media for democracy in afganistan : a handbook for journalists

Media for Democracy in Afghanistan

A handbook for journalists

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media for democracy in afghanistan

Introduction 3

1.Basicconceptsofdemocracy 4

2.Electionsandunitsofadministration 7

3.Themediaindemocraticsocieties 8

4.Publicservicejournalismperspectives 10

5.Fundamentalsofelectoralprocesses 12

6.Thelogisticsandmechanicsoffreeelections 17

7.Politicalpartiesandcampaignstrategies 20

8.ElectionCampaigncoverage 23

Appendix I: 26CharterforaDemocraticandPluralistMediaCultureandSocialandProfessionalRightsforMediaandJournalisminAfghanistan

Appendix II: 28TheIFJ’sManifestoforaDemocraticMediaCulture

CO

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EN

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International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)

ResidencePalace,BlockC

155RuedelaLoi

B-1040Brussels,Belgium

Tel:+3222352200

Fax:+3222352219

Email:[email protected]

Website:www.ifj.org

IFJ Asia-Pacific

245ChalmersStreet

RedfernNSW2016,Australia

Tel:+61293330999

Fax:+61293330933

Email:[email protected]

Website:asiapacific.ifj.org

Thisdocumenthasbeenproducedwiththe

financialassistanceoftheEuropeanUnion.

Thecontentsofthisdocumentarethesole

responsibilityoftheIFJandcanunderno

circumstancesberegardedasreflectingthe

positionoftheEuropeanUnion.

EditorSukumarMuralidharan

Project staffNaqibullahTaib,FrozanDanishRahmani

DesignImpulsiveCreations,Delhi

AllphotographscourtesytheAfghanIndependentElectionCommissionandtheUnitedNationsAssistanceMissioninAfghanistan(UNAMA)

SpecialthankstoSamanderRahimullah,theAfghanIndependentJournalistsAssociation(AIJA)andZiaBumia,theCommitteetoProtectAfghanJournalists(CPAJ).

SomeportionsofthishandbookwererefinedafterworkshopsheldwithjournalistsinAfghanistaninlate2007andearly2008.Thanksareduetotheparticipantswhoassistedinthisprocess.

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Afghanistanwentthroughahistoriccycleofelectionsbetween2004and2005,firstelectingapresident

throughuniversaladultfranchiseandthencreatingthelegislativeinstitutionsthatwillgovernthecountryatthenationalandprovinciallevelsuntil2010.

ThenascentmediainAfghanistanfollowedtheemergenceofthenewdemocracywithcustomaryinterestandcommitment.

Anothercycleofelectionsisduetobeginin2009,whenthecurrenttenureofAfghanistan’spresidentexpires.Electionstothenationalandprovincialassembliesareduein2010,althoughthereisdebateaboutwhethertobringtheseforwardtocoincidewiththepresidentialelections.Thereisalsoaneedtoholddistrictcouncilelections,whichhavelongbeenpostponedbecauseofdifficultiesinagreeingonthedemarcationofboundariesandotherrelatedcomplications.

Inallthis,asignificantroleisenvisagedforthemedia,asawatchdogovertheintegrityoftheelectoralprocessandasthemainchannelofinformationforthevotingpublic.Significantconstitutionalissuesremaintoberesolved.Theseincludethecriteriafordemarcationofdistrictandprovincialboundaries,theextenttowhichpoweristobedevolvedfromthenationalleveltotheprovincialandthenthelocallevel,andtheroleofpoliticalparties.

Withdistrictcouncilsyettobeelected,theconstitutionalschemeinAfghanistanremainsincompletelyimplemented.TheMeshranoJirga,orupperhouseofthenationalparliament,isconstitutionallyrequiredtohaveathirdofits102memberselectedfromthedistrictcouncils.Sincethisconditionhasnotbeenmet,theupperhousehasmadedotemporarilywithseveral“provisional”membersputinplacebytheprovincialcouncils.

ThefailuretoholddistrictcouncilelectionsalsomeansthatthepeopleofAfghanistandonotquiteyetseedemocraticaccountabilityinpracticeinitsmostimmediatesense.

Afghanistanislikelyinthe12monthsfromAugust2008torevisitnumerousthemesinthepracticeofelectoraldemocracy,thatweresubmergedordealtwithsummarilyintheearlierroundofelections.Awell-informedpubliccanparticipateinthisdebateandconstructapositiveoutcome,ifitisprovidedwithauthenticandreliableinformationbyawell-informedandpublic-spiritedmedia.

ThepurposeofthishandbookistolayoutsomeprinciplesthatcouldfunctionasguidepostsforjournalistsinAfghanistanastheyseektograpplewiththeevolvingcomplexitiesofdemocracyinaction.ItseekstoprovideconcretesuggestionsonhowglobalbestpracticesinpoliticalreportingandelectioncoveragecouldbeadaptedfortheAfghanistancontext.

InteractionsbetweentheInternationalFederationofJournalists(IFJ)andtheAfghanIndependentJournalists’

Association(AIJA)havearrivedatseveralconclusionsaboutcurrentmediaawarenessofthedemocraticelectoralprocess.

• Journalistsfindtheyhavelittleaccesstotheinnerworkingsoftheelectoralprocess.

• Theythinkthatpoliticalleadersdonotwanttofacejournalistswhoaskdifficultquestions.

• Therefereeoftheelectoralprocess,theIndependentElectionCommissionestablishedundertheconstitutionofAfghanistan,alsoisinneedofmediaoversight,asaretheelectionobserversdeployedbyinternationalagencies.

• JournalistsarekeentojoindebateaboutthemostappropriatepatternofelectoraldemocracyforAfghanistan,intermsofassessingthepresidentialandtheparliamentarysystem,andallthevariantsonthesebasicmodels.

•Journalistswantanagreedcharterofrightsregardingtheirpowersofscrutinyovertheelectoralprocess,sothattheycanreportirregularitiesthatordinarypeopleandpublicauthoritiescanthenseektocorrect.

• Journalistswanttounderstandbettertheprinciplesofneutralandnon-partisanreporting.

• InthespecificsituationofpastandpresentconflictinAfghanistan,journalistswanttounderstandhowtheycanexpandthelimitsof“safereporting”,particularly

inrelationtotheinfluenceandcoercivepowerwieldedbyerstwhile“warlords”.

ThishandbookisdesignedwithspecificreferencetothepoliticalsituationinAfghanistanandisintendedforusebyworkingjournalistsandpractitionersfromacrossallmedia(print,radio,television

andonline).ItwasdevelopedthroughaseriesofIFJworkshopsinAfghanistanwhichaimedtoequipparticipantswiththeexpertisetodothefollowing.

• ReportonandinterpretelectionsinthecontextofearliersuchexercisesinAfghanistan.

• Beattunedtothelegalissuesinvolvedinelections,particularlyinregardtothepracticeofjournalism.

• Beawareofthelogisticsandmechanismsofelectoralprocesses,includingdelimitation,voterregistration,ballotingandcountingprocesses,andelectionsupervision.

• Reportontheseinatransparentandaudience-friendlyfashion.

• Decodethevariousstylesofelectoralappealusedbycandidates.

• Interpretinatransparentfashiontheapplicationofpredictivetechniquessuchasopinionpolls,etc.

• Approachtheirpoliticalreportingtasksbyapplyingtheprinciplesofpublicservicejournalism.

• Usetheseconceptsinreportingonelections,asanessentialpartofAfghanistan’sdemocratictransition.

• UnderstandthevariouselectoralsystemsinusegloballyandplacetheAfghanistansystemincomparativecontext.

Another cycle of elections is due to begin in 2009... In this, a significant role is envisaged

for the media, as a watchdog over the integrity of the electoral process and as the main channel of information for the voting

public. Significant constitutional issues remain to be resolved.

IntroductIon

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Intermsoftheactualcareerofdemocracyasapoliticalidea,wehavethefollowingsetofpropositionsfromawell-knownjournalistandpoliticalanalystintheUnitedStates,FareedZakariainTheFutureofFreedom(2003):• Democracymeansa“governmentcreatedbyelections

inwhicheveryadultcitizencouldvote”.• “In1900notasinglecountryhadwhatwewould

todayconsiderademocracy”.• “Today119do,comprising62percentofallcountries

intheworld”.“Sovereignty”referstoazoneoffreedomwhere

thepoliticalauthorityoranindividualcanactwithoutrestraint.Nosovereigntyisabsolute.ThereisaconsensussharedbyallcountriesandenshrinedintheUnitedNationsCharterthatthe

“nation”asrepresentedbythe“State”issovereign.Yet,thoughsovereign,theStateisboundbythelaw.

Similarly,modernliberaldemocracyenshrinesthesovereigntyoftheindividualasacardinalprinciple.However,thesovereigntyofanysingleindividualislimitedbythecompulsionheorsheis

• Conceptsofdemocracy,suchasdemocracydefinedasrulebythepeople.

• Processesofdemocracy,suchasregularelectionsthatreflectthewillofthepeople.

• Practicesofdemocracy,suchasadivisionofpowersbetweenthelegislature,executiveandjudiciary.

• Principlesofdemocracy,suchasaccountabilityofallinstitutionstothepeople.Thesethemesareinter-

relatedandfeedoffoneanother.Thereisacircularlogicasrulebythepeoplemovesthoughprocesses,practicesandprinciplestoreturntoaccountabilitytothepeople.Rulebythepeople,inotherwords,becomesanactualityonlywhenallinstitutionsofgovernanceareaccountableonanabsolutebasis.

the State cannot, absent the process of law, do anything that is contrary to the basic rights of citizens: the right to life, the right to livelihood,

the right to free speech, the right to information, the right to free movement.

BASIc conceptS of democrAcy

In any discussion on democracy, certain themes emerge, including the following.

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undertorespectthesovereigntyofanother.TheStatecannotdoanythingthatiscontraryto

thebasicrightsofcitizens:therighttolife;therighttolivelihood;therighttofreespeech;therighttoinformation;therighttofreemovement.Thecircumstancesunderwhichanyoftheserightscanbeabridgedneedtobestatedfirmlyunderthelaw.IneachinstancewhereaStateinvokesthesespecialpowers,justificationisrequiredbeforetheappropriatebody.

DemocracyalsoenshrinesaparticularmodeofrelationshipbetweentheindividualandtheState.Thisrelationshipcantakeseveralforms,whentheindividualcouldbeseeninthefollowingways.

• Asavoter.• Asaparticipantinpublicdiscussion.• Asadecision-maker.Doesanindividual’sparticipationinthepolitical

processbeginwithhisorherentryintothepollingboothandendwithhimorherdroppingapaperintoaballotbox?Isanindividual’spoliticalengagementlimitedtothisexercise,whichcouldhappenonceinfourorfiveyears?Orisitanongoingengagement?Doesheorsheremainengagedwiththepoliticalprocessandgovernance?

Democracyobviouslymeansmorethanthefreedomtocastavoteeveryfewyears.Afunctioningdemocracyneedstoenablethecitizentoexercisehisorherfreedomtocommentondecisionsmadebythegovernment.Thecitizenhastobeawarethathisorheropinionisofconsequenceinanyimportantpolicydecision.Democracyinthissenseismorethanthefreedomtovoteeverynowandagain.Itismorelikeacontinuousreferendumonhowpeoplewishtobegoverned.

Bythistoken,themerefactthatacountrygoesthroughtheprocessesofelectoraldemocracyonceinfourorfiveyearsdoesnotmeanthatitspeopleenjoyliberty.ToquoteZakariaagain:• “Overthelasthalf-century

intheWest,democracyandlibertyhavemerged.”

• “Buttodaythetwostrandsofliberaldemocracy,interwovenintheWesternpoliticalfabric,arecomingapartacrosstheglobe.”

• “Democracyisflourishing,libertyisnot”.Democraticprocesseshavebeeninplace

generallyinwesterncountriesformorethanacentury,butlibertyhasbeenguaranteedonlyinthepasthalf-century.Manydevelopingcountries,whichnowemploydemocraticprocesses,cannotreallyclaimtohaveguaranteedindividualliberty.

Practices and processes of democracyWithinthebroadframeworkofdemocracy,differentoptionsareavailable.Peoplecanchooseanyofthesetodeterminehowpoliticalauthorityisorganisedandhowfarpoliticalinstitutionsateverylevelshouldbeempowered.

Irrespectiveofthenatureofpoliticalorganisation,apoliticalauthorityatthenational

levelisindispensable.Federalstates,as

opposedtounitarystates,assignarelativelylimitedroletothenational(orcentral)authority.However,acentral

authorityneedstobeinplace,astherecanbenoStatewithoutacentralauthority.

EveryStateneedstomakeachoiceonthepowersthatwillbeexercisedbythecentralauthorityandthosethatwillbeexercisedbyprovincialandlocalbodies.

Whatisthedifferencebetweenafederalstateandaunitarystate?

Within the broad framework of democracy, different options are available.

people can choose any of these to determine how political authority is organised and how far

political institutions at every level should be empowered.

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• TheStateisapoliticalunit.• Ithasnoauthorityifitdoesnotgovernavoluntary

associationofindividuals,whosharecertaincharacteristics.

• Thiscouldbeaculturalcommunityoflanguage,ethnicityorreligion.

• Thiscouldalsobeasharedwillingnesstolivetogetherandseekacommondestiny.Itisaquestionofwhatisthebasicpoliticalunit.Ina

unitarystate,the“nation”isconsideredthefundamentalunitand“provinces”arecreatedforadministrativeconvenience.

Inafederalarrangement,theprovinceisthebasicunitandexercisesthemoreessentialfunctions.Afederalarrangementprovidesasenseofunitytoalargerwholeintermsoffunctionsthatarebestexercisedbylargeunits,suchasforeignpolicy,nationaldefence,currencymanagement,andsoon.

Whereprovincesarerelativelyhomogeneousinculturalterms(forexample,intheFederalRepublicofGermany,Australiaand,withseriousqualifications,Canada),thefederalarrangementis

usuallyrelativelystable.Whereprovincesareverydifferentculturally

fromoneanother(forexample,inIndiaandPakistan),thecentralauthorityneedstomakeaspecialefforttoaccommodatedifferences.

Whereprovincesareinternallyverydiverse,asinAfghanistan,thereneedstobeagreatereffortatpower-sharingatthecentrallevel,andagreaterdevolutionofpowerstoprovincesand,inturn,todistricts.

With power comes responsibilityWithpower-sharingatthecentrallevel,therecouldthenbeagreementsonhowmuchpowerandresponsibilityisfocusedatthecentreandhowmuchisdevolvedtootherunitsofadministration.

Democracyisacontinuousprocessofnegotiationoftheseissues.Aslongasnegotiationcontinuesonthebasisofsovereigndecisionsbythepeople,anddoesnotdescendintowarfare,itcouldbesaidthatdemocracyasaprocessissurviving.

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workingoutconstructivesolutionstoseemingirresolvableissues.Thebasicchallengeistoprovideequalvoicetoallpotentialdisputers.

Democracyisasysteminherentlypronetoconflict,butitalsocontainsacceptedandpeacefulmeansofconflictresolution.Thisposesauniquesetofproblemsfordemocracy’sconsolidationinapost-conflictsituation.Itisachallengethatrequiresacarefulgraduationofthedemocratictransitionintheaftermathofconflictinordertoensurethattheinherentpotentialfordisputewithindemocraticcontestationdoesnotleadtoarelapseintobitterandopenarmedconflict.

Tworivalpropositionspointtocontrastingoutcomesfordemocracyinapost-conflictcontext.• Onesaysthatdemocracyisthebestmedicinefor

dealingwiththeviolencethatremainsathreatinsocietiesthathavesufferedextremeconflict.

• Theothersaysthatdemocracytendstoaggravateviolenceinthiscontextbecauseitinvolvescompetitionbetweendifferentindividuals,partiesandfactions.Thesetwopropositions,whichpointtoopposite

outcomes,couldperhapsbereconciledinanotherpropositiondrawnfromJackSnyder(FromVotingtoViolence,DemocratizationandNationalistConflict,2000).SinceconflictswithinStateshaveinrecent

Attheprovincialanddistrictlevels,theyattendtothewelfareneedsofcitizens,suchashealthcare,

education,transportationandinfrastructure.Atthedistrictandlocallevels,theyattendtodaily

needs,suchaswatersupply,thedistributionsystemforlife’sessentialneeds,lawandorder,andsoon.

However,distinctionsbetweenthepolicyneedsofapeople(whichwouldbeaddressedbythenationalauthority)andtheirbasicanddailyneeds(whicharetobedealtwithbyauthoritiesatlowerlevelsintheadministrativehierarchy)cannotbedrawnclearly.Theabilityoflocalauthoritiestomeetdailyneedsoften,perhapsalways,dependonthepolicydecisionsmadebynationalauthorities.

Thedifferenttiersofthedemocraticprocessshouldideallyworkinharmony.However,inmostsituationsthisisanimpossibledemand,sincedisagreementsandconflictsarepartofthebasicfabricofdemocracy.Morethanastateofperfectharmonythen,afunctioningdemocracydependsonacceptedmethodsofconflictresolution.

Themediaisoftenapartofthesystemofconflictresolution.Thisisnotbydeliberatedesign,sinceanymediaorganisationoroperatorthatseesthesettlementofpoliticalquarrelsaspartofitstaskwouldendupnotbeingreliableorauthentic.Rather,inprovidingavoicetodiversesocialgroupsandallowingpotentialdisputerstoengageinaconversation,themediaprovidesaplatformfor

electIonS And unItS of AdmInIStrAtIonAt the national level, elected bodies determine broad contours of policy.

the different tiers of the democratic process should ideally work in harmony. However,

in most situations this is an impossible demand, since disagreements and conflicts are part

of the basic fabric of democracy.

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timesbeentheconsequenceofso-called“ancienthatreds”,whicharisefromethnic,tribalandcommunaldifferences,Snyderproposesthatcertainprerequisitesneedtobefulfilledbeforedemocraticelectionscanbecomeapartofthesolutiontoconflict,ratherthanpartoftheproblem.Thesepreconditionsaresummedupasfollows.

“Thegradualdevelopmentoftheruleoflaw,animpartialbureaucracy,civilrightsandaprofessionalmedia,followedbytheholdingoffreeelections,shouldbeabletocreateanationalcivicidentitythattrumps‘ancienthatreds’.”

Thepurposeofthisdiscussionistounderlinehowelectionsaloneareinsufficientforguaranteeingpeace,securityandfreedom.Certainother

conditionsneedtobemettomakeelectionsviableandelectoralresultssustainable.Theseconditionsincludethefollowing.• Aneutralandimpartialbureaucracy,whichisthe

machineryofgovernance.Unlessthemachineryofgovernanceisfairandimpartial,peoplewillhavenofaiththatthosetheyelecttoleadthemwillreallybeabletodeliverwhattheypromise.

• Aprofessionalmedia,whichisthewatchdogofdemocracy.

Individualslivinginademocraticsocietycangettheirinformationfromdiversesources.Atfirsthand,theymayencountertheapparatusofgovernmentindifferentways.• Thepostoffice• Thetaxcollectors• Thewatersupplyboard• Theelectricitysupplyboard• Thefairpriceshop(wheregovernmentsundertakethe

distributionoffoodandotheressentials)• Thebank• Thepolicestation• Variousothers

Peoplereceivediverseinputsofinformationfromthesesources,allofwhichtheyseektoorganiseintoacoherentwhole.Inthispursuit,individualsusetheirownunderstanding.Anotheressentialsourceofinformationisthemedia.

Inthissense,themediaconstructsaworldofpoliticsandgovernanceinwhichanindividualcanparticipate.

However,themediaisnotaninstitutionthatexistsinaworldofitsown,detachedfromsociety.Mediaoutletsareownedandcontrolledbyindividualswhohavetheirowninterests,and

employjournalistswhohavetheirownpersonalopinionsonanymatter.

Ajournalistbringsseveralperspectivestothetaskofinterpretingtheworldofpoliticsandgovernanceforhisorheraudience,including:• Theindividualjournalist’sperspective.• Theperspectiveofthejournalist’sboss.• Theperspectivethatbestsuitsthemedia

organisation’scommercialinterests.• Thepublicservicejournalismperspective.

Thepublicservicejournalismapproachwillbetakenupinafullerdiscussionlater.However,wecanconcludethissectionbysummarisingsomeofthepointsdiscussedsofaraboutdemocracyandthemediainapost-conflictsituation.

Letusconsiderthewidely-heldbeliefthatdemocracyisthebestmedicineforcountriesprone

tHe medIA In democrAtIc SocIetIeS

democracy is itself a competitive game, involving potentially intense rivalries

between individuals and groups. there could be situations in which competitive politics

aggravates violent situations.

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tocontinualconflict.Ifseriousthoughtisnotgiventowhatconstitutesdemocracy,thenthispropositionwouldeasilypass.Butdemocracyisitselfacompetitivegame,involvingpotentiallyintenserivalriesbetweenindividualsandgroups.Therecouldbesituationsinwhichcompetitivepoliticsaggravatesviolentsituations.

How to avoid violent conflictWhatneedstobedonewhendemocraticpoliticalcompetitionbecomesapotentialtriggerforviolence?• Weneedagreementontherulesofthegame.• Weneedarefereewhowillenforcetherulesof

thegame.• Weneedanagencythatwillinformthepeopleabout

therulesofthegame.• Weneedanagencythatwillhighlighteveryviolation

oftherulesofthegame.

Afghanistan’selectorallawprovidesforanIndependentElectionCommission(IEC)tobethe

overseerofallelection-relatedprocessesandactivities.However,themediacanbringspecificcasesandpublicconcernstotheIEC’sattention.Ina

sense,themediaalsofunctionsasareferee,althoughthatmaynotbeitsprimaryfunction.Animportantpointisthattheprimaryrefereewillfunctionmosteffectivelywhenitisawarethatisunderconstantwatchbyavigilantmedia.

Theessenceofthediscussionsofarcanbesummedupinthefollowingfashion(citedfromInstituteforMedia,PolicyandCivilSocietyandInternationalMediaSupport,Media+Elections:AnElectionsReportingHandbook,2004):• Freedomiswhenthepeoplecanspeak.• Democracyiswhenthegovernmentlistens.• Themediaisthemessenger.

In a sense, the media functions as a referee, though this may not be its primary function. However, the primary referee will function

most effectively when it is aware that it is under constant watch by a vigilant media.

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• Isaccurate,balancedandhonest.

• Looksforsolutions.

• Recognisesmanyvoices.

• Helpssocietyunderstanditself.

• Investigatesissuesofpublicinterest.

• Promotesissuesimportanttoallcitizens.

• Isresponsivetocitizens’needs.

• Buildstrustwithreaders,listenersandviewers.

Keepingthesevaluesandattributesinmind,thereaderofthishandbookcouldtakeanynewspaperornewsbroadcastofthedayandlookthroughitsreports.Takeanysampleofreportsfromtheday’snewspapersorfromtheday’sbroadcastsandtrytofigureoutthesourcesnamedineachreport.Thereadershouldaskhimselforherselfcertainquestions:

• Howmanyofthereportsusesinglesources?

• Howmanyusedualsources?

• Howmanyusemultiplesources?

• Whatisthenatureofthesourceusedineachofthese(governmentofficials,securityagencies,themaninthestreet)?

• Doeseachreportreflectorrepresentthevoiceofeveryindividualorgroupthatwouldhaveastakeinthematteritdescribes?

Thereadercouldthenreflecthowfarthesereportsmeetthepublicservicevaluesdiscussedabove.

Asanextstep,thereadercouldconsiderhowthesereportscouldbebetterwrittentoreflectthesevalues.Thefollowingquestionscouldbeasked:

• Whatisthelevelofpublicinterestinthereport?

• Howmanyofthesocialgroupsandcitizensthatthereaderencountersonadailybasiswouldbeinterestedinthereport’scontent?

• Whatothersourceswouldneedtobeincludedinthereport?

• Whichothervoiceswouldneedtobeheard?

• Isthereportaccurateandbalanced?

• Ifthereportpointstowardanyidentifiablesocialproblem,doesitalsoindicatedirectionsinwhichsolutionscouldbefound?

Throughitsworkindifferentenvironments,theIFJhasevolvedaconceptofpublicservicejournalism.Itisa

distinctiveperspectivethatseekstoriseabovecommercial,partisanorpoliticalinterests,toreflectwhatpeoplethinkandwhatpeoplewantintermsofinformation.

Journalismcanbenarrowlyfocusedinitsinterests,cateringexclusivelytoaparticularsocialconstituency,reflectingonlytheinterestsandconcernsofthisconstituency.Thiscanmakethemediaapoorplatformforconstructingasocialdialoguethatcouldbethebasisforcreativeproblem-solving.

Publicservicejournalism,incontrast,seekstoreflectthediversityofthesocialmilieuinwhichitispractised.Itallowsamultiplicityofvoicestobeheardandcreatesawarenessinthemediaaudienceabouttherichnessanddiversityofthesocialenvironment.

Thefollowinglist,drawnfromvariousIFJpublications,summarisessomeoftheattributesofpublicservicejournalism.Itisjournalismthat:

• Promotesdemocracy,pluralismandtolerance.

• Strivesforquality.

puBlIc ServIce journAlISm perSpectIveS

public service journalism seeks to reflect the diversity

of the social milieu in which it is practised. It allows a multiplicity

of voices to be heard and creates awareness in the media audience about the richness and diversity

of the social environment.

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puBlIc ServIce vAlueS Serve tHe peopleBy m. akbar

Publicservicejournalism(PSJ),Iwouldsay,isthejournalismofthepublic,orjournalismatthe

serviceofthepublic.SinceIworklargelyintheareaofPSJ,Icallitaroughfield,notintermsoftherightsandwagesenjoyed,butbecausethejournalistscannotimposetheirinterestsonthecommunity.PSJisnotunattractivebutit’spaleandcolourless,likewaterit’sclean,clearandglowing.

Inregardtoapproachesandaction,thisfieldofjournalismdiffersfromcommercialorcorporatejournalism.PSJisanimpartialandneutraljournalism,freeofpersonalinterestsandinterference.AsaformerchairmanoftheBBCputit,PSJcouldbesupportedbycommercialsbutnotsomuchastoloseitsvaluetothepublic.PSJnevergoesbeyonddefinedgoalsandobjectives,andthesearealwaysforthewelfareofcommunity,inconnectiontothepublicinterest,ratherthentoimposeacorporateinterestorapersonalinterestofthejournalistonthepublic.

Consideringthesefacts,wecansaythatwherethejournalistisneutral,hispersonalinterestorhiswillingnessisnotincludedinthesefields.Butwewillalsoaddthatthejournalist’sneutralityisonlyuptoapoint.Partisanshiporneutralityisallaboutanindividual’sattitude.Andwhenajournaliststartswritingastory,helooksattheproblemfromhisparticularangleofvision.Soistherereallyajournalismthatisimpartialandneutral?Andifso,towhatextentisthisapracticalvision?

Wearelivinginaworldwhichislikeavillage.Theneedsoftheglobalvillagearewider,deeperandstrongerinitsdimensionsthanindividualaspects.Climatechangeandtheozonelayerareglobalissues,terrorismexistsinAfghanistaninwhichphysicallywesuffer,butitalsohasaspectsanddimensionsthatmakeitaglobalissue.TheearthquakeinChina,thecycloneandfloodsinBurma,thepoliticalcrisisinPakistan,thestockexchangeratesinNewYork,TokyoandLondon–alltheseareglobalissues.

Andthenwehavethedailyneedsthatallofusface,likefood,water,clothing,healthcare–alltheseareissuesinterlinkedintoday’sglobalvillage.Thinkingforthegeneralinterest,discussingtheissuesrelatedtoeveryone’slife,consideringeveryone’sideasandreflections–thesearethejobsofPSJ.Theyarejobsleftundone,orverypoorlydone,bycorporatejournalism.

Ihaveoftenstatedthatwehavetwotypesofradioservices.Oneisthecorporateorcommercialradioandtheotheristhecommunityradio.

Corporateradioalwayslooksafteritsrevenueandlooksattheiraudienceaspassiveconsumers.Itbelongstoaspecificpersonorcompanyandthemostimportantcriteriaforthiskindofradioisprofit,becausecorporatemediadoesnotlookforsolutionsofcountry-wideissuesandproblems.

Notjustradio,corporatetelevisionalsofunctionsalongthesamelines.Butpublicservicemediaworksondifferentprinciples.Thoseinvolvedinpublicmediaconsiderthepublicinterestintheirownlanguageandpresentwhatevertheybroadcastinthevoiceofthepeople.Theyrespectallclassesofsociety,fromthefarmer,theworker,thesocialworker,theprofessional,theadministrator;theyconsidertheyoungandtheold,themaleandthefemale.Thepurposeofthisjournalismistoaccesstheissuesandproblems–andtheirsolutions–inthelanguageofthepeoplethemselves.

PSJisthevoiceofthepeople.Itthinksaboutthepeoples’beliefsandtraditionsandalwaysrespectsculturaldifferences.PSJdoesnotcatertothelowestcommondenominatorofaudiencetastes,butinsteadtellsthepeopletheirownstoriesintheirownlanguagethroughactorswhotrulyrepresentthem.Inthissense,PSJpromotesasenseofpublicownershipoverthemedia.

Withallthissaid,wemustconcedethatPSJisstillaninfantinAfghanistan.Andtodevelopthisinfantfurther,weneedtofaceseveralchallenges,suchas:commercialism,whichcoulddivideaudienceloyaltiesbetweendifferentcommercialandbusinessgroups,anddeprivethepublicofitsownershipinterest.Giventhetechnologicalchoicespossibletoday,suchasmultiplemodesoftransmissionthroughtheworldwideweb,thereareopportunitiesandthreatsforPSJ.

PSJcan,however,expanditsreachthroughthesupportofthepeople,giventheirunderstandingofitsbenefits,andthroughpoliticalandfinancialsupport.Withefficientnetworkingandappropriaterespectpaidtodiversity,PSJcouldbeaninstrumentofbuildingsolidarity.

Dr Akbar is a physician and a public service broadcaster based in Kabul.

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“Oneperson,onevote”isusuallytakentobethefundamentalruleofademocracy.However,thisremains,onadeeperview,aninadequateassurance.Morethanbeinggiventhevote,everypersonhastobeconvincedthathisorhervotecountsandthatitisofequalvalueasanyotherperson’s.Thuswecould,onamorefundamentalreading,take“oneperson,onevalue”asthebasicruleofdemocracy.

Whatarethesystemsinplaceforsecuringthisoutcome?Variouskindsofelectoralsystemsareinuseworldwide,suchasthefollowing.• Thesimpleplurality,single-memberdistrict(also

knownaswinnertakesall,or“firstpastthepost”).• Themajorityvote,single-memberdistrict.• Proportionalrepresentationsystems,ofwhichnotable

instancesaretheadditionalmembersystemandthesingletransferablevotesystem.Howdothesesystemswork?Whataretheirplusand

minuspoints?

Simple plurality, single-member district

fundAmentAlS of electorAl proceSSeS

British parliamentary elections follow this system. Toillustratehowthissystemrewardsdisproportionatelythefirst-placeparty:

• Inthe2001generalelections, theLabourPartywon 62.5%of seatswith a 40.7% share of thevotes.

• TheConservativePartywon25.2%oftheseatswith31.7%ofthevotes.

• TheLiberalDemocratic Partywon7.9%of theseatswith18.3%ofthevotes.

Similarly,intheMay2005generalelectionsinBritain:• The Labour Party won 55% of the seats with

35.2%ofthevotes.• TheConservativePartywon30.7%oftheseats

with32.4%ofthevotes.• TheLiberalDemocratic Partywon9.6%of the

seatswith22%ofthevotes.Indiausesanidenticalsystem,althoughitismuchmorecomplexbecauseofthesizeofthecountryandthelargenumberofpartiesthatcontestelections.In the2004generalelections, theCongresspartywonmore seats than its main rival, the Bharatiya JanataParty(BJP),despitewinningalowershareofthenation-wide vote. This is because the Congress votes wereconcentrated within a relatively small number ofconstituencies,whilevotesfortheBJPwerespreadoveralargenumberofconstituencies.

Neitherpartyhadasufficientnumberofseatstoformagovernment. Sincebothwere aware that thiswouldbethe case, they had worked out several pre-electionalliances. These alliances are one way of ensuring thatvotes of different parties are pooled in each district,improvingthechancesofeachcoalition.Evenwiththis,the Congress-led coalition and its rival led by the BJP,wonalmostidenticalvoteshares–35percenteach–withthelatterwinningfractionallymore.Thenumberofseatswon by the Congress coalition in Parliament however,wassignificantlymore.Furtherdetailsontheworkingofthiselectoralsystem,anditsplusandminuspoints,canbefoundviatheElectoralReformsSocietyat:www.electoral-reform.org.uk

Inthesimpleplurality,single-memberdistrict,severalcandidatescontesteachdistrict.Thecandidatewiththemostvoteswins.Amongthesystem’sadvantagesisitssimplicity.Eachseatiscontestedbyseveralcandidatesfromidentifiedpoliticalparties.Andthewinneroftheseatiseasilyidentified.Bythisattribute,thewinningcandidateisaccountabletoaparticularwell-definedconstituencyorelectoraldistrict.Therelationshipbetweenthedistrictanditsrepresentativeisclearanddirect.

Thesinglemostsignificantdisadvantageofthissystemisthatacandidatemaywinwithaverysmallshareofthepopularvote(i.e.,thetotalnumberofvotescast).Forinstance,inanelectoraldistrictwheretherearefourormorecontestants,acandidatewithjustoveraquarterofthepopularvotecouldpotentiallywin.

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Themostsignificantproblemwiththissystemisthatitremovesthedirectlinkbetweenacandidateandthedistrict.Itcouldbearguedthatthislinkisnotofgreatconsequenceforalegislativebodyatthenationallevel,whichshouldbeconcernedwithbroadissuesofpolicyandtheprinciplesofgovernance.Thisargumentislikelytohavesomeweightonlyinsituationswhereacrediblesystemofdevolutionofpowertoprovincialandlocallevelbodiesexists.

Powerbringsresponsibility.Devolutionofpowersnormallyalsomeansdevolutionoftaxationauthority.Inunder-developedcountries,thecentrallegislaturecommonlyenjoysdisproportionateauthorityindetermininghowscarceresourcesaredeployed.Inthe

circumstances,itisoftennecessarytoestablishsomelinkbetweenelectedmembersofthecentrallegislatureandparticularregionsanddistricts.

Theadditionalmembersystemandthesingletransferablevotesystemrepresentdifferentwaysofseekingtoremedythesedeficienciesoftheproportionalrepresentationsystem.

Additional member system Theadditionalmembersystemisahybridofthesingle-member,simplepluralitysystemandtheproportionalrepresentationsystem.Itseekstoaddressthedeficienciesofbothbyestablishingadirectlinkbetweenelectedrepresentativesandtheirconstituencies.Underthissystem,eachpartyputsupacandidateineveryelectoralconstituencyandalsoputsforwarda“national”listofcandidates.Ifacandidatewinsaconstituency,hisorhernameistakenoffthelist.Allconstituenciesthendeclaretheirwinners.Afixednumberofseatsinthenationalparliamentarethendistributedinaccordancewiththeproportionofthetotalvotewonbyeachparty.TheGermanBundestag(FederalParliament),forinstance,has299memberswhoareelectedthroughdirectconstituency-basedelectionsandanother299whoareelectedthrougha“list”system.

Incertainvariantsoftheadditionalmembersystem,thereisathresholdthateverypartyhastoclear.Forinstance,apartyshouldhaveaminimumof4%ofthenationalvotetoqualifyforrepresentationintheparliament.Thethresholdhelpstoensurethatthepartyprofileoftheparliamentisnotexcessivelyfragmented,whichwouldmakethemanagementofparliamentarybusinessexcessivelydifficult.

Single transferable vote system Thesingletransferablevotesystemisanothervariantofaproportionalrepresentationsystem.Inthissystem,anindividualvotesnotjustforasingle

Two-round, simple majority system with single member districtsThissystemtypicallyinvolvestworoundsofvotingineverydistrict.Thefirstroundwouldeliminateallcandidateswhofailtoreachacertainpre-definedthresholdintermsofvoteshares.InFrance’ssystem,acandidatewouldwinifheorshesecures50%ofthetotalnumberofvotescast,numberingatleast25%ofthetotalnumberofeligiblevoters.Ifnocandidatequalifiesinthefirstround,allcandidateswhosevotesexceed12.5%ofthetotalnumberofeligiblevoterswouldgointoasecondround.

Inthesecondround,thecandidatewhowinsasimplemajoritywouldqualify.

Inanothervariant,thefirstroundwouldeliminateallexceptthetoptwocandidates.Thusamulti-corneredcontestwouldbecomeatwo-corneredone,enablingoneofthecandidatestoobtainaclear50%shareofthevoteinthesecondround.

Thissystemhastheadvantageofrequiringeachcandidatetoworktowardrepresentingtheinterestsofamajorityinhisorherdistrict.However,itisalongandcumbersomeprocess.

Itseekstoforce-fiteverycomplicatedelectoralsituationintoatwo-partycontest.However,eventheworld’smostsimpletwo-partyelectoralsystemispronetoseriousabusesandthreatsofgerrymandering,ordrawingelectoralboundariesinamannerthatwouldsuitparticulargroupsanddepriveothersofafairsayintheelection.

Afurtherdeficiencywiththissystemisthatsmallerpartieswithlegitimatepoliticalinterestsoftengetsqueezedout.

Proportional representation systemsDifferentversionsofproportionalrepresentationsystemsareusedaroundtheworld.Thepurposeofthissystemistoensurethateverypartyisrepresentedinproportiontoitssupportamongtheelectorate.

Inthemostgeneralformoftheproportionalrepresentationsystem:• Allpartiesputupalistofcandidatesbeforethe

election.• Allvotersthencasttheirvotes,indicatingtheirchoice

amongtheparties.• Partiesareawardedseatsinproportiontotheshareof

thevotetheyobtain.Thus,ina100-seatlegislature,ifPartyAgets43%of

thetotalvote,itwouldbeawarded43seats.Thefirst43candidatesinthelistsubmittedbyPartyAwouldbedeclaredelected.Theprocesswouldbethesameforallotherparties.

power brings responsibility. devolution of powers normally also means devolution of

taxation authority. In under-developed countries, the central legislature commonly enjoys

disproportionate authority in determining how scarce resources are deployed.

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candidate,butforanumberofcandidates,inpreferenceorder.Thus,insteadoftickingoffasinglecandidate’snameontheballotpaper,heorshewouldmark1,2,3,andsoon,againstanumberofcandidates’names.Acertainthresholdorquotaisfixedforacandidatetobeelected.Onceacandidatecrossesthatthreshold,anyfirstpreferencevotecastforhimorherwouldbedisregarded.Instead,thevotewouldbeassignedtothesecondpreferencecandidatemarked.Onceallthevotesarecountedandtherequirednumberofcandidateshasbeenelectedfromeachconstituency,theelectoralprocessisdeclaredover.However,ifthenumberofrepresentativesfallsshortinanyconstituency,thelowest-rankedcandidateintermsoffirst-preferencevotesiseliminated,andallhisorhervotesareassignedinaccordancewiththesecondpreferencesmarked.Thisprocesscontinuesuntiltherequirednumberofcandidatesisdeclaredvictoriousforeachconstituency.

ThesingletransferablevotesystemisusedintheRepublicofIrelandforelectionstothenationalparliament.Variousothercountrieshaveuseditforelectionstoprovincialandcitycouncils.Itsprincipaladvantageisdeemedtobethemultiplicityofchoicesitofferstovoters.Itpreservesacloselinkbetweenvotersandelectedrepresentatives.Candidatesareassessedontheirindividualmerit,notsomuchontheirpartyaffiliation,althoughpartyaffiliationcouldbeafactorinfluencingvoterpreference.

Single non-transferable vote systemThesinglenon-transferablevotesystemwasusedinAfghanistaninthelastroundofelectionstothenationalandprovincialcouncils.Underthissystem,thevotercastshisorhervoteforanindividualratherthanacandidate.Everyregionhasacertainnumberofseats,ofwhichsome

couldbereserved,asinAfghanistan,forwomencandidates.Inaparticularregionwith,say,10seats,thecandidateswiththetop10votetallieswouldqualify.

ThissystemwasusedinJapanbetween1948and1993.Itwasthenabandonedbecauseofseveralproblems.

Consideraregionwith10seats.Apartythatputsup10candidatesandwins,say,40%ofthevote,witheachcandidategetting4%,maygainnoseats.Incomparison,anotherpartymayputupthreecandidateswhowin8%each,forapartytotalof24%ofthevote.Thatpartywouldthenconceivablygetallthreecandidateselected.Thiswouldbemorelikelyiftherewerealargenumberofcandidatesinthefield,withtheresultthatthevoteswouldbethinlyspreadandthethresholdforvictorywouldberelativelylow.

Inaddition,iftwoofthe10seatsintheregionarereservedforwomen,thenthetoptwowomencandidateswouldgainentryintothenationalparliament,eveniftheirindividualvotetallieswerewellbelowthatgarneredbyothercandidates.

Thesinglenon-transferablevotesystemassignsarelativelyminorroleforpoliticalparties.Non-partybasedelectionsaredeemedtohaveanadvantageinAfghanistansincethepartysystemisincipient.However,non-partybasedsystemsmakethetaskofmanagingthebusinessofparliamentadditionallycomplicated.

WhatsystembestsuitsAfghanistan?A2004reportonAfghanistan’selectoralscene

(AndrewReynoldsandAndrewWilder,Free,FairorFlawed:ChallengesforLegitimateElectionsinAfghanistan,AfghanistanResearchandEvaluationUnit)observed:

“First-timeelectionsinpost-conflictdemocraciesneedtodoaparticularlygoodjoboftranslatingvotescastintoseatswonformajorities,minoritiesandindependents.Electionresultsareparticularlysusceptibletochallengeifthe‘losers’feelthattheoutcomeisunfairorrigged,orthevotingsystemhasdiscriminatedagainsttheircoreconstituency.”

ThemediacommunityinAfghanistancouldreflectoverthisproposition.Democraticelectionsareallaboutthewillofthepeople.Andinthecomplexityofnation-wideelectionsinacountrywithsuchgreatdiversityasAfghanistan,thepopularwillisoftendifficulttointerpret.Everypoliticalpartywouldinterpretthepopularaccordingtoitsinterests.

Inanobjectivesense,theclosestindicatorwouldprobablybetheshareofeachcandidateorpartyin

first-time elections in post-conflict democracies need to do a particularly good job

of translating votes cast into seats won for majorities, minorities and independents.

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thepopularvote.However,whentherearenocontestingpartieswithdefinedpoliticalprograms,thepopularwillisevenmoredifficulttointerpret.Withoutidentifiablepoliticalprogramsthatareadvocatedbyparticularparties,andwithouttheidentificationofcandidatesalignedtotheseprograms,peopletendtovoteaccordingtotheirethnicorcommunityidentity.Thisisoftendifficulttotranslateintoacoherentlegislativeprogramfornewlyelectedparliaments.

Whatthenistheelectoralsystemthatbestconvertsvoteswonintoafairdistributionofseatsinthelegislature?ThisquestioncouldbecomethesubjectforadebatewithinthemediainAfghanistan.

Inthecontextofthecommittedgoals(undertheBonnagreementof2001),thatAfghanistanwouldhavea“broad-based,gender-sensitive,multi-ethnicandfullyrepresentativegovernment”,theprincipalchallengebeforetheAfghanmediaistoarriveatanelectoralsystemthatbestachievesthesegoals.

Afghanistanstillhasachoicetomakeabouttheelectoralsystemthatbestsuitsitscircumstances:thefirst-past-the-postsystemandvariantsofproportionalrepresentation,includingthe“list”(whetherbasedprovinciallyornationally),theadditionalmembersystemorthesingletransferablevotesystem.

TheReynoldsandWilderstudylookedatthisquestionandfoundthatthe“provinciallybasedformoflistproportionalrepresentation(ListPR)isthesystemmostoftenadoptedforpost-conflictelectionsinemergingdemocracies”.CountriesthathaveoptedforthissystemwhileemergingfrombitterinternalconflictsincludeLiberia,SierraLeone,Mozambique,BosniaandHerzegovina,Namibia,CambodiaandEastTimor.Thestudy’sauthorsconclude,“Onapoliticallevel,ListPRismuchbetteratprovidingbasicgroundrulesthathelpbringaboutlastingstabilityinafragile,multi-ethnic,inchoatepoliticalclimate.”

Inconcludingthissection,wecouldrevisitthedeficienciesofthelistproportionalrepresentationsystemthatwereearlierdiscussed.Acrediblewayofovercomingthesedeficiencies,includingthefailuretoestablishastronglinkbetweenthepeopleoftheelectoraldistrictandtheirelectedrepresentatives,istoprovideforarealdevolutionofauthoritytoprovincial,districtandlocalbodies.Inthissense,thecompletionoftheelectoralcycleinAfghanistanisnomereluxury,butanecessaryconditionforsecuringastrongpopularinvestmentindemocracy.

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medIA AS AdvocAcyBy mohammad halim fidai

Advocacyistheattemptandplanforpublicreform,tobringaboutpositivechangesintermsofpolicyand

programs.Advocacyeffortsrequirethecollectionofinformationregardingspecificproblemsandchallenges.Theydefineproblem-solvingpossibilitiesandrecommendoptimalsolutions.Inbrief,advocacyistheattempttoachievetargetedgoals,andgainthesupportofothersforit.Advocacyisaresponsetoallchallengesexistinginademocraticsociety,wherepeoplesufferfromalackofinvolvement.Advocacyhasitsownwayandstyleofdoingthingsandadoptsdifferentstylesinresponsetoparticularsituations.Theexperiencedpractitionersgatherallrelevantinformation,puttogethertheiranalysesandinthelightoftheproblemathand,choosethebestmethod.Advocacycantakeplaceasapersonaleffort,throughpublicprotestsanddemonstrations.Itcanbeundertakenwithregardtolegislativeauthorities,judicialforumsandimplementingagencies.Themediaisanotherforumandinstrumentofadvocacy.Mediacanchangethewaysandapproachesofbothpolicymakersandpublic.Themediacanbeusedtoinformthepublicabouttherootcausesofproblemsthataffectthem.Andthepubliccanusethemediatoexploreproblemsolvingopportunities.Mediacanhighlighttheresources,servicesandthepossibilitiesavailableforproblemsolvinginsociety.OneoftheproblemsofdemocracyinAfghanistancouldbethatweareusingimportedpoliciesandstrategiesfromthewest,whichworklesseffectivelyhere.Forinstance,weinAfghanistanusetheJirgaasaconflict-resolutionmethod.Forvoluntarycommunitywork,wehavethetermAshar.ThereisthetermZakatforcharityandfinancialsupportfortheneedy,andforpublicinformationandinteractionsweusetheMasjidandtheKhanqa.Whymediaadvocacy?TheHolyprophetMohammad(PBUH)says“everyoneofyouisashepherdresponsibleforhisherd“.Everyoneisenjoinedtohaveasenseofresponsibilitytothecommunityhelivesinandinformothersabouttheirrights.Themediacannotonlyreportproblemsbutalsopointthewaytowardssoundandrationaloptionsinresolvingthem.Inouradvocacythroughthemedia,weshouldaskandinviteanswersforsuchkeyquestionsas:dopeoplewantademocraticprocessinthecountry?Isthereanyantagonismtotheprocess?Whatarethemaincausesforalackofunderstandingofthedemocraticprocess?Isthereadequateknowledgeandskillrelevanttotheissue?Whataretheadvantagesofmediaadvocacy?Themajor

benefitisthatissuesofpublicconcernaredebatedanddiscussedamongthepeoplewithastakeinresolvingtheseissues.Withouttheactiveinvolvementofthemediainquestionsofpublicimportance,civilsociety,governmentandprivatesectororganisationswouldfinditdifficulttogainanaudienceforproblemsolvingoptions.Whenwewanttousethemediaforadvocacypurposes,weshouldknowthelimitationsofthemedia.Everyindividualshouldknowthedemands,requirements,interestandpolicyofthemedia.Whatisthenatureofthemediaorganisation’saudience?Inwhichgeographicalareaarethey?Whatlanguagedotheyspeak?Whatmediawouldbeinterestedintheissues?Andwhatarelikelytobetheaudiencereactions?Issuesshouldbeaddressedinsuchmannerastoincreasetheaudienceandholdtheirattention.Newanglesoflookingataquestionshouldbeexplored,andaccurateandrelevantbackgroundprovidedoneverymatter.Alsothepeoplewhoaredealingwithmediaadvocacyshouldknowwhatisofinteresttothemedia.Repetitionsofoldandincompletestoriesshouldbeavoided.Andinformationprovidedtothemediashouldbesufficientforthemtobeinterestedandretaininterest.Selectionofthemediaisasimportantasthemessageyouwanttodeliver.Thepersondeliveringthemessageshouldalsohavetheauthoritytogaintheattentionofthemedia.Achecklistcouldbepreparedincludingsuchmattersas:whatistheaudiencewewanttotarget?Whydowewanttodeliverthemessagetothem?Whataretheirattitudestypically,onthematterwewanttotalktothemabout?Whatisthemediathathasthebestchanceofreachingthem?Whatisyourmessageabout?Whatarethebesttoolsfortransmittingthemessage?Theproblemsshouldbereflectedasmattersofuniversalratherthanindividualconcernandpracticaloptionstoaddresstheproblemshouldberecommended.Everyorganisationshouldhaveitsownpolicy.Mediaadvocacydiffersfrompublicrelationsandmarketingbecauseitisaimedatstrengtheningpubliccapacitiestoaddressissuesatthepolicylevel.Becauseitdealswithcomplexissuesofsocialimportance,mediaadvocacyhastobereadytoaddressmanychallenges.Journalistsmayaskhardandtrickyquestionsandtheadvocacyeffortshouldbereadywithlogicalexplanations.The author is a senior journalist based in Kabul and secretary of the South Asia Free Media Association, Afghanistan chapter.

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• Werethereomissionsinthevoters’rollsintheirareaorprovince?

• Ifso,didtheomissionsfollowanypattern,orindicateanypurposeofkeepingsomegroupofvotersoutoftheelectionprocess?

• Wasanopportunitygiventotheomittedpersonstoseekcorrections?

• Werecomplaintsdealtwithfairlyandwell?Anothercrucialaspectofelectoralprocessesis

thedemarcationofelectoralboundaries,orthedelimitationofdistricts.Throughthe2004-2005electioncycle,Afghanistanretainedthedemarcationofdistrictsthatexistedsincewellbeforetherecentturmoil.ThereiswideagreementthatthisdefinitionofelectoraldistrictsdoesnotdojusticetothesignificantshiftsandgrowthinpopulationthathaveoccurredinAfghanistan.Therefore,achievingaconsensusonprovincialanddistrictboundariesisofcrucialimportancebeforethenextroundofelections.Thisrequires,ataminimum,areliablepopulationcensus.

Thisissueisofimportanceintworespects.Firstly,thenumberofseatsthateachprovincegetsintheWolesiJirgadependsuponpopulationnumbers.Secondly,thedemarcationofelectoraldistricts,asandwhenthatisdone,dependsuponthepopulationdistributionwithinthedistrict.

Democracyworksonthefundamentalprincipleofoneperson,onevote.However,thisprincipleisoflittle

valueifitisnottranslatedintothemoreprofoundprincipleof“oneperson,onevalue”.Everypersonshouldberegisteredtovoteandeveryvoteshouldcount.UnderAfghanistan’selectionlaw,everycitizenisentitledtovoteprovidedheorsheis:• 18yearsofageormore.• Hasnotbeendeprivedofanypoliticalandcivilrights

byanauthoritativecourt.• Isregisteredinthevoters’registrationlist.

Undertheelectionlaw,theIndependentElectionCommission“mustcertifythevoters’rollorthesegmentsofthevoters’rolltobeusedintheelectionandmakeitavailableforinspectioninpublicplaces,determinedbyit,15daysbeforeanelection.

Readersofthishandbookarelikelytohavefirst-handknowledgeofthevoterregistrationprocessthattookplaceonanation-widescalebeforethelastroundofelectionsinAfghanistan.Theycouldaskthemselvesafewkeyquestions:

tHe logIStIcS And mecHAnIcS of free electIonS

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Thereisaparticularneedtoprovideadequaterepresentationforcommunitiesthatmaybeminoritieswithincertainprovinces.Gerrymandering,ordrawingdistrictboundariesinamannerthattiltstheadvantageinfavourofparticularpoliticalandethnicgroups,isaconstantthreatintheseprocesses.

Forinstance,ifthereisacompactpocketofaparticularethniccommunityinaprovinceinwhichtheyareaminority,thedelimitationprocesscouldaddressthematterintwoways.Itcouldeithercreateanelectoraldistrictaroundthispocket,sothatthecommunityinquestionisassuredofsomerepresentationfromtheprovince.Oritcouldcutthepockettwoorthreewaysandassigneachfragmenttoaneighbouringelectoraldistrict,sothatthecommunity’sidentityissubmergedwithinthatofthemajority.Thatway,

theywouldnotbeassuredofanyrepresentationfromtheprovince.

Resolvingthesematterssatisfactorilyrequiresaccuratedata,carefulnegotiationsandanattitudeoffair-mindednessonallsides.ThemediainAfghanistancouldpromoteafairoutcometothisdebatebycreatingtheconditionsforaconstructivedebateontheseissues.

Asofnow,thereremainsomeanomaliesinthevoterregistrationprocessinAfghanistan,asthefollowingtableshows.

Assumingthatthepopulationfiguresareaccurate,andtakingintoaccountthecentralstatisticalorganisationestimatethat55%ofthetotalAfghanistanpopulationisovertheageof18,thereshouldbe11,380,325votersinAfghanistan.

Assumingfurther,thatthefemale/malepopulationineveryagegroupisroughly50:50,thetotalnumberofvotersshouldcomprise5,690,163womenandthesamenumberofmen.Therecouldbeminordiscrepancies,butthefiguresshouldroughlybeinbalance.

However,ratherthana50:50distributionbetweenmenandwomen,thereisa59:41distributionatthenationallevelinAfghanistan.Thiscould,inasense,beseenastheinevitable

consequenceofprevalentsocialconservatismwhichdiscourageswomenfrombecomingactiveparticipantsintheelectoralprocess.However,thisexplanationdoesnotseemtoapplyinatleastoneregionofthecountry–theCentralHighlands–wherewomenoutnumbermen53:47.

TherearealsoproblemswiththevoterregistrationfiguresintheCentralHighlands,theEastandtheSouth-east,wherethenumberisfarinexcessofthepopulationinthe18-plusagegroup.

Central

Central Highlands

East

North

North-east

South

South-east

West

5,311,200

691,000

1,922,900

2,984,500

3,046,900

2,551,300

1,883,700

2,349,400

64.3%

129.5%

118.1%

90.2%

87.8%

96.6%

133.6%

97.3%

1,878,655 (62% men, 38% women)493,999 (47% men, 53% women)1,249,334 (58% men, 48% women)1,480,626 (52% men, 48% women)1,471,968 (55% men, 45% women)1,383,698 (79% men, 21% women)1,347,469 (53% men, 47% women)1,257,104 (59% men, 41% women)10,562,853 (59% men, 41% women)

TOTAL 20,691,500 92.8%

Registration numbers from joint election management board

Population statistics from central statistical organisation

Region Percentage of eligible voters registered

Source: Andrew Reynolds and Andrew Wilder. Free, Fair or Flawed: Challenges for Legitimate Elections in Afghanistan. 2004

Table 1: Population Versus Voter Registration in the Various Regions of Afghanistan

there is a particular need to provide adequate representation for communities

that may be minorities within certain provinces... the media could promote

a fair outcome by creating conditions for a constructive debate on these issues.

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TheseanomaliesneedtobesortedoutifdemocraticgovernancethroughperiodicelectionsistogaincredibilitywithinAfghanistan.

Withanothercycleofelectionsbeginningin2009,theIndependentElectionCommissionofAfghanistanneedstoshowtangibleprogressindemarcatingdistrictboundaries,drawingupelectoralrollsandregisteringallthosewhohavebeenleftout.Themediacancontributetothe

processbycreatingpublicawarenessandatransparentenvironmentinwhichtheseissuescanberesolved.

Thereisalsolikelytobesignificantpublicinterestinthesustainabilityoftheelectionsmachinery.

TheAfghanistanCompact,agreedattheLondonConferenceonAfghanistanfromJanuary31toFebruary1,2006,laiddownacomplexscheduleofcommitments.Butthefollowinginparticular,seemrelevant:• TheAfghanistanIndependentElectoral

Commissionwillhavethehighintegrity,capacityandresourcestoundertakeelectionsinanincreasinglyfiscallysustainablemannerbyend-2008,withtheGovernmentofAfghanistancontributingtotheextentpossibletothecostoffutureelectionsfromitsownresources.

• Apermanentcivilandvoterregistrywithasinglenationalidentitydocumentwillbeestablishedbyend-2009.

Oncethesefundamentalsaresortedout,themedianeedstofocusontheactuallogisticsofelections,includingthelarge-scaleprintingofballots,securingthemagainsttampering,andtransportingtheminadequatenumberstoeachpollingstation.Onelectionday,securitywillhavetobedeployedaroundeverypollingstation.Oncethepollingisfinished,crediblemeasuresneedtobetakentosecureballotboxesandtodisposeofunused

ballotpapers.AstheIFJworkshops

inAfghanistanrevealed,allthesefactorsweremajorissueswiththelastroundofelections.Themedianeedstobevigilantinidentifyinganypossiblefailuresofelectionauthoritiesintheserespects.

Thelocationofpollingboothsandthehoursallowedforpeopletocasttheirvotesareimportantelementsintheplanningofanelection.Eveninmaturedemocracies,certaingroupsofpeoplehavebeendeniedthefullfranchiserightbecauseofthelongdistancestheyhadtotravel

tofindapollingbooth.Again,ifthenumberofpollingboothsinan

areaisnotconsistentwiththedensityofvoters,thereisapossibilitythatvoterscouldqueueupforhoursandnotbeabletocasttheirvotewithinthetimeallowedforballoting.ComplaintsaboutthiskindofproblemhavebeenvoicedeveninmaturedemocraciessuchastheUnitedStates,particularlyinneighbourhoodswheretherelativelypoorandunderprivilegedlive.

Journalists reporting on elections should be attentive to the following

• Locationofpollingbooths• Populationdensityrelativetodensityofpollingbooths• Hoursallowedforpolling• Typicallivelihoodactivitiesinthearea–dotheseallow

enough time for people to cast their votes withoutunduebotherorriskofalossofincome?

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nation-state,politicalpartiesbeganforming,oftenaroundthenucleusofkeyclansortribes.

AlthoughthelastcycleofelectionsinAfghanistanwasnon-partybased,somepoliticalpartiesdidmaketheirpresencefelt.Intheinterestsoflong-termstabilityandviability,itmaybeessentialforAfghanistantodevelopacompetitivepartysystem.Legislaturesorganisedalongpartylinesarenormallymoreefficientattransactingtheirbusiness,sincepartiesprovideabasisforunifiedactionbylargeblocsofelectedrepresentatives.Withoutthedisciplineofthepartysystem,everylegislativebodybecomesadisparategroupinwhicheveryelectedmember

wouldessentiallyfunctionaccordingtohisorherownagenda.

Inthelead-uptothenextcycleofelections,themediacouldfocusonthe

politicalpartiesthatplayedasignificantroleinthelastroundofelections.• Whoweretheirleaders?• Wheredidtheycomefrom?• WhatfuturedidtheypromiseforAfghanistan?• Whoelsesharedinthisvisionofthefutureof

Afghanistan?

Politicalpartiesareintegralelementsofthecompetitiveelectoralsystem.Howdidthey

originate?Andwhydidtheyoriginate?Thereisnoagreedanswertothesequestions.

TheoriginsofpoliticalpartiessuchasIndia’sCongressParty,thePakistanMuslimLeague,theLabourPartyinBritainandtheRepublicanPartyintheUnitedStatescanindeedbetraced.Yettheoriginofaparty,asanecessarypartofdemocraticpractice,isnotquitesoeasilytraced.AstheOxfordCompaniontoPoliticsoftheWorld(OxfordUniversityPress,1993)putsit,“...aspowergraduallyconcentratedinthemodernState,groups(usuallycalledfactions,sometimesparties)formedaroundkeyleadersorfamiliestostruggleforitscontrol.”

Inotherwords,aspoliticsbecamemorecomplexandpowerbeganshiftingfromclansandtribalunitstothe

polItIcAl pArtIeS And cAmpAIgn StrAtegIeS

In the interests of long-term stability and viability, it may be essential for

Afghanistan to develop a competitive party system. legislatures organised on party

lines are normally more efficient.

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• Whatistheirstatusnow?• Whatrolecantheybeexpectedtoplayinfuture

elections?ThefollowingdefinitionisfoundunderArticle2ofAfghanistan’sPoliticalPartiesLaw:

Inthislaw,‘politicalparty’meansanorganisedsocietyconsistingofindividualswhichundertakesactivitiesforattainingitspoliticalobjectives,locallyand/ornationwide,basedontheprovisionsofthislawanditsownconstitution.

UnderArticle6ofthelaw,politicalpartiesshallnot:1. Pursueobjectivesthatareopposedtotheprinciplesof

theholyreligionIslam.2. Useforce,orthreatenwith,orpropagate,theuseof

force.3. Incitetoethnic,racial,religiousorregional

discrimination.

4. Createarealdangertotherightsandfreedomofindividualsorintentionallydisruptpublicorderandsecurity.

5. Havemilitaryorganisationsoraffiliationswitharmedforces.

6. Receivefundsfromforeignsources.Thislistofprohibitedactivitiesforapolitical

partymayseemunexceptionable.However,thepointaboutlawsistoobservetheminpractice,ratherthanprinciple.Inthelead-uptothenextcycleofelections,themediainAfghanistancouldinitiateapublicdebateonwhethertheserestraintsonpoliticalpartiesarewarranted,fairorpronetoabuse.Thiscouldbeapartoftheeffortatre-energisingthepartysystemforthebenefitofdemocracyinAfghanistan.

AccountABle governAnceAnd democrAtIc pArtIcIpAtIon

ThestrengthandcourageofAfghanistan’sjournalistshasenabledthegrowthofastrongandvibrant

media,whichisnowanimportantcomponentofAfghanistan’sfragilenewdemocracy,sometimesmoreeffectivethanotherinstitutionsofstate.

Asthemediagrowsinstrengthandreach,sodothechallengesfacingAfghanistan’sjournalists.Thereareincreasingattemptsatcensorship,threats,violence,kidnappingsandarrestsandmurders.MytaskistoaddresswhatIwouldcalltheothersideofthecoin.Nottheactsofcommissionwhichareeasytoseeanddocument,buttheactsofomission,thewithholdingofinformation,whichisdifficulttoseeandthereforemuchmoredifficulttocombat.

Inthelongrunitistheabsenceofinformationwhichcanposeanequalorevengreaterthreattomediafreedombylimitingtheambitofthemedia,ensuringanautomaticcompliance.

Asnationstatesgrow,sodotheirmeansofcontrollinginformationandtheaccesstoit.Bywithholdinginformationfromthemediatheyareabletoshapepublicdebateanddiscourseandthereforepolicyandimplementation.

ThefirstrefugeofgovernmentsandotherinterestedpartiesseekingtowithholdinformationistoinvoketheprincipleofnationalinterestandsecurityandthisissomethingthatisamplyevidentinasituationofconflictasinAfghanistan.Informationontheongoingoperationsisverydifficulttoobtain.

Inmostofthebattlezonesitisimpossibletoreachandjournalistshavetorelyonwhatisreportedtothembythedifferentpartiestotheconflict.

OnagooddayanyAfghanjournalistcanhopetogetfourdifferentversionsofthetruthfromfourdifferentsources.Whilethismayseemprimitivetojournalistsfromdevelopingcountries,IwouldarguethatitactuallyrepresentsanopportunityforAfghanjournalists.Thelackofcoordinationbetweendifferentarmsofthestateentityallowsformultipleversionsofeventstofindtheirwayintothemedia,allowingthepublictoseethecontradictions.Mostpeopleconcludeperhapsthatthetruthliessomewhereinbetweenasitusuallydoes.Thiswouldbemuchmoredifficultwhenanationstatedevelopsawelloiledresponsethatcoordinatesandcontrolstheflowofinformation,puttingforwardonlyoneabsoluteandsanitisedversionofevents.

ThelackofrealinformationfromtheconflictareasissomethingthathasbeenacknowledgedbytheUnitedNationsashamperinghumanitarianassistancetotheconflictzones,atellingcommentaryonthereliabilityofinformationfromgovernmentandpro-governmentsources.

Dependingonwherethejournalistsareworking,theyfaceimmensepressuresfromgovernment,thesecurityforces,bothinternationalandnationalandtheanti-governmentforces,toputoutonlyoneversionofevents.Thosewhochoosetodootherwiseareseenasbeingeitherdifficultordisloyalorinthemostextremeexamplesastraitorsdeservingpunishment.

ByAunohitaMojumdar

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ThisisnotuniquetoAfghanistanbyalongshot.Mostcountries,includingmine,India,haveaverywelldevelopedstateapparatusthatensuresanationalconsensusonissuesofnationalsecurity.ForthereportingIdidonPunjabandKashmir,whichreportedonthedisenchantmentofthepeoplewiththeIndiangovernment,Iwaslabelledatraitor,anti-Indianandworse.Icanstatefromexperiencethatitisnotalabelthatiseasytowearandmanyjournalistssuccumbtotheconsensusofthestate,preferringtoexhibitloyaltytothegovernmentratherthantheirprofession.

WhiletravellingextensivelyinPunjabandKashmirhelpedmegatherinformation,itwasfarmoredifficulttodosowhenIbeganreportingonforeignaffairs.Diplomacyislargelyaneventthatisbasedonpolicy,notevents,andondecisionsbehindcloseddoors.Unsympatheticjournalistscanbeshutoutquiteeffectively.Thechoicethatsometimesfacescriticaljournalistsistoeitherstopcriticisingorfaceaninformationvacuum.Thevacuuminturn,likeallvacuums,getsfilled,naturally,bytheinformationthatisfedbytheauthorities,providinganunbalancedversionofevents.

Whileconflictsituationsarehopefullyreversible,thelackofinformationismoreinsidiouswhenitcomestodocumentinggovernance.Whileitiseasyenoughtorecordtheeventsinvolvingpoliticalfiguresincapitalsandurbancentres,collectingnewsaboutthebeneficiariesofgovernanceisverydifficult.Howarepeoplebenefitingfromtheprogramsandpolicies?Arethepolicieswrongortheimplementation?Whilehumanintereststoriesdocumentingtheplightofthepoorarenotunusual,itismoredifficulttogetspecificinformationontheindividualpolicies,programsandexpenditures.

Whilefewgovernmentswillopenlydenyinformationtothejournalist,theymakeitsodifficultthatmediaorganisations,whohavelimitedresourcesin

termsofmoneytimeandpeople,eventuallygiveup.InAfghanistan,forexample,whilethelarger

numbersrelatingtoaidandexpenditureareeasilythrownabout,specificdetailedbreakdownswhichwouldactuallygivetherealinformationabouttheeffectivenessaboutaprogramareveryhardtofind.Anyonehere,whohastriedtogetinformation,forexample,aboutdonorfunding,willknowwhatIamtalkingabout.ForthatmattereventheGovernmentofAfghanistancannotoftenfindouttheinformationfrominternationaldonors!Whethergovernmentorinternationalorganisations,informationisgivenasaprivilege,aconcessionratherthanarightandthisisthecentralaspectthatneedstochange.

SpecificlawsthatprovideforFreedomofInformationhavetobeenactedinordertoreversethisequation.InIndiatheGovernmenthasadoptedtheFreedomofInformationAct2005thatenableseverycitizentoaskforinformationonanygovernmentprogramorpolicy.Theonusofexplainingwhyinformationisnotbeinggivenisnowongovernmentofficialswhocanbeheldaccountableandpunishedfornotgivinginformation.

ThereissufficientanecdotalevidencefromIndia,tosuggestthatthosesufficientlyinterested–suchasgroupsworkingwithcommunities-haveusedthislawtoobtaininformationthatwouldotherwisebedeniedinthenormalcourse.

Oncedecision-makersknowthattheireverydecision,expenditureandpolicycanbesubjecttopublicscrutiny,theentireprocessofdecisionmakingwillchange,makinggovernmentsmoreaccountabletopeople.Afghanistanhasagreatwindowofopportunitytoseekthisrightattheinitialstagesofnationbuilding.Therighttoinformationisnottheanswertoallproblems,butitisaveryimportanttooltowardschangingthebalanceofpowertowardsmoreequitablegovernance.

The author is an independent journalist based in Kabul.

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• AretherecasesinwhichtheMediaCommission’sstatutorypowershavebeenapplied?

• Isself-regulationbythemediaabetteroption?Severalthingscangowrongwithelectionsandthe

medianeedstobecontinuallyonthealerttoblowthewhistlewhenifitcanseethingsgoingwrong.Achecklistmaybeusedbymediapractitionerstoassessthefairnessofanelectionasitisunderway(seeboxbelow).

Afghanistan’selectorallawprovidesfortheestablishmentofaMediaCommissionthatwill

monitortheperformanceofthemediathroughanelectioncampaignandensurethatacodeofconductisfollowed.

Thisisanunusuallegalprovision,sincethemediainmostcountriesisgovernedbyvoluntarycodesofconduct.Thefulltextoftheprovisionisintheboxbelow.

electIon cAmpAIgn coverAge

Provision for a Media Commission in Afghanistan’s electoral lawTheIndependentElectoralCommissionshallsetup,atleast60dayspriortotheelectiondate,aMediaCommissiontomonitorthereportingandcoverageoftheelectoralcampaignandadviseitonanybreachesoffairreportingandcoverageoftheelectioncampaignandofanybreachesoftheprovisionsofthecodeofconduct(procedures)fortheelectionsrelatingtothemediathatmayoccurduringtheelectioncampaign.FollowingtherecommendationoftheMC,theIECmayissueapublicreprimandofthemediainvolvedorreferthemattertotheDirectorofPublicProsecutions.

Journalists’organisationshavealwaysbeenveryprotectiveoftheirautonomyinthefaceofexternaleffortsatregulation.Codesofconductforthemedianormallyevolvevoluntarily.Themediashouldkeepafloatthedebateonthisissue.Ethicaljournalismincontemporaryunderstandingisnotaboutanexternalimpositionofstandards.Itisaboutinstitutingsufficientchecksandbalanceswithintheinternaleditorialprocessesofthemedia.Threequestionsareespeciallypertinent:• Whatarethemeritsofthislegalprovisionandhow

hasitworkedinthepast?

media checklist• Arevoters’listscomplete?• Arevoterswhoarenotlistedabletogetonthelist

byshowingproperidentification?• Aretheballotseasilyunderstoodbyvoterswho

cannotread?• Dovoterseasilyunderstandthevotinginstructions?• Arethereenoughballots,ballotboxesandofficials

toobservethevotingandcounttheballots?• Aretheresecurityarrangementstoprotectthe

ballotboxessonoonecanstuffthemwithfalseballots?

• Istheelectioncommissionseenasimpartial,independentandhonest?

• Doestheelectioncommissionrespondquicklytocomplaintsfromthemedia,thevotersandthepoliticalpartiesaboutallallegedviolationsoftheelectionlaws?

• Doestheelectioncommissioninvestigateandstopviolationsoftheelectionlaw?

• Areviolatorspenalisedinanyway?• Isthestatemediaprovidingreliablecoverageofall

thecandidatesandparties?• Isthecoveragebythestatemediaaccurate,

impartial,responsibleandfair?• Doesprivatemedia–newspapers,radioand

television–providereliableandfairreporting?• Doesprivatemediatreatallparties’advertising

equally?

Source:IMPACS.Elections+Media:AnElectionsReportingHandbook.2004.

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Understanding campaign strategiesAnessentialstrategyofapoliticalpartyistowinthevotesofpeoplewhosupportedthepartyinthepast.Thistraditionalsupportiscalledtheparty’spoliticalbase,orcorevote.However,fewpartieswinonthestrengthmerelyoftheircorevote.Thisrequiresthattheymakeanaggressiveefforttowinoverundecidedvoters.

Politicalpartiesoftenworkoutelaboratemediastrategiestorepresentthemselvesthroughthemediatoawideraudience,tomakethemselveslookgoodandtohelpthemwinoverundecidedvoters.Journalistsneedtobeawareofthestrategiesofnewsmanipulationand“spin”,whichareincreasinglyusedbypartiestoensurethatthemediaprojectstheminagoodlight.

Combat spin and news manipulation• Asktoughquestionsatpressconferences(butbe

politeandrespectful).• Donotletpoliticiansandcandidatesdealonlywith

issuesthatmakethemlookgood.• Referallclaimsmadebypoliticianstorivalsorto

thebroaderpublic.• Bringthesebroaderopinionsintoanyreportona

politicalleaderoraparty.Source: IMPACS.Elections+Media:AnElectionsReportingHandbook.2004.

Reporting press conferences and campaign speechesPoliticalspeechesshould,totheextentpossible,be

reportedinthecandidate’sownwords.Ifoffensiveorintemperatelanguageisused,ajournalistandmediainstitutionshouldrefrainfromcensorship,butseektoproduceasaccurateareportaspossiblewithoutoffendinggoodtaste.Ifthereisaseriousriskofcausingpublicoffence,themediashouldreportthespeechbutseektodistanceitselffromthesentimentsexpressed,byusingappropriatedisclaimers.Ifthewordsaresuchthattheycausedamagetoanother’sreputation,theaffectedpartymustbegivenarighttoreply.

Asidefromcampaignspeechesandthewordsspokenatpoliticalralliesandmeetings,ajournalistwillalsoseektocapturetheatmosphereandthepublicmood.Followingisanillustrative,thoughnotexhaustive,listofthingsajournalistmightconsiderinpreparinghisorherreport.• Howmanypeoplewereatthemeetingorrally?• Howfarhadtheytravelledtobethere?• Howdidtheygetthere?• Weretheybroughtinbythecandidateorparty,ordid

theyarriveontheirown?• Whatwasthecompositionoftheaudienceintermsof

likelyethnicaffiliationorpoliticalpreference?• Wereallgroupsmixedwithintheaudienceordidthey

occupyseparateplaces?

• Howdidsectionsoftheaudiencerespondtodifferentpartsofthespeech?

• Whatweretheinterestsandconcernsoftheaudienceaccordingtoyourinteractionswiththem?

• Didthespeechtouchonanyoftheseconcerns?Finally,whilethereportisbeingpreparedfor

publicationorbroadcast,thereareseveralquestionsthatajournalistcouldaskhimselforherselfbeforereportingelectionnews(seeboxbelow).

Is the report complete?• Isthisreportaccurate?Arethefactsandnames

correctanddoIbelievetheinformationistrue?HaveImadeeveryefforttoconfirmtheinformationistrue?

• Isthisreportimpartialandbalancedfairly?Doesitincludebothsidesoralternativeviewsanddoesitpresentthenewswithoutgivinganyspecialfavourtoonepartyorcandidate?

• Isthisresponsiblejournalism?Wasthisnewsobtainedwithoutbribesorillegalactionsanddoesitprotectsourcesandnotviolatetheelectionandpresslaws?

• Isthisreportvoter-focused?Doesithavesignificantnewsforthevoters?Doesitpresenttheconcernsofvoterstothepoliticians?

• Isthisthewholepicture?Dothewords,imagesand/oraudiogiveatruepictureofthemostimportantthingthathappenedattheevent?

• Willthisnewsreporthelptomakethevoterswell-informed,sotheycanvotewisely,intheirownbestinterest?

• Isthiselectionfreeandfair?Isthereothernewsaboutthiselectionthatshouldbereported?

Source:IMPACS.Media+Elections:AnElectionsReportingHandbook.2004.

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prActIcAl WAyS to furtHer preSS freedomSByAnandK.Sahay

Intheidealworld,agoodfairywouldgiveusapileofmoneyandsay,gostartanewspaper.Shemightalsosaygochooseyourowneditor,orasameasureofcaution,mightpickfromamongperfectstrangersaseniorjournalistofintegrityandexperiencetoeditthejournal.Andthen,shemightsay,hereonyouareonyourown;don’tbothermeanymorewithphonecallsandmessagesuntilyou’verunoutofmoney!

Thisistooperfect,ofcourse,anditneverworksthatway.ButIstartwiththisimaginationsinceIbelievethatpromiscuityinnewsorganizations-inotherwords,themanipulationorcurbingofnormalnews/currentaffairsworkinapaperorradioorTVstation-doesveryoftenstartatthetop.Ifmediaproprietorsweremorelikeourgoodfairyandtheywerenotwhimsical,didnothavetheirownpoliticalandbusinessagendas,anddidnotchopandchangeeditorsasmuchastheydoinorderto“laydowntheline”,atypicalnewspaperwouldenjoyamuchgreaterdegreeoffreedominitsday-to-dayrunning.

Iamkeenlyawarethattherearelargersystemicforcesatwork-suchasgovernments,militaryoligarchies,powerfulorganisedgroupsintheshapeofbusinessforums,thereligiousestablishment,crimesyndicatesandterrororganisationsinpursuitoftheirgoals-whichexertgreatpressureonthemedia,andreduceitsautonomy.Inextremecases,journalistsendupdead,aswesawnotlongagoinAfghanistan.Indeed,sincedemocracy,asthetermisbroadlyunderstood,isnotupandrunningingreatpartsoftheglobe,curbsonthemediadotypicallyemanatefromsourcessuchastheonescitedabove.

Nevertheless,itisalsomyunderstandingthatinanon-democraticsocio-politicalenvironment,keyactorsseektoownmediaoutletsintheexpectationthatthesewouldfurthertheirinfluenceandleverageinthewidergameofpowerthatisbeingplayedout,orfurthertheirobjectofgettingholdofasmuchofthefloatingfundsinthesystemthattheycanlaytheirhandsonthroughpolicymanipulationorcronynetworks.Thusmediaproprietorsarelikeotherpowerplayersandtheymakesurethattheirpapersorradioortelevisionstationsaremandatedtoserveaspecificinterestwhichmayonlytangentiallycorrespondtothebroadpublicinterest.

Itisfutiletoexpectthatsuchmediawouldaspiretobedisseminatorsofobjectivenewsreportsandanalyses,andbalancedcomment,intheserviceofsocietywiththeobjectofprovidinguntaintedinformationthatmaybecomeakeyfactorinhelpingcitizensmakedemocraticchoices.Butwhatissurprisingisthatmediabaronsindemocraticsystemsarenotinfrequentlyanautocraticpresence.Theiractionshavedirecteffectsforindependenceofthemedia.Andthisiswhatinterestsmehere.

Inrecentdays,acertainConradBlackhasbeeninthenews.Hecouldpossiblygotojailfor35yearsfordefrauding

shareholders.ThisMrBlackpresidedoveranewspaperchaininNorthAmerica,butcertainlythemostprestigiouspublicationsinhisstableweretheDailyTelegraphofLondonandtheJerusalemPost.IdonotknowhowheranthePost,buthissteam-rollingofeditorsandotherjournalistsattheTelegrapharegraphicallyrecordedinawell-regardedbookbyoneofthemoredistinguishededitorswhoservedunderhim.

Anothermediamagnate,RupertMurdoch,hasintereststhatstraddletheworld.HeownsthehoaryLondonTimesandalsotheSun,thesassytabloid-twoverydifferentkindsofproducts.SuchwashishandlingofeditorsandeditorialmattersthatasignificantbodyofjournalistsdepartedtheTimestostarttheIndependent.

Inmyowncountry,India,theequationbetweenjournalistsandtheiremployerscorrespondsmorecloselytotheMurdochmodel.Journalistsatalllevelsareaskedtopacktheirbagsatshortnotice.Seniorwritersandeditorsaremorevulnerablebecausetheyareusuallyonshort-termcontractsthatmayormaynotberenewed.

Naturally,inmostcases,theydoastheyaretold.Ifjournalisticindependencetoinformsocietyinasunbiasedamanneraspossibleisacasualty,sobeit.

Sinceitistheunspokenthreatoflosingemploymentthatmakesjournalistsdoastheyaretold,andthisisnearlyalwaystothedetrimentofmediaindependence,theonlywaytoensurethatmediafreedomsarenottrampledonwitheaseistoensurethatjournalistscannotbethrownoutofjobswithease.

Ifjournalistsandeditorsknewthattheycannotberemovedonawhim,theyaremorelikelytoworkinaprofessionalmannerandresistpressurestomouldfacts,analyses,andopinionstosuitparticularinterests.Thisistrueasmuchofthedemocraticworldasofothercountries.

Butitisdoubtfulthatjournalistsalone,nomatterhowwellorganisedtheyare,canensurethepassageoflegislationthatmakesitdifficulttosackthemfromtheirjobs.Professionalmediaworkersneedtoestablishfirminstitutionallinkswithothercivilsocietybodiesinordertosucceedinthiseffort.

ThereisonlyoneotherissueIwouldliketorefertohere.Thisisthematterofjournalisteducationandtraining.Ifjournalistsareintellectuallybetterequippedthantheyare,theywillunderstandbettertherolethattheyplayinthefurtheranceofdemocracy.Theywillunderstandbetterthattheend-productoftheircollectivelaboursiscrucialtokeepingthewheelsofdemocracyrunningonlyiftheyhaveabetterappreciationofhistory,politicalaffairs,andtheevolutionofhumansocietyandstatesystemsinthemodernera.Intheabsenceofthis,journalistsaremerelyinstrumentswhoputpentopaper.

The author is a former Kabul correspondent for the Press Trust of India.

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1. Fundamental PrinciplesRespectfortruthandtherightofeveryindividualtoknow,aretheprimaryobligationsofjournalists.Accesstoinformationistherightofeveryindividualandthemediashouldfulfillthisrightinamannerthatisattentivetonational,culturalandreligioussensibilities.Thatthecreationofatolerant,peacefulandjustsocietydependsuponthefreedomofcitizenstohaveaccesstoauthenticinformationaboutthesocial,politicalandnaturalenvironmenttheylivein.Thatthisneedisinvitalfashionservedifcitizenshaveaccesstoqualitymediathatrespecttheprinciplesofpluralism,diversityanduniversalrespectforhumanrights.Alljournalistsandmediastaffhavetherighttoworkinconditionsofsafetyandsecurity.Theyhavetherighttofreedomofassociationandtocollectivelybargainforwagesandappropriateworkingconditions.Individualcitizenshavetherighttoinformationandjournalistsasidefromtheirrightsasaprofessionalcommunityareobligatedtoholdasapublictrust,thebroaderrightsofthecitizensofAfghanistan.Itisrecognisedbyallthejournalists’organisationsthatthecreationofasinglenationalvoiceforjournalistsonprofessionalissuesiscentraltoadvancingtheirrightsasaprofessionalcommunityinAfghanistan.Thisclaimtoadistinctsetofrightsasaprofessionalcommunityisunderlinedbyanethicalcodethatcommitsjournaliststothepublicrighttoknow.JournalismandmediapolicyinAfghanistanmustbeguidedbythefollowingprinciples:

• Thatmedia,whateverthemodeofdissemination,areindependent,tolerantandreflectdiversityofopinionenablingfulldemocraticexchangewithinandamongallcommunities,whetherbasedongeography,ethnicorigins,religiousbelieforlanguage;

• Thatlawsdefendandprotectthecitizens'rightstofreedomofinformationandtherighttoknow;

• Thatthereisrespectfordecentworkingandprofessionalconditions,throughlegallyenforceableemploymentrightsandappropriateregulationsthatguaranteeeditorialindependenceandrecognitionoftheprofessionofjournalism.

2. Editorial IndependenceAllmedia,whetherpublicorprivate,mustupholdethicalconductinjournalism,supportprofessionalindependence,exercisetolerance,andrespectthedemocraticrightsofallcitizens.

Thetreatmentofnewsandinformationasacommodityforeconomicgain,forpoliticalends,orinsupportofnarrowlydefinedculturalorreligiousobjectivesmustnotoverrideorinterferewiththe

As declared unanimously at the National Media Summit, Kabul, July 31, 2007:

REPRESENTATIVES OF MEDIA PRACTITIONERS FROM ALL OF AFGHANISTAN, INCLUDING THE AFGHAN INDEPENDENT JOURNALISTS’ ASSOCIATION, THE COMMITTEE TO PROTECT AFGHAN JOURNALISTS, THE CENTRE FOR INTERNATIONAL JOURNALISM, THE AFGHANISTAN CHAPTER OF THE SOUTH ASIAN FREE MEDIA ASSOCIATION AND OTHER FRATERNAL PROFESSIONAL ORGANISATIONS AND CIVIL SOCIETY GROUPS, MEETING AT A NATIONAL MEDIA SUMMIT AT KABUL ON JULY 31, 2007, WITH THE PARTICIPATION AND TECHNICAL SUPPORT OF THE INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF JOURNALISTS (IFJ) AND THE FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE OF THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION, DECLARES ITS ENDORSEMENT OF THIS CHARTER FOR A DEMOCRATIC AND PLURALIST MEDIA CULTURE AND SOCIAL AND PROFESSIONAL RIGHTS FOR MEDIA AND JOURNALISM IN AFGHANISTAN AND COMMITS ITS PARTICIPATING ORGANISATIONS AND THEIR RESPECTIVE MEMBERSHIPS TO A PRACTICAL PROGRAM OF ACTION TO OPERATIONALISE THE PRINCIPLES OF THIS CHARTER, OF WHICH SOME HAVE BEEN OUTLINED BELOW.

Fair, balanced and independent mediaisessentialtogoodgovernance,effectivepublicadministrationandthecapacityoftheAfghannationtofindapathwayoutofthesituationofinternalturmoil,politicalinstabilityandexternaltutelagethatitfindsitselfin.Aprofessionalmediawitharesponsibilitytothepublicinterest,independentofgovernmentorpartisaninfluenceandinterference,isavitalpartoftheseriesofchecksandbalancescentraltodemocracy.

ThepracticeofjournalisminAfghanistanfacesmanychallenges.ThesechallengesareofconcerntoallcitizensofAfghanistanbutjournalists,workingtogetherinprofessionalsolidarity,bybuildingacultureofindependentjournalism,haveapivotalroleinleadingthecampaignformediareform.Thereneedstodevelopastrong,democraticpublicserviceculturewithinthenewsmediasothatitreflectstherichnessofsociety,servesthewholecommunityindependentofethnic,commercial,partisanorgovernmentinterestsandprovidesapluralityofvoicesfromacrossthespectrumofsocietyinAfghanistan.Thischartersetsouttheminimumstandardsandprinciplesthatunderpinthepublic’srighttoknowandafreemediainademocraticsocietyandoutlinesapracticalprogramofactiontosupportmediareform.

AppendIx Icharter for a democratic and pluralist media culture and Social and professional rights for media and journalism in Afghanistan

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dutyofjournalistsandmediatoinformandeducatethepublic.

Mediamustneverbeusedasinstrumentsofpropagandatosupportviolenceandextremism.Mediacontentmustnot,whetherdirectlyorindirectly,legitimiseviolenceorextremism.Responsibilityforethicalconductinjournalismrestswithmediaprofessionalswhoshouldberesponsiblefordrawingupcodesofethicalconductandwhoshouldestablishcredibleandaccountablesystemsofself-regulation.

Thereshouldbenolegislationbeyondthegenerallawthatinterferesinmattersthataretheresponsibilityofworkingjournalists:namely,thegathering,preparation,selectionandtransmissionofinformation.Freedomofexpression,pressfreedomandfreedomofassociationshouldbeguaranteedinlawinaccordancewithinternationalstandards.

Inaddition,mediapolicyshouldencouragetheadoptionofinternaleditorialstatutesandotherprovisionssafeguardingtheindependenceofjournalistsinallAfghanmedia.

TheIFJCodeofPrinciplesfortheConductofJournalismprovidesethicalcodessupportedbyallIFJaffiliatednationalrepresentativeorganisationsofjournalists.ThesecouldbestudiedbyprofessionalbodiesofjournalistsinAfghanistan,whowillseekthroughdialoguewithotherconcernedbodieslikepublishers,newspaperworkersandnewsconsumers,toevolveanappropriatecodeofconductfortheAfghancontext.

3. Media Pluralism, Public Service and Open GovernmentAfghanistanmustpromotetransparency,opengovernmentandfreedomofinformationandensuretheparticipationofallcitizensindevelopingademocraticculturetostrengthenthecohesionofallcommunities.Politicalpartiesandauthoritiesshouldrespecttheroleofmediatoreport,inanindependentandcriticalmanner,onallaspectsofgovernmentatalllevels.

Thereshouldbenolegal,regulatoryorpolicydevelopmentsinmediawithoutfullconsultationwithAfghanmediaandjournalistsandtheirrepresentativeorganisations.

Thelawmustguaranteecitizen’saccesstoinformationandfreedomofinformationatalllevelsofgovernment.

Theremustbenounduepressureonmedia,exerciseddirectlyorindirectly,oranyinterferenceintheworkofjournalists.Wheresuchpressureisidentifieditshouldbeproperlyinvestigatedandappropriateremediestaken.

Publicservicevaluesinmediashouldberespectedinallstate-ownedmedia.Wheretheyarenotalreadyapplicable,thestatemediasectorshouldcommititselftohonouringthefollowingobjectives:

• Toremoveallformsofdirectpoliticalcontroloverthepublicservicemedia

• Tocreateaframeworkfortheadministrationofpublicservicemedia,inlinewithinternationalstandards,throughethical,accountableandfinanciallytransparentstructures

• Tosupporteditorialself-regulationbyjournalistsandmediaprofessionalsthatwillpromoteeditorialindependenceandhighstandardsofaccuracy,reliabilityandqualityininformationservices.

4. Social Dialogue, Rights of Journalists and MediaStructuresfordialogueshouldbesetupbringingtogetherrepresentativesofmediamanagementsandtheworkforcethroughtheirrepresentativemediaassociationsandtradeunionstoestablishabasisforprofessionaldialogueandindustrialrelationswithintheAfghanmedia.

Thereshouldbeopennessandtransparencyinthebusinessandsocialaffairsofallmediaenterprisesincludingfullpublicdisclosureofpoliticalaffiliationsandownershipinformation.

RepresentativesofmediaandtheworkforceshouldagreeanactionplantopromotetheeconomicandsocialdevelopmentofAfghanmedia,includingprovincialmediaandtotheextentpossible,mediacateringtoallknownlanguagesanddialects.

Minimallyacceptableworkingconditionsshouldbeagreedandimplementedforallmediastaffthroughcollectivebargainingprocessesthathonourthefollowingpriorities:

• Toensurethatallemployeeshaveanemploymentcontractsettingouttheirwages,workingconditionsandlabourrights;

• Toimprovethesafetyandsecurityofjournalistsandmediastaff;

• Tolimittheuseoffreelanceandcasuallabour,andwheretheyareused,toensureproperremunerationandequalrights;

• Toguaranteenon-discriminationandgenderequalityatalllevelsinmedia;

• Torecognisetherightsoftradesunionstoorganiseinmediaandtorepresentmediaworkersincludingjournalists;

• Toensurediversityinaccesstojournalismandtoprovideaccesstoproperprofessionaltraining.

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TheIFJ,therefore,reaffirmsitssupportfortheDeclarationofWindhoekofMay3rd1993whichidentifiesfundamentalprinciplesfortheestablishment,maintenanceandfosteringofanindependent,pluralisticandfreepresswhichisessentialtothedevelopmentandmaintenanceofdemocracyinanation,andforeconomicdevelopment.

TheIFJsupportstheCharteroftheUnitedNationsandstrengthenedinternationalco-operationbaseduponuniversalrespectfortradeunionandhumanrights.

TheIFJseeksendorsementatlocal,regional,nationalandinternationalleveloftheIFJCodeofPrinciplesontheConductofJournalismwhichformsthebasisforuniversalstandardsofethicalconductforthepracticeofprofessionaljournalism.

TheIFJbelievesmediaprofessionals,journalistsandeditorsandpublishers,bothinthewrittenandaudiovisualmedia,shouldengageindialogueinternallyandwithgovernmentalandintergovernmentalauthoritiesonthequestionofmediapolicy.Suchstructuresfordialogueshouldbringtogetherlegitimaterepresentativesofworkforce,managementandconsumerstodiscuss:

1. theeconomicandsocialdevelopmentofthemedia,andinparticular,theneedtolimitmonopolisationwhichcanthreatendiversityofinformationsourcesnecessaryforthepracticeofdemocracyatalllevelsinsociety;

2. theproblemsofunemploymentandjobinsecuritywhethercausedbyconcentrationofmassmediaownershiporotherwise;

3. thepracticalimplementationoflaws,policiesandstandardsdesignedtoassistinthedevelopmentoffreeandpluralisticmedia.

4. professional,economicandsocialconditionswithinthemediaincluding:

a) Thedevelopmentofopennessandtransparencyinthebusinessandsocialaffairsofallmediaenterprises.

b) Themaintenanceofindependentandrecognisedsystemsofprofessionaltrainingwhichreflecttheneedforhighqualityjournalism,independentanddistinctfrompoliticalandcommercialimperatives.

c) Legalrecognitionofmechanismsforthedefenceoffreedomofinformationandindependentjournalismsuchaseditorialstatutes.

d) Thecreationofsecureworkingconditionswithinmediaenterprises,baseduponequalityofopportunityandincludinglimitationsonexploitationoffreelanceandcasuallabour.

TheIFJcallsuponthejournaliststheworldovertouniteundertheprinciplesandpoliciesoftheIFJinthefightagainstcensorshipandpoliticalandeconomicoppression.

As adopted by journalists’ unions from 60 countries at the 21st World Congress of the IFJ, Montreal, June 8-13, 1992.

TheInternationalFederationofJournalistslookstothefuturewithconfidence.Webelievethatprofessionaljournalists,organisedinfreeandindependenttradeunions,playakeyroleinthecreationandmaintenanceofademocraticmediaculture.

TheIFJbelievesthatdemocracydependsupontheextensionoffreedomofexpressionandsocialjusticeworldwide.

TheIFJinsiststhatdemocracyisfullyrespectedwhenthereisanunderstandingofthespecialandparticularroleofthemediaindemocraticsociety.

TheIFJbelievesthattheroleofmediaindemocraticsocietyistoapplytheprinciplesofpressfreedomuponwhichthefreedomofexpressionandopinionrelies.

TheIFJconsidersthatthetreatmentofnewsandinformationasacommoditymustnotoverrideorinterferewiththedutyofjournaliststoinformtheiraudience.

TheIFJbelievesmediafreedomcanonlybeachievedwhenthereisrecognitionthat:

1. Afree,independentmediareflectingdiversityofopinionisapreconditionofdemocraticsocieties;

2. Thefreeflowofinformationisthelifebloodofcommunitieswhethertheybebasedongeography,ethnicorigins,sharedvaluesorcommonlanguage;

3. Freedomofexpressionandopinioncanonlyexistwherecitizen'srightstofreedomofinformationandtherighttoknowareguaranteed;

4. Theprofessionalintegrityandindependentroleofjournalismhavetoberespectedtoensureademocraticandpluralisticpressaroundtheworld;

5. Informationandculturalmaterialofcommunitiesmustnotbethreatenedforpoliticaloreconomicreasonsbytechnologicaldevelopments.

TheIFJcallsuponallgovernmentstoprovidealegalframeworkwhichwillensurethefreedomofinformation,freedomofaccesstosourcesofinformation,andthefreedomtopractiseprofessionaljournalismwithoutpressurefromeitherpoliticaloreconomicinterests.

TheIFJdemandsfullanduniversalrecognitionoftherightoffreedomofassociationandoftherightofjournalists'unionstobargaincollectivelyonbehalfoftheirmembers.

TheIFJopposestheuseofinformationmediabygovernments,stateauthoritiesorproprietorsfortheirownpoliticalorcommercialorpersonaladvantage.

TheIFJpromotesandcampaignsforthecreationofmaterialconditionsforthedevelopmentoffreedomofexpressionandopinion.

AppendIx IIthe Ifj’s manifesto for a democratic media culture

The IFJ is a non-governmental, non-profit organisation that promotes coordinated international action to defend press freedom and social justice through the development of strong, free and independent trade unions of journalists. IFJ Asia-Pacific coordinates IFJ activities in the Asia-Pacific region. The IFJ works closely with the United Nations, particularly UNESCO, the United Nations Human Rights Commission, WIPO and the ILO, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the European Union, the Council for Europe and with a range of international trade union and freedom of expression organisations. The IFJ mandate covers both professional and industrial interests of journalists.

Visit asiapacific.ifj.org or www.ifj.org for more information.

media for democracy in afganistan : a handbook for journalists

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