malabou - economy of violence, violence of economy

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44 ECONOMY OF VIOLENCE, VIOLENCE OF ECONOMY (DERRIDA AND MARX) Catherine Malabou Source: Originally published in Revue philosophique de fa France et de f 'hranger 2, 1990: 303-24. This article translated by 1. Lampert and O. Serafinowicz. Reste a penser l'economie bien sur. J, Derrida, "Survivre", note au traducteur, in Parages, Ed. Galilee, p. 213 Je travaille comme un fou des nuits entieres a condenser mes etudes economiques, de faeon a en avoir mis au net au moins les lineameant essentiels avant Ie deluge [in French in the original text]. K. Marx, Letter to Engels, December 8, 1857, Correspondance, t. V People often reproach Derrida for not having any "political thought". Aware of this reproach, he recalls in The Post Card, with sadness and weariness, all those "who do not know how to decipher, and who would happily believe that (he) leads a very sheltered life, without exposing himself, without obses- sion, without trembling in the political world, without taking any militant risk".! It is indeed strange that one should not be able to "decipher" the thought of Derrida as a permanent appeal to war: to this war which he never stops leading, leading against war itself, as when he seizes upon the terrorist face of imperialism, of repression, of torture, of the domination of one race over another, of one language over another, of one sex or gender over another, and even of a certain manner of philosophizing over another. If one does not see the "political" dimension of this war, it is perhaps because, first of alI, Derrida does not wage this war without perpetually questioning any promise of peace and reconciliation, any idea of emancipa- tion, and above all, any axiomatic claim to self-evidence in the practical 180 ECONOMY OF VIOLENCE, VIOLENCE OF ECONOMY domain, the self-evidence ofa "common world", of "freedom", of the "rights and duties of men", of the very concept of humanity, and, finally, the self- evidence of the existence of politics itself (or of "the" political). War or stasis do not, for Derrida, have a political origin. Indeed, if there is war, it is precisely because there is no origin at alI, and that this lack of origin is the first violence, this "transcendental violence [which] does not procede from ethical resolution or freedom";2 it is a first violence without any priority, because it is always already differentiated, always already effaced as the trace that it is not. Political violence, which Derrida also calls "political differance": "hier- archisation [ ... ], the distinction between groups, classes, and levels of power [ ... ], delegation of authority, deferred power, given over to an organ of capitalization",3 can only pull itself together and emerge on the basis of something that is already violence, this bottomless "already" of violence. This explains why it is pointless in political struggle to oppose justice to injustice, or peace to war; again, originary violence (as the trace of non- originarity) is irreducible. One can only fight violence with violence, and thus aim in the direction of the "least possible violence". "Violence against violence", Derrida says. "Economy ofviolence".4 The second reason that one might not see how the "economy of violence" could have to do with politics, may be that it is, precisely, an economy. Indeed, what one reproaches Derrida for could simply be that he has "subordinated" -a term whose logic he has nevertheless never stopped deconstructing- politics to economy. And what if Derrida has been the object of the same sus- picion as Marx, as when Hannah Arendt, to cite only her example, says that Marx has contributed to accelerating the lifting of the border that separates or used to separate the sphere of the "public domain" from that of the eco- nomy, and thus to making war penetrate the heart of "the world of action" (politics), a world which, in its origin, "does not participate in violence"?5 We have decided here to take this hypothesis very seriously. For one thing, we take it seriously because it is clear, for Derrida as for Marx, that the thought of economy, or rather of a certain relation between economy and violence, actually proceeds by way of a critique of politics envisaged as the origin or the horizon both of violence and of the reduction of violence. The economy of violence, in one of the two thinkers, and what can be called the theory of economic violence, in the other, both present themselves as non-metaphysical political thoughts, and in a certain sense, non-political too, assuming that it is true that we owe to metaphysics the division of "genres" within thought. Further, Marx and Derrida are the only philo- sophers, among those who think something like "the end of philosophy", to envisage this end precisely on the basis of a question of economy. For another thing, we take it seriously because this common point only makes us highlight all the better the radical difference which exists between the Marxist and the Derridian understandings of both economy and violence; 181

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Examines the interrelationship of economy and violence.

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44

ECONOMY OF VIOLENCE, VIOLENCE OF ECONOMY

(DERRIDA AND MARX)

Catherine Malabou

Source: Originally published in Revue philosophique de fa France et de f 'hranger 2, 1990: 303-24. This article translated by 1. Lampert and O. Serafinowicz.

Reste a penser l'economie bien sur. J, Derrida, "Survivre", note au traducteur,

in Parages, Ed. Galilee, p. 213

Je travaille comme un fou des nuits entieres a condenser mes etudes economiques, de faeon a en avoir mis au net au moins les lineameant essentiels avant Ie deluge [in French in the original text].

K. Marx, Letter to Engels, December 8, 1857, Correspondance, t. V

People often reproach Derrida for not having any "political thought". Aware of this reproach, he recalls in The Post Card, with sadness and weariness, all those "who do not know how to decipher, and who would happily believe that (he) leads a very sheltered life, without exposing himself, without obses­sion, without trembling in the political world, without taking any militant risk".! It is indeed strange that one should not be able to "decipher" the thought of Derrida as a permanent appeal to war: to this war which he never stops leading, leading against war itself, as when he seizes upon the terrorist face of imperialism, of repression, of torture, of the domination of one race over another, of one language over another, of one sex or gender over another, and even of a certain manner of philosophizing over another.

If one does not see the "political" dimension of this war, it is perhaps because, first of alI, Derrida does not wage this war without perpetually questioning any promise of peace and reconciliation, any idea of emancipa­tion, and above all, any axiomatic claim to self-evidence in the practical

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domain, the self-evidence ofa "common world", of "freedom", of the "rights and duties of men", of the very concept of humanity, and, finally, the self­evidence of the existence of politics itself (or of "the" political).

War or stasis do not, for Derrida, have a political origin. Indeed, if there is war, it is precisely because there is no origin at alI, and that this lack of origin is the first violence, this "transcendental violence [which] does not procede from ethical resolution or freedom";2 it is a first violence without any priority, because it is always already differentiated, always already effaced as the trace that it is not.

Political violence, which Derrida also calls "political differance": "hier­archisation [ ... ], the distinction between groups, classes, and levels of power [ ... ], delegation of authority, deferred power, given over to an organ of capitalization",3 can only pull itself together and emerge on the basis of something that is already violence, this bottomless "already" of violence.

This explains why it is pointless in political struggle to oppose justice to injustice, or peace to war; again, originary violence (as the trace of non­originarity) is irreducible. One can only fight violence with violence, and thus aim in the direction of the "least possible violence". "Violence against violence", Derrida says. "Economy ofviolence".4

The second reason that one might not see how the "economy of violence" could have to do with politics, may be that it is, precisely, an economy. Indeed, what one reproaches Derrida for could simply be that he has "subordinated" -a term whose logic he has nevertheless never stopped deconstructing­politics to economy. And what if Derrida has been the object of the same sus­picion as Marx, as when Hannah Arendt, to cite only her example, says that Marx has contributed to accelerating the lifting of the border that separates or used to separate the sphere of the "public domain" from that of the eco­nomy, and thus to making war penetrate the heart of "the world of action" (politics), a world which, in its origin, "does not participate in violence"?5

We have decided here to take this hypothesis very seriously. For one thing, we take it seriously because it is clear, for Derrida as for

Marx, that the thought of economy, or rather of a certain relation between economy and violence, actually proceeds by way of a critique of politics envisaged as the origin or the horizon both of violence and of the reduction of violence. The economy of violence, in one of the two thinkers, and what can be called the theory of economic violence, in the other, both present themselves as non-metaphysical political thoughts, and in a certain sense, non-political too, assuming that it is true that we owe to metaphysics the division of "genres" within thought. Further, Marx and Derrida are the only philo­sophers, among those who think something like "the end of philosophy", to envisage this end precisely on the basis of a question of economy.

For another thing, we take it seriously because this common point only makes us highlight all the better the radical difference which exists between the Marxist and the Derridian understandings of both economy and violence;

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and because the critical space opened by the play of this commonality and this difference seems to us to open up, contrary to all expectations, a possible future for political debate, such that the latter can still take place from the very perspective of its closure.

What we will try to show here is that there can be such a debate between a thought of writing and a thought of Capital, between their economies­not to convince those who do not "know how to decipher", but so that we ourselves may learn how to decipher something, once again, like a future, by starting with the very troubled events of our present times.

To engage this debate, we begin with a certain hesitation of Derrida concerning Marx's philosophy, a hesitation no doubt due to the commonality and difference mentioned above, a hesitation which is translated into a kind of silence (there is no "major" commentary by Derrida on Marx in the way that there is one on Hegel, HusserI, and Heidegger, for example), and which is marked by a double attitude.

For one thing, if Derrida often recognizes that there is actually in Marx a gesture towards a reduction of metaphysics, he still never stops asking if this reduction is not performed in the name of the most metaphysical deter. mination possible both of economy and of violence. Indeed, for Derrida, economy plays the role of a privileged metaphor in the traditional conception of metaphor and meaning, in that it designates first and very generally the movement of a circulation which, in the home ("oikos, house, room, crypt"6), produces the effects of property by means of usage (par usure) and which preserves and saves up propriety [Ie propre] in the course of its becoming de· figurative. Now, it is not certain, according to Derrida, that economy as Marx thinks it, even though he thinks it in reaction to classical economy, escapes from this metaphysics of the proper; it seems rather to confirm it. This is revealed, for example, by the problematic of fetishism, a problematic which Derrida criticizes in one of his great texts devoted to metaphor, "White Mythology". The examination of this critique and the critique of this ex· amination will be the object of the first part of the Derrida-Marx debate developed here.

If economy, in Marx, still remains in every sense of the term a theory of property, then in the final analysis it must be at the same time a theory of the overcoming of violence, this violence that threatens the eschatology of the proper; Marx could only conceive economic violence, in capitalism, no matter what he says on the subject, on the basis of the possibility and the necessity of its disappearance, hence in light of an absolute non-violence. This explains, as Derrida in Of Grammatology shows but always with extreme care, how Levi-Strauss in Tristes Tropiques could refer to Marx in order to contrast the servitude or "the exploitation of man by man" with a state of primary innocence, and to present violence as an accident which came from the outside to affect the "deep insouciance" of origins. The presentation of another reading than Levi-Strauss's of the Marxist analysis of violence, and

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the confrontation between this other reading and the Derridian conception of "arche-violence", will be the object of the second part of the debate.

We propose here, very modestly, starting with Derrida's text itself, to see how one might extract "an original rigour of the Marxist critique, which dis­tinguishes it from every other critique of misery, of violence" / and to envisage in reverse how this critique in its "rigour" can also be a critique of Derrida himself.

Violence against violence: the hommage that we render here could only respect this economy.

In "White Mythology", fetishism is presented as that which fulfills the traditional philosophical thinking about sense and metaphor, about sense as metaphor, a thinking that organizes itself according to a double contra­dictory movement which we must recall here. First of all, because it charac­terizes the process of metaphor in general as the phenomenon of usage/wear [usure] at work in language, "the uninterrupted exhaustion of the primitive meaning», «the regular semantic loss", it follows that this thinking itself obeys the law that it claims to describe, since in order to carry out this de­scription it necessarily has recourse to a metaphor of linguistics, a metaphor that it finds readymade, as the term "usage [usure]" indicates, in economics. Indeed it is "the paradigms of money, metal, silver and gold" that make the analogy, as it seems they always have, between linguistics and economics: meaning shares with money this property of not being itself, that is of only existing,jinally and in its proper sense, in order to circulate, to devalue itself, to de-figure itself. Yet, is it precisely on the scene of this exchange between economy and language that, "as much for Nietzsche as for Marx" says Derrida, the problematic of fetishism is articulated. Fetishism is the result of the continual movement at the heart of which the "two types of signifiers", linguistic and economic, "supplement one another", each one of them, according to the discourse, serving as the reference of the other. Thus, "for Marx the reference seems mostly to be economic and the metaphor seems to be linguistic", whereas Nietzsche "at least in appearance ... reverses the direction of the analogy".8 For Marx, fetishism takes hold when gold and silver acquire, in the mode of mercantile representation, the power of speech; whereas for Nietzsche, as the passage that Derrida extracts from Das Philo­sophenbuch: Theoretische Studien 9 expresses, it is language itself and its force of truth which, suffering the results of usage/wear [usure], would become as heavy and insignificant as metal.

On the one hand, then, traditional thinking about meaning and metaphor can only become metaphorical itself, and it ends by designating the infinite movement of this metaphorization as fetishism, or the irreduceability of the trope which perpetually converts the currency sign into a linguistic sign and the linguistic sign into a currency sign.

But on the other hand, and this is its second movement, the metaphysical determination of the process of meaning tries ceaselessly to conjure away its

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own metaphoricity, that is, to reduce the fetishism that nevertheless constitutes it. This is how, for Derrida, the Marxist critique of fetishism (let us leave aside here the Nietzschean critique), would ultimately depend upon an absolute prohibition against any pure and simple assimilation of "economic science to the play of language".10 Since the two types of signifiers are interchangeable, and precisely because of that, it is a question for Marx of putting economy itself outside of the game, outside of the tropological play, and to posit it as the referential reality of any possible game. Derrida finds proof of this in Marx's acerbic criticism in The German Ideology ofStirner's lucidity when the· latter claims, for exemple, to trace back, by means of etymology, the inver­sion of usage (usure), and retrace the path to the proper meaning of property itself, and thus to explain an economic phenomenon by means of a philolo­gical procedure. Marx says: "All this theoretical nonsense which seeks refuge in etymology would be impossible if the real private property which the com- . munists want to abolish had not been transformed into this abstract concept: 'property"'.il Derrida interprets this critique of etymology in the following. way: for Marx, the reality of the proper would be grounded beyond its meaning, including its own proper meaning; this implies, if one develops this interpretation, that one could say from a Marxist point of view that economy. is structured like a language only on the condition that one upheld as a cer­tainty the non-linguistic essence of the economic structure. As for linguistic structure, it could only be said to be economic upon reflection, that is as a reflection, as a metaphor, or if one prefers, super-structurally. There would thus be in Marx a whole metaphysics, or a whole fetishism, of economic reality.

But if one holds onto this Derridian reading, how does one explain the fact . that the Marxist critique of fetishism never stops denouncing every form of fetishisation of reality? Indeed, for Marx, what is capitalism, the most elaborate form of fetishism, if not precisely this enterprise, at once economic and ideological, of the transformation of one of the terms of an analogy or . comparison into the referential reality of the analogy or the comparison as such?

It is striking indeed to note, when one reads for example Book I of Capital; that Marx devotes all of his effort to analyzing what he calls "the enigmatic . aspect of equivalence",!2 or, in other words, precisely that from which every form of analogy, comparison, proportion, exchange, and thus also of meta­phor and resemblance proceeds. The enigma of equivalence in capitalism· from which there arises every fetishistic delirium.

Let us recall that it is by following the convolutions of the process of value at the heart of the reign of commodities and their exchange that Marx . is going to stage this enigma. The whole problem of exchange is tied, as we know, to this difficulty from the beginning: to find the measure, or the commonality, of the dissimilar. "Commodities", Marx says, "must be related back to something which is common to them, and with respect to which they represent an addition or a subtraction". Every equation of value, of the type "x quarters of wheat = y kilograms of iron", presupposes in fact three termsl

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"The two objects are thus equal to a third which in itself is neither one nor the other. Each of the two, as an exchange-value, must be reduceable to a third, independently of the other."!3 It is useless to delay here with familiar points. We know well that the third term of the equation, the source of value, is labour time, that is, the measure of an expenditure of force. The problem is that in capitalism, "the determination of the quantity of value by labour time is ... a secret hidden under the apparent flux of the values of commodities."!4

What in reality is dissimulated when the true source of the "determination of the quantity of value" is concealed? What is the big "secret"? It is the genius of Marx to have shown that the secret is that every measure is always in itself measurable, that the equivalent is necessarily itself a value, that what makes commodities commensurable is not incommensurable to them. An equivalent, indeed, can only fulfill its function by not remaining outside the system of which it is nevertheless "the regulatory law"; this is what gives it its "enigmatic" character. And if this enigma must be reinforced, if this secret must remain hidden in the mode of capitalist production, it is because the latter has every interest in positing ideologically that on the contrary, the equivalent is a referent, that is, a transcendent reality exterior to the process of exchange and value.

This explains why, in this mode of production, it is not labour time which plays the role of the "form of equivalence", to the extent that it is precisely impossible to fetishize labour, the latter being too obviously measurable. Labour, which is measured by, and only by, time, cannot play the role of a referent. Similarly, the "money man" takes good care to conceal from the labourers (and to conceal from himself) the fact that the expenditure of their labour power is a commodity like any other, and that it is, within the logic of profit, not only the creator of value but that it also has, or is itself, an exchange-value. For what would happen if people became conscious of the relative character, i.e. "the social and non-sacred" character, as Marx says, character of the measure? To avoid this type of question, it is better to present labour power as a simple use-value which can be exchanged, under the form of some sort of contract, for a salary, namely for money.

Money: here we have, in contrast, the ideal form of equivalence. Indeed, if money is itself also a commodity, it at least has grounds to claim not to be one, because it seems to draw its dignity as an equivalent from its own nature alone, that is, from its precious character. Of all commodities, it is the one best suited to become a fetish, since "the movement which acted as an intermediary" (namely, which has permitted the commodity that consists of money to be transformed into the universal equivalent of commodities), "vanishes in its own result and leaves no trace"Y The shining splendour of money frees it from the vulgar game of reciprocity in exchange; thus, "a commodity does not appear to become money because of other commodities expressing reciprocally their values in it; but on the contrary, these other commodities seem to express their value in it just because it is money" .16

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The fetish is the crystallized equivalent, reified in a referent, that is, in a non-value, or again, in an self-referential value, which is absurd (since noth­ing really has value in-itself); an absurdity which, indeed, can only give rise to forms of idolatry, superstition, and delirium. The capitalistic specificity of money depends precisely on the impossibility of its devaluation in usage [usure]. In the most banal coins of money, it is ultimately the metal which in the imaginary, always has value or counts, or rather over-counts, since i~ seems to possess, in the name of its own glitter, like God, the eternal secret of the value of all things.

Now, against this illusion, Marx shows, and this is perhaps what he would have said to Derrida, that money, just like any other form of equivalence, is always already used or worn down, because the proper nature [le pro pre] of :alue. in.general is nev~r to have a sensible, .figurative sense, except, precisely, m fet1sh1st representatiOn. Materialism never stops affirming the immaterial­ity, in the sense of non-substantiality, of the equivalent: "not one atom of matter enters into the value", says Marx. 17 Thus gold, for example, as soon as it becomes a commodity, circulates and thus really loses its face, figure, and ~ense; bu_t since it is not altogether gold either, in that it is not a commodity, It never m fact really has a figure, and owes its auriferous existence or its aura, as it were, only to its originary defiguration. And one can say the same of all commodities; it is this "unfigurability" which for the capitalist constitutes their "ungraspable character", their "caprice", their "chimerical being" .18 The capitalist necessarily attributes a fantastic character to these things which are at once use-value and exchange-value, that is to say, which manifest a total absence of support, which are unbearable and unjustifiable [insupportables] in that they have no intrinsic value, in that they exist only as a network of traces (traces o_f utility, traces of expended energy, traces of qualities) immediately efface? m .the process of their quantification in the light of exchange, a quantificatiOn that depends on a standard which is itself, once again, nothing but ~ commodity; th~t is, a network of traces, a "hieroglyph", Marx says. One IS then left wantmg to be able to orient oneself, to find a reference, a sense or a reality, for this chimera.

Yet, it is precisely this chimera and its irreality that give reality to the science of economics. Reality, for Marx, is that there is no referent. And the science of economics spends its time, first and foremost, demonstrating that capitalism, on the contrary, is the realm of referentiality, determined as ~hing, meaning, law, or philosophy, so many terms that das Kapital, by Itself, could translate. And so it is not surprising that in this realm, commodities speak, that they make signs, that their "sensible" expressions (that one could call signifiers) seem to relate back to an abstraction (or a signified), and this abstraction to a nature (or a referent). How could it be otherwise, since it would appear, as we said above, not so much that economy is structured like a language, but that capitalist economy is structured like (a) linguistics?

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It thus becomes impossible, reading the phraseology of commodities, to determine which of the two terms of the analogy, terms we must now call linguistics as such and economics, serves as reference for the other-very simply because, like commodities, they are mirror images of one another: like fabric and outfit, in that irresistible page of Book 1, they nudge and wink at each other, and like two conspiring producers, they each in turn cash in on the benefits of surplus-value. What would Marx have thought of this sentence of Saussure, which Derrida cites as confirmation of the alleged Marxist meta­physics of the economy of meaning: "There [i.e. in lin.guistics], as ~n polit~c~l economy, one is face to face with the notion of value; m the two sc1enc~s, 1t 1s a matter of a system of equivalence between things of different orders: m one, between labour and salary, in the other, between a signified and a signifier"?19

What would he have thought, if not that this analogy, present once more, is the very form of capitalist reasoning?

It is not that the economy or even labour, as Marx thinks of them, are incomparable, incomparably more real than the play of language (even if Marx certainly recognized that the play of language, which he never stopp~d taking seriously for a single minute, was incomparably more real than 1ts determinate linguistic expressions, or than its determinate etymological facts as Stirner so miserably thought). For Marx, precisely, as we have seen, everything is comparable, nothing escapes the game of ~ompa~is?n, not even comparison itself, and it is perhaps in order to say th1s that 1t IS worth the trouble for him, to do philosophy one last time.

In The German Ideology, he says to Saint-Sancho, who advocates "the incomparability of the individual": "Comparison is in no way an arbitrary product of reflection .... lncomparabili~y. itself pre~upposes the a~t o! ~om­parison ... , it presupposes that the actlVlty of the mcompara?le md1v1d~al distinguishes itself from the activity of his equals in a determm~te domam. La Persiani is an incomparable singer because she is a singer and IS compared to other singers by people whose ears, which do the comparing by virtue of a normal anatomical construction and a musical culture, are in a position to recognize her incomparable character. The song of la Persiani cannot be compared to the croaking of a frog-even here a co~parison is possible, ?ut it would be a comparison between the human species and the frog species, and not between la Persiani and this particular frog."20 We could not resist the pleasure of this long citation, which, like the whole passage from which it is extracted, shows that for Marx, thinking always comes down to compar­ing, relating, and constructing analogies, finding a measure for the dissimilar, or in other words, economizing the difference. But it is precisely because everything is comparable that the economy of comparison cannot simply belong to an economy of the sign, since the latter (as Derrida has well shown) always presupposes a reality which is not itself a sign, «an autonomous entity», Marx says, which necessarily lies "outside" the oikos (at the same time as it turns the oikos into an inside). In this sense, Marx and Derrida have

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the same problem: getting to the point of thinking a diacriticity (and hence also a metaphoricity) that are unassignable; a diacriticity that would govern the elements of a given system as well as the relation between different «systems», for example the systems of language and economy.

There remains, for Marx, the economic reality of this diacriticity, the irreduceably economic determination of the economy of difference. And there remains, for us, to assess this "reality", since it would appear that one cannot think it, in a facile manner, as simply a foundation or a guarantee. Indeed, it seems difficult now, taking the previous analysis into account, to say that the primacy of economy for Marx is purely and simply of a refer­ential order. It would perhaps be necessary to understand this "economic reality" on the basis of the absolute prohibition that exists, for Marx, against thinking the economy of a functioning (the play of the equivalent in general) in any other way than by scientifically studying an economic functioning (the material organization of such and such a mode of production). This pro­hibition would reveal the impossibility of distinguishing, as Derrida does in the sphere of writing, between an "arche-economy" and the economy as one usually conceives it, economy in the "usual sense". In other words, for Marx, one could not think a division, even on the condition of erasing it immediately, between the «arche-economy» and the "empirical" economy, since each one gives itself immediately and factually (in an irreduceable facticity) along with the other. The examination of this hypothesis will guide us in the second part of this work, in opening up the question of violence and the question of the difference between "economy of violence" and "economic violence".

We have invoked the absolute prohibition, for Marx, against thinking of the economy of a functioning outside the scientific study of an economic functioning. However, it is undeniable that the Marxist analyses of the play of the equivalent and of absolute comparability bring to light what one can call a "general economy" which, as such, cannot be the object of a positive science, nor delimit the economy as a "domain" of knowledge.

To confirm this, one need only read the Introduction to the Critique of Political Economy of 1857, in which Marx presents the logical assemblage in which the very structure of this play is distributed. This assemblage is "a complex articulated set"21 holding between elementary forms, namely production, distribution, exchange, consumption, and finally circulation. These elements, in their relations, constitute "the traits common ... to all epochs of production".22 As Marx says, these traits do not constitute a "universal" which would always be at work in such and such a particular mode of production, but again a diacritical structure, whose study would exceed the traditional framework of the episteme, and which actually could be thought, effectively, as an "arche-economy"; which could be thought, in other words, as the movement of a trace which would defer its own efface­ment, whatever the economic system in which it was operating, thus allowing this system to distribute itself in time and space.

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Marx carries out his analysis as a critique of classical economics which thinks of the articulation of these common traits as "a normal syllogism according to the rules" within which "production constitutes universality, distribution and exchange constitute particularity, and consumption con­stitutes singularity, in which the whole is concluded".23 According to this syllogistic logic, "product~on is d~termined b~ general natural laws; distri~u­tion is determined by social contmgency, which could subsequently exercise a more or less stimulating action upon production; exchange is situated between the two as a formally social movement; and the final act of consump­tion, conceived not only as the last stage but as the final end, is strictly speaking outside the economy, except to the extent to which it reacts in turn on the point of departure, and opens up once again the whole process". 24

Marx summarizes the classical conception in this way: in it, the part that belongs to economy proper would be the conflictual play between distribu­tion and exchange, that is, the social violence and arbitrariness tied to the problem of division (we will return to this), which would lead their war on the battlefield delimited by the two fixed poles of a "pre-economic fact", 25 namely production, and a post-economic fact, namely consumption.

To criticize this logic, Marx begins by saying that none of the moments of this articulation is primary relative to another: "Each one of them is not only immediately the other, not only mediator of the other, but each one of them, by fulfilling itself[we underline this], creates the other, and is created in the form of the other". 26 It is appropriate to insist on this accomplishment, which Marx characterizes very specifically not as a dialectical result, but as the movement of a finishing stroke [English in the original], an expression which Badia translates into French, in a footnote, as "la derniere touche et le coup de grike". 27 This finishing touch is a movement of using-up or wearing out [usure] which cuts into no plenitude; each of the elements of production, distribution, etc., informs itself only of the using-up of the other, and thus appears, when it does get information, as already used up~to the point where it is impossible to take one of these elements as the point of departure of the process, since, Marx says, they are all always given in the "finish" of an originary after-effect.

Thus, if one takes for example the point of view "of the singular indi­vidual" (other points of view of course being possible), it is distribution that is primary~it "appears naturally as a social law that constitutes the position within which he produces and which thus precedes production". 28 But this restriction to the law of distribution, to moira, reveals, by being used-up [par usure], by the repetition oflabour, that distribution is in reality determined by production, by the existence of capital (of capital in general), and so produc­tion in turn appears as the first moment of the process. Yet, as the individual "who develops his faculties in the course of production, expends them as well, and consumes them in the act of production",29 it follows that production, as a result of being-spent [usure] (of expenditure), now cedes its place to

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consumpt~on. And. Marx adds: 'The product meets its ultimate 'finish' only consumptIOn. A raIlway upon which nothing rides, that is not used, is not sumed, is only a railway in dunamis and not in reality. Without there is no consumption; but without consumption, there is no either. ... It is only when it makes the product vanish that consumption it the 'finishing stroke"'.30 As for exchange, it is as much that which is (up) [qui s'use] in production, in that it is "entirely determined by it", by law, as it is that which makes use of and uses-up production, since it is . pr~ductive activity, "a means of manufacturing the product". Finally, ~atIOn char~cterizes just as much a movement that takes place in exchange It charactenzes the general dynamic of interchangeability of the five elelmeln1 of the articulation. It is thus easy now to see why it is impossible to priority, logically or chronologically, to one or another of these five

In light of this analysis, the "finishing stroke" appears as the trajectory spending preceding the reserve, which would, in other words, produce the fact [apres-coup] that which it spends, in a movement that one without hesitation call that of an economic differance. For Marx, there is original reserve. Because it is impossible to rigorously distinguish IJUJU'Cl", •• V.I

from distribution, since they are differentiated by their relation, it follows, example, that the earth, which is a privileged resource in all economic courses, cannot purely and simply be considered as an agent of nr,~"'h.n" In the same way, against what is affirmed by classical economics, land ...... ,val",

~r «salary, interest, profit» cannot simply belong to the sphere of tIon .. Nothing exists which is not already distributed, divided up, u,'o ""0'" or dIsmembered. Capital itself is always at once "agent of production" "source of revenue", that is, "a determinate form of distrubution that is . determining";3l as for the accumulation of capital, it is constituted as a reserve only as a function of the inflation of its distributed dissemination: i.e. ; when ~here is a disappearance of a manufacturing or of a family businesses, a prolIferation and spatial dispersion of multinationals, a division of prop­erty, a planetary anonymity of subcontracting, and the subcontracting of the subcontracting, etc.

Nothing in the regulated play of the five powers, the five differential inscriptions, stands outside of the playas an inexhaustible and endless source of wealth; this explains why the measure, or the equivalent, which, in such ~nd s~ch a mo~e of production, allows for establishing relations of propor­tIOnalIty and pomts of reference at the heart of this economics of the "finishing stroke", cannot itself be extra-economic. Nothing, once again, is held in reserve, nothing, and certainly not, as it is claimed too often, the labour force, which, precisely as force, is perpetually traversed and itself laboured upon by the game of difference, expending itself without saving itself up in the exhaus­tion that reconstitutes it, yet without being returned to itself, since it is consumed right where it consumes, it is distributed right where it assembles

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. f 't is exchanged right where it reproduces itself, and it circulates right ItSel , I ~rt~W~ ,

W We see how the "finishing stroke", the per~~tu:ll~ deferred ~sl~g-up[usure] of the using-up [usure], can be call~d a "wntmg m tfhe ~~rnldlda~ selnseT, h

to

d ree to which its economy IS an economy 0 ongma elau 1. e the eg . , . I' f .. h' h , h' g stroke" is pure repetition a repetItIve clrcu atlOn 0 lorces w IC "finIS III ' 32 ' " tually overflow (their) proper frame", as Marx says, WhICh overflow perpe , 'h' h t'

by in-propriety [im-?ropriete~ in the play of ~ltel nty; m t IS seifns~, It e re3~e 1-

tion of and in the dIfference IS really also a VIO ent ec~nomy 0 VIO ence. f I deed for Marx there does not exist a first state of mnocence (that state 0 n , f" E I , ocence which "it was still worth the trouble to get out 0 , as nge s says

:~h irony), How else would we understand Mar~'s critique of all those theories that explain the emergence of some ec~nomlc phen?menon, such, as slavery, by appealing to political violence, t~at IS, by appealtng to th~ arb~tr­ariness of men and to social contingency which, by means of conventlOnaltty, perpetually cause the de-generation of the peaceful and g~nerous po:ver of nature (cf. the role given to distribution and ~xchange m the ,claSSIcal syllogism cited above)? Engels, in Anti-Duhring, raIses a v~ry acerbiC attack against that theorist for whom "it is clear that these economic phenomena are explained by political causes, namely by violenc~"34-violence understood here of course in the very limited sense of the exercise of power, or what M~rx calls "the malevolence of governments" ,35 i.e. a derivative violence relatIve to an original non-violence. Note also in passing that i~ is exactly ~his m~l­evolence that Levi-Strauss takes up, indeed from a MarXist perspectIve ... m order to explain the enslavement of men by writing,3~ ~n contrast: it is clear in Marxist theory that enslavement does not have a polttIcal cause, If o~~ mea~s by politics, as Engels says, "that which injects nature with t~e ~ngmal sm ofinjustice".37 The subjection of men, what one calls the e~ploltatIon ,of man by man, is not the fruit of a decision, conscious or unconscIOUS. MarXIsm ~as shown that a true theory of oppression, alienation, and misery must depnve itself of recourse to a demonic aetiology of power. In fact, as Engels so admirably says, "if, in order to believe in overturning t~e current m?d~ of the distribution of the products of labour, with its glanng contradictIOns of misery and opulence, of famine and feast, we had no better certit~d~ than the feeling of the injustice of this mode of distribution and the convictIon of a final victory of righteousness, we would be in a sorry state indeed and we would have to wait a long time",38

Political violence for Marx is always derivative in relation to the originary violence of the "finishing stroke". We now have to understand how Marx can tie together this originary violence with some particular given type .of exercise of political and economic violence in a given mode of productIOn, as for example the unpaid appropriation of another's labour which in capitalism engenders alienation and pauperization.

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Must we, in order to explain this connection, return to what Derrida Of Grammatology calls a circulation of the strata of violence, a circulation which the "arche-violence", as "loss of the proper, of the absolute proximity of presence-to-self", finds its articulation with "empirical violence", "war in the usual sense", "what one commonly calls evil, war, indiscretion, rape"?39 . so, we would then have to say that for Marx, who admits that the big diffi_ culty is "to know how general historical relations intervene in production"40> (that is, in the "finishing stroke"), primary violence or originary using-up [usure] are given in the form of historical versions of themselves, in the factual' and empirical configurations that consist of the different economic systems, We would further have to say thereby that originary distribution is itself distributed, according to a stratified structure, a genealogy of levels, which opens the possibility of making a division between the economy of violence an.d e~onomic violence, between a symbolic violence (the economy of the pnva.tlOn of the proper), and a violence that one could call material (economy: of pnvate property). The whole question is to know whether Marx would have accepted this division.

Let us suspend the answer for a moment, and make a detour by way of th,e .Derridia~ analysis of violence that is based on the events reported by . LeVI-Strauss m the chapter "In the Family" in Tristes Tropiques. These now famous e.vents, whi.ch we will very quickly recall here, are the following: the ethnologist plays With a group of children. A little girl strikes a playmate. The latter seeks his protection, and tells him the name of her enemy, a supreme vengeance, since proper names must remain secret; the other little girl, in turn, "gives over" her companion, and Levi-Strauss comes bit by bit to know all the names in the group. This scene allows Derrida to analyze the stratified structure of violence: we see indeed how physical violence (the slap) cedes its place, one might say by "genealogical variation", to symbolic violence (the transgression of the prohibition whose object is the proper name). Derrida's commentary: "A silent foreigner is present, immobile, at a game oflittle girls. That one of them had 'hit' a 'playmate' is not yet a case of true violence. No integrity has been breached. Violence appears only at the moment when one can start to break into the intimacy of the proper names". 41

Ma.rx ~ould certainly have agreed with Derrida as to the analysis of breakmg mto the proper, and of what this breaking-in signifies; we have tried to show why. But he would surely not have accepted that this analysis procedes by way of reducing the role of the slap. Physical violence for Marx is the irreduceable, that which it is impossible to economize on, even in the name, indeed even less in the name, of an economy of violence. He would not have admitted that a slap does not breach any integrity. For him, every blow counts; all the blows against the body: the slaps, as well as forced labour, fatigue, famine, unhealthy conditions, fingers cut off by the machines. There is no moment at which violence "is not yet a true case of violence"; a slap already contains in itself all violence. How could one fail to recognize, indeed,

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that the possibility of striking, wh~ch .infinitely. dive~sifies itself in i~s actu~­Jizations, is as originary as the possibility of obliteratmg the proper, m th~t It . t bottom the same possibility? Therefore, one can always say that phYSical IS. alence is "empirical"; but since it is established that this very empiricity is ~I~duceable, physical violence, just as much as that which justifies (or fails Ir f h T'}z . " to justify) its reduction, thus has the value 0 an arc e. 1, ere IS no common sense" of violence.

And Derrida knows it well, he who speaks of "arche" only on the basis of the "arche-impossibility", always reaffirmed in his text, of making the division between the transcendental and the empirical; he says: "The value of the transcendental arche must make its necessity felt before letting itself be erased".42 And there remains that phrase concerning the "true violence", which testifies to the fact that this arche-impossibility is also the arche­impossibility of conjuring away this difference altogether; that phrase co~­cerning the "true violence", which manifests the fact that the erasure of thiS division itself remains, necessarily and always, something archaic.

The layers of violence are steady, equal, without above or below, I say your name if you strike me, I strike yo.u if y~u say my. nam.e;. it is st~iking t.o be called like that. There is no appealing thiS appelatlOn, It IS a stnke. It IS beyond appeal, and one is struck because of it. All one can do is to look for the precise point of impact, the point of collision where one finds, coming up against one another and mixing inextricably, the punch of the origins, the originary violence of usage (usure), and the force of the strike which here and now ties us to the political and social war. This point of impact is precisely for Marx the economic organization which as we know is always for him defined as a field of struggle. Struggle is the irreduceable factum within which are articulated, in their undivided difference, on the one hand the originary con­flict of the elements in the complex of production/distribution/consumption/ exchange/circulation, and on the other hand the combat which organises itself, within a mode of production, into a system of relations among forces, a combat which every child's game anticipates. The struggle is the very tight point of the fabric of life, so tight that one cannot unknot it, or separate out of it the threads of what we will once again call the transcendental and the empirical, which are, just like everything else, absolutely comparable.

We do not at all think that Marx criticizes capitalist violence and its alienating power within the horizon of a communist promise of non-violence. Once again, struggle is the fabric of life. What Marx criticizes in capitalist violence is the fact that it ruins, numbs, and annihilates men by denying and obscuring itself qua violence, in the guise of the naturalistic ideology of the peacefulness of origins and of the equality to come. It is in this sense that this violence is unacceptable. It is in this sense that one must struggle violently against it, always play violence against violence-there is economy here too, but revolutionary economy. Let us read Engels again, one last time: "violence plays another role in history (other than the role Duhring makes it play), a

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revolutionary role"; it breaks into pieces "fixed and dead forms" 43 I·t e . , co. nomlzes death. Without being able to claim to develop here how we should understand this "revolution", whose concept, in our view, has never yet been ~hought, ~et. us say only that what is revolutionary in Marx's thought is this Id.ea that It IS by means of violence and within violence that can be attained wltho~t any preexisting ideology of justice and injustice, what is the most; ~ore Just [Ie plus juste]. For there is, relatively, proportionally, comparat. Ively, ~ most/more just [un plus juste]; and an economy of violence can in no way dIspense o~ [faire l'economie] this question, except by being an economy of the lesser evIl, an. economy of compromise. Yet the most/more just, for Marx, t?e most eqUItable equivalent, namely as we have seen, the force of la?our, IS also the most violent [Ie plus violent]. Indeed, that which allows for a Just ~easure of ~edistribution at the heart of "the common product"44 is truly thIs force whIch, as we have said, is radically subjected to its absolute co~~e~su.rablity, t~~ original w~ari~g down [usure] , the always already of . the fillIshm~ s~roke .. The most Just IS also the most violent: this is perhaps ~he cha.racten~tIc traIt that c~nstitutes the ~ingularity of Marx's philosophy m relatIOn to every other phIlosophy of mIsery" and oppression.

To conclude, let us add that the impossibility of distinguishing between a usu~l sense. a?d, let us say, a "non-vulgar" sense of violence equally implies the ImpossIbIlIty of distinguishing between a non-vulgar sense and a usual sense .of econ.omy. The originary economy of the "finishing stroke" has no ~ea.nmg out~lde of some particular factual economic system whose function­mg m turn gl.ves it a "fin~shing st~oke" without which it would be nothing. Just as the raIlway on whIch nothmg runs, the "finishing stroke" without its after-effe~t, without its "finishing stroke", is merely dunamis. Necessity ofthe double usmg-up [usure]: here is, for Marx, the sense of economic reality. One can s~eak. of a first usure. only on the basis of its redoubling in the economy as orgallIzatlOn o~ productIOn, and thus as determinate exercise of violence.

We would ~tIlI ha,:,e. to show precisely how this understanding of economy goes beyond ItS tradItIOnal understanding: the law of the home, the spirit of t?e h,?useh~ld, !he domestic organization (Lacan would say the "hommes­tIq~e ~, ma.mtamed by the couple formed, in its mysterious union, by the Helmlzchkelt and the Unheimlichkeit. We have simply tried to see here how the econom~ of the ~o.uble usure exceeds the law of the dwelling in that it is actually a kmd of wntmg, a play of differences, a tracing.

Nevert~eless, it is an enigmatic writing in that it renders absolutely unread­able the dIfference that it itself is between two senses of itself as writing the non-vu.lgar and the usual. The "broad" and the "narrow". A writing tha~ the surrealIs~s, great readers of Marx, would have called "automatic writing", au~~matICally non-transcendental, automatically non-empirical. Automatic wntmg, as ~lanchot says in La part du feu, is the experience of language beco~e subject. This writing indeed liberates language from its instrumental functIOn, from its traditional determination as a simple piece, or agent, of a

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r economy of the oikos of the rational animal, in order to affirm it as the large , . ... .. bl b

. ary economIc potentIalIty, WIthout WhICh nothmg would be a e to e prtm omized. The whole problem, and this is what Blanchot shows, is that the econ . .. " .." th language is liberated from ItS restnctIOn to commullIcatlOn, e more more '. I " t it has value for its own sake, and the mo~e It ?~comes mate~za, a. concre e ball, a mass of existence ... ; (in automatIc wntmg), all that IS phYSIcal pl~ys the primary role: rhythm, weight, mass, figure, and. then the pa~er on :-vhlc? it is written, the trace of ink, the book. Yes, happIly language IS a thmg: It . the written thing, a bit of bark, a shard of rock, a fragment of clay o.n IS 45 . h ·f t t

h· h the reality of the earth subsists". Everythmg appens as I au oma IC WIC . h.hh writing revealed this extreme, extremely subtle, s~rreal pomt at w ~c t e arche-trace, as language, as writing, confounds Itself. obscurely WIth t?e most empirical of traces: brute, massive, irreduceable eXlste~ce, ~he comml~­ment of things [Ia chose dans son parti pris], matter. Surreal~sm IS t~e poetI.c translation of materialism, understood as the thought of the ImpOSSIble clan­fication of the impossible critique, of this blind spot where trace after trace are arti~ulated. And as if by chance-though automatic writing is the least chancy of chances (it is "an objective chance")46-Breton .in L'amou: (au remarks upon the frequency of economic images in this ex~en~nce ofwntI~g: "I was truly astonished, at the time when we were begmnmg to practIce automatic writing, at the frequency with which the words tree of bread, .of butter, of salt, of pepper . .. tended to recur in our texts. Ho~ could one. resIst the charm of a garden like that, where all the trees of provIdence are gIVen a place to meet?,,47 If one lets the economy of language function for it~elf, an? violently so, as a lexical production and a syntax of excha~ge, t?en Imme~I­ately the outlines of an economic organization will app.ear.m ,:hlch nature m its prodigality will already have been used up by the dlstnbutIOn of t~e pro­ducts that it has not fabricated, where nature's innocence has been VIOlated, and where there is an affirmation, in the form of their unthinkable difference, of need and desire, or as Breton says, of "the pleasure principle and the reality principle". Economy, and economy.

From economy to economy, then: an impossible traject~ry in the c~urse of which nevertheless we will have taken the risk of sketchmg out a dIalogue betwe~n Marx and Derrida. Or rather between a certain Marx and Derrida, a Marx whom only Derrida could have made us encounter, a Marx who is a thinker of writing. A Marx who could only encounter Derrida on the scene of this war whose unavoidable necessity both of them will have demonstrated. The scene of their strange complicity, of their violent sympathy. Sympathy: for the one as much as for the other, the question of this war is (and is only) the political question. But it is precisely, for the one as much as the.a,ther, as we have said, a question which can never be posed in terms of polItIcs, an.d which requires, in order to be thought, that one bring to light t~e. econor;rlIc assemblage from which it proceeds, and from which every polItIcal phIlo­sophy proceeds as well. Violence: the one reproaches the other for what the

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other would also necessarily have reproached him for in his turn, for having characterization of economy that is still too metaphysical, or too conCt~otlJ~1 At stake: the impossibility for the one, the possibility for the other, of ing something like a radical justice (a word which Marx liked a lot, no because "radical" does not mean "absolute") obtained in and through

To claim to close this debate is unthinkable: it was our purpose simply show that it can be opened; and the study of this opening is the form that homage to Derrida has taken here. Indeed, for us, one renders homage to thought of deconstruction in saying that if it owes much to the H and Heideggerian gestures towards the reduction of metaphysics, and petually recognizes its debt to them, it is not at all foreign to that attempt at a reduction of philosophy's traditional determination, namely that of Marx. A singular attempt in that it deprives itself of any recourse to a question of inauguration; an attempt that proceeds from an imp os sibil" ity of "attaining-or reattaining-the Greek eidos",48 because its founding splendour, and its sense, are forever lost. Indeed it is by taking the point of view of the sorrow of inheritors without legatees, of sons without fathers, of those who persevere after the founders yet without them, in the disarray of, the second era, that Marx will have made his entry into philosophy. Indeed, in his thesis of 1841, he affirmed that, just as Epicurus had had to carry, to tolerate, without being able to reattain it in any way, the retreat of the era "of the powerful premises" that Plato and Aristotle were, so the young Germans of the 1940s, and all the others, had to carry the opaque weight of the Hegelian glory which would henceforth be mute. A post-liminal situation in which the seconds, in relation to the archons, always cut the figure of an "almost incongruous appendix".49 But, says the young Marx, one must seize here "the opportunity in the misfortune":5o in the irreduceable darkening of the morning light, philosophy discovers its essential task, which is to formu­late rallying ruling principles [mots d'ordreJ in a state of emergency, ruling principles which have no foundational value (for Marx, praxis is not a foundation), but which reveal themselves, when the knives are sharpened, to be powerful deconstructive weapons. Ruling principles whose sense, so simple in reality, was already prefigured by the tetrapharmakon of Epicurus, which Marx cites in his thesis:

There is nothing to fear from the gods, There is nothing to fear from death, One can attain happiness, One can tolerate sorrow.

I t does render homage to Derrida to try to speak to him from this space, also reserved in his own pharmacy, in the service of first aid, where one operates in the shadow, in misery, in misfortune, where there is a chance, where there is promise.

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Notes

1 La Carte Postafe, de Socrate a Freud et eu-defa, Paris, Aubier-Flammarion, 1980,

p. 48. h'" I'n L 'ecriture et fa difference, Paris, Seuil, 1967, p. 188. 2 'Violence et metap YSlque, . . . 3 De la grammatologie, Pans;, MmUlt, 1967, p. 192.

4 "Violence et metaphyslque ,p. 191; '1 -L 1961 1983 pp. 35 and 42. 5 Condition de l'homme moderne, Pans, Ca mann evy, , , 6 Parages, Paris, Galilee, 1986, p. 121.

7 De la gramma~ofogie, P;, 1.15. r es de fa hifosophie, Paris, Minuit, 1972. . 8 "La myt~lOlogle blan~e ,1ll ~a gt on a o:blie qu'elles Ie sont, des metaphores qUi 9 "Les ventes sont des J!1~sl~nSr f~~ce sensible des pieces de monnaie qui ont perdu

ont ete usees et on~ per u e~ t t des lo;s en consideration non plus comme leur empremte CBIld) et qUI ~n ren monnaie, mais comme metal.

10 Ibid., p. 237. .. f C mtribution a fa critique de f'economie politique. 11 Ibid., pp. 257, 258, CitatIOn .rom ( 12 Le Capital, 1, Ed. De la PleJade, t. 1, p. 588. 13 Ibid., p. 564. 14 Ibid., p. 609. 15 Ibid., p. 629. 16 Ibid., p. 416.

17 Ibid., p. 576. . 1 throughout Book 1. 18 These exprelSSI?nbslarehfo~npd ~~~u~~~~on from Cours de linguistique generafe. 19 "La my tho ogle anc e,. , . 6 20 L'ideofogie allemande, Paris ~d. ~oclales, 1976, p. 44 . 21 "Introduction ... ", in ContrzbutlOn, ES, 1977, p. 151. 22 Ibid., p. 151. 23 Ibid., p. 155. 24 Ibid., same page. 25 Ibid., p. 161. 26 Ibid., p. 159. 27 Ibid., p. 157. 28 Ibid., p. 161. 29 Ibid., p. 156. 30 Ibid., p. 157. 31 Ibid., p. 160.

32 Ibid., p. 165. . h' ". "La violence apparait avec l'articulation". 33 Cf. Derrida, "VIOlence et metap YSlque . . I 188 34 Anti-Duhring, Theorie de la VIOlence, Pans, ES, 197 , p. .

35 Introduction, p. 151. . . 192: "( ... ) La lutte contre 36 Cf. the phrase Cited m De Cfa gr)a~mat~:~!:io~~ement du controle des cit oyens l'analphabetIsme se confond ... vec

par Ie pouvoir." 37 Anti-Duhring, p. 188. 38 Ibid., p. 186. 39 De fa grammatofogie, p. 164. 40 Introduction . .. , p. 163. 41 De la grammatoiogie, p. 163. 42 Ibid., p. 90. 43 Anti-Duhring, p. 211. 44 Capital, I, p. 613. . 45 La part du feu, Paris, Gallimard, 1949, p. 93.

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46 L'amour fou, Paris, Gallimard, "Folio", p. 116, 117. 47 Ibid. 48 "Violence et metaphysique", p. 120. 49 Difference de fa philosophie de fa nature chez Democrite et Epicure, Paris,

Ducros, 1970, p. 217. 50 Ibid., p. 63 ("Travaux preparatoires").

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MAKING APORE

Source: Unpublished

have to acc:OrrlmC)O