mainstream islam: television industry practice and trends in indonesian sinetron

koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi: 10.1163/15685314-04203009

Asian Journal ofSocial Science 42 (2014) 435466

brill.com/ajss

Mainstream IslamTelevision Industry Practice and Trends in Indonesian sinetron

Inaya RakhmaniUniversitas Indonesia

Abstract

This article explores the modes of consolidation between the dynamic practices of

commercial television and the rising Islamicmanifestation among urban,middle-class

Indonesians. Focusing on the most-consumed type of television programming in the

country, the sinetron (television drama), it describes media-economic factors that

have led to the multiplication of Islamic symbols in television. An image of Islam

that is unobjectionable to both the vocal, moralist Muslim audience and the general,

heterogeneous audience has received a privileged position in prime time television.

Business deals between media organisations that have become more stable blow the

wave towards mainstream Islam, which reflects a symbiosis between growing Islamic

influences and commercialisation in Indonesias television industry.

Keywords

commercial television commercialisation Islamic expression sinetron

mainstream Islam

Introduction

Southeast Asian countries experienced a wave of economic liberalisation inthe late 1980s (see Bowie and Unger, 1997 and Rosser, 2002), and in Indonesiathis was enabled through the Open Market policy (Hollander et al., 2009). Inthe early 1990s, Indonesias television system was also affected, and it shiftedfrom a single, state television station under an authoritarian rule to a thrivingcommercial system in only ten years (Sen and Hill, 2000). As the survivabilityof commercial television relies on the profitability of television programmesbased on its supposed popularity, business strategies were carefully designed

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Asian Journal of Social Science 42 (2014) 435466

to ensure thisfrom predictable scheduling to producing the least objec-tionable programme.1 During these early years, Indonesian commercial tele-vision producers, particularly entertainment programmes, avoided religiousissues altogether. Stations were concerned that the misrepresentation of reli-gion could potentially cause public unrest, particularly those led by hard-lineIslamists (Wardhana, 2002, as cited in Barkin, 2004: 246). In order to take pre-ventivemeasures, commercial television stations also produced low-cost tokenprogrammes for their Muslim audience, such as the evening call to prayers(adzan Magrib) and sermons (teledakwah). Although these programmes werelow in ratings, they ensured that a concern towards Islamic religiousity wasaddressed to tame their outspoken conservative viewers or, at the very least,to neutralise the negative effects of Indonesian television (Purnomo, 1998: 6).

In the 1990s, parallel to television commercialisation, Indonesia experienceda conservative Islamic turn (van Bruinessen, 2013). This could be noted by,among others, the emergence of the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intel-lectuals (icmiIkatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia), then authoritarianPresiden Soehartos own gradual turn from syncreticism to orthodox Islam, andthe founding of Republika newspaper to voice Muslim interest marginalisedby the regime (Hefner, 1997: 96). As business logic dictates, commercial tele-vision stations sought ways to make themselves more profitable, in this caseby responding to societal changes and appealing to the Muslim-majority audi-ence.

In 1998, successful media mogul Raam Punjabi, an Indonesian of SouthAsian ancestry and a self-proclaimedHindu Indonesian,made the first notableattempt at this. A skilled television producer and businessman, Punjabi intro-duced Islamic themes slowly into his already successful television drama orsoap opera or sinetron format (Rakhmani, 2013: 80).2 Instead of airing theIslamic-themed sinetrons once a week like the more popular melodramaticones, Punjabi took his chances by broadcasting the show daily during the

1 See Klein and Morgensen (1979).

2 Television dramas or soap operas are lumped into the term and are more popularly called

the sinetron. Sinetron is a portmanteau of sinema (cinema) and elektronik (electronic). The

term sinetron, comparable or even inspired by telenovela and K-drama, is generally used to

indicate soap opera-style primetime Indonesian television. The term sinetronwas first coined

by Ishadi sk, tvris Chief Director from 1967 to 1992 (Kitley, 2000: 104), to refer to television

drama. To avoid confusion, in this article I will consistently use the term sinetron as known

by the general Indonesian public. Further in the paper, I explain that at times, the content

can be closer to mystery drama, comedy drama or melodrama but they are all lumped into

sinetron by television professionals because of the industry practice they follow.

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Islamic fasting month of Ramadan. This is nothing new to global television,as Ramadan dramas have been popular in Egypt since the early 1990s (Abu-Lughod, 2002, in Barkin, 2004: 255). But for a country with an authoritar-ian regime that had controlled political Islamic movements for decades (seeHefner, 1997), this was a significant turn of events.

After the acceptanceof Islamic themes in sinetrons, popularly called sinetronreligi (religious sinetron),3 Islamic representation on television enjoyed asteady increase in Indonesia. This also occurred alongside, or together with,the growing economic manifestations of Islam in a multitude of sectors, suchas banking,micro-finance and celebrity preaching (see Fealy andWhite, 2008).This article focuses on sinetron as an industry, whichwas the entry point for theincreasing emphasis on Islam in television, in order to understand themodes ofaccommodation between commercialmedia economy and Islamic expression.

In this article, I first describe thedevelopmentof the sinetron landscape as anindustry, particularly the transformation of ownership patterns among produc-tion houses and their partnerships with television stations, which had impli-cations in themes and content. Secondly, I elaborate on the business strategiesemployedby television stations andproductionhouses to showhow they imag-ine a Muslim audience. Thirdly, as a result of the industrys commercial riskaversion (Barkin, 2004), the abundant Islamic sinetron, like the melodramaticsinetron that was popular before, has also become standardised. By tracing thecommon features between different Islamic sinetrons, this paper reveals thatthey have clustered based on the targeted audience class. These factors have ledto stronger cultural emphasis on Islam,which has not only influenced theywayin which Islam is portrayed in television content, but has also influenced theconducts of television programming and business exchanges. This, in turn, hasmainstreamed the imagination of a Muslim audience into Indonesias com-mercial television system.

The Punjabi Effect: Nascent of Indonesias sinetron Industry

During the early 1990s, the popular format of the sinetron was perhaps mostsuitably compared to television film or television dramas, rather than melo-dramas or soap operas. Then Chief Director of state television tvri (Televisi

3 Reflecting on its market, although it is called sinetron religi or religious television drama,

the theme is almost absolutely Islamic. There was only one attempt made at producing a

Christian sinetron religi, namely Buku Harian Nayla (Naylas Diary).

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Republik Indonesia), Ishadi, argued that tvris television drama would sustainthe station in the face of commercial competition. Producing television dramawas expensive, and tvris drama were produced locally and carefully designedto uphold quality and national culture. Their content wasmonitored and reg-ulated by the State through professional associations and awards.4 In short,Ishadi argued that its cultural significance and the supporting State systemwould protect tvri vis--vis television drama.

This slowly changed when Punjabi, riding the wave of growing commercialtelevision, shifted to also produce sinetrons. A successful film importer in the1970s and producer of racy comedies in the 1980s, he masterfully set newmodes of producing sinetron that were both inexpensive and entertaining. Thecommercial success of the sinetrons he produced, a transnational derivative ofthe general norm in Indian television, established the norm of the Indonesiansinetron industry until today.5 It was in reference to the shows he produced,which are closer to melodramas or soap operas, that the meaning of the termIndonesian sinetron shifted.

Indonesian television producers regard the success of Punjabis productionhouse, MultiVision Plus (mvp), as based on the financial investment in the pro-duction of locally-made sinetron (Barkin, 2004: 59). While [local] productionhouses would come to stations with only a pilot programme, or perhaps evenjust an idea and a request for funding to develop it, mvp arrived at the tablewith a complete package, including sponsors already attached (Barkin, 2004:104105).With an approximately 80%share of the sinetron audience (Ida, 2006:92), mvp created a formula that included melodramatic plots inspired by Bol-lywood films and desires for wealth and luxury that he believed were the tasteof the targeted majority middle- and lower-class audience (Barkin, 2004: 56).

mvp dominated Indonesias sinetron landscape throughout the first decadeof Indonesias commercial television system, producing almost 6070% ofthe total soap opera titles aired (Loven, 2008: 49). This dominance persistedthroughout the late 1990s to the early 2000s. mvp was not without competitors,for instance, Genta Buana (6%) also established in the 1990s survived by focus-ing on actiondramas.Other productionhouses followedduring the early 2000s,such as Prima Entertainment (8%), while others predominantly focusing onfilm production, such as Rapi Films (2%), expanded after mvps television suc-cess (Pratomo, 2003).

4 On the sinetron landscape during late New Order, see Barkin (2004) and Ida (2006).

5 This is excluding one deviation, particularly the success of Si Doel Anak Sekolah sinetron

between 1992 and 2002. For more, see Loven (2008).



table 1 2011 Audience share andmost popular content by television station

Audience share

Television station (percentage) Most popular content

rcti 17 Sinetron, comedy

sctv 16 Sinetron, import drama

Trans tv 14 Variety shows, sinetron, comedy

mnctv 12 Sinetron religi, local music

Trans 7 10 Sports, reality shows, news

Indosiar 10 Sinetron, import drama, reality show

Global tv 8 Nickelodeon, f-1 racing, mtv

antv 7 Lifestyle, family entertainment, sports

tvOne 5 News, sports

Metro tv 3 News, talkshows, documentary

Source: Mapping the Landscape of the Media Industry in Contemporary Indonesia by

Y. Nugroho, D.A. Putri, S. Laksmi, Jakarta: cipg and hivos, p. 61.

The early 2000s marked the end of mvps unassailable lead in the sinetronindustry. Around this time, television station executives started seeing Punjabias being too powerful in determining television programming, to the extentthat he controlled advertisers and made sure mvp sinetrons were not airedsimultaneously by competing stations. This way, he ensured that mvp sinetronsreceived the highest ratings across as many stations as possible. Station bossesbegan to resist their loss of autonomy. According to sctvs Director of Pro-gramming, Harsiwi Achmad, this realisation coincided with an increase in thenumber of production houses that answered the demands of the increasingnumber of television platforms.6 We are the ones who own these platforms,therefore we should have the right to own the content and distribute them toother platforms. This business turn motivated television [stations] to take ourpower to drive production houses or at least cooperate equally with them. Andthis is when beli putus (cash and carry) began (H. Achmad, pers. comm., 8 July2011).7

6 These different platforms include national or terrestrial television, local television and pay-

TV.

7 See jual putus (outright sale) in the next paragraphs.

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table 2 Total amount of Sinetron titles broadcasted (20052010)

Year Sinetron titles broadcast

2005 663

2006 556

2007 565

2008 425

2009 266

2010 225

Total 2,700

Source: Compiled from Nielsen Rating Program trans, sctv, tpi; all people 5+, 10 cities;

20052010. Jakarta: agb Nielsen Media Research.

md and SinemArt competed head-to-head in supplying sinetrons to televi-sion (Kurniawan, 2010). By 2003, newcomermdhadproduced 200 sinetron titlesand, in 2005 and 2006, it won several Panasonic Gobel Awards.8 In 2005, new-comers md Entertainment and SinemArt changed the sinetron landscape byintroducing derivations of Korean drama and targeting a younger audiencecompared to the previously targeted housewives. Stations with the highestaudience share whose strength was in sinetrons, rcti and sctv (see Table 1),made business deals with SinemArt and md Entertaintment (md) respectivelyto curb mvps dominance.9 These respective production houses accepted thedeals because it gave them the opportunity to lead the competition againstmvp.

Compared to the 120 sinetron titles aired in 2003 (Ida, 2006: 87), between2005 and mid-2010 some 2,700 sinetron titles were aired, making an average of495 titles per year (2005 to 2009) as a consequence to this change (see Table 2).There is an average of 13 episodes per title,10 while the production cost of one

8 The Panasonic Gobel Awards is a tribute given by pt Panasonic Gobel Indonesia to appre-

ciate themerits of television personalities. The selection process involves audience voting

compiled through questionnairesmanaged by the company. The award is somewhat com-

parable to the Golden Globe Awards in the u.s.

9 Founded by Manooj Dhamoo Punjabi, son of Raam Punjabis younger brother Dhamoo

Punjabi (Wawancara Eksklusif , 2010).

10 This is the average number of episodes a television station orders fromaproduction house

if the pilot is approved (I. Kurniawan, pers. comm., 11 June 2011). Some sinetron, such as

Munajah Cinta (2008), reached 92 episodes.



sinetron ranges between 100 to 300 million Indonesian Rupiah (us$10 to 30thousand) per episode. In the past five years, between us$351 million to us$1billion has been spent on the production of sinetrons in Indonesia.

Although the number of sinetron titles broadcast continued to decrease,each title gained a stable following, leading tomore episode production overall(I. Kurniawan, pers. Comm., 11 June 2011). The three main models of businessagreement between television stations and production houses, namely out-right sale ( jual putus),11 revenue sharing and blocking time (Ida, 2006: 93) arestill practiced in the sinetron industry today. However, the general and mostrecent trend is for television stations to determine sinetron content and orderthe production houses to create sinetrons based on the television stations pro-gramming team analysis.

Television Programming

Unlike the industry practice in the late 1990s, the current sinetron productioninvolves a pitching process. Achmad notes that a relatively similar process wasimplemented during her work in tpi,12 rcti and now sctv, which was con-firmed by television professionals from design production and public relationsthat I had interviewed (I. Kurniawan andD. Suryani, SinemArt public relations,pers. comm., 11 June 2011). Firstly, the programming team of a television sta-tion analyses audience data provided by Nielsen audience share, ratings andsegmentation. The team strategises new television content and then decideswhether rating decline would be an indication that the market is saturatedor a sinetron theme has been replicated too often. The team then looks backthrough the main trends of the past ten years for a successful theme andattempts to repeat its success with novel content or by the reproduction ofpreviously trending content. They then verify quantitative Nielsen data withqualitativemethodssuchas groupdiscussions and interviewsandconductminute-by-minute content analysis on highest rated programmes to identifywhich content received the highest rating (i.e., key themes). The teamnotes the

11 The production house transfers all of the rights of the sinetron to the television station

immediately after purchase. I.e., from the side of the television station, it is beli putus (cash

and carry).

12 Indonesian Education Television (Televisi Pendidikan Indonesiatpi) was established in

1991. In 2010, it was rebranded as mnctv after controversies regarding its permit to air

entertainment programmes as an education television station.

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type of content represented in a sinetron when the rating peaked, then ordersthat the production house replicate it. The television station selects the pro-duction house based on several criteria.

Firstly, television stations would select from a pool of production houseswith track records of producing specific themes. As an illustration, in its firstattempt to produce a melodrama with an Islamic package, sctv called in Sine-mArt because of their track record in making other sinetrons with some reli-gious substance.13 Secondly, the selected production house, or sometimes sev-eral competing production houses, would submit a synopsis. If the televisionstation approves the synopsis, the production house creates the pilot episode,which, if approved by the television station, will be aired (with minor changesif necessary). This strategy also changed the nature of business deals betweenrcti and SinemArt, as well as sctv andmd, as pitchingmeant that the produc-tion costs and risks of pilot episodes would be borne by the production houses,who now must also compete against each other. This left television stationswith practically no financial risk if the sinetron flopped. By the 2000s, the powerto determine sinetron production that, in the 1990s, was in the hands of mvp,was in the hands of television stations.

Competition between production houses in the sinetron industry provedmore advantageous for television stations compared to the period of mvpsdominance, as it gave more autonomy to television stations to determine con-tent. Wemake the trends. Its not easy, we have to be consistent and persistent.We could make 10, 20 shows before being able to put on one successful show.Once we succeed, others will follow and the trend will roll (md owner ManojPunjabi, in Arditya, 2013). Television stations now have the power to reject aready-to-air pilot episode without having to compensate the costs incurred byproduction houses.14

13 Two of such are Pintu Hidayah (The Door of Guidance, 2005) and Buku Harian Nayla

(Naylas Diary, 2007), both aired by rcti.

14 To curb this risk, production houses created exclusive and binding contracts with actors

and actresses under their modelling agencies (D. Rusmana, sinetron production man-

ager, pers. comm., 23 June 2011). Firstly, actors and actresses under this contract are not

allowed to play in sinetrons created by competitor production houses. Secondly, through

these contracts, the same actors and actresses may play in several sinetrons aired simul-

taneously. Thirdly, exclusive contracts allowed back-to-back sinetron episode production

that follows the television station programming teams audience analysis or the stripping

method.



The Stripping Method

In 2006, the success of engaging viewers for four hours during the Islamic fast-ing month Ramadan (6.00 to 10.00pm) inspired stations to extend the original7.00 to 9.00 prime time slot to four hours throughout the year (I. Kurniawan,sinetron production design, pers. comm., 11 June 2011). This shows that audi-ence habits during the Islamic month also influences general television pro-gramming. Another development in relation to the four-hour prime time slotis the so-called stripping method. Stripping is a pattern of airing the sinetrondaily. The broadcasting strategy relates to tight deadlines (kejar tayang, literallychasing broadcast), where sinetron episodes need to be recorded, edited andsubmitted within two days. This production mode responds to daily ratings,allowing television stations to modify the script and cast right up to the end ofproduction.15

This enables the television station to analyse daily ratings, identify whichminute gained the highest audience, and attempt to replicate the success inthe next episode. We analyse which characters are saying what during whattime, then we can find out which artist the audience likes best (H. Achmad,pers. comm., 8 July 2011). The production team thus shoots an episode a mereday after the programming teams sinetron content analysis is delivered. Thisoften influences the plot within the sinetron as the next days script is adjustedto todays ratings. This way, productions can also be cut rapidly if ratingscontinue to decline. This arrangement also had ramifications on the workingconditions of the shooting team, who can work up to 12 hours straight for oneto three sinetrons in a time (J.E. Katili, sinetron director, pers. comm., 29 April2011).

Themethod has been implemented in other countries with a thriving televi-sion drama industry, such as India, South Korea and Latin America. In Indone-sia, the stripping method was initially implemented only during the 30 days ofRamadanwith a possibility of extension if the ratings remained high to 45 days.In 2007, rcti tried its first sinetron produced with the strippingmethod, Candy(SinemArt). The stripping method occurred after the expansion of prime timefrom 7 to 9pm to 6 to 10pm. Television stations strategised how to engage theaudience to sit in front of their television sets for four hours. Therefore, sinetrontitles were produced in order to maintain a loyal, daily audience.

15 As an example where ratings are very high, Putri yang Ditukar (The Switched Daughter,

SinemArt) was aired by rcti with four episodes back-to-back from Monday to Sunday.

The sinetron title aired for 676 episodes in its one year run.

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Before the stripping method, the four-hour daily prime time was filled with28 different titles (four titles aired every day of the week). After the strippingmethod, the same title aired daily. Although the number decreased from 28titles to a mere four titles per television station (one title every prime timehour), the total amount of episodes aired remains the same (28 episodes). Thissignifies that sinetron productions are stabilising into more focused themes.The emotional plots of popular melodramatic sinetrons also worked well withthe stripping method. The audience now does not have to wait a week to findout what happens to their favourite character. They can find out tomorrow The sinetrons convoluted plot becomes addictive to its viewers, making themwilling to sit in front of the screen for hours (I. Kurniawan, pers. comm., 11 June2011). Thismethod also had the added benefit of cutting production costs. Fromthe original 28 production teams required to produce 28 episodes of 28 titles,production houses only need four production teams to produce the same totalnumber of episodes. The strippingmethod cut 25% off production costs, whilemaintaining the profit margin received through advertising (H. Achmad, pers.comm., 8 July 2011).

Audience Class Taste

One of the key factors that determine sinetron content is television ratingsand in Indonesia agb Nielsen Media Research (Nielsen) is the countrys onlyrating body. Nielsens audience measurement panel currently measures 2,423tvhouseholds over 10major cities (Greater Jakarta,Greater Surabaya, Bandung,Semarang, Medan, Makassar, Greater Yogyakarta, Palembang, Denpasar andBanjarmasin; Nielsen, 2010), while largely excluding major cities in the easternpart of the country arguably for their audiences lower buying power.

Nielsen subsequently divides the audience into classes, based on the socio-economic status of residents in 10 large cities in Indonesia and further dividesthem into seven classes from a1 to e and below.16 Both the a and b classes com-prises of approximately 10% of the total sample, the c class 50% and the d

16 The 2008 Nielsen audience classification is also based on ownership of 10 to 15 items,

including house and car ownership, stove, washing machine, mobile phones, air con-

ditioners and suchlike. It is classified as follows (using monthly income in Indonesian

rupiah): a1 3.5 million (us$360 and over); a2 2.5 to 3.5 million (us$260 to 360); b 1.75 to

2.5 million (us$180 to 260); c1 1.25 to 1.75million (us$130 to 180); c2 900,000 to 1.25million

(us$93 to 130); d 600,000 to 900,000 (us$62 to 93); e 600,000 and below (us$12 Persen,

2008).



class 10%. Based on these proportions, the majority of Indonesias televisionaudience come from the c class,17 which greatly determines the content ofIndonesian television (Kitley, 2000; Barkin, 2004; Ida, 2006). This has also beenthe accepted premise behind the popularity of sinetron programmes. However,in the past five years, television stations have found new ways to cater to asmany audience classes as possible.

From the perspective of television stations and producers, there is a con-nection between programme theme and class. When Punjabi was criticised bypoliticians, intellectuals and Islamic figures for selling dreams through for-mulaic melodramatic sinetron that often represent the wealthy upper class, hedefended the format by arguing that that is what the majority c class audienceexpects and fantasises about (Barkin, 2004: 117).

No, they say Im selling dreams. I say no. First thing, I dont sell. Becauseanybody can watch, its free, and they can change the channel too. ButI give them hopes, for one solid hour, I give them hopes. And the wholefamily unites,middle to low familywhen they see the problems that arefaced by the rich community, they feel happy. Hey, look we are suffering,we dont have enough to eat. I dont have the luxury to spend for mychildren, but at least I dont have this problem.

barkin 2004:120

Punjabis premise continues to prevail among television producers today, uponwhich sinetrons are produced. Televisionprofessionals involved in sinetronpro-duction that I have interviewed, from television executives, directors, camer-apersons, predominantly go by the assumption that programmes must appealto the large c class that desires for escapismregardless of whether this isaccurate or not.18 Producers sought for ways tomake the highest buying power

17 There is a thin layer of a+ audience comprising 1 to 2% of the sample that, based on their

media use, prefer Pay tv than terrestrial television in their television consumption (Widje-

naru, 2011). set Foundation conducted a counter-rating research on popular programmes

to challenge Nielsens methodology, which led to starkly different results than Nielsen, in

which edutainment and news came in first (Yunaidi, 2009).

18 Unlike the television producers analysis, I argue that this is less about audience class taste

than it is audience habit. Based on Nielsen cross-media platform research, the a class

audience chooses television and newspapers for information, resulting in high a class

audience ratings in news and documentaries. They prefer going to the cinema and social

media as theirmainmedia source of entertainment (Widjendaru, 2011). But it is important

to note that television producers imagine this as the a class taste, which then goes into

the television programmes content.

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audience to watch television along with the c class audience. This is wherereligion, specifically Islamic themes, became crucial because they broughttogether attributes that were the interest of a, b and c class audiences. Islamicsinetrons that represented the lives of lower class characters, reference towardsIslamic teachings that guides them in their struggles and, packaged as enter-tainment, successfully did this. The stripping method was also initiated by thesuccess of Ramadan programming, in which sinetrons were aired daily duringprime time to accompany theMuslim audience during the breaking of fast. Theeconomic value of mainstream, middle-class, urban Islamic culture factoredinto developments of the Indonesian sinetron industry since the mid-2000s.The entry point that permitted the growth of Islamic sinetrons could be tracedback to the coining of the term sinetron religi in 2003, which, since then, hasevolved in differentways until Islambecame the established theme in sinetronstoday.

Islamic sinetron

The fact that Ramadan television routine actually inspired television stationsto try out the four-hour prime time slot and the year-long stripping methodsuggest that the Muslim audience has great influence over television program-ming. The term sinetron religi, or Islamic sinetron, was coined and popularlyused to refer to television drama with obvious reference to Islam after the suc-cess and further replication of Rahasia Ilahi (Gods Mystery; Subijanto, 2011).Soon after, different kinds of Islamic sinetronmushroomed during prime time(Subijanto, 2009: 243). Islamic themes continued to surface as a steady trendwithin sinetron content over the past 12 years and has become a recurringtheme from 2005 to 2010 (sctv Programming and Production, July 2011).

The commercial success of Islam as a theme in sinetron content is only sur-passed by romantic drama and is even more popular than teenage sinetronsthat emerged as a response to K-drama (sctv Programming and Production,July 2011). Despite the term sinetron religi, it mainly portrays mainstream,middle-class, urban Islamic rituals. Thus, I use the term Islamic sinetron toproperly capture the popularmeaning of sinetron religiwithin Indonesian tele-vision practice.

From the total of 2,700 sinetron titles aired between 2005 and 2010, 12.4%(335) are Islamic sinetrons (Nielsen, 2010). Studying hundreds of Islamic sine-trons, I was able to categorise them in three clusters based on common char-acteristics of format, plot, narration and visual representation. These clusters,confirmed in interviews with producers, include: supernatural drama, Islamic



melodrama and critical Islamic comedy. Each type of Islamic sinetron roseinto prominence based on precedents set by previous commercially successfulIslamic magazine, film and/or programme in different time periods; however,all contribute to what is largely mentioned as sinetron religi by television pro-fessionals and the public alike. Although they were high in audience ratings,each cluster received public criticism, which were predominantly variationsof they are not Islamic enough. This revealed that there are contradictionsbetween the commercial practice of television professionals and the Islamicvalues of the very Muslim audience they imagine.

Supernatural DramasBetween 1998 to 2003, Indonesian sinetrons were mainly a variation of con-ventional global soap operas. In early 2004, inspired by a Malaysian magazinecalled Hidayah (Gods Guidance), a small production house called kep Mediainitiated thephenomenonof Islamic televisiondramawith their sinetronRaha-sia Ilahi (GodsMystery). Achmad claims to be the programming executive thathad picked up keps sinetron to increase tpis leverage. The sinetron was inex-pensive and kep agreed to a cash-and-carry, thus lowering tpis risk in broad-casting the sinetron. Usually an underdog in the competition, tpi, for the firsttime, led audience share when airing this low-cost sinetron (Darmawan andArmando, 2008). The sinetrons success baffled television producers for its con-spicuous representation of supernatural events, lowbrow packaging comparedthe standard format of sinetron and particularly its blatant representation ofIslamic rituals and supernatural occurrences.

By associating supernatural forces (alamghaib)with Islamic rituals, the con-tent of supernatural dramas has similarities with mystic reality shows (tayan-ganmistik), whose popularity peaked in 2003. These include actors and actres-seswho re-enact occult encounters orMuslim ustads (religious teachers) chasedownghosts (Hobart, 2006).However, since thesemystic reality shows receivedpublic criticism and were finally prohibited by the Indonesian BroadcastingCommission (kpiKomisi Penyiaran Indonesia), the numbers of such showsdeclined. This decline happened as the popularity of supernatural dramasincreased. The success of Rahasia Ilahi aired by tpi in 2005 initiated an on-slaught of copycat programmes (see Table 3).

The cluster of supernatural dramas has several main features. Firstly, theformats are self-contained, where each episode stands alone without any con-tinuing plot between episodes. Secondly, the titles of the sinetron deliber-ately refer to Islamic-related idioms: Rahasia Ilahi (Allahs Mysteries), Hidayah(Gods Guidance), Takdir Ilahi (Allahs Predestination), Tawakal (Submission)and Sakaratul Maut (Arabic for the moment before death), to name a few. The

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table 3 List of supernatural dramas (20052007)

Television Audience share Number

station (percentage) of titles Title

tpi 15.8 11 Rahasia Ilahi (Gods Secret), Takdir

Ilahi (Gods Destiny), Mereka Ada

Dimana-mana (They are Everywhere),

AllahMaha Besar (God is Greatest), Dosa

Tak Berampun (Unforgivable Sin), Jalan

Keadilan (Path to Justice), Rahmat Ilahi

(Gods Grace), KehendakMu (Your Will),

HidayahMu (Your Guidance), Kusebut

NamaMu (I Say Your Name).

Indosiar 12.4 8 Hanya Tuhan yang Tahu (Only God

Knows), Tawakal (Surrender), Mukjizat

Allah (Gods Miracle), Padamu Ya Rabbi

(To You Oh, God), Di Balik Kuasa Ilahi

(Secrets of Gods Power), Di Balik Kuasa

Tuhan (Secrets of Gods Power), Titipan

Ilahi (Gods Trust), Misteri Dua Dunia

(Mysteries of Both Worlds).

sctv 15.2 6 Astaghfirullah (God Forgive Me), Kuasa

Ilahi (Gods Power), Kafir (Infidel),

Suratan Takdir (Destiny), Iman (Faith),

Jalan Takwa (Pious Path).

rcti 14.9 6 Tuhan Ada Dimana-mana (God is Every-

where), Jagalah Hati (Protect Your Heart),

Maha Kasih (the Most Giving), Cahaya

Surga (Heavens Light), Hikmah (Wisdom),

Pintu Hidayah (the Door to Guidance).

TransTV n/a 6 Taubat (Repentance), Istighfar (God

Forgive Me), Hidayah (Guidance), Insyaf

(Repent), Takbir Hikmah (Call of Wisdom),

Hikayah (the Saga).



Television Audience share Number

station (percentage) of titles Title

antv n/a 5 Azab Dunia (Wordly Punishment),

Sakratul Maut (Moment Before Death),

Sinema Legenda (Legend Cinema), Jalan

ke Surga (Way to Heaven), Nauzubillahi

Min Zaalik (God Forbid).

LaTivi 11.2 1 Azab Ilahi (Gods Punishment).

Source: Adapted from Islam Representation in Religious Electronic Cinemas in Indo-

nesia by Nazaruddin, 2008.

titles signify that the sinetrons speak largely of divinepower andare tobedistin-guished from themore general portrayal of angered spirits inmost Indonesianhorror films (Heider, 1991; Gladwin, 2003; van Heeren, 2007).

Thirdly, each episode includes verified sources to prove that they are basedon true stories. Rahasia Ilahi is opened with a declaration that, This story is atrue account adapted from Hidayahmagazine. The names and characters havebeen changed. Other supernatural dramas repeat the same statement at thebeginning of each episode. These declarations suggest validity and to presentthe sinetron as reality, a trait that was a given in the preceding mystic realityshows. The difference between supernatural dramas and mystic reality showsis the continuity of the narration or plot that a sinetron can present; whereasreality shows are muddled, without structured dialogues and stable cameraangles.

The fourth feature lies in a plot that portrays the dichotomy between goodand evil (Nazaruddin, 2008: 26). The plots repeated throughout various super-natural dramas contain the same linear arrangement that involves two clearmain character divisions: the antagonists (sinner or kafir [infidel]) and the pro-tagonist (victorious in staying in the righteous path). The fate of the antagonistcan either be forgiven, often by an ustad (well-regarded Islamic teacher), oris punished for their sins and tortured (Nazaruddin, 2008: 11). The sufferingof the antagonist is visually shown, which include being consumed by flesh-eating worms, body parts oozing with blood or puss, to being swallowed aliveby the earth. Unlikemystic reality showswhere the host and/or ustad claims tosense spirits in a damned place and eventually performs local exorcism so theaudience rely on what the ustad claims to see, in supernatural dramas these

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table 4 List of Ustad or Ustazah appearing in supernatural dramas

Title Television station Ustad orUstazah

Rahasia Ilahi tpi Arifin Ilham

Takdir Ilahi tpi kh Mustafa Yaqub, ma (mui)

Astaghfirullah sctv Jefry Al Buchory and Yusuf Mansur

Kuasa Ilahi sctv Jefry Al Buchory

Pintu Hidayah rcti Luthfiah Sungkar

Source: Adapted from Islam Representation in Religious Electronic Cinemas in Indo-

nesia by Nazaruddin, 2008, p. 21.

occurrences are visualised to signify divine power. The power of the divine isre-emphasised by the ustad, which is the last common feature.

An authoritative ustad appears in supernatural dramas to endorse the show(see Table 4). The ustad appears as a talking head and as a fictive ustad withinthe storyline; very similar to the kyai (a traditionalist Islamic teacher) thatappears to restore order at the end of the film during the authoritarian rule(Heeren, 2007: 219). The ustad is a celebrity preacher who also appears inother formats, such as Islamic talk shows, Islamic music shows and as a juryin dakwah (Islamic propagation) talent shows. The ustad, or female ustadzah,more often appears at the beginning of the episode before the story starts toexplain, citing theQuranandHadith, howsuchaccounts shouldbe interpreted.

Supernatural drama gained currency not long after the populace dealtwith aseries of natural disasters, such as the Aceh tsunami, which led some to believethat they are connected. In the face of such incomprehensible calamity, peo-ple tried to escape fromreality. They also grewdesperate, as corruption remainsunbridled. Religious programs are a kind of escapism (Wardhana, 2002, in Tau-fiqurrahman, 2005). Wardhana (2002) also argued that the audience of theseshows may well be non-Muslim viewers or Muslims who rejected simplisticand doom-laden interpretations of their religion. Although critical of the trend,his analysis is reminiscent of Punjabis defence in stating that sinetron viewerscome from the majority c class who fantasise an escape from their economicstruggles. Producers of Hidayah, one of the highest rated supernatural dramas,claim that throughout the production process, they were aware of the lower-middle class audience they are making the sinetron for. Although they realisethat stations are commodifying on a religious theme thatmay aswell be substi-tuted by folklore (J.E. Katili, sinetron director, pers. comm., 29 April 2011), theyfeel that the portrayal of divine intervention gives hope and order to viewers.



Wardhana predicted that the trend would have a short shelf-life once theaudience grew tired. However, the supernatural theme in Indonesian popularculture has a long history. Supernatural portrayals with Islamic reference havebeen present in film long before they appeared on the small screen.19 It is onlylogical that television producers, with less state control over content comparedto the first ten years of commercial broadcasting, replicated a formula proven toendure in the film industry. Since 2002, it becamea recurrent theme, circulatingfrom one television format to another. Between 2002 and 2004, supernaturalreality shows proliferated. From 2005 to 2008, supernatural drama thrived.

In 2008, the popularity of supernatural dramas did finally decrease not dueto loss of commercial appeal, but public criticism. This eventually caused kpi,having received protests related to supernatural dramas promoting irrational-ity, to prohibit all television stations from representing the supernatural ormysticism in their programmes (Syafirdi, 2008). kpis concernwas that it wouldteach viewers irrationality, suggesting a conflict between modern rationalismand supernatural representations. Unlike the kyai that appears at the end ofa horror film to restore order, the ustad failed to neutralise the irrationality ofsupernatural occurrence in suchdramas. Television stations respondedquicklyto this and after the prohibition of supernatural dramas, a new trend of super-natural shows emerged in 2009, returning to the format of reality shows.20Despite the decline of its popularity, supernatural dramas had given prece-dence for obvious Islamic reference in sinetrons. Its success also factored intothe emergence of a second type of Islamic television drama: Islamic melo-drama.

IslamicMelodramaThe commercial success of the Islamic themed, melodramatic film Ayat-AyatCinta (Verses of Love) in February 2008was anotable departure from thenumer-ous horror and teen films that crowded the resurgent film industry in Indonesia(Heeren, 2008: 2021). The film was not only commercially successful, it alsoreceived positive feedback from state officials, moderateMuslim organisations

19 In some episodes that I saw, dukun or shamans were presented as evil. There seems to be

some referencing to Javanese mysticism. For more on Javanese mysticism, seeWoodward

(1989) and Subagya (1976).

20 The second type ofmystic reality shows, for instance, programmes such as Realigi aired by

Trans tv,MohonAmpunAku (Please ForgiveMe) aired by antv, Pengejar Rahasia (Chasing

Secrets) airedbyantv, portray ordinary people (notustads) trying to solve their life crises

in which divine intervention occurs. These programmes were still broadcast until 2010

despite receiving warnings from kpi.

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and scholars. It achieved the secondhighest ticket revenue todate in Indonesia,viewed by a total of 3.5 million people (Yuk ! Nonton, 2009). The film audi-ence was not the usual teenagers, but housewives who often attend neighbour-hood congregational Quranic readings (ibu-ibu pengajian) and Islamic board-ing schools (pesantren) students (Endriana and Budianto, 2010). The filmsdirector, Hanung Bramantyo, says that he chose the film because it representedIslam in a positive light, where Muslims are not associated with terrorism andfanaticism, but portrayed as people who practice tolerance, patience, sincerityand honesty (Heeren, 2008: 2021). In away, for Bramantyo, whowas educatedin Muhammadiyah-run schools, the film was his dawah.

With the rating decline of supernatural drama, television producers exam-ined the success of Islamic melodrama in film. The success of Ayat-ayat Cintahad inspired television producers to adapt the format into sinetron, whichintroduced the second type of Islamic television drama. Although Islamic me-lodrama showed different features compared to supernatural drama, industryprofessionals and audience lumped them into one for their obvious Islamic ref-erence.

The features within Ayat-ayat Cinta, particularly the love triangle betweenthe main characters, translate well with the plots used in conventional sine-trons. While conventional sinetrons portray melodramatic romance stories ofthemain protagonist entangled in a love triangle, in Islamicmelodrama, this isresolved by polygamy in Indonesia.

Islamicmelodrama is produced in two streams. Firstly, by designing amelo-dramatic sinetron with an Islamic theme. Secondly, by creating a Ramadanversion of a previously successful melodramatic sinetron, where its title is usu-ally followed by a Ramadan Edition (edisi Ramadan). However, in content,both streams feature the same characteristics. Firstly, the title of the sinetronpredominantly relate Islamic idioms with love, such as Ketika Cinta Bertasbih(When Love is Glorified), Munajah Cinta (Surrendering to Love) and Ramadanversions of successful conventional sinetrons, such as Cinta Fitri edisi Ramadan(Fitris Love Ramadan Edition). The titles indicate that the sinetrons differ fromconventional ones, in their attribution of Islamic idioms (see Table 5).21

21 There are some overlaps between clusters. For instance, the title and content (plot) of

SinemArts Pintu Hidayah (The Door to Guidance) suggest supernatural drama, but in a

format that is Islamic melodrama. It also includes a sermon by female ustadzah Luthfiah

Sungkar. The overlapping format never became commercially successful.



table 5 Top four stations airing of Islamic melodrama (20082010)

Television Number

station Type of titles Titles

tpi By design 5 Kaidah Cinta (The Rule of Love), Taaruf (Islamic

Matchmaking), Buku Harian Menuju Surga (Diary to

Heaven), Mukjizat Cinta (The Miracle of Love), Kun

Faya Kuun (Be It and It is)

Ramadan

edition

3 Rubiah Ramadan edition, Siti Cinderella Edition,

Taaruf (Islamic Matchmaking) Ramadan Edition

sctv By design 5 Amanah Cinta (The Mandate of Love), Annisa,

Zahra, Rumahku Surgaku (My HomeMy Heaven),

Hafizah

Ramadan

edition

27 Azizah Ramadan Edition, Cinderella Ramadan

Edition, Cinta Fitri (Fitris Love) Season 2 Ramadan

Edition, Cinta Fitri (Fitris Love) Ramadan Edition,

Cinta Indah (Indahs Love) Ramadan Edition,

Mutiara Hati 2 (The Pearl of My Heart 2) Ramadan

Edition, Benci Bilang Cinta (I Hate but I Say Love)

Ramadan Edition, Cinta Fitri (Fitris Love) Season 3

Ramadan Edition, Cintaku Berat di Ongkos (Love is

Expensive) Ramadan Edition, Cintaku Memanggil

(My Love is Calling) Ramadan Edition, Inikah Cinta

? (Is This Love ?) Ramadan Edition, Kau Masih

Kekasihku (Youre Still My Lover) Ramadan Edition,

Nadia Ramadan Edition, Pengantin Kecil (The Young

Bride) Ramadan Edition, Cowok Impian (Boy of My

Dreams) Ramadan Edition, Kau Masih (Youre Still)

Ramadan Edition, Penyihir Cinta (Love Witch)

Ramadan Edition, Perawan Desa (The Village Virgin)

Ramadan Edition, Sahabat Sejati (True Bestfriend)

Ramadan Edition, Ande Ande Lumut Ramadan

Edition, Atas Nama Cinta (In the Name of Love)

Ramadan Edition, Benar-Benar Cinta (True Love)

Ramadan Edition, Cewek Penakluk (The Female

Conqueror) Ramadan Edition, Cinta Remaja

(Teenage Love) Ramadan Edition, Gitu Aja Kok

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table 5 Top four stations airing of Islamic melodrama (20082010) (cont.)

Television Number


Repot (Dont Sweat the Small Stuff) Ramadan

Edition, Gue Sihir Lu! (Ill Bewitch You!) Ramadan

Edition, Jangan Pisahkan Aku (Dont Separate Me)

Ramadan Edition, Kutunggu Cintamu (Ill Wait for

Your Love) Ramadan Edition, Rahasia Hati (The

Hearts Secret) Ramadan Edition

rcti By design 21 Alisa, Aqso dan Madina, Assalamualaikum Cinta

(Hello Love), Menanti Keajaiban Cinta (Awaiting for

the Miracle of Love), Munajah Cinta (Surrendering

to Love), Khanza, Safira, Aisyah, Cinta dan Anugerah

(Love and Grace), Doa dan Karunia (Prayer and

Blessing), Kembang Surga (The Flower of Heaven),

Manohara, Muslimah (Female Muslim), Safa dan

Marwah, Amanah dalam Cinta (The Mandate in

Love), Kemilau Cinta Kamila (The Sheen of Kamilas

Love), Kemilau Cinta Kamila 2 (The Sheen of

Kamilas Love 2), Kemilau Cinta Kamila 3 (The

Sheen of Kamilas Love 3), Ketika Cinta Bertasbih

(When Love is Glorified), Hamba Hamba Allah

(Gods Servants), Mengintip Surga (Peeking into

Heaven)

Ramadan

edition

27 Ada Apa dengan Cinta (Whats UpWith Love)

Ramadan Edition, Aku Bukan Untukmu (Im Not for

You) Ramadan Edition, Bawang Merah Bawang Putih

(Indonesian Tale, trans.) Ramadan Edition, Bukan

Salah Bunda Mengandung (Dont Blame Mother)

Ramadan Edition, Habibi dan Habibah Ramadan

Edition, Kapan Kita Pacaran Lagi? (When Should We

Date Again?) Ramadan Edition, Ratapan Anak Tiri

(The Plea of a Stepchild) Ramadan Edition, Soleha

Ramadan Edition, Aisyah Ramadan Edition, Anak

Cucu Adam (Adams Grandchildren) Ramadan

Edition, Anakku Bukan Anakku (My Child is not My

Child) Ramadan Edition, Bukan Diriku (Not Myself)



Television Number


Ramadan Edition, Cahaya (Light) Ramadan Edition,

Candy Ramadan Edition, Fajar (Sunrise) Ramadan

Edition, Janji (Promise) Ramadan Edition, Kakak

Iparku 17 Tahun (My Brother-in-law is 17 Years Old)

Ramadan Edition, Kembang Surga (Heavens Flowe)

Ramadan Edition, Mawar (Rose) Ramadan Edition,

Ratu (Queen) Ramadan Edition, Assalamualaikum

Cinta (Hello Love) Ramadan Edition, Cincin (Ring)

Ramadan Edition, Dewi (Goddess) Ramadan

Edition, Gara Gara Cinta (Because of Love) Ramadan

Edition, Kecil-Kecil Jadi Manten (Such a Young

Bride) Ramadan Edition, Ketika Cinta Bertasbih

(When Love is Glorified) Ramadan Edition, Mutiara

(Pearl) Ramadan Edition, Nikita Ramadan Edition

Indosiar By design 16 Jihan, Muslimah (Female Muslim), Syarifa, Tasbih

Cinta (The Rosario of Love), Amira, Dibalik Jilbab

Zaskia (Behind Zaskias Veil), Hareem, Inayah,

Mahabah Terindah (The Most Beautiful Affection),

Mualaf (Muslim Convert), Tasbih Cinta (The Rosario

of Love), Baghdad, Nurjannah, Pernikahan Siri

(Unregistered Marriage), Surga Untukmu (Heaven

for You), Takdir Cinta (The Fate of Love)

Ramadan

edition

3 Jihan Ramadan Edition, Beningnya Cinta (The

Clarity of Love) Ramadan Edition, Surga Untukmu

(Heaven for You) Ramadan Edition

Source: Compiled from Nielsen Sinetron Titles 20052010 and television station web-

sites.

The second feature relates to theplots of the sinetron. Theplot,which is centredon interpersonal relationships, either friendship, family or filial piety and/orbetween a man and a woman who eventually legitimise their relationship bygetting married to demonstrate marital piety, is generally similar to the loveplot of conventional sinetrons. The third feature, Islamic symbols, includescostumes (veils or jilbabs for females and baju koko [Malayan-Chinese shirt

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table 6 Islamic melodrama produced by SinemArt (20082010)

Television

Title Year Main characters station Episodes

Munajah Cinta

(Surrendering to Love)

2008 BaimWong, Rianti

Cartwright, Zaskia Adia

Mecca

rcti 92

Aqso dan Madina 2008 Marshanda, Dude

Harlino, Ibnu Jamil

rcti 132

Doa dan Karunia

(Prayer and Blessing)

2009 Naysila Mirdad, Glenn

Alinskie, Dude Herlino

rcti 74

Ketika Cinta Bertasbih

(When Love is Glorified)

Ramadan Special

2010 Kholidi Asadil Alam, Oki

Setiana Dewi, Andi Arsyil

Rahman, Dude Herlino

rcti 56

Kemilau Cinta Kamila

(The Sheen of Kamilas

Love)

2010 Asmirandah, Jonas

Rivanno, Mischa

Chandrawinata

rcti 365

Amanah dalam Cinta

(Mandate in Love)

2010 Julie Estelle, Christian

Sugiono, Ali Syakieb

rcti 54

Ketika Cinta Bertasbih

Meraih Ridho Ilahi

(When Love is Glorified,

Reaching Gods Blessing)

2011 Kholidi Asadil Alam, Oki

Setiana Dewi, Andi Arsyil

Rahman, Dude Herlino

rcti 25

Kasih dan Cinta

(Compassion and Love)

2011 Tika Putri, Julie Estelle,

Ashraf Sinclair

rcti 25

Dari Sujud ke Sujud

(From One Prostration to

the Other)

2011 Marshanda, Dude

Harlino, Asmirandah

rcti 35

Air Mata Ummi

(Mothers Tears)

2012 Widyawati, Atalarik Syah

Fathir Muchtar

rcti 25



Television

Title Year Main characters station Episodes

DalamMihrab Cinta

(In Loves Throne)

2012 Dude Harlino, Meyda

Sefira, BaimWong

rcti 49

Karunia

(Blessing)

2012 Marshanda, Mischa

Chandrawinata, Raya

Kohandi

rcti 63

Source: Compiled from SinemArt website and Nielsen Sinetron Titles 20052010.

often used as a symbol of Islamic piety] formales), settings (e.g., mosques), andprops (e.g., framed calligraphy on walls). The fourth feature lies in the speech.The speech of Islamicmelodrama includes the names of the characters, usuallyArabic namesorwith reference to theQuran, and speech (e.g., using the Islamicgreeting Assalamualaikum [God be with you], Insya Allah [God willing] andAlhamdulillah [Thank God] to name a few).

The fifth feature relates to the actors and actresses playing the characters inIslamic melodrama. One of the strategies implemented by production housesin Indonesia to lower costs is to use the same actors and actresses in popularmelodramas and films they produce (see Table 6). As an illustration, the mostpopular actor and actress in Islamic melodramas produced by SinemArt areDude Harlino and Marshanda respectively (see Figure 1).

As the same production houses that create conventional sinetrons also cre-ate Islamic melodrama, actors and actresses starring in them also star in otherconventional sinetrons without jilbab and baju koko. These low-cost solutionsoften invite criticism from Muslim audiences who claim that the actors andactresses are not Muslim enough, sometimes citing their personal lives thatare frequently reported by television gossip shows.

As an illustration, Islamic melodrama Hareem received a warning fromkpi after the commission considered the Indonesian Ulama Councils (MajelisUlama Indonesiamui), protest about the programme (Wulan, 2009). mui, anumbrella organisation for various Muslim bodies, claimed that Hareem con-tained verbal and physical violence and was blasphemous towards Islam. Thisprotest is particularly related to its portrayal of a pious Muslim man with fourwives who treats his wives inhumanely, such as locking them in the house.Although kpi only warned the station to move Hareems time slot, the produc-tion house, Soraya Intercine, stripped the show off of all its Islamic attributes.

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figure 1 Actor and actress intertextuality. Upper right: Marshanda captured from BenciBilang Cinta (2006). Lower right: Dude Harlino captured from Cahaya (2007). BothMarshanda and Harlino inDari Sujud ke Sujuds (FromWorship to Worship, 2012)promotional poster, complete with Islamic attributes.

They changed the title of the show to the name of its main protagonist, Inayahand the characters subsequently no longer wore jilbab and baju koko and/orother clothing attributes that indicate it being an Islamic television drama.All characters, including the actors and actresses playing them, remained thesame.

The protest raised by mui attempted to set straight the morality shown inthe content of Islamicmelodrama and its actors and actresses. mui argued thatthe sinetron is blasphemous and ruins the image of Islam (Anugrah, 2009).In response to blatant commodifications of Islamic imagery, one productionhouse, Citra Sinema, attempted to rectify Islamic portrayals in their Islamicsinetron Para Pencari Tuhan (Gods Seekers).

The commercial success of this type of Islamic sinetron also led to a replica-tion of its features by other production houses without motivations to returnthe Quran and Hadith as intended by Citra Sinema. However, the succeed-ing replications maintained the everyday portrayal of middle- and lower-classMuslims and its comedic package. This is important because the former wereorientalised in supernatural drama and Islamicmelodrama and the latter often



normalised the conflict between secular authority and Islamic teachings. Thus,although coined by television producers as religious comedy (komedi religi), Idub this as critical Islamic comedy.

Critical Islamic ComedyIn 1997, prominent Muslim film producer, director and actor Deddy Mizwarfounded Demi Gisela Citra Sinema or Citra Sinema to produce films and sine-trons that uphold Islamic teachings based on theQuran and theHadith. Unlikemost production houses that aimed to answer demands of television stationsand consulted to ustads primarily as an endorsement, Citra Sinema consultedto Islamic scholars from universities that propagate Islam based on the Quranand Hadith (dawah; Lahir untuk Mengisi, 2009). Mizwar carefully hand-picked his production team of Muslims who are as creative as they are criticalof Islamic portrayals.

Since then, Citra Sinema has produced commercially successful Islamicsinetrons and films praised by State representatives. In 2005, President Yudhoy-ono invited Mizwar and his crew to the presidential palace in appreciation oftheir Islamic sinetron Kiamat Sudah Dekat (The End is Nigh), particularly forproducing good-quality series that support national education (Subijanto, 2011:251). In 2009, the same sinetron won the Isodel Award, granted by the Depart-ment of Educations Centre of Information Technology for television showswith educative themes (Ika, 2008). The growing piousness that has permeatedpublic spaces, namely television, caught the attention and was capitalised onby representatives of the state.

For television executives, Citra Sinemas dawah was commercially success-ful because of their savvy use of comedy. While Citra Sinema producers usedcomedy to popularise the show and gain a larger congregation, for the tele-vision executives, it made way for a new theme to be married with Islamicimagery. The commercial success and stable viewersip of Citra Sinemas ParaPencari Tuhan (Gods Seekersppt), has set a new trend within the sinetronindustry: critical Islamic comedy. Since 2005, the format of critical Islamic com-edy has been copied by mvp, md Entertainment and SinemArt by maintainingseveral main features.

Firstly, the titles of the sinetron, such as Lorong Waktu (Time Tunnel), DemiMasa (The Time) and Para Pencari Tuhan (Gods Seekers) refer to Islam inimplicit ways. For instance, DemiMasa, which literally translates to On Behalfof Time is the title of one of the chapters in the Quran. The title Para PencariTuhan suggests that the sinetron represents a pursuit to find God. The titles ofthis third cluster imply a struggle or effort ( jihad) topractice Islam.The copycatsinetrons do not maintain the narrative of the jihad, but highlights on the

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contrasts between secular culture and Islamic teachings as experienced by pro-letariat Muslims. This is apparent in the titles Islam ktp (Superficial Muslims)and Pesantren Rock n Roll (The Rock and Roll Islamic Boarding School).

The second feature lies in the content of the sinetron. Critical Islamic com-edy portrays the jihad of the main characters who attempt to define theirpiousness based on knowledge of Islam. The jihad is crucial in the narrative,as it allows the characters to oscillate between making errors and doing gooddeeds (Subijanto, 2009: 22). This oscillation is not apparent in supernaturaldrama and Islamicmelodrama, where there is a clear division between protag-onists and antagonists. The introduction of comedy as a package for dawahnormalised the dissonances of individuals and their struggle to be a goodMus-lim. In critical Islamic comedy, Islamic teachings give hope for the main char-acters who often come from lower socio-economic classes. Islamic rituals attimes become a yearning or a desire that needs to be achieved (Tukang BuburNaik Haji [The PorridgeHawker Does theHajj] and Emak Ijah Pengen keMekkah[Momma IjahWants to go to Mecca]), or potential rewards for proletariat Mus-lims. Likewise, the setting often revolves aroundurban villages, small alleys andshelters.

Lastly, in contrast to the binary oppositions of black-and-white characters inboth supernatural drama and Islamicmelodrama, there is no clear protagonistand antagonist in critical Islamic comedy. For instance, even characters ofauthority, such as ustad, are represented as not always knowledgeable of Islam.The ustad in this cluster deviates from the general representation of preachersin Indonesian television programmes who are seen to have no fault. Thus,Islamic authority circulates from one character to another.

Although critical Islamic comedy as a theme of Islamic sinetron was madepossible through thedawahmissionof oneproductionhouse,whichmakes theorigins of this cluster stand out compared to the first two, the sinetron indus-trys profit orientation and structuredmodes of production quickly tapped intoits success. The shared feature of critical Islamic comedy is in its portrayalof the everyday struggles of proletariat characters who are not victimisedacritical turning point from supernatural dramas and Islamic melodrama. kpireceived protests in regards to the portrayal of socially-regarded Muslims, orthose who have gone on the hajj, as having negative traits like being envi-ous and worldly (Arditya, 2013). Introducing flawed traits in its Muslim char-acters seem to go against the expectation of moralist Muslims who desiresinetrons that represent only the goodness of Islam. Ironically, without refer-ences to the Quran and Hadith that had in fact been the basis of Citra Sinemasdawah.



table 7 List of critical Islamic comedy (20072009)

Year Titles

2007 Kiamat Sudah Dekat (The End is Nigh) Ramadan Edition

Kiamat Sudah Dekat 3 (The End is Nigh 3)

Lorong Waktu 2 (The Aisle of Time 2)

Lorong Waktu 2 (The Aisle of Time 2) Ramadan Edition

Lorong Waktu 4 (The Aisle of Time 4)

Lorong Waktu 4 (The Aisle of Time 4) Ramadan Edition

Lorong Waktu (The Aisle of Time) Ramadan Edition

Para Pencari Tuhan (Gods Seekers)

Para Pencari Tuhan (Gods Seekers) Ramadan Edition

2008 Lorong Waktu 5 (The Aisle of Time 5) Ramadan Edition

Para Pencari Tuhan 2 (Gods Seekers 2)

Para Pencari Tuhan (Gods Seekers) Ramadan Edition

Rinduku Cintamu (My Yearning Your Love)

2009 Para Pencari Tuhan 2 (Gods Seekers 2) Ramadan Edition

Para Pencari Tuhan 3 (Gods Seekers 3)

Para Pencari Tuhan 3 (Gods Seekers 3) Ramadan Edition

2010 Para Pencari Tuhan 4 (Gods Seekers 4)

Islam ktp (Superficial Muslims)



Islam ktp (Superficial Muslims)

Pesantren Rock n Roll (The Rock n Roll Islamic Boarding School)

Dikejar Surga (Chased by Heaven)



Tukang Bubur Naik Haji (The Porridge Hawker Does the Hajj)



Benar-benar Muslim (A Real Muslim)

Emak Ijah Pengen ke Mekkah (Momma Ijah Wants to go to Mecca)

3 Semprul Mengejar Surga (Three Stooges Chase Heaven)

Anak-anak Manusia (Children of Man)

Source: Compiled from Citra Sinema, rcti, sctv website.

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Conclusion

This article revealed themodes of accommodation betweenmedia practices ofthe sinetron industry and the growing influence of Islam among the Indonesianurban, middle class. As a result, the article has laid out the ways in whichtelevision stations and producers have imagined their Muslim audience, andhow this has left impressions on secular, television programming.

Portrayals of Islam in the late 1990s have been largely tokenistic, primarilyattempting to tame outspoken conservative viewers in order to avoid potentialcommercial losses. By the early 2000s, Islamic expressions that has manifestedin various economic sectors became apparent in the television industry aswell. At a glance, it may have seemed to sinetron producers and televisionexecutives that this is a changing trend from one theme to another, a merecommodification of a currently popular attribute. But taking a look into thecommon features between them, and the stable position of Islam as one ofthe most profitable themes in sinetron for the last eight years (2005 to 2013),it becomes clear that it is not only about pragmatic, commercial savvy-nesson the side of television stations, but also about a symbiosis between growingIslamic influences in society and commercialisation.

I argue that it was themarket value of Islamic culture, whose expression hasbecome more manifest in large cities in Indonesia, that had influenced newmodes of cost efficiency and profit opportunities within the sinetron industry,namely stripping and longer prime time hours. By understanding the stabletrend of Islamic sinetron, I argue that mainstream Islam, one that is accept-able to both vocal, conservative Muslims, as well as the general, heteroge-neous audience, intermingles with the organisation of television programmingand content. The Indonesian sinetron industry sustains profitability because ofits dynamic responses towards shifts in market taste. Amidst this dynamism,Islamic references have become a constant factor that ensures profitability.The moral responsibilities of vocal Muslim audiences, vis--vis the Indone-sian Broadcasting Commission, have also given cue to television executivesand sinetron producers on which portrayals to avoid. The sinetron industrysmode of production accommodates these protests because it works well withtheir own risk aversion. As a result, this interaction between these Islamicand secular factors has provided the mechanism through which Islam hasbecome mainstreamed into the television system of a supposedly pluralisticcountry.



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