeding phases), adjacent areas will bedeveloped for residential use and more sophis-ticated facilities (a commercial center, a hospi-tal, a university and a memorial park) will bethe attractive features of the emerging town.

Project Implementation

The first phase of the Andam Mouswagproject was started in September, 1974. The52nd Engineering Brigade of the PhilippineArmy cleared and graded the site and laterlaid out the road network as well as thedrainage structures. Private firms undertookthe construction of the waterworks systemunder contract, but supervised by the Bureauof Public Works field staff. 9 Two months later,after the preparation of the site, the housing

8The ultimate size of the community, if fully deve-loped, will be 500 hectares.

9The data on the implementation of the projectwere furnished by the administrative staff of the IATF,through interviews in September, 1975. Further veri-fication was made at a much later date with RemyFernandez of the same office.

low

units of different types (single, duplex, and two-storey) were built. This particular aspect of theproject was entrusted also to a private firmthrough bidding. By May of 1975, 136 dwellingunits were completed and were ready for occu-pancy.

The Bureau of Public Highways (now adepartment) took charge of improving an oldroad which connects the project site to Villa-nueva proper. The Bureau engineers realignedand widened the existing road from six to ninemeters. They, likewise, regraded (reducing the.grade at certain sections from 10 to 7 percent)and surfaced it with gravel.

Earlier in July, 1974, Kawasaki began bull-dozing the Nabacaan area for its ore senteringplant, the PHIVIDEC Industrial Estate Autho-rity having paid out all claims on the lots andon every tangible improvement incorporatedin said claims. The residents had to be shelteredtemporarily in bunkhouses constructed forthem, just about 500 meters from their originalhomes.

The awarding of the houses and lots toNabacaan families was scheduled for May, 1975.This continued until September of the sameyear. Original residents of the project site wereprivileged to occupy some of the houses as longas they could pay the amortization.

In the people's view the individual lots weretoo small to allow such backyard activities aspoultry and hog raising and gardening.

E11

PHILIPPINE PLANNING JOURNAL

Payment for the houses and lots is made ona long-term arrangement. The occupants canchoose either of the two schemes: a 25- or a 30-year amortization period. The monthly dues forthe first five years are reasonably low, not ex-,ceeding thirty pesos. But during the sixth year,the amount charged for the units will go uparound one hundred and sixty pesos. Theassumption here is that the families by thattime will have earned higher incomes:

People's Reaction

An interview of heads of families (either thehusband or the wife) was conducted in Septem-ber, 1975, to seek the people's opinion on orreaction to the following: 1)the design of thehouses and other spatial characteristics of thecommunity, 2) the location of Andam Mous-wag in relation to Villanueva proper and com-paring this with their previous residence, and3) the services that were available at the time ofthe survey. The respondents were also askedwhat things they missed in Andam Mouswagand which they had in Nabacaan. In short, theinterview tried to identify the resettlement pro-blems generally encountered by the resettlers inadjusting to the new environment.

The interview elicited interesting responsesfrom the interviewees. The sample might besmall (about 8 percent) but there was a cons-census of opinion in several aspects of commu-nity life.

There was not much criticism about thedesign of the houses, except in the incomplete-ness of the structure. The walls at the lowerfloor of the two-storey houses were purposelyomitted so that the owners could exercise dis-cretion in the putting up of said walls. But theresidents wished that the walls were there be-cause of the climate of the place - being cool inthe evening. 10 In the people's view, the indivi-dual lots ranging from 240 to 300 square me-ters were too sm all , based on their own stand-ard. The yards were inadequate for the raisingof poultry and hogs and even for purposes ofgardening. No comment was aired concerningthe road- network, the footpaths, and the cen

10The site is a rolling plateau with some 500 -meter elevation above sea level.

tral location of the elementary school and thecommunity center.

As to the Andam Mouswag site itself, therespondents merely said that the place was"peaceful," "has plenty of fresh air, but farfrom the highway and from the town center."A few claimed there was no other place wherethey could go.

The respondents almost unanimously express-ed the need for essential facilities like a market,a high school, a church (chapel) and a morereliable means of transportation. The highschool servicing the new community was locatedin the town center (Villanueva proper) whichwas seven kilometers away. The market and theshops were also in the town center. Sari-saristores were opened in some of the residencesbut the goods sold lacked variety. Two busesoperated by the IATF administration provideda limited transport service. But if the buseswere not in good running condition, the peoplehad to rely on other transport facilities whichwere indeed very rare and very often more cost-ly. Occasionally, the people and the highschool students had to hike the distance be-tween Andam Mouswag and the town center.

Among the things missed by the residentswere: 1) fresh food items, 2) enjoyment of thesea (bathing and fishing), 3) extra income, and4) some social activities, Many asserted that inNabacaan, fresh food iters (fresh fish and meat)were abundant. The barrio was only two kilo-meters from Villanueva proper and bus orjeepney trips were more frequent. They couldearn extra cash through the sale of farm crops.The proximity of their previous homes to thetown center and to relatives in nearby barriosoffered opportunities for social activities. Per-haps, statements like: "The house and the farmwere ours," "We lived there since childhood,"or "We cried when we had to demolish ourhouses," are expressive of what really was thepsychological cost, probably unaccounted forin tbe computation of the costs and benefits ofthe industrial estate project.

The most common problems cited by the in-formants were in areas similar to those discussedabove. However, the most serious one profound-ly felt by them was thO problem of not havinga more stable source of income from which

Firmalino: The Andam Mouswag Project

they could amortize the house and lot. Some ofthem entertained fears of being ejected oncethey fail to pay their monthly obligations. Thefollowing statement can probably summarizetersely their feeling of insecurity: "1 don'tknow whether I will stay here long, we have topay for the house, electricity and water."

Conclusion

It is too early to evaluate the Andam Mous-wag project. Hardly a year has passed since thepeople moved to this place to start life anew.

It is to the credit of the IATF that the pro-ject follows certain guiding concepts towardwhich coordinative efforts of various agenciesare directed. These concepts make the projectmore innovative in approach.

Asrevealed somewhere in this study, onepriority area that should not be overlooked bythe agencies participating in , the project is thestrengthening of the economic base of the com-munity. It seems that the agencies have res-ponded accordingly to such an urgency, as mdi-èated by the number of economic activitiesnow in progress.

For the sericulture project, for example,mulberry trees have been planted initially in atwo-hectare lot. The coverage will be extendedto five hectares. The National Science Develop-

17

ment Board finances the project while theNational Manpower and Youth Council organ-izes some training activities along this line.

A private entrepreneur agreed to assist thosewho attended the loom-weaving classes in mar-keting their products. On the other hand, theNational Cottage Industry Development Autho-rity is promoting meat-processing as a cottageindustry.

Shortage' in the supply of fresh milk (sup-posed to come from Claveria, the next townhas snagged the dairy processing project. TheBureau Of Animal Industry 'intends to distributemilking cows to interested families so that ade-quate supply of milk will be assured to keep thelocal processing equipment (which has alreadybeen installed) busy.

Indeed, for one who is interested in resettle-ment planning; there are lessons to learn fromthe method introduced by the IATF in the An-dam Mo\uswag project. It would be a worth-while endeavor to compare Andam. Mouswagwith that of Dagat-Dagatan in Tondo, Manila,sometime in the future. The former is a ruralcommunity; the latter is urban in character.Certainly, the Andam Mouswag project, as wellas the other resettlement projects before, sug-gests to us that in environmental planning, it isof utmost necessity to relate the design of acommunity to the values, practices and needsof the people.

z ('ç

T1 _

r - .

dA

PHILIPPINE PLANNING JOURNAL

A PNR PHOTO

amok Iw. tL

V

Assessing the impact of population movementon development

Migrationand RegionalDevelopment:the Bicol Region

Benjamin V. CariñoAssociate Professor

Institute of Environmental PlanningUniversity of the Philippines

Nature and Scope of the Study

The need to consider internal migration indevelopment efforts can hardly be emphasizedsince some of the most acute social and econo-mic problems of the world and of the countrytoday are associated with population move-ments. The fact that the large concentrationof population in Metropolitan Manila has beenmainly the result of rapid rural-to-urban migra-tion, for instance, is amply documented. 1 It ispointed out in this regard that the continuingtrend towards concentration has broughtabout increasing interregional and rural-urbandisparities in terms of social and economicprogress and -conditions of welfare in the coun-try. The lag of certain regions due to the mas-

sive loss of manpower has also been anothersource of concern. In the receiving areas, mig-ration is also pointed to as the root-cause ofsuch urban phenomena as the breakdown ofservices, congestion and traffic snarls, slums andsquatters, and other related urban problems?

The significance of population movementson development may indeed be obvious in thatthey provide an important network for thetransmission and diffusion of ideas, indicatesymptoms of economic and social change, andcan be viewed as the adjustments of people todevelopment problems in the broadest sense.Thus, it is not only because of basic academic

A slightly different version of this paper willappear in a forthcoming book entitled Migrationand Development in Southeast Asia: A DemographicPerspective, to be edited by Robin J. Pryor.

1 See, for instance, Leandro A. Viloria, "Manila,"in Aprodiclo A. Laquian, ed., Rural-Urban Migrantsand Metropolitan Development (Toronto: Intermet,19711. pp. 135-150.

2For more on this, see Benjamin V. Cariño, "Mana-ging Migration Streams and Population Redistribution:Alternative Strategies and Research Needs," a paperprepared for the "Experts Meeting on Philippine Popu-lation Research" held at the Population Center Foun-dation from 10 to 12 October 1974, jointly sponsoredby the Department of Sociology, University of thePhilippines, the Philippine Social Science Council andthe Commission on Population.

20 PHILIPPINE PLANNING JOURNAL

interest but also because of this crucial linkof migration to development processes and The Bicol Regionproblems that the phenomenon has been thesubject of quite a number of social scienceresearches in the Philippines.3

The purpose of this study is to explorefurther the relationship between migration anddevelopment by looking at the actual experienceof the Bicol region in the Philippines': It willspecifically examine-the magnitude, of popula-tion movements to and from the region, thecomposition of these streams- in terms of cer-tain characteristics of the migrants, as well asthe impact; of these movements on regionaldevelopment. In the process, the factors thatmay have influenced such movements will alsobe evaluated.

In addition to available secondary data, thisstudy will present some of the results of a geo-graphic mobility, survey which was conductedin Bicol in mid-1974. 4 The hOusehold data inthis migration survey included informationon the migrant status of persons ten years oldand over, the characteristics of the migrants,their reasons for moving, as well as the originsand destinations of the movements.

3See, among others, Aprodiclo A. Laquian, "Cop-ing with. Internal Migration in the Philippines," Soli-darity, Vol. VIII, No.1 (Jul y , 1973);.Elvira M. Pascual,'Population .Redistjbution in the Philippines (Manila:Population Institute, University of the Philippines,1966); and International Development Research Cen-ter and International Association for MetropolitanResearch and Development, "Town Drift; Social andPolicy Implications of Rural-Urban Migration in EightDeveloping Countries," a basic documentation of aConference on Rural-Urban .Migration and Metropo-litan Development, held in Istanbul, Turkey from 24November to 1 December, 1973.

4 The resii(ts of this survey are presented in fUll inImelda A. Zosa, "Movers and Migrants of Bicol," areport prepared for the Bicol Regional DevelopmentProject of the National Development , Research Center,University of the Philippines, 1975. For sampling pur-poses, Bicol was delineated into II sub-regions. basedon the factor analysis of 67 socio-economic character-istics of the 112 municipalities in the region. Fromeach sub-region, a municipality was chosen at random.In turn, from each municipality, two, barrios (againchosen at random) and the poblacion were includedin the survey. Sixteen households were tnen randomlyselected afer mapping of the barrios was completed.The respondents thus totalled 528 household ,heads.

Officially referred to as Region V, the Bicolregion of the Philippines is composed of thevarious provinces and cities located in the south-'eastern extremity of Luzon and on the islandsadjacent to it (See . Figure 1). The region housesaround three million inhabitants which is aboutone-thirteenth of the total national population.Having a total land mass , of around 'one-sixth,the size of the entire country, it ranks ninth interritorial size among the 12 Philippine regions.

The provinces that constitute the Bicol regionare Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, Albay,and Sorsogon in'. the mainland, and the island,provinces of Masbate and Catanduanes. The'province of Masbate also includes the islands of KTicao and Burias. The three cities in the regionare .Naga and Iriga in Camarines Sur, and Legaz-pi in Albay. Although the provinces have beenfound to have many cultural similarities, theBicol language area is smaller in size than theregion as administratively defined. People in thesouthern part of Sorsogon speak the languageof Samar (a province just a few kilometers awayacross San Bernardino Strait), and only a partof Masbate province is Bicol-speaking. Further-more, the northern half of Camarines Norte isactually Tagalog-speaking. As Lynch has aptlyobserved, "the region's unity is mainly, political:it has been and is a government administrativeunit, and in times past its legislative representa-tives.constituted the Bicol bloc."5

Legazpi City, the regional capital, is morethan 500 kilometers from Manila taking closeto 18 hours to negotiate if one takes the bus ortruck. The time involved is a little less (about12-14 hours) if one takes the train. By plane(there are two daily flights from Manila toLegazpi City), the trip takes only about onehour.

5 Frank Lynch, "The Role of a Social ScienceResearch Organization in the Bicol River Basin Deve-lopment Program," a paper read at the public lectureseries entitled "Strategies for Development," spon-sored by the Philippine Sociological Society and heldat the San Miguel Auditorium, Makati, January 23,1975, p.2. .

Cariflo: Migration and Regional Development

FIGURE I

!)

BICOL REGION

KM-

CAMARINES 1 0 0 10 2010

JNORTES'A1 VI

LEGEND : \' 1 (11,61. ^,O REGIONAL CENTER

PROVINCIAL CAPITAL

4 CITY BURIAS

•MUNICIPALITY

• NAGA CITYCAMARINES S

IRIGA IJ )'\\ CITY LJ'../

TAB

ALBAY

LEG ASPICITY

S OR S OGI

P I-lI LIP PIN ES

R

ICAO [p

IMA S BATio M SBAT 'L

22

Relative to the other regions of the country,Bicol has been characterized as economicallyless developed. Quite a number of developmentproblems presently confront the regions. Tobegin with, the economic performance of theregion as a whole has not been very satisfactory.For the period 1961-1969, value added for theregion grew 5.3 percent per annum comparedto the country's average of 5.5 percent. Moreover,the Bicol economy is still heavily agriculture-based. As of 1970, 62.6 percent of the totallabor force of the region was employed in agri-culture. In the same year, only 11.2 percentwas employed in manufacturing, and 12.8 per-cent -was engaged in services.

While agricultural activities continue to bethe main source of livelihood in Bicol, product-ivity in this sector has at the same time beeninsufficient. In 1970, for example, regional pro-duction in rice (which is the principal agricul-tural crop in the region) was characterized byan estimated shortage amounting to P6,620,470cavans. In 1972, the production shortage in fishwas estimated to have reached 65,982,474 kilo-grams, while in poultry and livestock the esti-mated shortage amounted to 86,813 metric tons.Low agricultural productivity can be attributedin general to poor conditions of production (in-adequate roads, power plants, etc.) and particu-larly to insufficient irrigation facilities. Althoughthe region has a substantial water resource base(it has seven major rivers and three lakes), it isparadoxical that only 12 percent or 146,624hectares of its farmlands were irrigated in 1972.

Related to the problem of low agriculturalproductivity is the problem of low incomes.Beyond dispute, per capita income in Bicol isvery low. It has been estimated that as of 1974the average per capita income was about P550per year or P1.50 a day over a 12-monthperiod. 6 Moreover, social stratification in theregion is also known to be highly inegalitarian.Based on income figures in 1961, 1965 and 1971,it has-been shown that "there is relatively moreincome inequality in Bicol than in the nation asa whole."7

PHILIPPINE PLANNING JOURNAL

From the point of view of the people them-selves, there are two major problems in the area:flooding and land tenure. 8 Indeed, flooding inthe region is both frequent and destructive andmore than half of the rice and corn farmers areshare tenants. Further aggravating these pro-blems is the fact that the area is located withinthe typhoon belt.

Migration in the Region

Concern for the development problems ofBicol cannot of course be divorced from theconditions and problems existing in other re-gions of the country. The development pro-blems of a rural region like Bicol are undoubt-edly inextricably intertwined with the growthtrends in other regions, particularly those inthe Manila Metropolitan region. In turn, theproblems of Metropolitan Manila are also in-fluenced by the conditions existing in ruralregions like Bicol. One manifestation of theselinkages among regions can be seen in the pheno-menon of migration.

In the light of the generally poor condi-tions existing in Bicol, it is not surprising thatthe region is essentially an outmigration area.Available direct and indirect estimates easilyconfirm this fact. As can be seen in Table 1,only Masbate among all the six provinces in theregion gained (however slightly) during the de-cade 1960-1970. The province of CamarinesSur, already starting to lose population in thepreceding intercensal period, was estimated tohave experienced the heaviest loss in the lastdecade. All in all, the region's provinces werealready losing areas in the 1948-1960 period,and this process of out-migration had persistedand gained momentum in the period of 1960-1970. (Table 1)

To get an idea of the relationship of Bicolwith other regions in terms of migration flows,the origins and destinations by region of life-time net migrants of Bicol as of 1970 are shownin Table 2. It can be seen that two main streams

stated Ibid., p. 4

7 United Nations' Center for Regional Development,Regional Development of Bicol; A ComprehensivePlanning Report, Volume 1, p.97.

8These views were expressed in a survey of a sam-ple of farmers conducted by the Social Survey ResearchUnit of the Bicol River Basin Development Program.See Frank Lynch, "What Rice Farmers Of CamarinesSur Say They Want from the Philippine Government,"SSRU Report Series No. 1, December, 1973.

Albay

CamarinesNorte

CamarinesSur

Catanduanes

Masbate

Sorsogon

LifetimeNet Migrants

1960a

-96,154

25,160

-23,671

12,642

-27,185

20,807

Net Migrarts1948-1960

-29,800

25,600

-14,600

-10,800

4,400

-29,200

Net Migrantsl96O-l97O

-37,035

-6,886

-6,886

-45,162

7,740

-57,556

Cariño: Migration and Regional Development 23

Table 1

NET MIGRATION ESTIMATES FOR BICOL PROVINCES -

BOTH SEXES

aThese values were obtained from the Bureau of the Census and Statistics, Census on Population and Housing1960, Appendix to Volume 2 (1964). The summary values were obtained by using place of birth statistics for thenative-born population

bAs estimated by Elvira Pascual, Population Redistribution in the Philippines (1966).

CAs estimated by Vun Kim, "Net Internal Migration in the Philippines," (1972).

left Bicol while a much smaller counterstreamheaded toward the region. The first discernibleoutflow moved towards nearby regions inLuzon provinces including Metropolitan Manila(Region IV) as major recipients. Bicol also lostsubstantially to Central Luzon the next regionto the north. Likewise, the region sent migrantsto frontier Mindanao, although the stream issmaller than those observed in Luzon.

Only one notable counterstream from theVisayan provinces south of Bicol can beobserved. These provinces have been found inrecent censuses and surveys to be heavily losingareas. On the whole, therefore, Bicol had ex-perienced heavy out-migration, while in-migra-tion had been negligible.

The results of the geographic mobility sur-vey which was conducted in Bicol in mid-1974generally reveal the same migration trends inthe region. The results of this survey show thatonly 4.6 percent and 5.0 percent of householdmembers ten years old and over (n2,204)

came from Metropolitan Manila and the rest ofthe country, respectively.

On the other hand, regional out-migrationinvolved larger proportions. Of the same sampleof household members ten years old and over,persons who left for Metropolitan Manila aloneconstituted 94 percent. It is thus easy to notethat migrants from the region who headed forMetropolitan Manila area exceed the counter-streamers who have left the primate city forBicol.

What is really problematic in regard to outmigration from the region, however, has to dowith a process of "selectivity" that appears tobe taking place. It has been pointed out in thisconnection that migration selectivity is eitherpositive or negative depending upon the magni-tude and composition of the stream leaving orentering an area. In-migration is thus positiveif the people who are moving in are the young,

economically active and possess the skillsfor employment in the region's economy.

24

PHILIPPINE PLANNING JOURNAL

Conversely, out-migration is negative if thosewho have moved out are the young, the welltrained and the skilled, i.e., the highlabor-potential population. A comparison of in-migrants and out-migrants of the region interms of the balance of selectivity may thus benecessary.

In this connection, the results of the samemigration survey in the region show a greaternumber and proportion of out-migrants(in comparison with in-migrants) of the regionbelonged to the age range 10-29. A high 74.8percent of all out-migrants to the MetropolitanManila area belonged to this age range, whileonly 57.8 percent of the counterstreamswere found to be in the same age bracket.Similarly, 73.2 percent of out-migrants toall other parts of the country (as against only51.6 percent of all in-migrants) belonged to thisage group.

Although no sex seledtivity can be discerned,a similar pattern can be observed in regard toselectivity in terms of educational attainment.The results of the same survey reveal that theproportion and number of regional out-mig-rants reaching high school and higher levels ofeducation are greater than those of the regionalin-migrants. A good 65.6 percent of all out-migrants from the region were in this broadeducational category, as compared to only 539percent among in-migrants.

Moreover, out-migrants to Metropolitan Manilatended to be even younger and had higher edu-cational qualifications when compared to allother out-migrants. Furthermore, the educa-tional qualifications of the out-migrant groupwere also found to be much higher than those ofthe stayers in the region. A definite "braindrain" from the region is thus occurring, andsuch an effect has not been offset by the negli-gible in-migration taking place.

On the whole, therefore, the migration expe-rience of the region is negatively selective. Itmay be appropriate at this point to turn to adiscussion of the factors that may have influ-enced this process prior to the identification ofits consequences for regional development.

Factors Influencing Migration

The factors that may have contributed tothe process of out-migration from the regionhave already been hinted at in earlier sectionsof this paper. Mention was made of the deve-lopment problems of the region which mayhave served as "push" factors. As indicatedearlier, B icol is relatively underdevelopedwhen compared with other regions of thecountry. The economic growth of the regionhas proceeded at a very slow pace. While farm-ing is the main source of livelihood, agricul-tural productivity is very low largely becauseof poor production conditions. Related to theproblem of low agricultural productivity is theproblem of low incomes. Tenancy rate in theregion is also very high. Such a situation mayhave encouraged people to leave agricultureand seek employment in the secondary andtertiary sectors of the regional economy.

The problem, however, is that the manufac-turing and industrial activities in the region areindeed very insignificant. Except for a fewestablishments such as the Philippine IronMines in Larap, Jose Panganiban, CamarinesNorte, and the Legazpi Oil at Rawis, LegazpiCity, no other large-scale establishments exist inthe region. These factors, coupled with the pullof industrial and commercial activities inMetropolitan Manila and the wide socio-econo-mic disparities that exist between the primatecity and Bicol, have combined to strengthen thepush factors in the region.

A related explanation for the phenomenonof out-migration may be traced to the comple-mentary roles played by education and econo-mic activity. As already mentioned, structuralforces are heavily at work in the region butonly segments of the population, namely, thelabor-potential population, actually respond bymigrating. While the Bicol economy is characte-rized by the predominance of the agriculturalsector, a large number of educational institu-tions concentrated their efforts in non-agricul-tural fields, which only provided the impetusfor qualified entrants into the non-agriculturallabor force to migrate. Not surprisingly, there-fore, out-migrants have been mostly the youngand persons of higher skills and qualifications.

Carino: Migration and Regional Development 25

Table 2

LIFETIME NET MIGRANTS OF THE BICOL REGION,ALL AGESa , 1970

Regional Sources/Destinations of Bicol

Net Migrants

Region I - Ilocos

II - Cagayan

III - CentralLuzon

IV - SouthernTagalogGreater Mia.Rest of SouthernTagalogProvinces

VI - WesternVisayas

VII - CentralVisayas

VIII - EasternVisayas

IX - WesternMindanao

X - NorthernMindanao

Xl - SouthernMindanao

Net Migrantsof Region

V

2,5633,179

28,316

247,230

4,714

5,322

5,750

2,656

6,295

9,761

In-Migrants Out-Migrants

1,204

3,767

-2,153

1,026

-18,788

9,528

-208,157

39,073

4,415

9,129

28,795

34,117

9,123

14,873

2,408

248

-4,750

1,545

-8,488

1,273

aThese estimates were provided by the U.P. Population Institute. The figures were originally reproducedin Imelda Zosa, "Movers and Migrants of Bicol" (1975).

As a whole, this is indicative of the region'sgrowing incapability of utilizing its human re-sources fully and gainfully.

This situation is also reflected in the factthat the primary motivation for leaving Bicolhad to do with "work-related reasons." Resultsof the migration survey in the area again showthat 57.8 percent of those headed for Metro-politan Manila area and other regions of thecountry were looking for jobs or had jobs inthese areas at the time of migration. On theother hand, only few in-migrants cited this rea-son as their primary motivation for moving intoBicol. A good majority of them in fact were"chain-migrants," i.e., they were simply follow-

ing the heads of their respective householdswho had earlier migrated.

Impact of Migration on Development

The impact of the phenomenon of out-mig-ration on Bicol's prospect for development mayindeed be very serious. As noted earlier theregion's out-migrants are mostly the young, andthe better skilled and educated, and no clearreplenishment through in-migration is discerni-ble. One adverse consequence of this process

26 PHILIPPINE PLANNING JOURNAL

which can easily be anticipated would be thedegradation of the age structure of the region'spopulation.9 Such a worsening of the age struc-ture would deplete the region's manpowerresources on one hand, and increase its depend-ency burden, on the other. The latter effect isof course enhanced by the proces of chainmigrationi observed in the region (migrants aremerely following their respective family heads)and by the fact that people migrate to theregion not for work-related reasons.

Another important repercussion of the pro-cess of out-migration is the relative deteriora-tion of the skill structure of the region. Alongwith the degradation of the age structure, arelated consequence of this phenomenon wouldof course be the slowing down of the region'seconomic growth and development. That regionsoriented towards growth and development needskilled men cannot be overemphasized. Other-wise, development efforts may only lead to asituation where new development structuresand institutions which are created will be leftwithout an indispensable minimum of skilledlabor. Indeed, it is not seldom that governmentinstitutions in the region, for instance, wouldcomplain of the lack of trained manpower forthe implementation of much-needed develop-ment programs.

It has of course been argued that familiesleft behind in the areas of origin will benefitfrom the successes of out-migrants by receivingremittances or other forms of support. However,although no conclusive data can be presented,the opposite may also be possible, i.e., insteadof being a sender of remittances, the out-migrantcould be the recipient of economic aid from hisrelatives in Bicol. At any rate, it is probably amoot question to ask as to whether the sendingof money by the out-movers to families back inthe region would be a real compensation for theloss to the regional economy brought about bythe departure of members of the labor-potentialpopulation, and for the cost of educating thatpopulation. In short, it is contended here that

9This consequence of out-migration was alsoobserved in Yugoslavia by Kosta Mikailovic, "S060-Economic Aspects of Inter-regional Migration inYugoslavia, "International Social Development Review,No. 4 (New York: United Nations, 1972), pp. 28-41.

• Out-migration from the region isonly a symptom of, and a re-sponse of the people to a muchgraver problem of the larger so-ciety, namely, the problem of re-gional imbalances and social ine-quality.

out-migration from Bicol must not only beviewed as a demographic loss; it is also, in avery real sense, a socio-economic loss to theregion.

Lessons from the Experience

The migration experience of Bicol revealsthe fact that the basic problem is structural, i.e.,out-migration from the region is only a symp-tom of, and a response of the people to, a muchgraver problem of the larger society, namely,the problem of regional imbalances and socialinequality. The Bicol region, as shown in thispaper, is characterized by such problems as lowagricultural productivity, low incomes, and hightenancy rate. These problems appear to havebeen the crucial factors that have led to theoutflow of people mostly to the MetropolitanManila area which is the primate city of thecountry and the center of social and economicactivities.

What this suggests is that, in the ultimateanalysis, the solution to the problem of out-migration must also be structural in character,i.e., programs and policies must be conceived tobring - about not only a process of growth, butmuch more importantly, a process of structuralchange. In this connection, the most importantstructures to be altered are those of the distri-bution of wealth not only among regions, butamong groups of people as well. It is not ofcourse possible to totally bridge the gap betweenrich and poor regions. At the same time,however, there is a need to ensure that the gapdecreases, rather than continues to widen

Cariño MiLyration and Regional DevelopmentThe development benefits pipeline of large-scaleprojects which may be implemented in Bicol

rcould very well be all directed to the MetropO-

Establishing propulsive industries litan Manila area in view of the latter's primacy

capable of creating employment iin the nation's economy. It is, therefore, the

in all sectors of the regional eco-national economy that benefits at the expenseof the region where the large-scale projects are

norny, and fully articulating the located. Hence, the strategy may not also neces-educatiomil system to the needs sarily stem the outflow of the labor-potential

and Fiotentlals of the region could population from the region

stop people from seeking employ-ment elsewhere

In this connection, hopes have been raised inBicol with the implementation of the BicolRiver Basin Development Program) () This

program has precisely been designed to narrowthe socio-economic gap between Bicol, on onehand, and the other regions of the country, onthe other. The primary objective of this deve-lopment project is to increase per capita incomesto be achieved through improved agriculturalproductivity, increased employment opportu-nities, land reform, and the development ofagri-business and industrial enterprises. Thestrategy is thus one of relocating and divertingeconomic activity away from the MetropolitanManila to a less fortunate region of the country.

In addition to the relocation of economicactivity, therefore, there is also a need to ensurethat the ultimate beneficiaries of developmentprojects are the region's own inhabitants. Inthis connection, one must guard against prog-rams which may have been purposely designedto deal with the imbalance in income distribu-tion, but the effect of which may precisely bethe enhancement of such imbalance. Programsin industrial dispersal, for instan1e, may seem-ingly contribute to the rectification of inter-regional imbalances. However, for as long aspriority is given to industries which are morecapital than labor intensive, and geared moreto the production of luxury items rather thanmass consumption goods, then such industrieswill not be responsive to the problem of incomeredistribution, 12 and thus to the problem ofout-migration.

It is important to point out, however, thatwhile the above strategy may redistribute wealthamong regions, it may not necessarily lead tothe redistribution of income among groups ofpeople. A distinction must be made between"place prosperity" and "people prosperity", i.e.,investments in development projects in Bicolmay not necessarily result in the enrichment ofBicolanos as the multiplier effects of such deve-lopment projects could take place elsewhere. 11

10 Formore on this, see Department of PublicWorks. Transportation and Communications, BicolRiver Basin Development Program. Manila: February,1973.

11 This is discussed more lengthily in BenjaminV. Cariño, "Development and Technical Problems inIntegrative Regional Planning: The Bicol Case," apaper presented for the SEADAG seminar on "Impe-ratives and Models for Integrative Area Planning andthe Rural Poor," held at the Hyatt Hotel, Manila,Philippines, August 18-20, 1975.

For the Bicol region, emphasis must be givento "propulsive" agro-related, labor-intensiveindustries which employ local materials andmanpower, and which are capable of generatingemployment in the other sectors of the regionaleconomy, particularly the agricultural sector.Coupled with this must be a policy of fully arti-culating the educational system to the develop-ment needs and potentials of the region. Theskills and technology required for regional deve-lopment must be clearly established so that theeducational system could produce individualswho are well-equipped with the appropriateexpertise to deal with the region's problems andneeds and therefore need not seek employmentelsewhere.

12 For greater elaboration on this, see Eli M. Remo-Iona, "Growth Poles for Employment in Less Deve-loped CountrrieS," a paper prepared in partial fulfill-ment of a graduate course at the Institute of Planning,University of the Philippines, 1973.

• ____________

- -

4tJill

1' i •I

Al

4-- -

Current ISSLin HousingDevelopmen

r7

LR -

JUDW1111W ivi.

Director, Social Services StaffNational Economic and Development Authority

Introduction

The concern for human settlements in gene-ral and housing in particular has never beenmore overwhelming than it is today. Everybodytalks about housing -- from the President of theRepublic to the technocrats of the public andprivate sectors, to the slum dwellers of Tondo.The reason is quite obvious. The magnitude ofthe present and future needs for housing thecountry's rapidly increasing population demandsthat immediate and concrete measures be insti-tuted before this reaches a magnitude of un-manageable proportions.

It is estimated that with the annual growthrate of 3.01 percent in population, the numberof urban population multiplies at the rate offour to five percent per year. This situation isfurther compounded by the proliferation ofslum and squatter settlements in centers ofpopulation whose growth is estimated to be at12 percent per year. In addition, we have toconsider the housing backlog of previous yearsand the need to replace substandard housesincluding those lost through deterioration and

'Delivered at the First Annual Real Estate Seminar on"The Integrated Approaches to the Planning andDevelopment of Human Settlements," on 6 March1975, Philippine Columbian Club, Taft Avenue,Manila. Sponsored by the Chamber of Real Estate andBuilders Associations (CREBA).

natural calamities. All together, the latest esti-mate of the national annual housing need,based on the 1970 Census, is placed at 375,000dwelling units or about seven units of newhouses per 1,000 population. The present pro-duction, however, registers only two units per1,000 population per year, thereby , creatinganannual deficiency of five dwelling units per1,000 population.

Indubitably, the foregoing situation calls fora determined effort both on the part of thegovernment and private sectors to evolve amore pragmatic, realistic, and workable plan ofaction to resolve this nagging social problem.

The main objective of this presentation,however, is not so much to overemphasize thegravity of the housing problem since this isobvious, but more specifically, to outline theunanswered questions or issues that confrontour policy makers and housing practitioners.Despite our efforts in the field of housing andland development, many issues have remainedunresolved and unless these are clarified andunderstood, no effective policy decision, muchless a meaningful program implementation, can

ever be pursued.

30

PHILIPPINE PLANNING JOURNAL

The Issues And Their Implications

Most of the current issues in housing andland development invariably attempt at seekingprobable solutions to the general housing andland development problems. These are:

1. What should be the objective in housing?

Housing is such a complex subject that ittouches on all aspects of planning and develop-ment. It is considered one of the main compo-nents in the planning and development ofhuman settlements since residential areasgenerally comprise a relatively large percentageof the total land in any human settlements. Itis, therefore, necessary that we have definiteobjectives in dealing with the problems ofhousing. Such objectives should serve as a guideto policy formulation and program implemen-tion.

Considering the magnitude of the housingproblem, we might consider two primary object-ives. A short-term objective is to improve theexisting condition of housing, thereby arrestingthe further worsening of the housing situation.A long-term objective is to make housing ofreasonable standards and quality available to allthe people; no matter in what income level, inwell-planned, integrated, and well-managedhuman settlements that provide a wholesomeliving environment. Reasonable standards andquality may mean the minimum acceptablestandards and quality in terms of safety andhealth but may vary in terms of structural andarchitectural forms, depending on the socio-economic status of the individual.

These objectives are very general ones andthey virtually concern the environment morethan individual pursuits. In the United States,the ultimate goal of housing is "a decent homeand a suitable living environment for everyAmerican family." Must this also be true forFilipinos? Shall we consider housing to mean"one house for every single Filipino family?"

2. What resources do we have for housing andland developipent?

The resources that we have to identify areland, building materials, manpower, andsources of financing. Do we really have enoughof these resources to solve our housing prob-lems?

a. The availability of land. No one willargue that the Philippines is not land-poor, un-like Hong Kong or Singapore. No less than theBureau of Lands has estimated that even if wemultiply the present urban population tentimes, "each urban family will have, availableto itself, about 345 square meters of home lot."In most cities, there is still plenty of raw landavailable within a reasonable distance for deve-lopment. The problem, however, lies in theabnormal land situation. Some housing expertshave identified this situation as: (1) abnormalconcentration of land ownership; (2) low taxon land; (3) tradition of land ownership charac -terized by the Spanish institution of largeestates with serfs or peasants; (4) paucity ofalternative investment; (5) anticipation of .awindfall through public works; (6) reluctanceof the government to use the power of expro-priation; and (7) high land prices due to arti-ficial urban land scarcity.

Certain policies have been established toremedy the land situation, the most basic ofwhich is the land reform policy of the newConstitution: "The State shall promote socialjustice to ensure the dignity, welfare, andsecurity of all people. Towards this end, theState shall regulate the acquisition, ownership,use, enjoyment and disposition of private pro-perty ownership and profits."

While this policy measure may attain certainobjectives, have we translated it in three-dimen-sional terms? What do we really mean by diffus-inn property ownership?

b. Availability of building materials. Theuse of building materials greatly affects thedesign and cost of housing. The Philippines, in

MM

Ramos: Current Issues in Hou 31

a — - _

a home for every single Filipino famiIy2

general, is fortunate to have the necessaryresources for building materials developmentand the construction industry. It is also one ofa few Asian countries with a well-developedarchitectural and engineering profession that isskilled in housing design. It also has a competentconstruction industry. The problem, however,calls for a revision and improvement in thedesign and technique of construction of housingthat will reduce the cost to a minimum withoutsacrificing the standards of livabi