marsot-the political and economic functions of the ulema in the 18th century

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The Political and Economic Functions of the 'Ulam' in the 18th Century

Author(s): Afaf Lutfi Al-Sayyid MarsotReviewed work(s):Source: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 16, No. 2/3 (Dec.,1973), pp. 130-154Published by: BRILLStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3596212 .

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Journal f the EconomicndSocialHistoryoftheOrient,Vol. XVI, PartsII-III

THE POLITICALAND ECONOMIC FUNCTIONSOF THE 'ULAMA' IN THE I8TH CENTURY

BYAFAF LUTFI AL-SAYYID MARSOT

(Los Angeles)

The late I8th centuryin Egypt was a turbulentand unsettledperiodwhich witnessed the rapid rise and fall of various mamlukbeys. Oneof the noteworthyfeatures of that age was the rise in the political andeconomicimportanceof the 'ulama',which was to last until the adventof MuhammadAli in I805. The 'ulamd'thereforepresenta focal pointfor a socio-historicalstudy of the age, and of a group which thoughbelonging to the elite nonethelesshad no directauthority n the state,save in religiousandlegal matters,and which while stemmingfrom thepeople yet was not identified either with the mass or with the rulers.The intermediatestatusbetween the rulersand the ruled to which theulamabelongedmadethem unique,and characteristicf Islamicsociety,indeed intrinsic to it. Once muslim society began to transformitselfand acquiredwestern, seculartraits, such as happenedunder Muham-mad 'Ali, it began to lose that featureof its social structureand the'ulamd' consequently declined in standing and in influence1).In this brief study we shall attemptto examinethe reasonsfor theincreasingpoliticaland economicimportanceof the 'ulamd',which areclosely relatedaspects,and also to examine at greater ength the meansby which the 'ulamd'acquiredwealth.It is perhaps appropriatehere to add a word of warningand explainthat since one cannot study all levels of the 'ulamr' class because ofan obvious dearth of material,we shall thereforeconcentrateon theI) See author's articles, "The Role of the cUlamd' n Egypt during the EarlyNineteenth Century", in P. M. Holt, Politicaland SocialChangen ModernEgypt(London: 1968), and "The cUlamP)of Cairo in the i8th and 19th Centuries",inN. Keddie ed., Scholars,Saints andSufis (Los Angeles: 197z) for a more extensivetreatmentof the subject.


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THE 'ULAMi)' 131

Cairenehigh 'ulamd',notably those with some degree of influenceinthe city, for they were the ones to be mentionedin the chronicles,thebiographies, and in the archives of the Cairo Ma.hkama har'iyya1),our three main sources of information pertaining to these periods.The high 'ulamd' comprisedthe rector of al-Azhar,the muftis of theschools, and other prominent scholars as well as the occupants ofthree positions which do not reallypertainto the scholarlytraditionbut which form part of the religious hierarchy,namelythe Marshalofthe Notables, naqibal-ashradf,nd the incumbent Shaikh al-BakriandShaikh al-Sddat,'theheads of two sufi orders, about whom we shallhave more to add below. Since this is one of the first studies to becarried out with such an approach,the conclusions will necessarilyhave to be of a tentative nature, and hopefully they will stimulateinterest in the subject, and further studies.The multipleroles the 'ulama'playedin muslimsociety varied withtime and the conditionsof government,but they were fairlyconsistentso that one can regardthem as intrinsicto their functions and everybit as valuable as their primaryroles of acting as educators,judges,muftis and the purveyorsof religion in general.Their secondaryroles,which were byproducts of their religious function within a muslimframework were politically those of advisors, confidantes, officialmessengersand negotiators,and public opinion makersand manipul-ators. Socially they served the whole population in as many differentroles as were possible and necessary,from acting as guardiansandbankers, to comforting the bereaved and entertainingthe high andthe mighty. Economically they also played a role which has not yetbeen fully explored,but which we shall sketchout here.a) PoliticalRole

Having already treated that aspect of the 'ulamd"'s unctions atgreater ength in otherarticles2), I shallbrieflysummarizehe 'ulam~"'s

i) The archivesof the MahkamaShar'iyya n Cairoarean inexhaustiblesource ofinformationfor the social history of Egypt that has yet to be tapped.2) See myarticles n footnote 1p. 130 andalso "The Beginnings of Modernization


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132 A. L. AL-S. MARSOTpolitical role here and attemptto show that it had a great deal to dowith the economic resources of the 'ulama'.

In Egypt the 'ulama' had a special position in society by virtue ofthe fact that rulers and ruled formed different ethnic and linguisticunits, so they served as intermediariesbetween both groups. As menof religionthey commandeda high degreeof respectfrom all muslims,for they possessedthe "word of truth",andtheirapprovalwas the sealof legitimacy for any situation. In times when the government wasstrong and authoritywas centralizedthe 'ulama' played a secondaryrole as advisors on the diwan or advisors to the rulers in a privatecapacity.However when authorityweakenedandthe rulersbecame n-securethentheywere moreamenable o the advicegiven by the 'ulamd',and indeed on occasion sought it out. Especially was this the caseduringthe latterpartof the 18thcentury.By then the internalsituationhad greatly deteriorated with constant uprisings as mamluks foughtfor supremacy and several contenders struggled for power. Themamluksthen madeincreasingdemands on the servicesof the 'ulamd'as mediatorsamong the rival factions. And as the distrust of the beysfor each other grew so their trust in the ulamaincreased.In time the'ulama' came to representanother but neutralpartyover and abovethe rival factions, and one which had moral superiority,albeit littlepower of coercion. Finding themselves in such a situation the 'ulamd'developeda greaterdegreeof confidence, f only as a meansof bringingsome semblanceof order out of chaos. Thus from 1774 the politicalinvolvementof the 'ulama'increased--alongwith an increasen mamlukstrife-as did their material wealth as a direct consequence of theirpolitical role, when rival mamluk factions, in an attempt to gain thegoodwill of the 'ulama' and to legitimatizea shakypoliticalposition,disbursedpatronage o the 'ulam~'.

Patronage to the 'ulamd' was also offered by the Ottoman wdli,whose own position had become equally precarioussince he had noAmong the Rectors of al-Azhar, 1798-1879" in W. Polk and R. Chambers eds.,Beginningsof Modernization n the Middle East (Chicago: 1968) pp. 267-28o.


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THE 'ULAM' 133army and could rely on nothing but his wits for survival. Thus beysand pashasboth lavished largesseon the 'ulama'.

Clearlyallied to the mediatoryactivitiesof the 'ulamP'amongst therulerswas their role of acting as a court of appealfor the ruled.Therewas no effective machineryby which complaintson the part of thepopulation could reachthe ears of the ruler, save through a personalchannel.No one could sue the mamluks for abuse of power, or forlevying extortionatetaxes, or even for not paying their bills. Injusticecould only be righted by a personal intervention. The 'ulamd'werethe only means left to the population, for they were more readilyavailable to every class of society, even the humblest, and they couldshame the powerful into righting wrongs. Indeed the chronicles ofJabartiabound in examplesof successfulinterventionson the part ofthe 'ulamd'with themamlukbeys and with thewdli.He wouldfrequent-ly describe neminent'dlim sone whose nterventionwasimmediatelyaccepted ythe rulers ).It is true hat heleadingbeysheldopenhouseswhere hepoorand heneedycouldbe fed andclothed,andonoccasiontheywerewillingto listen to petitions romplaintiffs, ut since muchof the currentabuses were laid at their doors, and those of theirretainers, hey could not be moved to right a wrong unlessmoralpressurewas exertedon them, and the 'ulamd'were very able atfulfilling hatfunction,havingpractisedt for so long.In muslim society vox 'ulamd'is legally vox dei, and practicallyvoxpopulifor they had it in theirpower to rouse or placatepublic opinion-a quality that was fully appreciatedby the ruling groups and whichlay behind much of theirpolitical influence. The Fridaysermonswerea potent instrumentof public opinion. Al-Azhar itself was always arallyingcentreand when the 'ulamd'wantedto call upon the people adrum sounded from a minaret, the suqs then closed down and themen rushed to the mosque to answerthe call. This was the real voiceof public opinion, which could get out of hand and degenerate nto amob, but it could and did become the core of popularresistancemove-

i) cAbd al-Rahmdnal-Jabarti, cAja'ib al-Athdrfi-I Tarajimwa-IAkhbJr (Cairo:I882), II, p. 203.


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134 A. L. AL-S. MARSOTments1). It was through using the threat of rousing the mob that the'ulamd'--when all else failed-could restrain the authorities, whorecognizedthe dangersbehind the threat.The 'ulamd'therefore actedas the natural eaders of the country,as distinctfrom its actualleaders.Whatevermoral and political influencethe 'ulamd'exercisedon theruling elite depended on their personal relations with the beys. Theirinterdependencewith thatsocialgroupwas the source of theirstrengthand their weakness. The intrinsic weakness of their position lay inthat they reliedon the beys for their livelihood. The key to wealth layin the graspof the mamluksfor they controlled the financialresourcesof the state.Thus the 'ulama'were oftenplacedin the position whereby"necessity made lawful what was reprehensible",rather than in theposition of righting a wrong. Their interventionwas often limited tominimizingthe effectsof blatantinjustice,or to makingpalatable hatwhich was not. After all they had no powers of physicalcoercion,andthe mamluksdid. And while Jabarticlaimed that the mamlukswere"raisedn the lapsof the 'ulamd'andreadthe quran,studied the shari'aand went on the hajj"2) they were by and large a lawless lot whowere not averse to the use of violence. The 'ulamn'were well awareof the weaknessof their own position and when the QapudanPashain 1785tried to rouse them in opposition againstthe beys, the 'ulama'pleadedoff sayingthatthey were weak in the face of mamlukstrength.One time when they were chided for not stopping the mob frompillaging houses they said in self-justification,"We are not strongenough to preventsuch matters,and anyway they concern the govern-ment"3).Here we havea clear ndicationof the selfimageof the 'ulama'and of theirrole in society.It was not theirdutyto actdirectlyto main-tain law and order, that is to take the initiative,for they were not thegovernors, nor were they the possessors of sul.tdn.ndeed traditionallythe 'ulamd'had an aversion to any connection with authority.Theirfunctionwas to assist hegovernors yoffering dviceandgoodoffices.

I) Ibid., I, p. III, p. 2z8,passim.2) Ibid., IV, p. 49-.3) Ibid., III, p. i i.


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THE ULAMAL' 135On very rare occasionsonly when therewas a breakdown n authoritydid they go further and act directly,or ratherreactedto events1).

To sum up we can say that the 'ulamd' n the I8th centuryin Egypthad a finger in every pie, political and economic as we shall see later,but since they could only rely on moral strength and a mixture ofobjurgationand stubborness,their success or failurewas the outcomeof a battle of wills and wits, theirsand the rulers'.But because of thebasic weakness of their position, notably their economic dependenceon the mamluks, they were more generallyoccupied in placating anirate populationthan occupied in wresting justicefrom the mamluks.Quite understandablyhe first was much easier to do than the second.b) EconomicRoleThe end of the i8th centuryin Egypt revealed a country that hadprogressivelybecome impoverishedthrough lack of management,andabove all throughlack of maintenance f suchpublicworksasirrigationcanals, the lifeblood of any agriculturalland. Public security hadbecome non-existentso that even the outskirts of Cairowere not safefrom maraudingbeduin bands who pillaged caravansand on occasionpenetratedthe gates of Cairo itself. River traffic,the majormeans ofcommunication n the countrywas constantlydisruptedby riverpiratesand mud banks. The urban population broke out in periodic crisesevery decade as a symptomof civic dissatisfactionwith the rulers.Thefallahinwere terrorisedby the beduin andthe tax collectors. But whilethe majority of the population were poor and exploited there wererichesavailable or a minority,and riches which not only derivedfromthe land, although that was certainly ucrativefor the tax-farmers,hemultazims,but which also came from trade,where the risk factor washigh, but so was the profit. Throughout the centurymerchantswereamassingfabulous fortunes, some of which even surpassedthose ofthe mamluk amirs. One of the merchantprinces of the time, Qasimal-Shard'ibi eft a fortune estimated at 37 million paras, aside from

i) See my "Role of the 'Ulamn'in Holt, op.cit., p. 273-74.


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136 A. L. AL-S.MARSOTreal estate and his fleet of ships which were valued at several millionsmore1).

The wealth of the merchantsallowed them to break into the fieldof iltiZdms.Traditionally ltizdmshad been owned by the mamluksandthe members of the odjaks, but the unsettled political conditions ofthe early I8th centurywhich culminatedin the Great Insurrectionof1711, and consequentlyled to the rapid rise and fall of factions hadeffected economic changes as well. Many mamluks and members ofthe regimentscould no longer afford to pay the taxes on the iltizdmsand had to forfeit them, whereupona new socio-economicgroup, themerchants,made their entrance and replaced them. From 1728 theregistersshow that merchantsbought iltizamsfrom the mamluksandthe odjaks.Once the iltizdmshad been opened up to a section of thenative Egyptian elite, the rest of that elite, that is the 'ulam?', soonjoined in, and a decade or two laternamesof 'ulama'begin to appearin the iltizdm registers. In time these two groups and the women 2)were to become the largest group of multazimsin the country.The multazimactedas the tax-collector or the government,in returnfor which serviceshe was given a grant of land free of encumbrance,and tilled by corvedlabour, the ardal-uslya.This was about one tenththe iltizam and a balancehad to be effected between usiya ands andthose of the fallahin so that the multazim could not only have usiyalands, although there were exceptions to that rule. The usiya landswere not taxed and could become waqf3).Fringe benefitsof an iltizamincludedthe possibilityof imposing extrataxes,manyof which in timebecamelegalized, such as the mudafand the barrdni4).

i) Informationderived during a talk given by Professor Andre Raymond of theUniversity of Bordeaux.A parais equal to a medin and a niSffidda.2) The roleof thewomenintheeconomiclife of the countryhas yet to be explored.3) Jabarti,op.cit., IV, p. 93-4.4) As an example of legalized extortion carried out by the authorities on the

fallahin,Si/il al-Tarabic,no. I60o for the Province of Sharqiyya ists the followingsums as paymentdue from the village of Minyat cAmir or "hospitality".i,ooo parasfor a horse to be offeredthe tax-collector,2,000p. as fee to the qd'im-maqim,300 p.fee to the khazinddr, ,00ooo . for sheep to be slaughteredduring the visit of theofficials, I,ozo for sheep donated as a gift, hiba,3,240 p. as fee to the multazim.


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THE 'ULAM)' 137

The economic significanceof the 'ulamd"sbecoming landholderswas that for the first time in centuries native Egyptianswere allowedto join the foreign elite and own land. The outcome was a gradualdecline in the socio-economic influence of the mamluksin the ruralworld, and a rise in native influenceboth on the populationand on therulers. For example when the multazims of Bilbays in 1794 had agrievanceagainstone of the beys they cameto the rector of al-Azhar,Shaikhal-Sharqdwi,who was also a multazim of the area,and askedhim to take the matter in hand, which he did most successfully ).One must here keep in mind the fact that the professionof 'dlimwasthe only means of social mobility open to the rural society, con-sequentlywith only one exceptioneveryrector of al-Azhar n the I8thand up to the middle of the 19th centurywas of ruralorigin, as theirnamesclearlydenote2). Having the prestigeof the scholarlyprofessionas well as the financialresourcesof the landholderwe note the pheno-menon of the rise of ruralbased 'ulamd'dynasties,who become localnotables, a'ydn, n the countryside,but who are also in control of anurbanbasedposition as 'ulame'.It is not too far fetched to see in sucha situation a parallel with 2oth century landowners who were alsomembers of parliamentand whose links with the fallahin and thepolitical apparatuswere of a somewhat similar nature.

Lastly the phenomenon of the culamd' urning landholderimpliedthat they were able to enter the economic arena,and in time invest inother business enterprisesso that they came to represent he economicand political "middle" class of their time.

Unfortunately all these trends were arrested with the advent ofMuhammad All to power, and the potentialwhich the 'ulamd'had interms of political and economic roles never matured. For one briefmoment they had reached great heights-a golden age-which theywere never able to recapture.Muhammad'Ali's centralizedgovern-ment removed the need for intermediaries or mediators betweenrulers and ruled: his new administrationwas to culminate n a secular

i) Jabarti,op.cit, II, p. 258.2) See my "'Ulaml' of Cairo" n Keddie, op.cit., p. 157.


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138 A. L. AL-S. MARSOT

bureaucracyunder his successors which had little use for the 'ulamd';his financialmonopolies finished off the mercantileclass, and hencedealta blow to the 'ulamd' as investors in trade: and his land reformsmitigated against the rise of a landed "middle" class1), and createdlarge latifundiafrom which his family, retainersand the militarypro-fited, but not those pertainingto the ruralmilieu, among whom werethe 'ulami'. And although we continue to find 'ulami' who did ownland, and who were affluent that was in spite of the government'spolicies, andfrequentlythe outcome of wealththat had been inherited.

The high 'ulamd'never aspiredto the degree of riches of the mer-chants, nonetheless they managed to accumulate a fair degree ofproperty.And since theirpropertywas not liable to confiscationor toforcedloans, as was that of the merchants,andthey were rarelysubjectto vexatious or even professional taxation, they could accumulateriches and leave it to their heirs, thereby creating wealthy dynastieslike those of al-Bakri,al-Sddit,al-'Artisiandal-Mahdi amilies,to namebut a few. Such favourable circumstancesrarelyprevailedamong themamlukswho procreatedmeagrelyfor a varietyof reasons,and whosesons seldom inheritedthe father's wealth and rankwhich went to thesecond-in-commandwhen he took over the "household",and usuallyalso married the widow. Merchantsoccasionally managed to keepmoneys in the familyfor more than one generation,but their situationwas precarious,not only becauseof the risk element,but also becauseof extortionatetaxes, forced loans, and profligate children, althoughthat last phenomenon was not limited to merchantsonly.

By and large the traditionaleconomic resources of the 'ulamd'wasthe charityof the muslims-private and public. From the i3th centuryonwards the mamluks had endowed madrasas and mosques, andprivate citizens had followed suit, each accordingto his means. TheOttomans had continued the tradition, for instance Sultan Sulaimanal-Qdnaini ad been most generous to al-Azhar2).

i) See my "Role of 'UlamP' in Holt, op. cit., p. 278-280.2) Comte d'Esteve, "Memoire sur les Finances d'tRgypte" in Description del'gvypte: I8tat Moderne Paris: 8z26) XII, p. Z73.


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THE 'ULAMA' 139

More recently n the I8th century'Abd al-RahminKatkhoddwhoselist of charitieswas enormous and whose restoration of monumentsand buildingswas equallyremarkable,was most generousto al-Azhar.During every month of Ramaddnhe daily gave al-Azharthree ardabsof white rice, a qantdrof butter, a buffaloand other items such as oiland firewood1). He had also turnedthree rice producing villages intoa waqf for the maintenanceof his many other charities2). MuhammadBey Abai-1Dhahab in I774 had built a school opposite al-Azharinwhich the leadingAzhari scholars also taught.The teacherswere paid15oparas daily,while lesserluminariesreceived5o paras.The studentswerepaid 10 parasper dayand were given o ardabsof wheatperyear.Abfi-l Dhahabhad endowed the village of Quwaisndas a waqf,as wellas all the shopsunder the mosque,to supportthe school. Unfortunatelythe amir died a year later and his mamluksdivided his estate amongthemselves and took over the village of Quwaisndwhich was thebackbone of the school's endowment, and the school soon fellinto ruin3). Institutions therefore survived in proportion to theirendowments, and al-Azhar was probably the most richly endowedof them all. Scholars were paid by funds from these endowments.But many of them also depended on private charity which eithergave them gifts of money, food or clothing, or appointed them torecite the quran, or teach privately, or copy manuscripts.RidwdnBey for examplekept oo quranrecitersto recitedaily prayers n relaysof twenty. Lesser dignitariesalso specifiedquran recitationsin theirwills,and ndeedthere s suchaprovisionin everysinglewaqfdocument.The most lucrative function an 'dlim could hope to attain was tobecomeconnectedwith a waqf,that is to achieve the post of administra-tor, natir, or supervisor,mutawalli, f a waqf. These positions weresuch generous sources of wealth that an "'lim, Shaikhal-Timurtashi,went to Istanbul for the sole purpose of getting himself appointedndzir of waqf in Egypt, and he apparentlysucceededin amassinga

i) Jabarti,op.cit., II, p. 5.2) Ibid.,II, p. 7.3) Ibid.,I, p. 439.


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large fortune by this means1). In case of privatewaqf, ahli, the ndzirwas appointed by the founderof the waqf, and was usuallya memberof the family,but in caseof public,khair, waqf,or one which no longerhadanyliving heirs,the n4zirwas appointedby the rulers,andbecameanother source of patronage n the hands of the beys. The post of ndzirentitled the holder to a fee, but he could in general dispose of therevenues of the waqf at his discretion,and was rarelyaccountabletoany one. Abuse of waqf funds thereforeverged on the scandalous,orso Jabarti ssuresus2). It continued o be so up to the middleof the20othcenturywhen privatewaqf was dissolvedand becameprivateproperty.By the end of the I8thcenturyone fifthof all arable andhad beenturned nto waqf,thatis, 6oo,ooo addans). Mostcertainlya largerproportionof real estatewas also convertednto waqf,althoughwehaveno figures o prove t, yet thenumber f propertiesited n mostdocuments reof sucha staggering roportion s to leadoneinevitablyto thatconclusion ).The advantageo settingup propertyn a waqfwas that the property henpaidlittle taxessinceit becameregardedas a charitable ndowment even when the majorbeneficiaries erethe donor'sownfamily,aswellas a few charitable orks,asin privatewaqf).It was alsoimmuneromconfiscation y theauthorities. astlyit could not be dissipated y the donor'sheirs,since the heirscouldnot sell a waqf.The most theycould do was cedeit for 99 years,al-muda l-tawila), and the moneysobtained rom the cessionhad togo towardsbuyingsomeotherpropertywhichwouldthen becomeawaqf.Agriculturalwaqf,or rizaqabbacsiyya,ad the addedadvantagethattheypaidno tax of succession,whereasaniltizdmholderpaidthehulwdnax on his successiono the property.All the high 'ulamd'weresuperintendantsf morethanone waqf,

i) Ibid.,II, p. I27.2) Ibid., V, p. 2o0.3) Loc. cit.4) See lists of propertiesin appendix.5) Michel Ange Lancret, "Memoire sur le Systeme d'Imposition Territoriale"in Description, op.cit., XX, p. 472z.


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THE 'ULAMA' 141and while that post was not a new one for the 'ulama' as a group, thenumber of awqaf that each 'clim managed to acquire was certainlynew. Shaikh Abii-l Anwdral-Sgddt d. 1813)was nizir over 52 awqdf,Shaikh Muhammadal-Bakri(d. 1782) was ndzir over 44, and 'UmarMakram(d. 1822) was ndzirover Io.If we go throughthe biographies hat arelistedin Jabarti's hronicleswe discover quite predictably hat the start for any kind of capital nthe hands of the 'ulamd'was the outcome of personalconnectionsandof social relationshipsamong the moneyed elite, whether mamlukormercantile.Unless, like Jabarti,and a few others equally fortunate,the 'ulamd'had inheritedwealth, most of them started life pennilessand ended with tidy little fortunes at the least. The importanceofhaving influentialfriends lay not so much in that they supplied thefirst boost up the ladder of affluence,mportant hough thatmaybe, butalso in that they were a means to the acquisitionof furtherwealthlikeiltizdms.

Shaikh al-Hifni (d. 1761) a rector of al-Azharwho was renownedfor his rectitudeand his saintlinesswas at one time so poor that he hadto copy manuscriptsto make ends meet. One night a stranger gavehim a large sum of money in recognition of his admirablequalities,the shaikh went home and broke his pens and from then on heconcentrated on his teaching and scholarlypursuitsand was never inwant again1). ShaikhMuhammadal-Mahdi(d. 1814) came "to makethe acquaintanceof importantpeople, and through his good conductwith them, andthe beautyof his words, he obtainedmuchproperty"2).That was Jabarti'sway of describinghow al-Mahdistartedhis fortune.Al-Mahdi had befriendedthe lieutenant of JHasanPasha during the1785 punitive expedition against Ibrahimand Murtd Beys. Later onthe man had become appointed governor of Egypt; he then assignedhis friend, Shaikhal-Mahdi,to functions at the mint and the abattoirs,and when in 1790 plague had decimated the country he allowed himto take all the iltizdms he wished, very likely without having to pay

I) Jabarti, op. cit., I, p. 289.2) Ibid., IV, p. 233.


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the full price. Al-Mahdiwho was a shrewdbusiness man, and some-what unscrupulousin his dealings became one of the richest 'ulamd'of the time. Shaikh Murtada al-Zabidi was befriended by IbrdhimKatkhoddof the Azab regiment,and from henceforth "fortune smiledupon him"1). Shaikh'Abdalldhal-Sharqdwi, ector of al-Azhar,earlyin his life was so poor thathe could not afford o cook in his house andhad to rely on charityfor his very'meals. He was then taken up bysome Syrianmerchantswho gave him alms and gifts and helped himbuy his first house 2). The list of such examplesis endless.

Frequently the 'ulamd' were remuneratedfor rendering friendlyservices such as in the settlement of disputes. 'Umar Makramwasappointed naqibal-ashraifor having negotiated the return of MuradandIbrdhimbeys to power3). Shaikhal-Mahdiwas constantlybesiegedby supplicantswho thronged round him the minute his lectures atal-Azharended, so that he could help them with their problems orbusiness difficulties4). He had no qualms about making Muhammad'Ali himself pay for his services. Thus when he helped depose 'UmarMakram n 1809 he demandedtwo yearsof an allegedback salaryforhis pains, plus the superintendanceof the awqaf which Makramhadheld 5). Yet when his supplicantswere poor he performedhis servicesgratuitously.A further source of income for the 'ulama'came from public fundsfrom the authorities at the Porte6). Shaikh Murtadaal-Zabidi wasgranted 15o paras daily on orders from the Porte. The rector of al-Azhar received 19,870 parasper annum from the Holy Cities, whileShaikh al-Bakrireceived 26o,ooo paras. Shaikh al-Saddtwas granted148,635 paras and naqibal-ashradfwho was frequentlyeither Shaikh

i) Ibid.,II, p. 197.z) Ibid.,V,p. I6o.3) See MuhammadFaridAba IHadid,Al-Sayyid UmarMakram Cairo: 1951) fora biographyof cUmarMakram.4) Jabarti,op.cit., IV, p. 234.5) Loc. cit.6) RecueilDes FirmansImperiauxOttomans Cairo: 1934), nos. 55, 64, 65, 79,passim.


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THE 'ULAMA' 143

al-Bakrior Shaikh al-Siddt) received i65,291 paras, and Shaikh al-Mahdiwas given 225,064 paras1).Allowances from revenues of the local regiments were also paidto the 'ulamd'in the form of monthly dues, and these were grantedin perpetuitysince they were incorporated n waqf and willed to theheirs of the recipient.Likewise assignments n kind, 'zulffdt,were paidout of the ImperialGranaryand becamepart of a man'sestate. These

assignmentscompriseda dailyrationof one ardab 5,44imperialbushels)of wheat and one ardabof barley. Originally the 'ulzfdt were issuedas part of a soldier's salaryand were regardedas sufficientsupply ofgrain for a man and his horse to consume in one day. Actually anardabof wheat could feed a family for a month, which accounts forthe fact that in the past the mamlukswere able to corner the grainmarketbecauseof the surpluscereals n theirpossession.When an "'lim acquireda little capitalhe invested it in real estate.To begin with he bought a dwelling place for himself, then hebought other structures o rent out and perhapsto house his differentwives if he had become sufficientlyaffluent.Then he bought shops,perhapsa rab' (which was an edifice comprisingone or more storeyswith shops on the street level and severallodgings with their appur-tenances, kitchen, latrinesetc. on the upperlevels), a wikdla,a bathingestablishment,a coffee house etc. Some also invested in trade andcommerce,both national and international.National trade was one ofcommodities and comestibles such as flax, cotton, rice and grain2).International radeincluded spices, luxury goods, cloth and above allcoffee which was a highly prized commodity, and was presentedas avaluablegift on specialoccasions.A rare handful of 'ulamd'practiseda trade.Some even mademoneywriting books, ShaikhMurtadawas paid ioo,ooo dirhemsby Muham-mad Bey Abi-1 Dhahab for his Tadal-'Arifs3), but that was rarerstill.All the 'ulami' high and low received gifts and had fringe benefits

I) Esttve, "Les Financesd't?gypte" n Description, op.cit., p. z22.2) Jabarti,op.cit., IV, p. 235.3) Ibid.,II, p. 199.


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by virtue of theirfunction in society. The high 'ulamd'were given furpelisses and bags of coffeeby the ruling elite, and the poorest village,faqih was given an article of appareland food by the more affluentmembersof the community.Fringebenefits ncludedpreferentialreat-ment in the shops and frequently tradesmen would refuse to acceptpaymentfor articlespurchased by an c'lim.The 'ulamd' therefore while not belonging to a money-producingmilieu notwithstandinghad some opportunitiesfor amassing riches,and those of them who set out to do so were successful n their ende-avours.And while the majorityof the 'ulamd'remainedpoor, the high'ulamd',save for an exceptionalhandfulof dedicatedscholars,becamerich and politically influential,the two sides of the same coin.To make more graphicthe extent of the 'ulamd"swealth we mightcomparethe contents of a number of waqf documents made out bysome of the high 'ulamd'to each other and to that of a mamlukbey,MuhammadBey Abii-1Dhahab(d. 1775).We might then comparethewaqf of Shaikh Muhammadal-Bakri (d. 1782) and Shaikh AbUi-1Anwdr al-Siddt (d. 1813), Shaikh 'Abdalldh al-Sharqawi (d. 1813) and'Umar Makram (d. 1822).Both the familiesof al-Bakriand al-Sdditweremembersof the nativearistocracy. They were ashrif, descendantsof the Prophet, and alsolong established n Egypt so that they had deep roots in the countryand long standingvested interests.The al-Bakrifamily claimsthat itsancestorsarrivedin Egypt during the early days of Islam, while theancestorsof al-Sddit arrived a century or two later. The Bakriorderwas founded on the strength of the fact that its members were de-scendantsof the Prophet'sfamily, and while it was not the largestorthe most popular in the land, it was certainlythe richest. From theI3th centuryonwards,or so family legend tells us, the Shaikhal-sijaddaal-Bakriyya,.e. the titular Shaikh al-Bakri, was also principal co-ordinatorof all the mysticalordersof Egypt, Shaikhmashadyikhl-turuqal-sfifiyya,hichmeant hat all the orderswere subserviento himandthat he had a hand in appointingtheir heads, as well as having a sayin the appointmentof the rector of al-Azhar. The family of al-Sadat


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THE 'ULAMA1' 145

were membersof the Waf~'iorderof mystics, and the Shaikhal-sijddaal-Wafd'iyya, he titular Shaikh al-Saddt,competed with Shaikh al-Bakrifor the honour of the naqibal-ashrdf.Contrary o what Chabrolwrote in his articleon the mores of the Egyptians, the naqib al-ashrdfwas not alwayssent out from Istanbul.According to the Bakrifamilyhistories from the I3th century onwards the naqib was inevitably amember of al-Bakrior of al-Siddt families, and his appointmentwasonly ratifiedas a pureformality n Istanbul1). But there were of courseexceptions such as the appointmentof 'Umar Makram.Both Shaikhal-Bakri and Shaikh al-Saddtwere n4zirs over extensive awqdf byvirtue of their functions as heads of the mysticalordersand with eachgenerationthey acquiredmore iltizams,more awqif, and more officialtitles and salaries.

The titular head of al-Bakri order was entrustedwith celebratingsome of the most importantmawlidsin the country.The celebrationsof the Prophet'smawlid for examplewere alwaysattendedby the wdliand the rulers of the land. The festivities were extremelylavish andShaikhal-Bakriwas saidto spendas muchas 00,ooooomedins on them2).(That mawlid has continued to be of official importance until thepresent day when the ceremonies are attended by the Presidentandthe CabinetMinistersalthough it is no longer in the sole charge ofShaikhal-Bakri).The Shaikhal-Bakriwas also in chargeof celebratingthe mawlid of Shaikh 'Abd al-Qadir al-Dashtuitiwho was the friendandpatronof one of the earlyBakris. This mawlidlastedfor one weekfrom 20-27 Rajab, ending on the night of the mi'raj. He also celebratedthe mawlid of the Bakriyyawhich lastedfrom io-5 Sha'ban,and twicea week, every week, a hadrawas held in the zdwiyaof the Bakriyya.Throughout the month of Ramadln there were also nightly celebra-tions supervised by Shaikh al-Bakrialthough other leading Shaikhsalso had similargatheringsat their residencesas well.To celebrateall these mawlids necessitateda large purse and fre-i) MuhammadTawfiq al-Bakri,Bait al-Saddiq Cairo: 190o5) s a family historywritten by one of the ShaikhSijddaand gives detailsof familyprerogatives.2) Esteve, "Les Financesd'Egypte" in Description, op.cit., p. 216.

3


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quently there were awqaf designed wholly for that purpose, whichaccounts in part for the large numberof awqaf supervised by Shaikhal-Bakriand his colleague Shaikh al-Siddt.ShaikhMuhammadal-Bakriwas a poor relative in the family, andone who had little hope of inheriting the title. The fact that he dideventually nheritit at the remarkable ge of 90 was somewhatunusualgiven the life expectancyof the period. He occupiedthe post for onlya yearbeforehis death.In 1779ShaikhMuhammadmadeout a waqflyyawhich is of interest to us because it does not list propertywhich hemight have inheritedby virtue of his position as shaikhal-sijdda, incehe was to inherit the title only three years later, but lists propertythat he had accumulatedthrough his own efforts, thereby giving ussome notion of the riches that an'dlimcould hope to amass. ShaikhMuhammadal-Bakri'sassets were mostly in real estate and coveredeight lots of propertyscatteredover various areas but mostly adjacentto each other and centred round the area of al-Azbakiyyawhere themain family residencewas located over looking the pond '). All hisproperties had been acquired between the years 1766 and 1775 whenhe was well in his seventies. They reveala varietyof investmentsthatwould lead us to infer that he must have tradedin grain, indigo, andcoffee since he sold the three items both in the original and in themanufacturedorm. Indigo was a valueditem andpaid an importdutyof 198 medins the quintal in Old Cairo,while coffeepaid a duty of 50omedins the bale 2). Both were expensive products which leads us tosurmisethat ShaikhMuhammadmust have had connections with theretail and wholesale merchantsin order to procurethe raw productsand then sell the manufacturedarticle. The same appliesto the grain.The fact that he sold grain, and also ground it and then manufacturedit and sold it as bread-thus exploiting the tradeto the fullest extent-

i) See Appendix A for details of the waqf, Cairo MaAkamnaharciyyaArchives(henceforwardreferred o as CairoMSA), sijilldtal-Bib al-cAli,nos. 295, 8 Shawwal1293/1779. These registers list and record waqf documents by alphabeticalorderand date.z) Esteve, "Les Financesd'1?gypte" n Description, op. cit., p. 216.


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THE 'ULAMA.' 147

must have been a source of greatriches,for to this day flour mills andbakeriesare highly lucrative tradesin Egypt.Though Muhammad'sestatewas a goodly one, a measureof whichwas the sumof moneywhich he stipulatedshould be distributedamongthe 'ulamd' or the recitationof prayers,andwhich amountedto 14,750

paras, the propertiesthat he amassedafter he became titular head ofthe order far outstrippedhis present holdings. As head of the orderhe becamendzir over 44 awq~f1); eight of these were family endow-ments made out by various ancestors,but the rest were a mixture ofprivateand public ones like those of Sal.h al-Din, al-AshrafBarsbay,and Shaikh'Abd al-Qddiral-Dashtuti to name but a few of the mostwell known ones. Unfortunatelywe have no precise figures for theincomes derived from these charities but we can deduce from details,such as the number of good works that were listed, that they wereextensive. The Dashtuiti waqf which included a mosque where thesaint,wal4yy,was buried,andwhich was thus the focus of visitation andconsequentlygifts from countless believers in the saint's power hadat one time been managed by the Bdsh Ikhtiyvr of the Chardkisaregiment, whose son had ceded it to the Bakri family. The Bakrifamily registersreveal that a century later in 1883 the titular shaikhwas still spending some ? 50 to celebrate the mawlid of al-Dashtidti,and? 35o to celebrate he mawlid of the Prophet,2)a clear ndicationofthe value of the waqf which could last for such a long period.

ShaikhAbii-l Anwar al-Sidat was if not the richest man of his dayat least one of the most influential,more so than Shaikh Khalil al-Bakrihis rival in the sufi hierarchy.His father had been a tradesmanand he had inherited the title from his maternalcousin. Much of thewealth he possessedwas inheritedalong with the title, but he was alsoa bit of a money-grubberand worked incessantly at increasing hisfortune.He neverpaid anytaxes,andneglectedto paythosewho workedfor him, but they would have regarded it as a major sin, minal-kaba'ir3),

i) CairoMSA, sijil 776/18, 18 Jamdd Awal I202/1788.2) Informationderived from the Bakrifamily registers which are private and inthe keeping of the Bakrifamilyin Cairo.3) Jabarti,op.cit., IV, p. 187.


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to be paidfor the privilegeof workingfor him. He was a very arrogantman and Jabarti s somewhatacid in his references owards the Shaikhbut he seemed to be a man of moral courage who stood up to themamluks,and even to the Ottoman QapudanPashaas well as to theFrench.When the Ottoman expeditionarrivedin Egypt he refused todeliver to the Ottomans the moneys which the mamlukIbrdhimBeyhad left in his keeping. He also balkedthe OttomanPashafrom sellingthe wives and childrenof the Beys1). In brief he was a thorough nuis-ance as far as the Ottomans were concerned. He refusedto serve onBonaparte'sdiwan, believing that such a function was demeaningfora man in his position, and he also refused to wear the cockarde.Bonapartesuspectedhim of being the source of every bit of mischiefin the land that was organized againstthe French but he was afraidtotouch him becauseof his influence with the population.His successorsdid not have Bonaparte'sscruples and in I8oo Shaikh al-Sddit wasaccused of complicity in the uprising and tortured, imprisoned andfined. When he died leaving no direct descendantsMuhammad'Aliconfiscated his moneys amounting to 100oo5 urses, saying that theShaikh had been a greedy man and deserved no better treatment.ShaikhAbii-l Anwdr had left all his propertyto his manumitted wifeand had cut out the rest of his family leaving them only a few paltrybequests so that Muhammad Ali's actions met with approval on thepart of the rest of the al-Sadit family in good old schadenfreude,shamdta,ashion.However his nephewandsuccessorto the title marriedthe lady and was thus able to keep the money in the family, and thePasha was coaxed into returningsome of it. Shaikh al-Sddit was incharge of celebratingmawlid al-IHusainwhich lasted from i Rabi'-Thdnito the end of the month, with a hadraevery Tuesdayand Satur-day. That was the second most importantmawlidin the land, and stillis to the presentday when the whole squarein front of the mosque,and heenvirons re akenover or the celebrationsndwhere housandsof people come into the city from the villages. He also celebrated he

i) Ibid., IV, p. i88.


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THE 'ULAMA' 149

mawlid of SayyidaZainab, and that of SayyidaNafisa, and that ofal-Imamal-Shafi'i ). Like his colleague Shaikh al-Bakrihe too cele-bratednightly throughout the month of Ramadan,when both thesemen,andmanyothers,heldopen housenightlyfor the mealatsundownand for the su.hir,or last meal before the fast began the following day.Thus from sunset to sunrise the residences of the shaikhs saw anendless parade of visitors and of the poor who were assured of agenerouswelcome. Recitationsof the quranandprayerswere naturallypartof the evening's entertainment.

ShaikhAbd-1Anwarwasndzirover some 52 waqf2). He madeoutover 25 differentwaqf documentsof his own property, he mostimportant f which was dated1807, andthe last additionwas datedI813 the year of his death. The changes n his holdingsare mostinterestingsince they tracethe new additions o his propertyandstandas a studyof the financial ctivitiesof theman.His landedpro-pertywouldhave sufficed o makehim a veryrichman,but his realestateholdingswereequally xtensive.Theyaddup to a totalof sevenhouses,seven shops, three wikdlas,one coffee house and variousorchards.n anotherdocumentwe also learn hathe possesseda fleetof ferryboatswhichcrossed heNilefromJizato JaziratAbii-lDhahabto Old CairoandBulaqandall stopsin between3). That means hathe had a virtualmonopolyof ferryboat trafficalongboth banksofthe Nile. His waqfindicatesa constant inancial ctivity hatvergedonthefeverish;ikeanymoderndaybusinessycoonheboughthouses,madeadditionsand reparations,hen sold them and bought otherhouses.However the mainbackboneof his fortune seemed to beagricultural and. When Muhammad'Ali confiscatedthe iltizdms al-Siddt did not fare too badlybecausehe was allowedto collect thefa"'i iltizam rom the state(theportionassigned o themultazim fterhe hadpaidthe taxeson the land),andlateron he andhis successors

i) cAli Mubdrak,al-Khi.talal-Tawfiqiyyai Misr al-Qdhira Cairo: i 822) I, p. 90also III, p. 73.2) Cairo MSA, sijil iz, p. I8 no. I27, ii82 also p. 21 no. 147, II82.3) Cairo MSA, sijil diwin c'll, no. z, p. 235, no. 35!, 1196.


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were compensatedby other grantsof land1). The al-Sidit family likethat of al-Bakri continued to be large landowners until the zothcenturywhen the offspringsof both familiesunited them in wedlock.WhereShaikhAbi-1 Anwdr had inherited much of his wealth alongwith his title, Shaikh'Abdalldhal-Sharqiwihad been notoriously im-pecunious.Yet his waqf reveals a man of substance2). Jabartigives thecredit for the growth of Sharqiwi's fortunes to his wife, who seemedto be a shrewd business woman. Much of Sharqdwi'swealth was theoutcome of gifts as we have shown above, and even after he becamerich the gifts continuedto pour in. When the Frenchoccupied EgyptSharqdwiwas chosenpresidentof the diwan,at a salaryof 14,5000 parasper month3). Under the mamluks Sharqdwihad acquirediltizdmsinhis nativeprovinceof Sharqiyya,but Jabarticlaimsthathe had becomeeven richer under the French becausehe had seized the property ofthose who had died or emigrated rom Egypt 4). Much of his propertywas agricultural and, such as befits a man with ruralorigins, and itwas skillfully grouped in two plots of land rather than in severaldispersed ots which was more usual.Jabarticommentedon Sharqiwi'surbanpropertiesand claimed that they providedhim with "importantrevenues"every month5).'UmarMakramwas a dark horse. Though he claimedto be a sharifwe know little about his ancestry,and we only know his father'sandgrandfather'snames although it is customaryin a waqf document totrace one's genealogy back to an illustrious ancestor, especiallyif hebe the prophet himself. Makramseemed to have a considerable alentfor organizationand for politicalactivism.He had organizedresistancegroups in Cairoprior to the French occupationof that city. Lateron

I) Informationderivedfrom a Memoirepresentedto the Courd'Appel on Decem-ber 1925 on behalf of membersof the al-Sadatfamily in a suit againstthe Ministryof Awqdf, in which they successfullyestablishedtheirright to the possession of suchlandswhich hadat one time been iltizim, then they were allowedthe fi'iz andin timethe land becametheir privateproperty.z) See Appendix for his waqf, CairoMSA, sijil 337, p. 281, no. 606, 1zzo.3) Jabarti,op. cit., III, p. 138.4) Ibid.,IV, p. i6i.5) Loc. cit.


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THE 'ULAM.A' 15I

he had organizedsimilargroups when the Ottoman forces arrivedin800oo.e repeatedhis activities n 180o andwas instrumentaln bringingMuhammad'Ali into prominence. His talents had been obvious toMuhammad'Ali, who early in his reign had depended on Makram,but later had organizeda cabalagainst him and sent him to exile inRosetta where he died. Makram eft a diverse list of propertiesmuchof whichwerein his native town of Asyut, andwhich includedagricul-turalland, realestateand weaving establishments1). He was also ndzirover manywaqfs2), the most important of which were the waqf ofSultanal-Ghfiriwho had built a caravanserai nd a whole suq (whichexists to the presentday),the waqf of SindnPasha,the charitiesof 'Abdal-RahmdnKatkhodd,and those of the two Imams, al-Shdfi'iand al-Laithi- a judicious choice of the richestpublic awqdf.His supervisionof theseendowments called forth the envy of his colleagueswho couldhardly wait to have him sent into exile in order to succeed him tothese positions.

In comparisonto the wealth of the 'ulamd'we might glance at thepropertiesof MuhammadBey Abii-1Dhahab3). His waqf documentis one of the longest extant in the Ministry of Waqf Archives andincludes an impressive list of urban properties plus a list of ruralpropertieswhich covers three pages of foolscap in the registers.It mayservelittle purpose economicallyto comparethe wealth of amamlukbey with that of an cdlim,but one might well keep in mindthat the gap between the two in the i8th centurywas not as great asthefinancialgap that existed between the affluentculamd'and the massof the populationfrom whose ranksthey had arisen.The significanceof the wealth of the culamd's that it is an indicationof their politicalstanding with the ruling elite- it is a barometer for measuringthestrength or the weakness of the central authority.Thus in times ofinsecurity the culam') became more affluent and more influential.

I) Appendix C, Cairo MSA, sijil 319, p. I23, no 273, I2io.2) Cairo MSA, sijil 23, p. 31, no. 171, 1220.3) CairoDaftarkhdna,Ministryof Awqjf, the document is kept in the steel vaultof the Ministry,al-h.bqraal-fulddhiyya.


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I52 A. L. AL-S. MARSOT

Naturally the degree of their wealth affectedthem socially and evenmorally, for they became more aloof from the population and moreidentified with the ruling elite and their vested interests. And whilethe poorer culam~)became involved in popular uprisings, the richerCulamd'were more involved in keeping mattersquiet-except in veryunusual circumstances.One can thereforeconclude with some justifi-cation that wealth for the 'ulama'was an artificialcondition, that is,it did not arise from within the profession as a naturalconsequence,but arose in extra-ordinarytimes only as a by-product of theprofession, and only in times when the society was a traditionalIslamic one.

APPENDIX AWaqfof ShaikhMuhammadal-Bakrial-Kabir-The first lot covered an areathat had once been a flour mill and two bakeries,but which the founder had transformed nto seven shops, two of which formed aflour mill, a tabfna, a distilleryfor the manufacture of vinegar (a rare item sincethere were about one dozen such distilleriesin Cairo and vinegar was sold at I2

medins a pint 1), a rab' three storeys high, a hawsh(a courtyard surrounded bystorage rooms) with four storage rooms, a fifth shop for making raisins, and ashop for the grindingand torrefactionof coffee,and finallyanotherbakery.-The second lot had been a coffee house but the founder had turned it into agranarywhere he sold the grain, and had also built a rab'above it.-The third lot covered a large area,a makin,which had two shops, hawjnit.-The fourth lot comprised two buildings, describedin detail down to the lastcloset, fully suppliedwith bath-houseand latrines,a well, etc.-The fifth lot was a courtyard,hawsh,with a large rab',and four shops.-The sixth lot had once been a flourmill with stablesfor the animalsandlodgingsfor the farmer,but the founder had turnedit into a guest house and in the basementhe had set up 14 vats for the storage of indigo, nila.-The seventh lot was a flour mill and the eighth lot was a coffeehouse.

APPENDIX BWaqfof ShaikhAbQi-lAnwar al-Sidit-One third the lands in the district,ndhiyat, f Zifta.-twelve qirdts n nhliyat Dunya in Jirja.-twelve qirdts Kilila (that is land that is not measured) in Izbat Farghali inMansfira.-One qirdt n the above areagrantedto him by the wdli in 1793.

--All rizqa land in nhiyat AwlVd Khalaf in Mansur. The land was in a villageI) M. Devillers et alii, "Explication des Planches des Arts et M6tiers",in Des-cription, op.cit., XVII, p. 435.


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THE 'ULAM' 153called Mit Qurashiwhere he owned eighteen qirits of the Zimim,or areapertainingto the village, totalling 1631faddans.Abra-1Anwir's share of that zimim was there-fore 1223 faddans.-Twenty four qirits in ni~hiyatMit Mizl.h in Mansura,which was around 500oofaddans.-Twenty four qirits in n7hiyatKafr al-Mansoran Minifiyya.-Three qirits imnadtand in Faraskfr.-One coffee house and three wikildtin Buliq.-A house in Darb al-Jamimizwith a gardenof twelve qirits.-Sixteen qirits of riZqaand in Jiza totalling 6o faddans.-Two shops in Khutt al-Zujijiyyin.-One house in Khin al-Khalili.-A house adjacent o the mosque of al-IHusain.-A house in Khutt al-Mashhadal-Husaini.-A house near Zdwiyatal-Siddt in Khutt al-Khoronfish.-The family residence which the founder had restored and greatly enlarged sothat it rivalled the most gorgeous of mamlukresidences.-A house in Khutt Darb al-Sidat.-An area comprising stables with lodgings above them opposite the familyresidence and possessing its own well.-A saqiyaand well.-A laige orchardandpalmtreesin BulIq opposite the gardenof 'Abd al-RahmdinKatkhodi.-Five shops in Khutt al-Khuraziniyya.

APPENDIX CWaqfof Shaikh cAbdallahal-Sharqiwi

-Eight qirIts in Tawila, Sharqiyya.-He subsequentlyaddedtwo more qirdtsto that areaand two more faddans.-One qirit in Takh al-Qarmat.-He subsequently ncreasedthat holding by a furthereight qirits.-All land,tin sawdd,n nibhiyat l-cArish n Sharqiyya,nearthe city of Bilbais.-The whole area of a village, kildla-minhairmisiha, n Mit IHadid n Mansra.The landhe owned in Tikh is some of the best landin the province to the presentday. He also received payments from theJawdli (the jizya tax) which totalled 777cuthmani,plus 15o 'uthmanias'ulfift from the Mustahfazin. His urbanpropertiestotalled:-A public bath.-Seven shops and a small storage space.-His dwelling house.

APPENDIX DWaqfof Sayyid 'UmarMakram-Ten qirits comprising all the rizqalands in the district of ZIwiyat Dh~ihir nAsyut.-One and one sixth qirit in another areaof Asyut.


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154 MARSOT, THE (ULAMA'

-Twelve qirits owned jointlyin seven small houses and a weaving establishmentalso in Asyut.-A house situated above a drinkingtrough for animalsin the same town.-A house in Cairo nearBib al-Shurba.-A house in Darb al-Atrik.-A rabcand twelve qirits in a wikila situatedin the same area.-Twelve qirits of six shops nearthe above mentionedwikdla.-Twelve qirdtsof seven houses.-A hall, qd'a, and is appurtenances,with two shops behind it and two storagerooms, in Hdrital-Yahiid.-A rab'in Hdrital-Yahfid.-A coffee house and a shop.-Twelve qirdts n a ruin, khariba, n Buldq.-Twelve qirdtsof a rabc n Buldq.-340 cuthmini 'ulifdt on the Jawdli.In another document his heir lists the propertyshe had inheritedfrom her fatherand cites furtherbuildings in Asyut, and three shops for weaving comprisinga totalof twelve looms and a coffee house adjoiningthem.

APPENDIX EWaqfof MuhammadBey Aba-l Dhahab-A mosque, tekke, and their appurtenanceswhich were founded by the bey

opposite al-Azhar.-Thirty threeshops with theirstoragerooms and nine dwellingsabove the shops.-All the houses adjoiningthe above citedpropertyandthe rab'which housed thecoppersmiths.-A coffee house.-Three houses and four shops.-Six houses, two riwa-qs, shop for butchers and one for paper makersin thesamearea.-A shop for polishing copper.-Seventeen shops in Khan al-Charkas, nd ten levels in said Khan.-A structure erected by the bey and comprising a qaysarjyya ith two gates ateither end and shops to the right and the left, including shops for gold thread,andthree coffee houses-which gives one an estimate of the length of the qaysariyyanquestion.

marsot-the political and economic functions of the ulema in the 18th century

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