miss lynnet marashe' mini thesis

7/31/2019 Miss Lynnet Marashe' Mini Thesis

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NAME: LYNNET MARASHE

STUDENT NUMBER: G08M4577

YEAR OF STUDY: HONOURS IN ORGANISATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY 2011

SUPERVISOR: ALWYN MOEDYK

TITLE: THE SOCIAL PERCEPTIONS OF THE XENOPHOBIA ATTACKS IN MAY

2008 AMONG AFRICAN FOREIGN NATIONALS AT RHODES UNIVERSITY:

AN EXPLORATORY STUDY.

This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Bachelor of Commerce with Honours in Organisational Psychology.

Rhodes University 2011

In this picture there two South African Police men and the Ernesto Alfabeto Nhamuvae

who is burning man during the 2008 May xenophobia attacks (Matongo, 2008

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my supervisor, Mr Alwyn Moerdyk, for whom I am indebted for

his support, faith and constant inspiration. Werner Bohmke, for his awesome patience

and unending support throughout this year.

My appreciation goes to the nine participants for their time, interest; enthusiasm and

passion for making this research a success.

I would like to thank the Organizational Psychology 2011 Honours class for their

friendship and enthusiasm throughout the year.

My family and friends for their support and encouragement.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. INTRODUCTION

2. LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Context..

2.1.1 Xenophobia and Foreigners..

2.1.2 Xenophobia Attacks on May 11, 2008.....

2.1.3 Violence in Post Apartheid South Africa..

2.1.4 Globalization of Xenophobia.

2.2 Explanation of the May 11, 2008 Xenophobic Attacks..

2.2.1 The Different Social Perceptions of xenophobia..

2.2.2 Youths Participation

2.2.3 Democracy.

2.3 Economic Explanation of the Xenophobic Attacks

2.4 Social Explanations.

2.4.1 Redefining South African Citizenship.

2.4.2 Service Delivery

2.5 Political contribution to xenophobia.

2.5.1 Labelling

3. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND OF XENOPHOBIA.

3.1.1 Scapegoating Theory.

3.1.2 Power Theory

3.1.3 Normative Theory.

3.1.4 Social Contagion..

3.1.5 Learned Helplessness

3.2 Social Identity Theory

3.2.1 Management Strategies

4. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY..

4.1 Research Aims

4. 2 Research Method

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4.3 Qualitative Research

4.4 Data Collection

4.5 Sampling ..

4.6 Access

4.7 Unit of Analysis

4.8 Data Analysis

4. 9 Validity and reliability of results

5. Ethical Considerations.

6. RESULTS . .

6.1 What was remembered about these attacks.

6.2 Why do African foreign students think these xenophobic attacks happened.

6.3 Social Mobility

6.4 How are these attacks related to South Africans redefining their nationalism

6.5 Foreigners are blamed for all the social ills in South Africa.

6.6 How are these attacks interrealated to the competition of scarce resource

6.7 How is group thinking related to the way South African nationals acted on the

May 2008 Xenophobia Attacks

7. DISCUSSION.

7.1 Scapegoating Foreigners for all social ills

7.2 Scarcity of Resources.

7.3 Foreigners are taking over..

7.4 Labelling Foreigners.....

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7.5 Spoiled Citizens

7.6 Group Think

7.7 Youth Participation

8. PRACTICAL APPLICATION...

8.1 Limitations.

9. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

10. REFERENCES..

11 APPENDIX .

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Research Question: What are the social perceptions of the Xenophobia attacks in May

2008 among African foreign nationals?

Abstract

This research explores the different social perceptions of Rhodes University fourth year

African foreign students, who were first year students at the time of the 2008 xenophobic

attacks in South Africa. The research is qualitative in nature and it takes the exploratory

paradigm. Information was elicited from four African foreign national participants by the

researcher through face-to-face semi-structured interviews. The Social Identity Theory (SIT)s

management strategies were used as theory to back up the thematic analysis. The results

indicate that the African foreign nationals perceptions completely changed after the 2008

attacks. South Africans were viewed as untrustworthy, jealous, lazy, heartless, spoiled citizens,

and bitter people because of Apartheid. On the other hand, the African foreign nationals also

highlighted to the researcher that the South African nationals viewed them as

makwerekwere (meaning illegal immigrants). African foreign nationals were believed to be

responsible for all the prostitution, armed robbery, as well as drug trafficking in the country,

and that they also stole what rightfully belonged to South Africans such as jobs, houses, women

and businesses. This report demonstrates that the 2008 xenophobic attacks brought a greatdeal of mixed emotions and reactions among the African foreign nationals and the South

African citizens thus showing that the 2008 xenophobic attacks impacted the Rhodes University

students differently.

Keywords: South Africa, xenophobia, Rhodes University, Social Identity Theory Management

Strategies and immigrants.

1. INTRODUCTION

This paper focuses on the different social perceptions of the African foreign students at Rhodes

University on the May 2008 xenophobic attacks in South Africa. The study was to investigate

and explore the causes of the May 2008 xenophobic attacks on African foreign students three

years after the attacks. This research tried to explain the foreign African students social

perceptions its social psychology through the Social Identity Theory management strategies.

The general findings showed that Zimbabwean foreigners mostly were affected more by these

attacks than other foreigners because they have the highest total population amongst all

foreigners that migrated to South Africa. There were many reasons for these attacks but it

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cannot be denied that political and socio-economic conditions were significant contributing

factors to the hostility; bitterness and violence of some South African communities. These

social and economic constrains resulted in social competition amongst South African and

foreign nationals, redefinition of the South African identity and the frustration of South

Africans because of the impermeability borders of their borders.

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 CONTEXT

2.1.1Xenophobia and Foreigners

There are many push factors that have led to xenophobia in the world as well as in South

Africa, some of which include economic, political and social hardships, migration, ethnic

conflict, civil wars globalization, access to services and education (Dludlu, 2000). Xenophobia

is not unknown in many countries across the globe (Campell (2003, p. 27) defines it as the

irrational fear of the unknown, or specifically, as the fear or hatred of those with a different

nationality. It relies heavily on the circulation of myths and stereotypes about foreigners

(Campell, 2003; Crush, 2001). Xenophobia, also involves attitudes, prejudice and behaviours

that reject, exclude, and often vilify persons on the perceptions that those persons are outsiders

or foreign to the community, society or national identity (Morapedi, 2007, p. 15).

Although, all these definitions are generally acceptable internationally, Harris (2002)

challenged them because in the South African context these definitions are inadequate and

misleading. According to (Harris, 2002, p. 10-15) xenophobia in South Africa "is not just an

attitude: it is an activity it is a violent practice that results in bodily harm and damage."

(Harris 2002).

Kollapen (1999) also warns that xenophobia cannot be separated from violence and physical

abuse, most of which is evident in South Africa. Violence has become the norm in South Africa

most of which is directed towards African nationals that migrate to South Africa with the hope

of securing safety and a better life (Culberston, 2009). It is important for one to note that

xenophobia in South Africa did not start in May 2008 but that it dates back before 1994

(Morapedi, 2007; Buyer, 2008).

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2. 1.2Xenophobia Attacks on May 11, 2008

The 2008 May attacks started in Alexandra, on the outskirts of Johannesburgs north-eastern

suburbs, when a mob invaded a disused factory allegedly inhabited by Zimbabweans

(Steenkamp, 2009). They chased the inhabitants into townships whilst looting shops, setting

shacks alight and killing two people in the process. Within days the violence spread through the

rest of Gauteng, Cape Town and Kwa-Zulu Natal (Steenkamp, 2009; Mosselson, 2010). Within

a single month, notions of a rainbow nation, pan-African solidarity and equality in South

Africa were ringing hollow (Steenkamp, 2009).These attacks left 62 people dead, almost 700

injured, scores of women gang raped, hundreds of thousands displaced from their homes

country-wide, and property worth R1.5billion lost (McConnell, 2009, p. 34).

Since 1990 there has been a substantial increase in illegal and legal migration from Southern

African countries and countries further north (Mosselson, 2010).The Gauteng province hosting

Johannesburg and Pretoria has become todays economic centre of Sub Saharan Africa. Its

success has attracted a wide range of domestic and international migrants seeking economic

opportunities or refuge from oppression and a better life (Duponchel, 2009). Driven by push

factors such as political instability and economic hardship in their home countries (as in the

case of Zimbabwe) and by the pull of economic opportunities putatively available in South

Africa, thousands of migrants from predominantly Africa countries have entered South Africa

(Mosselson, 2010).

The majority are either temporary work-seekers or economic migrants, asylum seekers, or

undocumented migrants (Mosselson, 2010). Exact figures of migrants in South Africa are

elusive but estimates range from an alarmist twelve million through seven million, and five

million down to a conservative three million. And whilst an exact figure is unobtainable, the

public imagination has been gripped by visions of immigrant floods, threats and foreign

invasion (Mosselson, 2010, p. 56).

The events of May 2008 were uniquely shocking because of the combined use of violent

behaviours, the intensity and sustainability of the violent campaigns, its rapid spread country

wide and the governments initial reluctance to recognize it (Steenkamp, 2009). The

xenophobic violence of May 2008 should not have been surprising because it resulted from

widespread and long-standing negativity towards foreigners and the states failure to recognize

the early signs (Morapedi, 2007).

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2.1.3 Violence in Post Apartheid South Africa

Already in 1994, community organizations in Alexandra accused migrants from Mozambique,

Zimbabwe and Malawi of causing crime, sexual attacks and unemployment and forcefully

evicted them in a campaign called Operation Buyelekhaya, meaning go back home (Buyer,

2008).

In 1997, local hawkers in central Johannesburg attacked their foreign counterparts. In

September 1998, a mob murdered one Mozambican and two Senegalese asylum seekers who

were selling sweets to passengers on the train between Pretoria and Johannesburg (Crush,

2008). In 2005, Zimbabwean and Somalian refugees were beaten in the Free State after a

community protest against the local municipality. In 2006, mobs in the townships around

Cape Town robbed and looted the shops of Somali shopkeepers and killed 29 Somalis between

July and September (Buyer, 2008, p 226-228). All these attacks were a built up to the May

2008 xenophobic attacks and when it reached the melting point due to other social, political

and economic reasons, the violent attacks erupted in South Africa in 2008.

It is crucial to understand that the May 2008 xenophobic violent attacks were more than an

exposure of the specious quality of the popular exhortation in the Freedom Charter that South

Africa belongs to all who live in it (Nyar, 2008, p.9). It was also a potent reminder of the

apartheid past. It drew disturbing parallels with the way in which difference was invoked by

apartheid to justify violence, oppression and injustice. The revival of the apartheid-derived

term black-on-black violence invoked painful historical memories of the systematic

devaluation and destruction of black foreign nationals (Nyar, 2008). The fact that the victims of

the violence were exclusively black immigrants from Africa or amakwerekwereraised critical

and uncomfortable questions about an internalized reverse racism on the part of black South

Africans, and an overall dangerous sense of national superiority particularly in relation to the

rest of Africa (Nyar, 2008).

2.1.4 Globalization of xenophobia

In many parts of the world race plays a persistent role in xenophobic processes of labelling

outsiders as foreigners (regardless of their status) (Klotz, 2000). Throughout Europe, for

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example, the rise of radical right wing parties fuels anti-immigrant sentiments, including

violent attacks against foreigners similar to the contemporary trends in South Africa. South

African reactions to immigration are in some ways a reflection of the global trends (Klotz,

2000).

According to the recent history of Cote dIvoire, the concept of identity has been manipulated

to refer to local territory as opposed to national territory. This tribalism versus nationalism is

typical of what happened in South Africa between foreigners and South African citizens.

Outsiders became those who did not come from the locality (Duponchel, 2009). There was the

redefining of identity and those that did not fall in the inside group (in-group) were in the

outside group (out-group) and these people were usually attacked. South African citizens also

redefined what a South African was and according to them, if you were born in another African

country and your roots were not South African by descent, you were not identified by in-group

as a South Africa (Duponchel, 2009).

Examples of the former include the horrific anti-Semitic targeting of Jews by German

nationalists in the 1930s and 1940s and neo-Nazi attacks on immigrants in the 1990s (Campell,

2003). Germans also resented Jews as some South Africans resent other foreign nationals. It is

important to note that, similar incidences have occurred in France and increasingly in Britain.

Therefore, it would appear that attacking strangers as the major causes of all social ills or rather

using up a particular nations resources is common (Campell, 2003). Xenophobia against

foreign nationals have also been evidenced in developed countries, so this study will help in

gaining insight into the social psychology behind the different social perceptions of the

xenophobic attacks, in a third world country like South Africa.

It is interesting to note that the German economic situation deteriorated in the 1990s, and

during this time there was an increase in insecurity, competiveness and individualism washighly probable as was xenophobia (Campell, 2003). This was also evident in South Africa

during the May 2008 period, as South Africa was facing economic difficulties and this pressure

was one of the causes that resulted in the 2008 xenophobic attacks (Campell, 2003).

2.2 EXPLANATIONS OF THE MAY 11, 2008 XENOPHOBIC ATTACKS.

2.2.1 The different social perceptions of xenophobia

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Generally South Africa's public culture has become increasingly xenophobic, and politicians as

well as the media are partly responsible for the shaping of most South Africans social

perceptions towards foreigners. Several research studies have shown how the media has

uncritically reproduced xenophobic language and statements, time and again (Crush, 2008;

Steenkamp, 2009; Mosselson, 2010). In 1994 the Home Affairs Minister Mangosutho

Buthelezi in (Crush 2008, p. 16-17), infamously referred to the illegal aliens as the populace

responsible of threatening the success of economic policies, safety and security of all South

Africans. He drew explicit links between migrants and drug-trafficking, prostitution and

money-laundering; to him foreigners were rather than South Africans the root to all the social

ills in South Africa and not foreigners (Crush, 2008).

Many South Africans came to believe that these immigrants are stealing their jobs. This belief,

and the belief that they are taking business, and causing crime, fuelled an intense animosity that

reached its pinnacle in May 2008 (Culberston, 2009). The hostility towards foreigners and

xenophobia have not been restricted just to the poor or the jobless; everyone from politicians,

businessmen to members of the police forces and those in the top ranks of the government are

guilty of xenophobia (Culberston, 2009).

Additionally South Africans believe that foreign nationals have an agenda to cohabitate withSouth African-women and force them into illegal activities (Arends, 2011). Foreign nationals

are considered as parasites and are responsible for the decline of urban conditions of certain

Johannesburg suburbs such as Hillbrow, Yeoville and Berea just mention a few (Arends, 2011).

On the other hand, most foreigners depicted South African men as lazy, violent, adulterous and

not nurturing of their partners (Morris, 1998). This perception is aimed primarily at the urban

dwelling black South African. Furthermore, the foreign nationals perceive the South Africans,

especially black men, as not welcoming to migrants because they are harsh and disrespectful

and this has evoked anger and unhappiness with immigrants (Arends, 2011).

These perceived idea about foreigners are interesting to note because during the Apartheid era,

many South Africans were welcomed into exile in the 1960s and 1970s in Tanzania,

Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Zambia and other states and therefore, xenophobia to these people is

a betrayal of friendship (Human Rights Watch, 1998). To some foreign nationals, questions

arise such as how was it possible that those nations who had housed, fed and schooled South

Africans suddenly become the enemy? (Human Rights Watch, 1998). There are many

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different perceptions between the South Africa and the foreign nationals some of which led to

the outburst of the May 2008 xenophobic attacks.

2.2.2 Youths participation

It is important to note that the majority of youths participated in xenophobic attacks and it is

important for one to dig deeper and find out why they participated in act like this (Song, 2009). It

is believed that there was a perception that matters of moral degeneration and a loss of African

values and beliefs, such as ubuntu, could have been the contributing factor for their

participation (Song, 2009). This issue was discussed in the South African Parliament as a major

concern of South Africas future in the global world.

Two youths from the Ramaphosa informal settlement, on Johannesburgs East Rand, declared in

Mosselson (2010, p. 650) that, We can proudly say foreigners have decided to leave our area

because they know what would happen to them if they were found. They would burn. Hell is

waiting for them; this is a clear message we are sending to the foreigners-Ramaphosa belongs to

us, not to foreigners. Vuyani, one of the characters in Blank & Shikaya (2010) also clearly

highlighted that most of the violent attacks were carried out by youths and this is evidenced by

these two youths. Since foreigners have been placed in the outside group they were excluded,

unwanted and vulnerable. This can be seen in cries such as This is our land- and foreigners

should leave and These foreigners must leave or they will die that rang out during the attacks

(Mosselson, 2010, p. 651).

Common quotes like we fought during Apartheid and they did not! So they must leave and

they take our women and jobs were said and this seems to be the common thoughts of some

South Africans (Blank & Shikaya, 2010). The South Africans redefined the South African

identity and nationalism as it was brought to the table by the youths that participated in the May

2008 xenophobic attacks. Therefore, this research with youths from Rhodes University could

help in understanding why the South African youths took part in the attacks.

2.2.3Democracy

The boundaries of democracy are typically defined by the border lines of formal status

citizenship (Song, 2009, p. 78). Such state-centered theories of democracy leave many

migrants without a voice in political decision making in the areas where they live and work,

giving rise to a problem of democracy legitimacy (Song, 2009). In South Africa, it evident that

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foreigners have no voice in political, social and economic decision making and they also do

not have their human rights protect meaning that they are prone to any verbal and physical

attacks and not much can be done if anything happens to them.

A notable example is the Aliens Control Act, one of the early key pieces of legislation

governing immigration. The Act allowed state officials to practice state-legitimated forms of

lawlessness and repression against foreign nationals (Nyar, 2008). It was therefore common

practice to make random arrests on the basis of skin colour, vaccination marks, pronounciation

of particular words, or understanding of local dialect(Nyar, 2008). This was often done in front

of local communities who witnessed the physical abuse of foreign nationals and dispossession

and destruction of their property, often allowing locals to reap the spoils (Nyar, 2008).

2.3 Economic explanation of the Xenophobic Attacks

At the time there was a climate of political uncertainty and socio-economic depression in South

Africa. Escalations in interest rates and oil prices signaled ancillary burdens of economic

hardships for the majority of poor households in South Africa who were already hard-pressed

to make ends meet (Steenkamp, 2009). Increased costs of food and transport combined with the

pressures of intermittent electricity black-outs imposed great strain on poor/ working class

households (Steenkamp, 2009). A fearful pessimism prevailed on the ground about the costs of

living, compounded by a historical conditioning to a seeming perpetual and intractable socio-

economic disadvantage (Steenkamp, 2009). This pressure on people who were seen to already

suffering caused bitterness amongst South Africans because the foreigners were using their

depleting resources and this also added to causes of the May 2008 xenophobic attacks.

In addition, one of the explanations for the outbreak of violence was that the influx of

Zimbabweans that exacerbated tensions between communities as competition for services,

employment, petty trading and education increased (Esses et al, 2001 in Duponchel, 2009).

South Africans consider this competition with foreigners as unfair because most of these

immigrants are more educated and competitive in business than they are. In addition, they are

also hardworking and they have the knowledge and skill in what they do (Duponchel, 2009).

On the other hand, South African Black citizens have not been privileged as foreigners in terms

of exposure to good education and training of specialized skills because of the Apartheid Era.

Therefore, for foreigners to come and take what is seen as rightfully belonging to them did not

seem fair to them and it resulted in the use of violence to fight the threat (Duponchel, 2009).

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2.4 Social Explanations

2. 4.1 Redefining South African Citizenship

According to Mosselson (2010, p. 645), The violent attacks were not merely instances of

citizens expressing frustration; they were, rather, instances of citizens reaffirming their status as

citizens. Before, during and after the attacks, immigrants were blamed for taking jobs, women,

economic opportunities and houses belonging to South Africans, thereby usurping the rights

and entitlements of the (deprived) citizenry (Mosselson, 2010). A parallel to the justification of

most South Africans reaffirmation of their citizenship and all that belongs to them in the post-

Apartheid era can perhaps some of be likened to the entitlement of what is known at the cargo

cult.

This cult phenomenon developed from the remote parts of New Guinea and other Melanesian

societies around 1968 (Harris in BBC h2g2-Cargo Cults, 2004). According to Harris in BBC

h2g2-Cargo Cults, (2004, p. 1), A cargo cult is a religious practice that has appeared in many

traditional pre-industrial tribal societies in the wake of interaction with technologically

advanced cultures. The cults focus on obtaining the material wealth (the "cargo") of the

advanced culture through magic and religious rituals and practices. This practice of believingthat someone, somewhere, will bring them wealth has been a major drawback to many South

Africans, so they have been waiting for the cargo to appear after liberation, while foreigners

are working extremely hard for the same cargo. These two different viewpoints of how

wealth comes about led to people clashing because in the end the one party saw that the other

received the wealth and they did not and this became a problem (Harris in BBC h2g2-Cargo

Cults, 2004).

2.4.2 Service delivery

The issue of delivery exposes some of the profound contradictions of the transition to

democracy and the post-apartheid dispensation (Nyar, 2008). The South African government

had promised its body of voters a better life for all but it did not manage to fully deliver its

promises (Nyar, 2008, p. 9). It is a paradox which captures the multiple complexities of

effecting transformation in South Africa. Although formal democracy has been attained, the

majority of poor black Africans continue to bear the brunt of poverty (Nyar, 2008). This poor

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delivery of services angered most South Africans because they were highly expectant after a

long struggle during the apartheid era (Nyar, 2008).

Scapegoating, and in different contexts, there are examples of the tendency to find groups of

aliens who can be blamed for societys social and economic ills and different groups have at

various times been singled out as scapegoat (Morris, 1998). A scapegoat is a person or group

made tobearthe blame for others or to suffer in their place (Marger 1991, p. 91). Since the

service delivery was poor in post Apartheid South Africa, most South Africans looked for an

easy target to vent their anger and frustration. This explanation also helps us to understand the

South African situation and its relation to the xenophobic attacks.

2.5 Political contribution to xenophobia

Every leader has followers and according Basadur (1994, p. 244), followership may be

defined as the ability to effectively follow the directives and support the efforts of a leader to

maximize a structured organization. In this case, Jacob Zuma has so many supporters and he is

a role model to many youths and adults and what he does influence his followers way of doing

things. During the period his singing of his popular song Umshin Wami revived an

atmosphere of belligence and, the song was sung while assegais were waved during the

xenophobia attacks of 2008 (Steenkamp, 2009). Most importantly, when Thabo Mbeki who

was the current president at that time reacted after week and commanded the xenophobia

attacks to stop they did stop, showing the power national leaders have on their nation

(Steenkamp, 2009).

Other politicians, including Nelson Mandela and senior cabinet ministers are also on record for

drawing direct links between illegal migrants and crime (Crush, 2008). Post-Apartheid

xenophobia in South Africa has two characteristics which make it particularly remarkable.

Violence is largely by black South Africans against black Africans, who are referred to as

amakwerekwere (meaning persons who speaks an unintelligible language) (Crush, 2008).

All these events also contributed to the brutal attacks in May 2008.

2.5.1 Labelling

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It is interesting to note that some Black South Africans refer to the illegal immigrants without

proper documentation as amakwerekwere yet they see illegal white immigrants from Europe

without the same proper documentation as tourists(Blank & Shikaya, 2010). The fact that

they call the other foreigners amakwerekwere is called pseudospeciation. According to

(Miermont, 1995, p.1), pseudospeciation begins with the fact that cultural differences cause

humans to separate into different social groups, with different language, dress and customs.

These cultural differences are analogous to the formation of different biological species

(speciation). In the extreme, pseudospeciation leads to dehumanization of other cultural

groups (out-groups), just as what occurred during the attacks. The reference to German as

Huns during WW2 is an example of labelling. Since South Africans had already

dehumanized the foreigners it was easy for them to attack them because they did not see them

as human beings (Miermont, 1995).

This is also evidenced with the picture on the cover page of the burning man Ernesto Alfabeto

Nhamuvae (Matongo, 2008). The fact that a human being had been declared to be an illegal

alien and excluded from society, as led later a sudden disconnection between the two parties

resulting in little emotional connection. This goes some way to explaining why one human has

the ability to burn another (Matongo, 2008).

3.THEORETICAL BACKGROUND OF XENOPHOBIA IN SOUTH AFRICA

A number of secondary theories can help to explain the behaviour that was shown by South

African citizens towards foreigner during the May 2008 xenophobia attacks. These include the

scapegoating theory, power theory, norm theory, social contagion and learned helplessness.

However, the main theory for this research is the Social Identity Theorys three management

strategies namely the social mobility, social creativity and social competition. These

management strategies will explain in detail the roots of the different social perceptions of the

Rhodes University African foreign student as well as the social psychology behind the May

2008 xenophobic attacks.

3.1.1Scapegoating theory

According to Kruger (2009), this theory implies that a person becomes so frustrated in his or

her efforts to achieve a desired goal that he or she tends to respond with aggression. The source

of frustration is unknown or too powerful to confront, so a substitute is found to release the

aggression. It therefore becomes a convenient scapegoating for those experiencing the reality of

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hardship that has worsened since the arrival of Zimbabweans into South Africa. Targeting

foreigners is a matter of proximity because foreigners tend to reside in areas that are

characterised by poverty and a lack of service delivery. This is a precursor to xenophobic

attitudes and encourages hostility, conflict and violence, as more people are competing for

meagre resources (Masilela, 2008, p. 75).

3.1.2 Power Theory

The power theory is a paradigm that views the relationship between groups as a function of

their competitive positions. This paradigm suggests that a threat of one particular group to

another is a source of hate. When people feel insecure in the face of a threat, they portray

resentment and hate. It must be noted that the intensity of the hate need not necessarily depend

on real competition in the job market but on the perception of threat, which is sufficient to

induce animosity (Mogekwu, 2002 in Kruger, 2009).

3.1.3 Normative theory

The normative theoryexplains xenophobia within the framework of social norms. People tend

to conform to social situations in which they find themselves. When negative thoughts and

discriminatory behaviour toward a particular group is expected, individuals feel compelled to

think and act accordingly. Thus, the social environment that one is in serves as a source for

discrimination and it leads to xenophobic behaviours Not everyone in South Africa participated

in the xenophobic attacks but most people from the high density suburbs like Hillbrow ,

Yeoville, Khayelitsha and Alexandra. (Marger, 1991, in Kruger, 2009 ).

3.1.4 Social contagion

Emotion can spread rapidly through large crowds, as the massive social proof leads us into

extreme states. This explains much of crowd behaviour, where normal people act in ways

they may later deeply regret (Kruger, 2009). It is like a disease that spreads quickly and before

one knows it would have affected people in all corners of the nation. The May 2008 attacks

started in Alxandra in Johanesburg but with a day the attacks were in Cape Town, Kwa Zulu

Natal and the rest of South Africa (Kruger, 2009).

3.1.5 Learned helplessness

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Learned helplessness is defined as a condition of a human person or an animal in which it

has learned to behave helplessly, even when the opportunity is restored for it to help itself by

avoiding an unpleasant or harmful circumstance to which it has been subjected (Burt, 1987, p.

1289). This explains the behaviour that most South Africans have had for a long time. Since

Apartheid South Africans considered themselves as helplessness and when they got their

democracy they remained in that position even though they were free. As much as the

foreigners as to blame for straining the resources in South Africa it is also important to note

what the South Africans have done with resources they had soon after their democracy.

3.3 Social Identity Theory

Social Identity Theory is a theory of inter-group behaviour, which suggests that individuals are

motivated to achieve and maintain positive social identity groups (Tajfel & Turner, 1986).

Tajfel & Turner (1987, p.41) defines Social Identity Theory (SIT) as that, part of the self-

concept derived from an individuals knowledge of his or her group membership together with

the value and emotional significance attached to that membership. It forms a central aspect of

ones self esteem by identifying with specific social groups, thus providing a good theoretical

explanation for different social perceptions and discrimination against minority groups (Baron

& Byrne, 2003).

This theory was initially put forward to account for the unexpected finding that people tend to

display intergroup discrimination to the so called minimal groups (Tajfel, 1979). SIT gives a

clear explanation on why some Black South African citizens were xenophobic to other African

foreign nationals (Masilela, 2008; Deaux, 1996; Turner, 1987). These social identities can be

seen at three different levels, namely the individual level, intra-group level and the intergroup

level. However this paper focused mostly on the groups inter-group level identity management

strategies to explain the different social perceptions and how it is linked to the May 2008

xenophobic attacks.

3.2.2 Management Strategies

At this level identity management becomes the key feature and groups start changing their

boundaries, redefining and enhancing their self images, as well as competing for better social

status (Burke, 1991). There are three identity management strategies, namely social mobility,

creativity, and competition.

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Social mobility tends to occur when members of particular group have low levels of

commitment to the group and when group boundaries are permeable (Haslam et al, 2003, p.7).

For example, foreign immigrants from the surrounding Southern African countries seek refuge

in South Africa because it has more economic and political stability thus changing their

boundaries and their group status (Baron & Byrne, 2003). At the same time South African

nationals have little or no option for changing their boundaries, thus creating an unequal

playing ground for the two groups (Steenkamp, 2009). South Africans used violence to express

their frustration of their unchangeable boundaries. To them, foreigners had options while they

did not have any other options about their impermeable borders and this created problems that

resulted in the 2008 xenophobic attacks. Most South Africans are comfortable staying in South

Africa because to them South Africa is the most developed Third World country (Steenkamp,

2009). So for them to go to other countries like Zimbabwe does not make sense to most of

them. Therefore cannot go to any other country in Southern Africa to find greener pastures

because South Africa, according to them has the best in terms of social and economic amenities

and political stability (Steenkamp, 2009). In this research the impermeability of South Africa

borders were evidence in the findings.

Social creativity involves trying to redefine ones group (Haslam et al, 2003). It occurs, when

stable or legitimate intergroup differences provide little scope for achieving social change (and

when leaving the group is not a feasible option) with the result that group members may try to

enhance the image of their group at a cognitive level (Haslam et al, 2003, p.7). Many South

Africans perceive that when these foreign refugees come to South Africa, they usually start

from nothing but soon manage to improve their situations (Masilela, 2008). There are many

reasons to explain their success some of which include their willingness to accept lower wages,

working hard and having a better education. South Africans respond to this by trying to

enhance their images by making it well know that they are South Africans and they belong in

South Africans and the foreigners do not (Dube, 2000). So by trying to show their nationalism,

the xenophobic attacks were designed to show the foreigners that the South Africans have a

better standing than foreigners (Dube, 2000).

The South Africans attacked their fellow black Africans because they were not of South

African descent. The attacks were based on the fact that one was not a Black South Africa only

if one was a Black African from another country were you placed in the out-group of being a

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mukwerekwere (Nyar, 2008 in Kruger, 2009). For that alone you would be attacked. It was

however interesting that the people that were attacked were most low level income earners that

came from Hillbrow, Yeoville, Berea, Alexandra and Khayelitsha ( just to mention a few) and

not the high earners foreigners who lived in places like Sandton (Nyar, 2008). This social

creativity was only evidenced in during the xenophobic attacks and it was only done to the low

level foreigners that could not defend themselves. This also explains why the Rhodes

University students did not experience these attacks

The last identity management strategy is that ofsocial competition This is when two groups

compete for a limited number of scarce resources such as jobs, housing, consumer sales, or

even food, one groups success becomes the others failure and creates a breeding ground for a

rift and violence (Franzoi, 2003, p. 242). South Africans and foreigners all compete for the

scarce resources such as employment, education and business (Tshitereke, 1999). This

competition for scarce resources is seen as a major reason for the South Africans attacking their

opponent who seemed to be thriving at their expense.

Social competition was not only seen in South Africa but was also evidenced in France, Japan,

Britain and German in the 1990s. Countries like Zimbabwe, Democratic Republic of Congo

(DRC) and Rwanda have been experiencing political and economic instability. Citizens fromthese countries come and seek asylum in South Africa, which means they cannot go back to

their countries of origin. Therefore they are bound to do anything for them to survive and end

up they came work in farms, mines and construction just to mention a few. They are also

willing to do the dirty jobs that many South Africans prefer to avoid. This means that

competition for resources becomes stiffer because the other group is willing to go the extra

mile to survive the economic and social competition.

Xenophobia is a common feature of many societies that are under social and economic pressure

(Steenkamp, 2009). When the in-group sees that they are losing in the competition they usually

attack the out-group which is their opponent. This was seen in Cote dIvoire when they

attacked the other locals that did not belong to their community (Duponchel, 2009). Attacking

the out-group appears to be a common characteristic of the in-groups experiencing frustration

over limited resources.

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4. METHODOLOGY

4.1 RESEACH AIMS

To explore perceptions of why the xenophobic attacks took place among

African foreign students at Rhodes University.

To investigate whether social competition, social mobility and if social

creativity played an important role in the staging of the xenophobic attacks.

4.2 RESEARCH METHOD

According to Wengfar (2002), method refers to ways of obtaining, organising and analysing

data that would reflect the overall research design and strategy. The choice of method is

determined by the research question. In this particular study, methodwould refer to how the

research was conducted and its logical sequence. Research is a logical, systematic process

which insists on the application of a certain method of data gathering and analysis ( Wengfar,

2002, pp. 163-164). In this study the researcher decided to use the qualitative method to

establish the extent to which the African foreign students perceptions were affected by the

May 2008 xenophobic attacks as well as seeing if the SIT management strategies played a role

in the causing the attacks (Kruger, 2009).

4.2 Qualitative Research

Qualitative research refers to the inductive, holistic, subjective and process-oriented methods

used to understand, interpret, describe and develop a theory on a phenomenon or setting

(Leedy & Ormrod, 1985, p. 12). It is an in-depth analysis of the problem in order to understand

the whatand why of human behaviour (Leedy & Ormrod, 1985). According to Creswell (1994),

qualitative research is a systematic and subjective approach that is used to describe life

experiences and how people make meaning (sense) of their experiences. In a qualitative

research, there is the collection of data in the form of written or spoken language, or in the

form of observations that are recorded in language, and can be analysed by identifying and

categorizing themes (Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006, p.43).

For the purposes of coherence, the research question and the exploratory paradigm were used

since they are qualitative in nature. This type of research method is inductive, which means

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it immerses into the detail and specifics of the data to discover important themes. It tries to

unfold real world situations naturally in a non-manipulative and a non-controlling way

(Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006, p. 43).

In conducting this research the exploratory paradigm was used. This paradigm is used to make

preliminary investigations into unknown areas of research (Durrheim, in Terre Blanche,

Durrheim & Painter, 2007, p.44). An exploratory paradigm allows flexibility, openness and an

inductive approach to research so as to obtain new insights on the specific topic (Durrheim, in

Terre Blanche, Durrheim & Painter, 2007). The exploratory paradigm was ideal for this

specific research because it is one of the few researches that has used SIT management

strategies to explore the Rhodes University African foreign students perceptions to try and

explain the perceived causes of the May 2008 xenophobic attacks.

4.3Data Collection

In-depth semi-structured face-to-face interviews were used for data collection (Boumar,

2000).An in-depth interview is a process where the researcher is paying attention to what

is being said by the subject or participant (Newman, 2000, p. 370). The interviews were

conducted as a source of primary information which was collected directly from the

participants (Harvey & MacDonald, 1993) (see appendix 1). They were one-on-one

interviews and an outline of questions was developed and used for these sessions (Boumar,

2000). This type of data collection allowed participants to give their views and perceptions that

are unrestrained because of the way it will framed and structured (Berg, 1998).

In ensuring that all data was captured, audio tapes were used (Neuman, 2000). Non-verbal cues

were also jotted on a research notebook that was used during the interview to jot down some of

the important things that could not be noticed in the audio tape (Neuman, 2000). The study

was conducted over a period of three weeks.

4.4 Sampling

Sampling is defined as, the technical accounting device to rationalize the collection of

information, to select in an appropriate way the restricted sets of objects, persons, events and so

forth from which the genuine information will be drawn (Bless, 2006, p.98). A sample is the

subset of the whole population which is actually investigated by a researcher (Bless, 2006). The

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main advantages of sampling, as compared to the collection of data on the whole population,

core that it is less time consuming, and it is less costly, since the costs of research are

proportional to the number of hours spent on data collection (Bless et al, 2006). Basically,

sampling is a practical way of collecting data when the population is infinite or extremely large,

thus making a study of all its elements impossible (Bless, 2006).

This research was conducted at Rhodes University and initially a sample of four African

foreign students who are in their fourth of study was planned to be used, but because the point

of saturation was not reached on this group, five more interviews were carried out (Neuman,

2000). Convenience sampling, which is a sampling method that uses available participants at a

particular time, and this was used in this particular study (Nachmias & Nachmias, 1990;

Wengraf, 2002; Struwig & Stead, 2001).

4.4 Access

Official letters of permission to conduct the interviews were sent to the Rhodes University

Registrar and the Dean of Students. These people are known as the gatekeepers. A gatekeeper

is the person who has the power to informally or formally control the right of entry into the site.

The researcher negotiated entrance with the gatekeepers to ensure the ethics approval of the

research that was conducted (Neuman, 2000, p. 387).

4.5 Unit of analysis

The research participants were fourth year students that were interviewed on the basis of

convenience from various departments such as the sociology, zoology, accounting and

economics departments as well as the Law faculty. Their ages ranged from 19 to 24 years and

they consented to participate in the research (Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006).

4.6 Data Analysis

The purpose of classifying qualitative data for thematic content analysis is to facilitate the

search for patterns and themes with the particular setting across cases (Patton, 1990, p.376).

The data was tape recorded during the interviews and transcribed. Data was broken into

chunks and coded and categorised according to themes (Neuman, 2000). During the

interview, the interviewer attempted to determine what dimensions, words, themes and images

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linked directly to the SIT management strategies and these were used for the thematic analysis

(Strydom, 2001).

4.7 Reliability and Validity of data

According to Blaike (2004, p. 23), reliability refer to the dependability of the data. This will

be achieved by accurate transcriptions of interview tapes (Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006).

Validity, also known as credibility refers to producing findings that are convincing and

believable in and was achieved by using in-depth open-ended interviews as a form of data

collection (Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006, p. 93; Coolican, 1994; Boumar, 2000). Cross

validation was done through comparing the differing viewpoints of the people that were

interviewed as well as making sure the data was taken from a reliable network of individuals

and places (Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006).

4.8 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS

Informed consent

According to Nachmias and Nachmias (1981), Informed consent derives from cultural values

and from legal considerations. Participants should receive a thorough explanation beforehand

of the benefits, rights, risks and dangers involved as a consequence of their taking part in the

research project (Nachmias and Nachmias, 1981, p. 323). Informed consent is an important

ethical consideration because participants should be free to determine their own basic freedom.

In this research project, all the participants were told what the research was all about and its

purpose (Strydom & Delport, 2009). Each participant conducted the semi-structured interview

only after they had consented and he/she and the participants are also allowed to withdraw from

the interviews at any time. In addition and they were also allowed to answer questions only

those they were comfortable with (Kumar, 2005; Berg 1998).

Confidentiality

The participants were notified that their information was going to be treated confidentially and

to be used strictly for academic purposes. The information that they gave was to be used by the

researcher alone and no one else. The Rhodes Ethics board made sure that the open-ended

interview schedule questions were non-threatening so that the participants would be at ease and

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comfortable (Terre Blanche and Durrheim, 2006, p. 299). Confidentiality was also ensured by

conducting the interview in a private room that with onlythe interviewer and the interviewee

present (Nachmias and Nachmias, 1981).

Anonymity

The right of anonymity requires that the identity of individuals be separate from the

information they give. In other words, a participant is considered anonymous when the

researcher or other persons cannot identify particular information with a particular participant

(Nachmias and Nachmias, 1981, p. 330). In this research participants were referred to in

alphabetical letters so that was anonymity assured.

5. RESULTS

5.1 List of Respondents

PARTICIPANT SEX AGE COUNTRY STUDENTS FACULTY

PARTICIPANT A Female 23 Namibia Pharmacy Student

PARTICIPANT B Male 22 Nigeria Law Student

PARTICIPANT C Female 24 Zimbabwe Law Student

PARTICIPANT D Male 23 Zimbabwe Law Student

PARTICIPANT E Female 24 Zimbabwe Sociology Student

PARTICIPANT F Male 24 Nigerian Zoology Student

PARTICIPANT G Female 22 Zimbabwe Economics Student

PARTICIPANT H Female 21 Uganda Accounting Student

PARTICIPANT I Male 24 Ghana Politics Student

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RESULTS

The majority of the participants were Zimbabweans and it was seen in the research that

Zimbabweans had the most vivid memories about the 2008 xenophobia attacks. The majority

of legal and illegal immigrants in South Africa were Zimbabweans, rather than Nigerians,

Ethiopians, and Ghanaians. These results were an exploration of the Rhodes University social

perceptions of the May 2008 attacks.

6.1 What was remembered about these attacks?

From the findings, it is evident that most of the participants were aware of the 2008 May

xenophobic attacks. The participants heard about xenophobia from the television, word of

mouth or from their relatives and friends and the most vivid memory was that of the burning

man (Ernesto Alfabeto Nhamuvae). Most of them talked about what they remembered mostly

from these attacks and a clear illustration was shown by participant A, who was in

Grahamstown at the time of the attacks:

What I can recall was basically from media, the citizens basically accusing the other

foreigners that they are taking possessions of their jobs, studying opportunity and resources. I

recall a person was put on fire (Participant A; Pharmacy student, 30 August 2011).

Amongst some of the vivid memories of the xenophobic attacks was that of two Senegalese

who were thrown out of a moving train because they were foreigners and they died on the spot

(Participant D, Zimbabwean Law student, 28 August 2011).

On the other hand, Participant I (Politics student, 28 August, 2011) expressed his shock at what

the South Africans did and what they still do to the Foreigners. The verbal abuse showed that

the South Africans had been angry for a long time and by the time the xenophobia attacks came

this anger just erupted and everything just came up. This participant remembered that

foreigners houses that were burnt, shops that were looted, and the people that were killed. The

most common statement that the South Africans kept on saying was:

These guys must go back (Participant I; Politics Student, 30 August 2011).

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This is evident that the foreigners were not welcome in South African. It clearly shows that,

there has been a great deal of competition and the only way to fight the opponent is to drive

them away. From the empirical evidence found in other xenophobia studies, it was evident

that these attacks were as a result of frustration with the social and economic situation in South

Africa. The attacks were brutal and many people were displaced and they never returned to

their previous neighbourhoods.

6.2 Why do African foreign students think these xenophobic attacks happened?

The results made it clear that there were different perceptions as to why the attacks happened.

Some of the participants thought that the South Africans felt threatened because the foreigners

were more educated than they were and that they were also a threat to their jobs and theirwives. Others thought it was because they were jealous of the foreigners because they were

flourishing in what they were doing and that is why they attacked them. They did not consult

anyone to help them solve the problems they had with foreigners and they just took matters into

their own hands:

Its a way of jealous because they just went straight to attack people (Participant F, Zoology

Student, August 30 2011).

It is also interesting to note that the African foreign students thought that the attacks were

politically influenced and they believed that South Africans had been angry about the apartheid

because it left them with nothing. South Africans thought that after taking part in the Apartheid

revolution would have resulted in them having an easy life. However life only got tougher and

even more competitive and they could no longer blame the White men for their problems. Since

they did not get the services they had fought for, they looked for a scapegoat to blame because

it was the easiest option. Participant D clearly highlighted it during the interview:

It was more of a political spirit because when Apartheid ended it, left anger in their hearts so

they were bitter about the foreigners who were being successful in business. So they assumed

that they were taking their business (Participant D, Law Student, 28 August 2011).

It was found that the people that had the most problems were foreigners from low income

levels and these were the ones that were attacked during the May 2008 xenophobic attacks. No

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one attacked the middle level and upper class foreigners because they could defend themselves

and they lived in the low density suburbs and they had the funds to fight for themselves.

It happened to lower income working class and unemployed people because they do not

have any financial muscle to fight back (Participant I, Politics Student 28 August 2011).

The most interesting thing about these results is that it confirms previous finding. The

foreigners have negative perceptions towards the South Africans and so are the South Africans.

This was shown by the responses from the interviews. It is clear that the media plays an

important part in the information that gets to people because what the foreign students were

talking about was basically what they heard from the media.

6.3 What are the views on the fact African foreign nationals can change borders whilst

South Africans are stuck in South Africa with little Social mobility?

Most of the South Africans are believed to be better resourced than any other Africans in

Southern Africa. South Africa is believed to be the United States of America in Africa meaning

that, it is the best. Therefore, for South Africans to migrate to the other neighbouring African

countries, would not be reasonable because there are problems such as political and economic

instability in the other surrounding countries such as Zimbabwe. One participant said that:

personally coming from Namibia its hard to find foreigners from South Africa. Its rare

to find themI think they are well resourced (Participant A, Pharmacy Student, 28 August

2011).

South Africans were seen as people who are afraid to explore because if one is born in a small

place like Grahamstown, they tend grow up there and to die there. There is nothing beyondSouth Africa and some have not even travelled to other provinces. On the other hand,

foreigners are willing to explore and they are not afraid of anything. A foreigner can move

from city to city in South Africa until he or she gets what he or she is looking for.

To add to this, the findings suggested that foreigners had expertise and skills unlike the South

Africans and because of this they had something to bring the table unlike the South Africans

that have less expertise and skills. One participant even pointed to the fact that they were given

what they wanted by their government. They got grants for the children they had and the old

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people got pensions unlike the other African governments such as Nigeria that make their

citizens work for every penny they put into their pocket. In addition another participant clearly

put across that the South Africans where being spoiled by their government and that is why

they are lazy in the first place. Since most South Africans are lazy they do not want to do

anything but to receive free things and when they see people that would have worked hard

thriving, they feel the need to attack them.

Furthermore, another reason why South Africans do not travel is because they have a negative

perception of other countries and this is because of what they hear through the media. They

think other places are not habitable so that is why they do not travel to other places, this was

evidenced in one of the interviews:

South Africans do not want to go to other places because of what they hear about these

places because the first time I was here some South Africans had a completely corrupt view

of what Zimbabwe was because of what the media portrayed (Participant G, Economics

Student, 30 August 2011).

It would then appear that for South Africans, borders are impermeable whereas foreigners

borders are permeable which allows them to seek green in neighbouring countries.

6.4 How are these attacks related to South Africans redefining their nationalism (Social

creativity)?

It seems that most of the participants believe that the attacks were more a question of

redefining their status because they drew the line between themselves and the foreigners and by

doing so they it became clear who a South African was and who were not. If you were not one

of the in-group you would be killed or beaten. If one goes to the shops even if they know who

you are they have a way of showing that you not one of them. For example:

Hi my friend meaning you come from a foreign country and you are not my own. But to

their people they say Boetie or Sisi, meaning one of my own (Participant E, Sociology

Student, 30 August 2011).

A popular name that is given foreigners is makwerekwere meaning illegal migrant. If you are

called by this name, it shows you are not one of us. Therefore, most foreigners think that the

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attacks were related to the South Africans redefining their nationalism. This was seen as an

opportunity for them to vent their anger and clearly express what they felt about the foreigners.

According to the study, it is clear that the South Africans think that the Zimbabweans and

Nigerians are taking over the South Africans in terms of jobs, businesses, educational

opportunities, bursaries and women. Therefore, they felt it necessary to redefine the status and

that was why the attacks happened.

6.5 Foreigners are blamed for all the social ills in South Africa, what is your take on that?

From the results, it was found out that the most common perception was that foreigners areresponsible for the social ills that happened in South Africa. However, almost all the

participants refuted this, scapegoating claiming that South Africans are also responsible for the

social ills that happen in South Africa. One of the participants highlighted that it was a social

aspect of people to blame outsiders for all the problems that happen in ones country but the

fact of the matter is that it is the owners of the country that are involved than the outsiders. This

was shown by one participant who said:

If you come to Zimbabwe, the first person we will blame if something is stolen is the

foreigner but if we think of the crime rate in South Africa, 8/10 is done by South Africans.

There are hardly any cases of foreigners attempting to rob a bank or raping (Participant D,

Law Student, 30 August 2011).

Nigerians are mostly blamed for drug trafficking into South Africa but during the time of the

interview there was an interesting story of a former South African police commissioner Jackie

Selebi who was involved in drug trafficking. He received bribes to turn a blind eye to drug

trafficking and he got almost R120, 000 from Glenn Agliotti, a convicted drug trafficker. It is

crystal clear that it is not only foreigners but also the law enforcers who were guilty, with

many more that may still involved in crime. This clearly shows that even though there is crime

in South Africa, it is not entirely the fault of foreigners.

It is true that some foreigners come with the intention to prostitute and steal but it important to

note that there are many prostitutes and thieves inSouth African. It can be said that there is

partnership rather than that only one group is involved. For crime to be successful, there is a

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need for connections and most of the times both foreigners and South Africans bring their

expertise and use it in their criminal activities.

6.6 How were these attacks interrelated to the competition of scarce resources?

Apparently the competition was greater amongst the low income labourers than it was amongst

the high income earners. The reason was that the high income earners have scarce skills results

in lower levels of competition than amongst the labourers. The problem with most of the South

Africans was that the foreigners were prepared to accept low wages which they themselves

would refuse to accept. So it seemed as though most employers were employing foreigners than

South Africans because they would pay them less than the South Africans. This led to fewer

South Africans being and this angered them and that is why they staged these attacks.

In this research, it was confirmed that foreigners worked for whatever they got and they used

their brains to get the money. One participant said:

It is not like foreigners they only use their brains. If can use their brains to fix a computer

and sell it to you cannot blame them. You have not been forced to buy their goods.

(Participant C, Law Sutdent, 28 August 2011).

According to this study some participants saw petty trading as a competitive avenue of business

and it requires strategic planning. So for a person to be successful in life he/she needs to use

their brains to be successful. However South Africans are seen to have lost the battle and

therefore decide to attack the foreigners because they have no competitive strategies to beat the

foreigners. As a result they decide to attack the foreigners as a way of expressing their

frustration.

Business is competition and when you are entering a place you know this person has been in

business already and so you will have to lower your prices so you can get customers. So you

can come up with your own ideas (Participant F, Zoology Student, 28 August 1011).

Some participants brought forward the fact that South Africans perceive that foreigners are

disadvantaging them. The interesting thing is that foreigners work hard and they are willing to

go the extra mile with what they do. It was hard for South Africans to compete with foreigners

because they have better business strategies and they work harder at work than most South

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Africans. It is clear that social competition probably contributed greatly towards the 2008

xenophobic attacks.

6.7 How is group thinking related to the way South African nationals acted on the May

2008 Xenophobia Attacks?

The majority of the participants believed that the attacks were group oriented because one

individual could not have pulled put through alone. One person came up with the idea and

everyone joined in and in most cases people could not have refused to participate in the act

because if you refused you could attacked as well and you would not want to be at the side of

the foreigners. Most of these South African citizens that were involved in attacks were youths

and most of them ended up doing what they did not intend to do. The social environment they

were in caused them to behave in the way they behaved. As one of the participants quoted:

In the case of a person who was burnt, there were so many people watching. They could

have stopped it. Because there was a majority it formed a mob, so they were supposed to be a

united group (Participant A, Phamarcy student, 28 August 2011).

6.8 Foreigners and easy target

In any society when things go wrong it is easy to blame weak people that cannot defend

themselves. Foreigners in this case could not defend themselves because some did have the

financial muscle to protect themselves. Most of these foreigners that were attacked where from

high density suburbs like Hillbrow, Khayelitsha and Alexandra in South Africa. Most South

Africans showed their frustration by attacking the foreigners:

There are foreigners involved but when things go wrong in society they look for an easy target. Even

at home, people will blame the children because they are powerless (Partcipnat I, Politics Student, 30

August 2011).

It is easy to argue that scapegoating was used as a way to cover up their wrongs and to justify

the horrific attacks that took place in May 2008.

7. DISCUSSION

The purpose of this study was to explore the foreign African students perceptions of the May2008 xenophobic attacks. The study generated a number of results and themes such as

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scapegoating foreigners for all the social ill, scarcity of resources (such as jobs, businesses and

education), group think, labelling, youth participation in May 2008 attacks and the fact that

South Africans were perceived by foreigners as spoiled citizens. It is interesting to note that the

findings were explainable using the SIT management strategies such as social mobility,

creativity and competition as well as secondary theories such as the power, normative,

scapegoating, social cognition and the learned helplessness.

Scapegoating foreigners for all the social ills

The role of scapegoating was used fulfilled by the vulnerable group of Zimbabweans, who

were not represented politically at all (Arends, 2011). It was evident from the results that

scapegoating was one of the major causes of the attacks. Since the democratization of South

Africa, many citizens have not received the proper service delivery, which has brought anger

and bitterness to many the South Africans. They fought during Apartheid and they have high

expectations of the South African government expected from the government. Previously they

had been blamed the White South Africans for their problems but when democracy was

achieved and the problems did not fade away, they looked for an easier target to blame for all

the social ills in South Africa. Scapegoating theory thus goes some of the way in explaining the

violent behaviour the South Africans exhibited in May 2008.

To add to this, foreigners were blamed for drug trafficking, prostitution, money laundering,

arms dealing, armed robberies and human trafficking. Even influential leaders such as

Mangosutho Buthelezi (the Home Affairs Minister at the time), Nelson Mandela (the first

president in the democratic South Africa) and other senior cabinet ministers were reported as

drawing direct links between illegal migrants and crime. It therefore appears that it is not only

the South African citizens who blame the foreigners but the leaders as well. However, the

research has shown that the foreign African students perceived that these attacks were only

used as a way for them to vent their anger to the foreigners.

South Africa was listed in seventh place in the world with crime in May 2010 with 2, 683, 849

crimes reported and recorded (Nation Master, 2010). It is practically impossible for foreigners

to all be involved in crime. The results showed that three quarters of the crimes involved South

Africans, not only foreigners. Another outcome that came from the interviews was the issue of

Jackie Selebe, the South African Commissioner of Police, who was involved in turning a blind

eye to drug trafficking. This clearly shows that, as much as the foreigners might be involved,

South Africans are even more involved. It is interesting to note that African foreigners believed

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that the crime was more of a partnership than it was a one man game. Jackie Selebe was not

alone and that crime needs connections for it to be successful. Some people have to be in the

places of authority to override other laws so that the crime would be successful.

The research showed that it was true that some Nigerians and Zimbabweans are involved in

crime such as drug trafficking, bank robberies, prostitution and the arms dealing. As much as

they are involved in crime, it does not mean that all foreigners are like that. Some people are

good and some are bad, and so stereotyping everyone would be unjust. A certain participant

proved that the foreigners were also involved in certain social ills:

These foreigners sell drugs. But each and every foreigner has a good and bad contribution

that they give to South Africa so we cannot safely say it is just foreigners who are bad

(Participant E, Sociology Student, 28 August 2011).

This shows that the foreigners are involved in drug deals and other social ills, but as much as

they can be involved, they are not to be blamed totally and it is not a valid excuse to brutally

attack people that cannot defend themselves. Blame is used as an excuse of people that do not

want to take responsibility of what they have done. It can be linked to normative theory which

argues that, individuals behave in a certain way because they blame social environment they

are in. Most South Africans participated in these attacks using this excuse because it was

socially acceptable, according to the violent environment and norms in place at that time.

Scarcity of resources

Scarce resources were seen as a major cause of the May 2008 xenophobic attacks. South Africa

has a high rate of unemployment, with not enough jobs for South Africans a condition that has

existed for a long time. Other resources such as businesses and education opportunities were

high on that the list that South Africans claimed foreigners were taking. What made most South

Africans angry was the fact that most employees were hiring them more than they were hiring

South Africans, because the foreigners were prepared to accept very low wages and that South

Africans refuse to accept so that employers ended up hiring cheap foreign labour. In the end, it

seems as though like foreigners have most of the jobs because they are believed to be harder

working, more talented, more obedient and more punctual by the South African employers than

South African employees.

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Power theory and social competition theory complement each other and help in explaining the

reason why South Africans attacked the foreign nationals as they did. In the beginning of 2008,

there was an economic depression and many people were laid off during this time. This caused

anger, bitterness and frustration amongst South Africans. The competition for resources

became increasingly stiff and when there is social competition those people who feel deprived

often attack the people seen to be responsible for this. On the other hand, power theory

suggests that the threat of a particular group is a source of hate. Since foreigners are a threat to

South Africans, there is an increased likelihood that there would be between these two groups

and this contributed greatly to the xenophobic attacks of May 2008.

The perceptions that South Africans have about the foreigners taking their jobs are true to a

greater extent. To add to this, African foreigners also confirmed that at times they use

competitive strategies to get access into businesses, jobs and education. They go the extra mile

because they know that this is their only way to survive. This, however, disadvantages the

South Africans which also helps explain the xenophobia attacks occured.

Foreigners are taking over

According to some participants, it was evident that, South Africans used the scarcity of

resources as an excuse to attack foreigners. Many Some African employers share the view with

some of foreigners that South Africans are lazy and not willing to work. This makes it easier

for employees to hire the people that are willing to work and who take the job seriously. Other

participants believe that the South Africans were jealous of the success foreigners were having

in their jobs, saloons, spaza shops and life in general. The foreigners seemed to be taking over

in South Africa and taking what belonged to the locals which also help explain why the May

2008 xenophobic attacks took place. This study found evidence to support this social

competition theory.

However, one question that should be asked is this: as much as foreigners seem to be taking

over South Africa, what are the South Africans doing about it in terms resources that they have.

It seems there is a degree of learned helplessness in South Africa and that it has existed for a

long time. Since the Apartheid era, most South Africans have not been able to start businesses,

go the extra mile at work as well as using the available resources that they have been exposed

to. This has been so because during the apartheid era they not privileged enough to start their

own business, nor could use most of the available resources because of their race. As a result

and they did not go the extra mile at work as they felt they were already being exploited when

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they worked at mines and construction companies. When freedom came, most of the South

Africans did not change their approach in being less competitive, lazy and to use the available

resources. Therefore, as much as foreigners are taking over in South Africa, (which it is true to

a certain extent), there is need to look at what the South Africans are doing about changing that

status.

Labelling foreigners

Another interesting theme that was raised in the research was that of labelling the foreigners as

makwerekwere (meaning illegal immigrant), my friend or illegal alien. It was clear that the

African foreigners knew that they were seen as outsiders before the attacks and even now they

are still called that. It is a name foreigners do not like being called because they believe South

Africans and other foreigners are all Africans and there was no need to call each other names.

Some participant even expressed their shock at the South Africans behavior, because they had

helped the South Africans during the Apartheid struggle, when South Africans fled from the

Apartheid regime to neighbouring countries. Furthermore, some participants even claimed that

when other African foreigners come to their countries, they would never call them

makwerekwere because it disrespectful.

The fact that South Africans call foreigners makwerekwere, makes it easier for South Africans

to dehumanize the foreigners. The reason why labeling was easy was because of social

creativity. This occurs when an in-group redefines the status of in-group and involved Black

South Africans identifing themselves as the in-group and other Black African foreigners

belonged in the out-group because they were not South African by descent. The minute one is

labelled as a member of the out-group, it becomes easy to call such a person names like

mukwerekwere, a process that and it dehumanizes that person and allows for acts of violence to

be perpetrated.

Once you have tagged someone as non-human, it is very easy to treat that human being as an

object that has no feelings. This helps explain why South Africans watched and did not rescue

Ernesto Alfabeto Nhamuvae when he was set ablaze whilst he was still alive. Some people

were even laughing and calling each other to come and see a mukwerekwere burn to death

(Matongo, 2008). This research makes it clear that there was a vivid distinction between

foreigners and South Africans and the perceptions that the African foreigners had been true.

Spoiled Citizens

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South Africans were viewed by the African students as people that were unable to venture

outside the borders of South Africa because they were satisfied with the life they had in South

Africa. Mostwere born in South Africa, had grown up and were going to die there. Very few

South Africans are willing to go and settle in other countries. The South African government

was viewed by the foreigners as spoiling the South African citizens because it gave them

certain grants and benefits for not working, children and old age people. These grants are

believed to have been causing them not to want to go to other countries and it has created

impermeable borders for them. The grants and other social benefits are believed to have caused

laziness amongst the South Africans.

Furthermore, this impermeability of borders and lack of (social mobility) has caused the South

Africans to view the foreigners as the invaders of their country because foreigners have

permeable borders. The foreigners can move from country to country whilst South Africans

cannot or unwilling to do that. This also appears to have been a major cause of the attacks

because the foreigners were coming to a place that belonged to South Africans. This clearly

shows that the foreigners were not wanted and the perceptions foreigners had were true.

Group think

Social contagion explains clearly the group behaviour that was exhibited in May 2008 during

the xenophobic attacks. Social contagion spreads quickly (like an infectious disease), relates to

the xenophobic violence that occurred in 2008. Mob psychology was dominant and it spread

contagiously throughout South Africa. Attacking foreigners in groups was like a disease and it

spread fast, causing many people to be killed, displaced and to lose their businesses and

property.

From the results, it was clear that the xenophobic attacks were based in mob psychology rather

than at the individual level. Groups of people attacked the foreigners during the xenophobicattacks one person may have started with idea and others soon joined in. Since the foreigners

were outsiders and the South Africans the insiders, it was easy for the attacks to spread quickly.

Before long, xenophobia was experienced in Cape Town, Durban, Johannesburg and other

parts of South Africa. Even if some South Africans did not want to be xenophobic to the

foreigners, it was difficult for them because there was a clear line between the insiders and the

outsiders. One had to conform to the group behaviour or else he or she would be attacked like

the people in the out-group.

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Youth Participation

It is interesting to note that youth participation was more dominant all around South Africa

during the xenophobic attacks. It shows that the negative perceptions that most South African

adults had on foreigners was passed on to the youths. The media as well as the political leaders

contributed greatly in influencing the youth to participate in attacking the foreigners. Influential

leaders like Jacob Zuma and Nelson Mandela are looked up to by the youth and whatever they

say is followed. The Normative theory played an important role in influencing the youths to

participate, because the social environment they were in contributed to the behaving the way

they behaved.

8. PRACTICAL APPLICATION

This information shows us where we are as a nation and it shows the gaps that existed and may still exist

in South Africa between South Africans and foreigners. Such knowledge can be used in schools to

encourage South Africans to improve their skills and knowledge training so that they will not be

disadvantaged by the foreigners taking their jobs and businesses. This can be used to develop various

social projects to fight unemployment in South Africa. This information will put on the table the

miss lynnet marashe' mini thesis

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