morphology - comparativelinguistics.uzh.ch00000000-4fcf... · 10 come came vowel ablaut (ʌ > e)...

Morphology

Class 4

Morphemes and their

properties II: fusion

FS 2014

Rik van Gijn

This class is about the way morphology and phonology interact, and

you will learn more about non-concatenative morphology

√ Allomorphy (phonologically conditioned)

√ Morphophonology

√ Phonological word

√ Non-concatenative or non-linear morphology

Goal of this class

Intermezzo: the International Phonetic Alphabet (consonants)

Place

The point in the vocal tract where two or more

articulators block or constrict the air flow.

Manner

How the speech organs

are configured to

manipulate the air

stream, by constricting

the airflow in various

ways.

Voicing

Voicing is caused

by the vibration of the

vocal cords.

Intermezzo: the International Phonetic Alphabet (consonants)

Speech organs (Arcadian)http://training.seer.cancer.gov/head-neck/anatomy/overview.html

Places of articulation (Instituto Lingüístico de Veranowww-01.sil.org/mexico/ling/glosario/E005ci-PlacesArt.htm)

Intermezzo: the International Phonetic Alphabet (vowels)

Tongue body position I

Raising the body of the tongue

while letting the airflow out freely

produces high (close) vowels,

whereas pushing the body of the

tongue down produces low (open)

vowels.

Tongue body position II

The body of the tongue is pushed forward to

produce front vowels or backward to produce

back vowels.

Rounding

Lips can be rounded to produce

rounded vowels.

Languages have different types of phonological rules that apply to

certain domains. To see this, look at the following data from Yurakaré

Morphophonology

lëtta kajun [læt:a kahun] ‘one box’

tijajun [tihahun] ‘my box’

tinkama [tiŋkama] ‘He calls me.’

ajama [ahama] ‘He is calling.’

Languages have different types of phonological rules that apply to

certain domains. To see this, look at the following data from Yurakaré

Morphophonology

lëtta kajun [læt:a kahun] ‘one box’

tijajun [tihahun] ‘my box’

tinkama [tiŋkama] ‘He calls me.’

ajama [ahama] ‘He is calling.’

Rule in Yurakaré:

If an underlying /k/ appears after a vowel, it is

changed to [h] within a word

/k/ → [h] / [V_]ω

Minimality constraints: Yurakaré

Types of phonological rules

püü /pɨɨ/ ‘road’

tapü /tapɨ/ ‘our road’

paa /paa/ ‘brother’

tapa /tapa/ ‘our brother’

too /too/ ‘bone’

tato /tato/ ‘our bone’

Syllable structure


There are many differences

between languages in what

they allow in terms of syllable

structure.

Major constraints are:

No coda allowed (or only some sounds)

No complexity allowed

Phonotactic constraints: epenthesis in Yuki (Tupí-Guaraní)


a-be-akiw [abeɾakiw]

1SG-CAU-warm

‘I am warming up.’

o-ye-ire [ojejire]

3S-REF-wash

‘He washes himself.’

Villafañe Lucrecia (2004) Gramática Yuki.

PhD thesis RU Nijmegen, p. 35

Phonotactic constraints: epenthesis in Lenakel


r- 3sg

va come

He comes = rɨva

Bickel & Nichols (2007) Inflectional morphology. In:

Shopen (ed. ) Language typology and syntactic

description III, p. 182

Phonotactic constraints: vowel elision in Emérillon (Tupí-Guaraní)


o-paʔam-oŋ ikiʔɨ

3.I-stand-PL.S now

‘They are standing now.’

o-boʔi baipuri-r-ɨe-ŋ

3.I-cut tapir-REL-stomach-PL.S

‘They cut open the tapir’s stomach.’

Rose, Françoise (2011): Grammaire de l'émérillon teko, une langue tupi-guarani de Guyane française. Louvain: Peeters.175

Word-internal elision of sounds is also

called syncope.

Consonant coalescence in Suruí (Tupí-Mondé)


/òn+pór/ → [òmor] ‘my brother’/èn+kánè → [èŋámè] ‘(Somebody) wants you.’

Van der Meer 1982: Fonologia da língua Suruí. São Paolo , PhD thesis Campinas, p.41

These interactions between phonology and morphology create

allomorphs.

Allomorphs and affix competition

Allomorphs

Lexically conditioned

Phonologically conditioned

Transparently related

Non-transparently related

See flexivity class

Competing affixes

Morphs

English regular plurals

Transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs

The Past Tense Rule

a. If the verb stem ends in [t] or [d] (the

alveolar stops), insert [ə] before the past

tense morpheme (e.g. defeated [dəfit +

d] → [dəfit + əd]).

b. Assimilate [d] to the voicing of an

immediately preceding consonant (e.g.,

licked [lɪk + d] →[lɪk + t])

Lieber (2009)

English regular plurals


Past Tense English

-d -ed -t ...

morph morph morph morph

Allomorphs of past tense morpheme

English plurals


Infinitive Irregular past Pattern

Lieber (2009)

1 burn burnt devoicing of suffix

2 keep kept vowel shortening

3 hit hit no change

4 feel felt vowel shortening with devoicing of suffix

5 bleed bled vowel shortening and no suffix

6 leave left devoicing of stem consonant

7 sing sang vowel ablaut (ɪ > æ)

8 win won vowel ablaut (ɪ > ʌ)

9 fight fought vowel ablaut (ai > ɔ)

10 come came vowel ablaut (ʌ > e)

Dutch past tense suffixes


Booij, Geert (1999) The Phonology of Dutch.Oxford: OUP, p. 61

Turkish: Lewis (1967) in Lieber (2009, p. 162)


‘hand’ ‘measure’ ‘evening’ ‘fear’

Abs. pl. el-ler ölçü-ler akşam-lar korku-lar

Gen. sg. el-in ölçü-n-ün akşam-ɩn korku-n-un

1. What are the different realizations (allomorphs) of the absolutive

plural marker and the genitive singular marker?

2. Is there a default form?

3. Can you think of a rule to describe the alternations?

<ü> = /y/

<ɩ> = /ɯ/

<ö> = /ø/

Turkish: Lewis (1967) in Lieber (p. 162)


‘hand’ ‘measure’ ‘evening’ ‘fear’

Abs. pl. el-ler ölçü-ler akşam-lar korku-lar

Gen. sg. el-in ölçü-n-ün akşam-ɩn korku-n-un

1. What are the different realizations (allomorphs) of the absolutive

plural marker and the genitive singular marker?

2. Is there a default form?

3. Can you think of a rule to describe the alternations?

<ü> = /y/

<ɩ> = /ɯ/

<ö> = /ø/

All non-high vowels have to agree in

backness with their base

Belhare dissimilation


khat ‘go’

-yu ‘non-past’khaʔyu ‘s/he goes’

kha t y u

+coronal +coronal




Belhare dissimilation


khat ‘go’

-yu ‘non-past’khaʔyu ‘s/he goes’

kha t y u

+coronal +coronal

khaʔyu




Dutch diminutives (see data sheet)

Non-transparently related phonologically conditioned allomorphs

Group a: -je

/lɪpjə/

Group b: -etje

/bɔmətjə/

Group c: -pje

/bodəmpjə/

Group d: -kje

/koniŋkjə/

Group e: -tje

/retjə/

Booij, Geert (1999) The Phonology of Dutch.Oxford: OUP, p. 61

Dutch diminutives (see data sheet)


Group a: -je

/lɪpjə/

Group b: -etje

/bɔmətjə/

Group c: -pje

/bodəmpjə/

Group d: -kje

/koniŋkjə/

Group e: -tje

/retjə/

Default -tje /tjə/

1

2

3

English affix competition: -ize versus -ify


Based on Lieber (2009), p. 2

Speakers of English use the suffixes -ize (crystallize) and -ify (codify) to form verbs from nouns. If you had to form a verb that means ‘do something the way ex-Prime Minister Tony Blair does it’, which suffix would you use? How about a verb meaning ‘do something the way ex-President Bill Clinton does it’? What about former French president Chirac?

English affix competition: -ize versus -ify


Based on Lieber (2009), p. 2

Speakers of English use the suffixes -ize (crystallize) and -ify (codify) to form verbs from nouns. If you had to form a verb that means ‘do something the way ex-Prime Minister Tony Blair does it’, which suffix would you use? How about a verb meaning ‘do something the way ex-President Bill Clinton does it’? What about former French president Chirac?

[...σ́] → -ify[...σ] → -ize

Some researchers prefer to restrict the term allomorph to transparently

(in terms of form) related morphs.

Allomorphs and affix competition

Phonologically conditioned

Transparently related

Non-transparently related

Competing affixes

Allomorphs

An alternative term for

alternative realizations of

morphemes that are not

transparently related to each

other might then be called

competing affixes. Some

people talk about affix

suppletion.

We will use the terms

allomorph and morph in a

neutral way over all contexts.

Many languages seem to have a recurrent domain for certain rules that

often coincides with the grammatical word.

>> the phonological word

Whether or not the phonological word is a unit that can robustly be

shown to exist and be relevant in all languages of the world is still very

much a matter of debate and ultimately an empirical question.

Phonological word

Three types of situations

Alignment

g-word < p-word

g-word > p-word

g-word = p-word

The case of Yidiny: g-word > p-word

Alignment


waŋal-muday ‘‘boomerang-COMIT.ABS’’ bigu:n-muda:y-ɲdu ‘‘shield-COMIT-ERG’’ waŋal-muda:y-ɲdu ‘‘boomerang-comit-erg’’ bigu:n-muday ‘‘shield-comit.abs’’

Yidiny stress assignment within the domain of the p-word:1. a. Stress is assigned to to the first syllable with a long vowel,

b. If there are no long vowels - the first syllable of a word is stressed2. From that basic stress point, every other syllable to the left and right of it is also

stressed.

How would you stress these words?

*Length is indicated by ‘:‘**The internal morphological structure is given for each word.

Alignment




stressed.

wáŋal-múday ‘‘boomerang-COMIT.ABS’’ bigú:n-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘shield-COMIT-ERG’’ waŋál-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘boomerang-comit-erg’’ bigú:n-mudáy ‘‘shield-comit.abs’’

Alignment




stressed.

wáŋal-múday ‘‘boomerang-COMIT.ABS’’ bigú:n-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘shield-COMIT-ERG’’ waŋál-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘boomerang-comit-erg’’ bigú:n-mudáy ‘‘shield-comit.abs’’

wáŋal-múday ‘‘boomerang-COMIT.ABS’’ bigú:n-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘shield-COMIT-ERG’’ wáŋal-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘boomerang-comit-erg’’ bigú:n-múday ‘‘shield-comit.abs’’

Alignment




stressed.

wáŋal-múday ‘‘boomerang-COMIT.ABS’’ (wáŋal)ω (múday)ωbigú:n-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘shield-COMIT-ERG’’ (bigú:n)ω (mudá:yɲdu)ωwáŋal-mudá:y-ɲdu ‘‘boomerang-comit-erg’’ (wáŋal)ω (mudá:yɲdu)ωbigú:n-múday ‘‘shield-comit.abs’’ (bigú:n)ω (múday)ω

Disyllabic affixes form phonological words of their own, i.e. they form a domain in themselves (plus monosyllabic suffixes attached to them) for stress assignment. It is sometimes also said that such affixes are non-cohering (rather than cohering) because they don’t cohere phonologically with their morphological host.

Alignment

The case of (British) English

a. -age, -al, -ant, -ance, -ary, -ate, -ic, -ion;b. -able, -er, -en, ful, -hood, -ish, -ism, -less, -like, -ment.

Can you think why we would group the English suffixes as we did above?

Alignment

The case of (British) English

a. stress-shifting suffixes: -age, -al, -ant, -ance, -ary, -ate, -ic, -ion;b. stress-neutral suffixes: -able, -er, -en, ful, -hood, -ish, -ism, -less, -like, -ment.

We could also say that the affixes in (b) are non-cohering, because they are not ‘seen’ by the stress rule. However, they are non-cohering in a different way than was the case with Yidiny.

Why?

Scholars often talk about strata (pl of stratum) in the affix lexicon.>> See week 8 when we talk about templates

Typological parameter II: fusion

From the perspective of the morph:

If you can identify a morph, what can you say about the degree of

fusion it has with its host?

Three basic values:

Isolating - Concatenative - Nonlinear

Isolating morphology

Isolating

Lai Chin (Tibeto-Burman)

Tsew Máŋ niʔ ʔa-ka-t̪hoʔŋ

Tsew Máŋ ERG 3SG.A-1SG.P-hit

ω ω ω ω

‘Tsew Mang hit me.’

Bickel & Nichols (2007), p. 173

(Although spelling suggests differently, this is a situation equivalent to Yidiny)

Concatenating morphology

Concatenating: segmentable dependent morphs

Yurakaré

dúla ‘He makes it’

dulá-ni ‘He is going to make it.’

dula-ní-shta ‘He will be going to make it.’



Also think of the rules discussed above for Yurakaré (lenition) Yuki and

Lenakel (epenthesis), Emérillon (elision), Belhare (dissimilation),

Turkish (vowel harmony) and Dutch and English (phonologically

conditioned allomorphy).

They all show evidence of phonological integration of affixes with their

host.



Fusion of concatenative morphs seems to be a matter of degree

(remember the English strata)

Movima (Isolate)

onarana=us [ʔɔnaɾaꞌnaʔus]

know=MASC.ABST

‘He knows X.’

iye:ni=as [iꞌjɛ:niʔas]

move=NEUT.ABST

‘It moves.’

Nonlinear morphology

Nonlinear: morphs that are not segmentable in linear strings

We have seen a number of examples already last week

- Vowel mutation

- Consonant mutation

- Subtraction

- Transfixation

Replacive mophology


Yurakaré

bata ‘go’ bache ‘send’ ba = ?

duta ‘burn (itr) duche ‘burn (tr)’ du = ?

bëjta ‘see’ bëjche ‘show’ bëj = ?

wilita ‘return’ wiliche ‘bring back’ wili = ?

Alternative: weak suppletion

Suprasegmental rules: tonal morphemes


Hausa (Chadic)

sháa ‘to drink’ shâa ‘drinking’ (N)

cí ‘to eat’ cîi ‘eating’ (N)

Tone languages make use of pitch level to distinguish words from each other. In some of

these languages, tone is used systematically to perform morphological (derivation,

inflection) operations.

Two parameters are of particular importance for

tone languages:

1. The number of distinctive pitch levels

2. Whether there are only level tones or also

contour tones


http://wals.info/feature/13A#2/28.6/152.8

Suprasegmental rules: stress


English

convíct vs. cónvict

contrást vs. cóntrast

incréase vs. íncrease

permít vs. pérmit

recórd vs. récord

adréss vs. áddress

Reduplication

Reduplication is a morphological operation whereby part of a base or

the entire base is copied and attached to that base.

Javanese (Austronesian)

full reduplication:

baita ‘‘ship’’ baita-baita ‘‘various ships’’

sesupe ‘‘ring’’ sesupe-sesupe ‘‘various rings’’

omaha ‘‘house’’ omaha-omaha ‘‘various houses’’

partial reduplication:

geni ‘‘fire’’ gegeni ‘‘to warm oneself by the fire’’

jawah ‘‘rain’’ jejawah ‘‘to play in the rain’’

tamu ‘‘guest’’ tetamu ‘‘to visit’’

Uhlenbeck 1978, cited in Booij (2007)

Reduplication

Reduplication

Ponapean (Austronesian)

duhp ‘dive’ du-duhp ‘be diving’

mihk ‘suck’ mi-mihk ‘be sucking’

wehk ‘confess’ we-wehk ‘be confessing’

Rehg 1981, cited in Haspelmath & Simms (2010)

Partial reduplication: what is copied?

Reduplication

Mangap-Mbula (Austronesian)

kuk ‘bark’ kuk-uk ‘be barking’

kel ‘dig’ kel-el ‘be digging’

kan ‘eat’ kan-an ‘be eating’

Bugenhagen 1995, cited in Haspelmath & Simms (2010)

Partial reduplication: what is copied?

Reduplication

It seems to involve both nonlinear (material from the

base) and linear (concatenative adjunction) aspects

Is reduplication linear or non-linear?

Continuum

The fusion parameter seems to have a continuous character

nonlinear concatenative isolating

base modifications

reduplication inner stratum affixes

outer stratum affixes

Non-cohering affixes

Duplifixes

Somali (Afro-Asiatic)

buug ‘book’ buug-ag ‘books’

fool ‘face’ fool-al ‘faces’

koob ‘cup’ koob-ab ‘cups’

jid ‘street’ jid-ad ‘streets’

Duplifixes

Berchem 1991, cited in Haspelmath & Simms (2010)

Duplifixes

Tzutzujil (Mayan)

saq ‘white’ saq-soj ‘whitish’

rax ‘green’ rax-roj ‘greenish’

q’eq ‘black’ q’eq-q’oj ‘blackish’

tz’iil ‘dirty’ tz’il-tz’oj ‘dirtyish’

Duplifixes

Berchem 1991, cited in Haspelmath & Simms (2010)

morphology - comparativelinguistics.uzh.ch00000000-4fcf... · 10 come came vowel ablaut (ʌ > e)...

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