moving up or moving out? a rapid livelihoods and conflict analysis in mieso-mulu woreda, shinile...
TRANSCRIPT
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
1/100
Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice
A p r i l 2 0 1 0
Moving Up or Moving Out?
A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu
Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia
Andy Catley and Alula Iyasu
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
2/100
2010 Feinstein International Center and Mercy Corps. All Rights Reserved.
Fair use o this copyrighted material includes its use or non-commercial educational
purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news
reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image fles
rom this publication or such uses may do so without the Feinstein International
Centers express permission. However, all commercial use o this material and/or
reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission o the
Feinstein International Center, is prohibited.
Feinstein International Center
Tuts University
200 Boston Ave., Suite 4800
Medord, MA 02155
USA
tel: +1 617.627.3423
ax: +1 617.627.3428
fc.tuts.edu
https://wikis.uit.tufts.edu/confluence/display/FIC/Feinstein+International+Centerhttps://wikis.uit.tufts.edu/confluence/display/FIC/Feinstein+International+Center -
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
3/100
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the ollowing Mercy Corps sta who
assisted with organisation o the study or who acilitated ocus group
discussions in Mulu: Mesn Ayele, Mohammed Haji, Niama Ibrahim,
Berhanu Esehete, and Yigezu Solomon. Other Mercy Corps sta
provided helpul advice on the design o the work or commented on
the drat report, including Abdi Aden, Fasil Demeke, Raael Velaquez,Nigist Tilahun, and Sarah Gibbons. Demeke Eshete o Save the
Children UK provided ood economy reports or Shinile Zone. We
are also grateul to participants in ocus group discussions in Mulu and
to the various government sta who provided inormation and joined
the livelihoods analysis training. Yacob Aklilu and Berhanu Admasu o
Tuts University also provided useul comments and advice. The study
was unded by the Foreign and Commonwealth Oce Bilateral Fund,
British Embassy, Addis Ababa.
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
4/100
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
5/100
Summary 6
1. Introduction 7
1.1 Livelihoods and confict in pastoralist areas 7
1.2 Background to the analysis in Mieso-Mulu woreda, Shinile Zone 7
1.3 Methodology and process 8
2. Using the Livelihoods Framework to Integrate Livelihoods and Conict Analysis 10
2.1 The livelihoods ramework 10
2.2 Policies, institutions, and processes: the PIPs analysis and confict 13
2.3 Confict and livelihoods programming 16
3. Livelihoods Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda 17
3.1 Assets 19
3.1.1 Financial assets 19
a. Livestock herds and household income 19
Background notes 19
Income rom livestock and other sources in Mieso-Mulu woreda 20
b. Livestock herds and human oods 22
Background notes 22
Livestock herds and human oods in Mieso-Mulu woreda 22
c. Markets and trade 23
Background notes 23
Markets and trade in Meiso-Mulu woreda and beyond 23
3.1.2 Natural assets 25
a. Environment, rainall, and mobility 25
Background notes 25
Environment and mobility in and around Mieso-Mulu woreda 25
3.1.3 Human assets 31
a. Indigenous skills and knowledge 31
Background notes 31
Indigenous skills and knowledge in Mieso-Mulu woreda 31
b. Basic serviceseducation 31
Background notes 31
Education in Mieso-Mulu woreda 32
Contents
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
6/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center2
c. Basic health services 35
Background notes 35
Health services in Mieso-Mulu woreda and Shinile Zone 35
d. Maternal health care and child vaccination 38 3.1.4 Social assets 40
Background notes 40
Social capital in Mieso-Mulu woreda 41
3.1.5 Physical assets 42
Background notes 42
Physical assets in Mieso-Mulu woreda 43
3.1.6 Political assets 43
Background notes 43
Political representation in Mieso-Mulu woreda 44
3.2 Vulnerability context 44
3.2.1 Seasonality 44
a. Seasonality o production and market patterns 44
b. Seasonal variations in nutrition and the impact o drought and confict 46
3.2.2 Shocks 46
a. Confict 47 Background notes 47
Conict and livestock raiding in and around Mieso-Mulu woreda 47
b. Reduced access to ormal and inormal trade and markets 51
Background notes 51
Market and trade issues in Mieso-Mulu woreda and beyond 51
c. Livestock diseases 52
3.2.3 Trends 53
a. Human population growth 53
b. Confict histories and trends 54
c. Bush encroachment and rangeland degradation 55
d. Enclosure o land or crop production 55
e. Increasing impact o normal dry seasons and drought 55
. Terms o trade 59
3.3 Policies, Institutions, and Processes 61
3.3.1 Regional policies and legislation 62 3.3.2 Pastoralism, policies, and institutions in Ethiopia 64
Contents (continued)
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
7/100
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
8/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center4
Abbreviations
ACTESA Alliance or Commodity Trade in Eastern and Southern Arica
BCG Bacille Calmette-Gurin tuberculosis vaccine
CAHW Community-based Animal Health Worker
CCM Community Case Management
CEWARN Confict Early Warning and Response Mechanism
CHA Community Health Agent
CJTF Combined Joint Task Force
COMESA Common Market or Eastern and Southern Arica
CSA Central Statistics Agency
CSOs Civil Society Organisations
DFID (UK) Department or International Development
DPPA Disaster Preparedness and Prevention Agency
DPT Diphther ia, Pertusis, and Tetanus
DRMFSS Disaster Risk Management and Food Security Sector (o the MoARD)
EB Ethiopian Birr
EHNRI Ethiopian Health and Nutrition Research Institute
ELTAP Ethiopian Land Tenure Policy and Administration Program
EPRDF Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization
FEWSNET Famine Early Warning Systems Network
FMOH Federal Ministry o Health
GAM Global Acute Malnutrition
GCC Gul Cooperation Council
GDP Gross Domestic Product
HEW Health Extension Worker
HSDP III Health Sector Development Plan
HSEP Health Sector Extension Programme
IGAD Intergovernmental Authority on Development
Ksh Kenyan Shilling
MDG Millennium Development Goal
MMR Maternal Mortality Rate
MoARD Ministry o Agriculture and Rural Development
MoE Ministry o Education
MoFA Ministry o Federal Aairs
MoFED Ministry o Finance and Economic Development
NGOs Non-governmental OrganisationsONLF Ogaden National Liberation Front
ORT Oral Rehydration Therapy
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
9/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 5
PACAPS Pastoral Areas Coordination, Analysis and Policy Support (Program)
PASDEP Plan or Accelerated and Sustained Development to End Poverty
PIPs Policies, Institutions, and Processes
PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal
RFE Rainall Estimation
SCFUK Save the Children Fund UK
SCUK Save the Children UK
SCUS Save the Children US
TBAs Traditional Birth Attendants
TFG Transitional Federal Government
UNICEF United Nations Childrens Fund
UNOCHA United Nations Oce or the Coordination o Humanitarian Aairs
USAID United States Agency or International Development
WHO World Health Organization
WSLF Western Somalia Liberation Front
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
10/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center6
This report describes a rapid, combined
livelihoods and confict analysis in Shinile Zone,
Somali Region o Ethiopia, conducted in March
and April 2010. An underlying question or the
analysis was the extent to which aid actors should
integrate peace-building and livelihoods
programming as part o long-term development
strategies or the Zone. A strategic ramework
with explanation is presented in section 4 o the
report and includes the ollowing issues:
TheIssapastoralistsystemextendsbeyond
Shinile Zone, so that changes to the system have
impacts in Aar and Oromiya Regions. The
system is determined by the need or pastoralists
to access natural resources, and it cuts acrossadministrative borders, ocial or otherwise.
Essentially, this is the system in the Rit Valley
between the Hararghe highlands and the eastern
escarpment. A harmonized cross-regional state
approach, involving Somali, Aar, and Oromiya
Regions, is needed to deal with both resource-
based conficts and conficts arising rom regional
structural/border disputes.
Peace-buildingandeconomicintegrationacross
regions are mutually supportive approaches,and are the core part o the ramework; a
10- to 15- year time rame is proposed.
Rationalizationoflandtenureandlanduse
policies is central to both economic integration
and peace-building. Policy and legal support to
pastoralist communal land use, with protection
o pastoral lands rom appropriation by other
users, is a crucial complementary process to
capacity-building support in peace-building to
government and community actors.
Moresupportivelandtenurearrangementswill
contribute to livestock development and
marketing, and so mainly assist those people
who stay in the pastoralist system. Currently
this includes households which are not only
staying, but are probably slowly moving up
economically as they maintain or increase their
herds and supply livestock markets.
Commercialization trends are clearly evident in
other Somali pastoralist areas and seem likely to
take hold in Shinile Zone. Educationandhealtharefundamentalto
economic and social development. While there
may be increasing government commitment to
improving health and education in Somali
Region, the service delivery strategies will need
urther adaptation i basic health and education
indicators are to improve. Both sectors seem to
lack specic strategies or dealing with the
cultural barriers to accessing services aced by
women and girls. Education is particularly
important as a means to support economic
diversication and integration, especially or
women and youth, but also or other people
who may opt to move out o the pastoralist
sector.
Servicedeliverystrategiesneedtoexamine
possible cross-regional state border
arrangements that might help to overcomesome o the practical diculties o service
delivery through government alone. The
proximity o urban centres in Oromiya Region
to Shinile Zone and the position o Dire Dawa
indicate that basic service providers in parts o
the Zone could be supplied rom these areas.
To some extent, this is already happening. The
private sector is oten able to work more easily
across administrative borders than government
is, and ederal-level health and veterinarypolicies support private sector involvement in
service provision.
Long-termdevelopmentstrategiesneedto
anticipate natural disasters such as drought.
Government guidelines and policy support
livelihoods-based responses to drought such as
commercial destocking, targeted livestock eed
supplementation, and veterinary voucher
schemes. These approaches require private
sector involvement, indicating that economic
integration within the ramework covers both
development and relie activities, and can
include many o the same private sector and
community partners.
Although commissioned by Mercy Corps, the
study did not examine or evaluate Mercy Corps
programmes. Mercy Corps own strategies could
draw on this report, but also might use
independent evaluation o their current
programmes, analysis o core organisationalstrengths and technical experiences, and dialogue
with donors to assess unding opportunities.
SUMMARY
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
11/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 7
1.1 Livelihoods and conict in
pastoralist areas
The Somali Region o Ethiopia is characterised
by many o the same development issues aecting
other mainly pastoralist areas o Ethiopia, and the
Horn o Arica more widely. A very longstanding
and core problem has been confict, which, in
part, relates to the limited and variable natural
resources in pastoralist areas and competition or
resources between groups. However, confict also
has many other dimensions in these areas due to
actors such as changing national political
ideologies and structures, limited government
capacities in more remote areas, and the requent
cross-border aspects o confict. During the last15 years or so, humanitarian and development aid
organisations and donors have supported an
increasing array o peace-building, confict-
resolution, or similar programmes in pastoralist
areas. When implemented by non-governmental
organisations (NGOs), these programmes oten
ocus on confict resolution activities at the levels
o local government and communities, including
eorts to build local capacities to prevent confict.
A common nding rom these programmes acrossdierent countries is that, while progress is oten
evident during implementation, local reductions
in violent confict are later undermined by
higher-level actors and processes. Oten running
parallel to these programmes, and sometimes
implemented by the same agencies with the same
unding sources, are livelihoods programmes.
These vary considerably in their approach in
pastoralist areas but, in one way or another, oten
ocus on livestock and related areas such as water
development, livestock marketing, or natural
resource management. Variations in programming
partly relate to diverse interpretations o the word
livelihood and equally varied analysis around
how livelihoods can be protected or strengthened.
In aid circles, livelihoods thinking is associated
with the emergence o livelihoods analysis in the
late 1990s and an analytical approach called the
sustainable livelihoods ramework. When applied
in confict-aected pastoralist areas, use o thelivelihoods ramework quickly highlights the
major impact o confict on livelihoods and how,
1. INTRODUCTION
in certain circumstances, peoples responses to
confict lead to behaviours or activities which
perpetuate confict. The ramework also reveals
the actors at multiple levelsrom community to
international processes and vice versathat
contribute to confict. With these issues in mind,
livelihoods analysis in confict-aected areas
should automatically include confict analysis,
leading to programming strategies in which
livelihoods work and peace-building work are not
separate entities but combined, mutually-
reinorcing approaches.
1.2 Background to the analysis in
Mieso-Mulu woreda, Shinile Zone
Shinile Zone in Somali Region has been
characterised by confict or many years, dating
back to the period o imperial rule in Ethiopia
and beore. Historically, the main Somali clans
gained and occupied territory by orce, and the
Issa clan in Shinile Zone is no dierent. The
boundaries o its current position in Shinile are in
part an outcome o the clan receiving arms rom
the Italian army in the early 1900s, which allowed
them to expand their territory rom around theEthiopia-Djibouti railway into the Allighedi plain
and towards the Awash River. While intra-clan
disputes have occurred, as they do in other
Somali pastoralist areas, the Issa have also been
involved in longstanding confict with the Aar to
the west and with Oromo to the south. Both
conficts were relatively localized and resource-
based, with dierent groups aiming to secure
access to water and grazing or, in the case o the
Oromo, land or cultivation.
Following the introduction o regional autonomy
in Ethiopia in the early 1990s, additional tensions
were superimposed over the local competition or
land, grazing, and water resources. These tensions
arose rom delineation o the border between
Oromiya and Somali Regions, and Aar and
Somali Regions, and were also related to regional
governments making claims over key strategic or
economic locations. Violent clashes between
Somali Issa and Hawiya groups in Mieso-Muluworeda occurred as recently as February 2009.
They represent a distinct shit in confict
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
12/100
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
13/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 9
Corps based on a drat report, covering the
livelihoods analysis and strategic ramework.
These activities were designed with the intention
o using the livelihoods ramework to organise
and analyze existing data, within the time
available. A key problem here was that data
specic to Shinile Zone or Mieso-Mulu woredawas limited, and requently, the analysis assumed
that inormation rom other parts o Somali
Region was relevant to Shinile Zone or that
otherworedas in the Zone were representative o
Mieso-Mulu woreda. Some o the main reports
used in the analysis were
alivelihoodsstudyinSomaliRegionin2006,
which included pastoralist areas o Shinile
woreda in Shinile Zone (Devereux, 2006);
ahealthandnutritionsurveyconductedin
April to May 2009, which included Ayisha
woreda in Shinile Zone (EHNRI/UNICEF/
SCUS, 2009);
twostudiesonconictinandaroundMieso-
Mulu woreda, both o which cover structural
and governance aspects o confict since the
early 1990s (Ahmed Shide, 2005; Fekadu
Beyene, 2009);
ananalysisoftheAfar-Issaconict(Markakis,
2003).
The study ocused on Mieso-Mulu woreda due to
time constraints and the limited availability o
local government ocials due to the orthcoming
elections in Ethiopia (in May 2010). Focus group
discussions were used to investigate issues which
were not well described in existing reports and to
cross-check the relevance o zonal or other data
to Mieso-Mulu woreda.
The study ocused on pastoralist areas o Mieso-Mulu woreda, while recognising the importance o
relationships with neighbouring agropastoral
Oromo groups in the woreda, and on the strong
linkages between Issa communities in Mieso-
Mulu woreda and those in other parts o the Zone,
and in Djibouti and Somalia. Ecologically,
conditions in the pastoralist areas o Mieso-Mulu
woreda were similar to those in other parts o
Shinile Zone. Thereore, to some extent, certain
parts o the analysis in Mieso-Mulu woreda can be
applied more broadly to the Zone.
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
14/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center10
risky, asset loss due to confict and within certain
policy or institutional contexts can also be a cause
o confict e.g., by encouraging illegal activities to
acquire assets. Thereore livelihoods analysis
covers both the actors which can cause confict
and how coping strategies can arise that
perpetuate confict in the absence o otherlivelihoods options.
2.1 The livelihoods ramework
The livelihoods ramework enables a description
o local individual, household, or community
assets to be positioned and analyzed against
actors which contribute to vulnerability, such as
seasonality, shocks, and trends. The ramework
also allows examination o ormal and inormal
policies, institutions, and processes that aect the
ways in which people are able to protect or
develop their assets. This part o the ramework
includes sub-national, national, regional, and
international policies and institutions. From the
perspective o dening and responding to
poverty, pastoralist communities commonly
explain poverty by reerence to both their
livestock holdings (nancial assets) and access to
indigenous social networks and support systems
(social assets). The sustainable livelihoods
ramework allows both nancial and social assets
to be examined.
In a confict-aected area, livelihoods analysis
should automatically include analysis o confict
issues. Typically, confict cuts across three core
elements o the livelihoods ramework, viz. assets,
vulnerability context, and policies, institutions,
and processes. While confict might reduce assets
or make certain strategies or managing assets very
2. USING THE LIVELIHOODS FRAMEWORK TO INTEGRATE LIVELIHOODS AND
CONFLICT ANALYSIS
The sustainable livelihoods ramework
A livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets (including both material and social resources) and activities
required or a means o living. A livelihood is sustainable when it can cope with and recover rom stresses
and shocks, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, while not undermining the natural resource
base. (Scoones, 1998)
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
15/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 11
Table 1. The impact o conict on livelihoods assets in pastoralist areas o Arica
Livelihoods Impacts o conict
asset
Human Themainvictimsofcivilandinternationalconictsarecivilians,notarmed
combatantsphysical injury, mental trauma, death
Localizedlivestockraidingpossiblyresultinginviolentinjurytolivestock
keepers and their amilies, the raiding groups, or local police and security orces Womenandchildrenareparticularlybadlyaectedbymanyformsof
confictrape, mutilation, and orced marriage o women and girls are tactics
o war and counter-insurgency; spread o HIV
Useofchildsoldierswithrelatedlong-term,mentaltrauma,andwidersocietal
impacts
Scorchedearthtacticswithviolentremovalofcommunitiesfromresource-
rich areas e.g., oil, natural gas, minerals
Destructionofhealthfacilitiesanddisruptionofbasicpreventivehealth
campaigns e.g., child vaccination
Destructionofeducationfacilitiesordisruptedaccesstoeducation
Destruction/damagetowatersupplies;water-bornediseaseoutbreaks
Injuryanddeathafterconictduetolandminesandunexplodedordnance
Financial Directandviolentdepletionofnancialassetssuchaslivestockisatacticof
war and counter-insurgency
Restrictionsonmovementseasonallabourmigrationandremittances
Marketclosureordysfunction,preventingsaleorexchangeoflivestockfor
cash or grain
Breakdownofveterinaryservicesnopreventiveorcurativeservices,shocks
due to disease epidemics and loss o assets
Limitedprivatesectorinvestmenthighrisksofdoingbusinessandtrade
Wareconomieswithtradecontrolledbyarmedelitesforpersonalgainand
related incentives or maintaining confict
Physical Destructionordamagetoroadsandphysicalinfrastructure
Destructionofgovernmentocesandrecords
Breakdownofcommunicationandtransport
Destructionorcontaminationofwatersourcesasatacticorwarandcounter-
insurgency
Breakdownofpublicsecurity
Natural Restrictedmovementlimitsaccesstograzingareas;overgrazingofaccessible
areas; restricted cross-border movements Baddiversicatione.g.,excessivecharcoalproduction
Nomanslandareasbetweenconictinggroups
Landminesandunexplodedordnancepreventingaccesstograzingareas
Breakdownoftraditionalinstitutionsfornaturalresourcemanagement
Social Forcedmigrationinternalandinternationaldisplacement;breakupoffamilies
and communities
Breakdownoftraditionalsafetynets/socialsupport
Breakdownoftraditionalleadershipandinstitutions
Newandviolentsocialnorms
Political Reducedpoliticalcapitalaspastoralistsareportrayedasinherentlyviolentor
supporting insurgents, opposition groups, or religious extremists
Source: adapted rom COMESA, 2009.
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
16/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center12
Confict analysis is the systematic study o a
confict in given area and is structured around an
examination o the prole, causes, actors, and
dynamics o confict (Saerworld, 2008). Much o
the content o a typical confict analysis also alls
into the main components o livelihoods analysis,
as summarized in Box 1 below.
Conict analysis1
ProleA confict prole provides a brie
characterisation o the context o a confict,
looking at political, economic, and socio-
cultural contexts, issues that emerge rom
these, and the history o the confict.
CausesCauses o confict may be
structural, pervasive actors built into
the abric o a society; or instance, i there
is unequal access to natural resources or a
discriminatory system is in place;
proximate actors which contribute
towards a climate o violence; or instance,
a prolieration o illicit small arms;
triggers, being single events that may set
o or escalate violence; or example,
elections, coups, or sudden currency
collapses.
ActorsThinking about people is central to
confict analysis. Actors reers to all those
individuals, groups, and institutions
contributing to or aected by a confict.
DynamicsThe interaction between a
conficts prole, its causes, and actors can be
described as that conficts dynamics, how the
confict changes and develops over time.
Understanding a conficts dynamics will help
identiy windows o opportunity or
peace-building and can help organisations
plan uture work.
Box 1. Linkages between conict analysis and livelihoods analysis in
pastoralist areas
1 From Saerworld, 2008.
Livelihoods analysis
Conict proles are covered under
vulnerability context and PIPs, which would
also cover non-confict actors and issues.
Confict histories t naturally under trends in
vulnerability context. Elements o livelihoods
assets, such as natural, nancial, and social
assets can also be very relevant to confict
analysis.
Structural actors all mainly under PIPs,
which include both ormal and inormal
institutional issues and processes.
Proximate actors all under PIPs and/or
trends (vulnerability context).
Triggers all under shocks in vulnerability
context.
Actors are covered by livelihoods analysis
under PIPs and, or community-level groups,
also under social and political capital.
Dynamics are covered by PIPs and trends in
livelihoods analysis.
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
17/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 13
2.2 Policies, institutions, and processes:
the PIPs analysis and conict
In terms o household or individual assets, one
reason confict is so important in pastoralist areas
is that it can impact negatively, and oten
prooundly, on all types o assets (Table 1).
Understanding these impacts is central to
livelihoods analysis in these areas. Also,
pastoralism is oten noted or its vulnerability, and
a mix o predictable and unpredictable actors
threaten assets. These are outlined in Table 2.
Table 2. Conict and vulnerability contexts in pastoralist areas
Seasonality
Shocks
Slow-onset
disastersdrought
Trends
Markedseasonalityoflivelihoodsinanormalyearduetorainfallpatternsand
seasonal variation in ood production, ood access, and market conditions
Seasonalvariationingrazingandwaterresources;seasonalpeaksinresource
competitionrisk o conict fashpoints
Sudden onset and unpredictable events such as:
LivestockdiseaseoutbreaksHumandiseaseoutbreaks
Floods
Marketbans
Conict and raiding
Borderclosures
Foodpriceincreases
Drought usually involves ailures or marked reductions in two or more
successive rains, and can be expected every ve to seven year or sothereoredrought is predictable and slow- onset.
Drought is also characterised by
highlossoflivestockassets,withlongrecoverytimesforrebuildingherds,
especially cattle and camels;
humandiseaseoutbreaksaspeoplecongregatearoundwatersourcesorrelief
centres;
conict as herders compete or dwindling resources.
Long-term changes including:
Protracted conicts and political instabilitycomplex emergencies
Humanpopulationgrowth
Increasingnegativeimpactofdrought
Decliningpercapitalivestockholdingsamongpoorerhouseholds
Developmentdisplacement
Bushencroachment
Inappropriatewaterdevelopment
Erosionoftraditionalinstitutions
Accesstomodernsmallarms
Commercializationoflivestockrearing
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
18/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center14
Looking more closely at confict and
vulnerability, many NGO peace-building
programmes work locally and gain an
understanding o tensions between, or example,
conficting ethnic groups and the role o actors
such as local politicians or government. However,
attention to policies and institutions in livelihoods
analysis places local issues in a broader contextwhich can include sub-national, national, regional
(i.e., groups o neighbouring countries), and
international policies and processes. This wider
analysis can be particularly useul in pastoralist
areas, where confict oten has important cross-
border or regional dimensions that in turn can
point to the need or regional responses to
confict. For NGOs and donors in the Horn o
Arica, this regional aspect o confict oten raises
important challenges because, in general, these
organisations are structured and managed
nationally, not regionally. It ollows, or example,
that i confict-sensitive programming includes
balanced inputs to communities across borders,
such programming can be dicult or aid
organisations to design and implement.
Policy and institutional analysis in the livelihoods
ramework also covers inormal policies and
norms, which can reveal disparities between
ormal policies or laws and their interpretation orenactment among dierent actors. This type o
analysis can show how some policies are well
thought out and articulated on paper, but not
implemented. In contrast, bad policies can be
ignored locally, with communities and local
private sector developing systems which t a local
context. Institutions include inormal institutions
such as the traditional social units and leaderships
o pastoralist communities, but also socio-cultural
norms and practices. While peace-making is oten
an important unction o traditional leadership, so
is the mobilization o youth and organisation olivestock raids. Thereore, at one level, livelihoods
analysis can show that people can suer the
impacts o confict while also being a cause o
confict. Among policy makers in government,
pastoralist areas are oten described as problematic
due the apparently violent tendencies o
pastoralists and requent clashes over, or example,
raids or natural resources. At another level, the
same analysis might argue that i one o the main
unctions o a state is to protect its citizens, then
ultimately the responsibility or resolving conficts
and maintaining civil order lies with government.
In terms o vulnerability, ormal and inormal
policies and institutions have a major infuence on
the extent to which seasonality, shocks, and
trends result in vulnerability. Some examples are
provided in Box 2. In summary, confict can be
instigated by pastoralists and prolonged by
strategies to control resources by sel-arming and
use o physical orce in preerence to negotiation.However, decits in ormal government policies,
laws, and capacities create the space or violence-
based strategies and behaviour to take place.
Box 2. Formal and inormal polices and institutions, and pastoral vulnerability
SeasonalitySeasonal, resource-based conficts refect inadequate ormal institutions to
dene and enorce user rights and, in these situations, the tendency or one group or anotherto claim control o resources by physical orce. Thereore ormal institutional weaknesses
increase the risk o resource-based conficts. Government policies and laws may deliberately
marginalise pastoralists in avour o settled armers, or can be well-meaning but evolve rom
limited understanding o pastoral livelihoods. Traditional peace-making mechanisms tend to be
stronger within ethnic groups rather than between groups, and tend to react to confict rather
than prevent confict.
ShocksLivestock raids are a type o shock. For those involved in raiding, risks such as
imprisonment or other punishments are lessened in situations where local police orces are
weak or where commercial or contract raiding is led by actors who can bypass the police or
judiciary. Again, weaknesses in ormal institutions create environments that support raiding. At
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
19/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 15
During the last 20 years or so, considerable eort
has been expended in resolving and managing
confict in the Horn o Arica, through diplomatic
means, government interventions such as orced
disarmament, and through various confict earlywarning systems and local confict resolution
programmes supported by NGOs and other
actors. Analysis o these interventions points to at
least our important challenges:
Thepersistenceofinternalconictisessentially
a governance issue and relates very much to
government systems and capacities both
centrally and in pastoralist areas.
Inappropriatedevelopmentpoliciesand
strategies can uel conficts e.g., through theconstruction o new acilities such as water
points in confict-sensitive locations or the
unlawul allocation o pastoralist land or
agriculture.
Simplyignoringpastoralistareascanleadto
weak or harmul livelihoods diversication,
including activities which may hurt the physical
environment and social abric o society; when
people respond to limited livelihoods options
by resorting to illegal or environmentally-
damaging activities, this can cause or perpetuate
local conficts.
Thepoliticaleconomyofcertainformsof
the same time, raids are well-planned events which can be condoned or even actively led by
the same traditional leaders who also have peace-making responsibilities. Traditional
leadership, like ormal political leadership, is variable, with some individuals using their
positions or individual economic gain. Thereore there can be important weaknesses in
traditional institutions as well as in governments.
Slow-onset disastersThe well-established, ormal institutional response to drought is oodaid. Procedures within governments and aid organisations ocus on assessing ood aid needs
and delivering ood aid. Drought cycle management and related livelihoods-based
programming, i.e., risk-based drought management, is poorly institutionalized. One result is
excessive loss o core livestock assets by pastoralists, with long recovery times and use o thet/
raiding to rebuild herds.
TrendsVarious trends combine to increase the risk o both seasonal conficts and shocks,
and the impact o drought. Trends such as bush encroachment lead to reduced availability o
useul vegetation or livestock grazing and thereore increase pressure on already-scarce
resources. Similarly, the continuing appropriation o pastoralist lands or commercial arming
oten excludes pastoralists rom key dry season grazing and water resources, thereby increasingthe need to access these resources elsewhere. Thereore ormal land administration and land
use planning processes are central to long-term development planning and indirectly to
confict prevention.
confict indicates that confict can be initiated
and maintained by individuals or personal gain,
and that the same individuals may undermine
attempts to resolve confict in the long term. I
a core unction o government is to ensure thesaety and protection o its citizens, in many
pastoralist areas this unction is not achieved.
This brie list o confict-related policy and
institutional constraints indicates the links
between development policies and strategies, and
confict. Land, environment, and service delivery
policies all impact on livelihoods options and,
when not well-conceived, can directly or
indirectly encourage violent confict. Inpastoralist areas, policy and institutional barriers
also oten occur at dierent levels, rom local to
international. These can include policies on
cross-border movements and trade, policies
around nancial systems which enable (or not)
remittances, and so on. Confict is also oten
multilayered and multidimensional, and includes a
complex and dynamic set o actors and
relationships. Levels o confict vary rom
international or inter-state conficts, internal
political conficts (sometimes linked to inter-state
proxy wars and arming or support to
insurgents), and local ethnic conficts. At times,
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
20/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center16
and especially in Somali pastoralist areas, dierent
types o confict are interlinked. As indicated
above, an understanding o the political economy
o confict is important, including the economic
incentives or some actors to sustain confict over
time.
2.3 Conict and livelihoods programming
In terms o joined-up confict and livelihoods
programming, confict work is expected to lead
to peace and thereore improved livelihoods by
reducing the negative impact o confict on
various assets, e.g., see Table 1. Similarly,
livelihoods programmes may include confict-
related objectives. For example, a programme
might aim to develop land policy and legislation
that supports pastoral mobility and claries user
rights. Indirectly, this could result in reduced
confict over natural resources. In general,
confict-sensitive livelihoods programmes include
particular attention to the appropriate distribution
o inputs between conficting groups so that
greater acquisition o assets or services by one
group does not then become a cause o confict.
Within this general principle is the notion o
economic inter-dependence and the mutual
benets arising rom cooperation around activities
such as trade or the shared use o certainresources. While intuitively this type o
programming logic makes sense, sustained peace
and related benets probably depend on the root
causes o confict. For example, these causes can
be entirely localized and arise rom reactive,
violent behaviours. In this case, acilitation o
peace-making with traditional institutions, and
with complementary livelihoods support across
groups, may lead to sustained benets.
In reality, however, many confict-prone
pastoralist areas are characterised by diverse causes
o confict, with weak governance rom central to
local levels being a common actor. In part, this
explains the ragility o aid programmes, which
work only locally on confict and livelihoods
because local gains are easily undermined,
consciously or unconsciously, by higher-level
actors, disabling ormal policies, or conusion over
ocial boundaries.
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
21/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 17
Mieso-Mulu woreda lies in the southwest o
Shinile Zone in the Somali Region o Ethiopia
and is bordered by Aar Region to the west and
Oromiya Region to the south. Shinile Zone
borders Djibouti to the north and Somalia to the
east. The Zone is occupied mainly by Somalis o
the Issa clan, who also predominate in Djibouti
(including the Djibouti government) and parts o
northwest Somalia. The physical location o the
Zone and distribution o the Issa immediately
points to the cross-border nature o livelihoods in
the area. Shinile Zone and Mieso-Mulu woreda
are also occupied by smaller numbers o Somali
Hawiyas and Oromos, who are mainly
agropastoralists ound in the relatively higher and
wetter areas along the southern border o theZone, at the base o the Hararghe highlands.
The geography o the area explains the pastoralist
3. LIVELIHOODS ANALYSIS IN MIESO-MULU WOREDA
Figure 1. Shinile Zone in the Somali Region, Ethiopia
economy o the Issa. Approximately 76 percent o
the rural population in Shinile Zone is pastoralists,
and around 80 percent o the rural population in
Mieso-Mulu woreda (Table 3). Lying at the foor
o the Rit Valley, between the Ethiopian highland
escarpment running south to north and the
Hararge highlands running west to east, Shinile
Zone becomes progressively lower, hotter, and
drier, especially near the border with Djibouti.
Annual rainall in the Zone is 557 mm, but this
varies rom relatively higher rainall woredas o
Mieso-Mulu (678 mm/year) and Dembel (670
mm/year) to the lower-lying, more northern
woreda o Ayisha (404 mm/year) (see Figure 4).
Temperatures in the Zone range rom around 27
to 43C. In the total zonal area o approximately89,200 km2, there are no permanent rivers, but
there are three seasonal rivers running roughly
south to north, down rom the Hararghe hills.
Notes: adapted rom the unocial maps produced by UNOCHA. The heavy blue line delineatesadministrative zones. Shinile is divided into six woredas (distr icts), viz. Mieso-Mulu, Adem, Erer, Shinile,
Ayisha, and Dembel. Mieso town is situated just outside Shinile Zone (Somali Region), to the
southwest o Mieso-Mulu woreda.
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
22/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center18
Woreda Rural population Pastoralist population
(% o rural population)
Shinile 96,988 77,591 (80%)
Dembel 77,321 30,928 (40%)
Ayisha 50,043 50,043 (100%)
Erer 83,471 66,777 (80%)
Adem 31,991 31,991 (100%)
Mieso-Mulu 45,570 36,456 (80%)
Total 385,384 293,786 (76%)
Figure 2. Physical geography o Shinile Zone
Notes: the Shinile Zone border is approximate and unocial. The gray-blue lines depict major roads.
Mieso-Mulu woreda is situated in the southwest o the Zonesee Figure 1. Some inormants described
an extension o the northwest corner o the Zone westward into Aar Region and covering part o themain road to Djibouti, but this was an unocial expansion o the Zone at the time o writing.
Source: DPPA/SCUK, 2008.
Table 3. Human population estimates or Shinile Zone
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
23/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 19
Despite its apparent remoteness and harsh
environment, the physical position o Shinile
Zone, adjacent to both Djibouti and Somalia,
indicates its strategic importance or Ethiopia as a
whole. For example, national economies depend
on a countrys transport system. Ethiopia is a
land-locked country, and the Djibouti port is the
major route or imported goods and an importantchannel or Ethiopian exports. The main road
rom Addis Ababa to Djibouti runs around the
western border o the Zone, and, in April 2010,
passed through an unocial extension o the
Zone occupied by Issa communities. At the same
time, the Ethiopian government was planning to
asphalt the road running through Dewele in the
northeast o the Zone, making that road an
alternative route to and rom Djibouti. The
northern Somali ports o Berbera and Bossaso are
also important export routes, especially or
livestock exported unocially rom Somali
Region.
Both Djibouti and northern Somalia (Somaliland
and Puntland) are part o the wider and regional
political context, including Ethiopia-Eritrea
relations, Ethiopia-Somalia relations (both
northern and southern Somalia), and, internally,
Ethiopian counter-insurgency strategies against
the Ogaden National Liberation Front in theSomali Region. The regional politics are complex
and dynamic, both currently and historically. As
previously mentioned, the Issa are the dominant
ethnic group in Djibouti, including in the
Djibouti government. As they also occupy most
o Shinile Zone, they represent an important
cross-border socio-political grouping, which
directly controls the Djibouti port while also
having close proximity to the main Addis Ababa-
to-Djibouti road and railway. Similarly, the Aarare a cross-border group, present in Djibouti,
Eritrea, and Ethiopia.
Although the northern part o Shinile can be
considered remote and inaccessible, more
southern areas are relatively accessible i compared
to other parts o Somali Region such as Warder
or Gode. Two main roads run along the western
and southern boundaries o the Zone, and the
city o Dire Dawa lies around the midpoint o the
southern border, just outside the Zone. The cityo Harar is also relatively accessible. Within the
Zone, Mieso-Mulu woreda is relatively small
(about 60 km rom east to west and 70 km rom
south to north), especially i compared to the
huge tracts o land that characterise many
pastoralist areas o Ethiopia and other parts o the
Horn o Arica. The woreda can be reached in
about our hours by road rom Addis Ababa.
3.1 Assets
3.1.1 Financial assets
Financial assets comprise the inows o cash rom
income, gits, or other sources, as well as stocks and
savings held by a amily or household.
Pastoralists commonly dene wealth in terms o
livestock holdings and elements o social capital,
such as access to amily members or loans, gits,
or other types o support. In any given pastoralist
area, there are households which own relatively
large numbers o livestock, measured in absolute
terms in hundreds or even thousands o animals.
Even households that are characterised locally as
poor may own up to 30 or 40 small ruminants,
and a ew cattle or camels. These minimum
numbers o livestock are needed to enable a
pastoralist way o lie and are sometimes measured
under the concept o minimum herd size. In
terms o development strategies, understandingwealth groups is important because marketing
behaviour varies by wealth group, with poorer
households strategizing to build herds, and
middle-wealth and wealthier households selling
more animals and being the main suppliers o
livestock to markets.
a. Livestock herds and household income
Background notes
For pastoralist communities, the main nancial
asset is livestock. Livestock holdings represent
wealth and animals are used both as a orm o
savings and as assets to be exchanged or cash or
grain as needed. The emphasis on livestock
ownership and production in pastoralist areas is
largely determined by environmental actors and
especially the arid or semi-arid conditions with
marked variability in rainall.
In general, pastoralists keep mixed herds olivestock comprising combinations o large and
small ruminants. The composition o herds in
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
24/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center20
dierent areas is infuenced by environment and
particularly the drought tolerance o dierent
livestock species. Market demands also infuence
the types o livestock reared, especially by
wealthier households. As a general rule, camels
and goats are prioritized in the most arid areas,
with cattle and sheep also reared, but in areas
with relatively higher rainall. It ollows thatmixed herding is a logical strategy that allows risk
management and fexible nancial management.
In terms o risk, dierent livestock species have
dierent water and grazing needs, and to some
extent, are aected by dierent diseases.
Thereore it is likely that some animals will
survive an adverse event such as a disease
epidemic or drought. In terms o nancial
management, small stock such as sheep and goats
are a convenient asset to be sold to meet basic
needs such as ood, medicine, or school ees,
whereas larger stock represent more long-term
savings.
From the perspective o relatively intensive or
purely commercial livestock production systems,
the types o livestock kept by pastoralists are
sometimes viewed as low producers in terms o
indicators such as milk production or
reproductive perormance. However, production
should be viewed relative to the required outputs
o the system and the cost o inputs. Livestock
breeds in pastoralist areas have evolved over many
hundreds o years and are generally well adapted
to the local environment and disease risks. In part,
this adaptation has been infuenced by selective
breeding by pastoralists to emphasize specic
production characteristics such as milkproduction. Furthermore, seasonal variations in
rainall and grazing, and recurrent drought, mean
that pastoralist livestock such as camels are able to
produce milk in very dry conditions when other
species have ceased production.
Income rom livestock and other sources in Mieso-Mulu
woreda
Income rom livestock sales, renting o pack
camels, and sale o ghee were the main types o
income reported in the pastoralist areas o Shinile
Zone or the year 1998 to 1999 (Table 4). Due to
the contraband trade rom Djibouti through the
Zone, the renting o pack camels was an
important source o income, representing 32
percent, 31 percent, and 48 percent o income or
better-o, middle, and poor households
respectively. No sources o income were reported
or very poor households.
Renting o pack camels is an important source o income or pastoralists in Shinile Zone.
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
25/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 21
Other sources o income or pastoralist
households were also associated with the close
proximity o the Zone to Djibouti and Dire
Dawa, and ties with Issa relatives there. For
example, remittances rom amily members who
had been sent to work in Djibouti, Dire Dawa, or
other urban centres were reported at less than 10
percent o total income or poor and middlewealth groups, and between 10 to 20 percent or
better-o households.
Table 4. Contribution o livestock to annual household income in pastoralist areas,
Shinile Zone
Wealth group Total annual income (EB) rom livestock/total income (%)
1998-1999 2004-2005
Better-o 6050/7000 (86%) 9300/9300 (100%)
Medium 3978/4350 (91%) 5800/6200 (94%)
Poor 1980/2200 (90%) 2200/3950 (56%)
While the inormation above might apply to
Mieso-Mulu woreda, reports by Mercy Corps and
direct observation indicates the importance o
other income generation activities such as sales o
milk, charcoal, and rewood by those who can
access Mieso town. At the time o writing this
report, such access was limited to Hawiya
communities due to confict between Issa andHawiya; this is described in more detail in section
3.1.1c.
Notes: the data were collected rom dierent pastoralist areas o Shinile Zone and thereore are
not specic to Mieso-Mulu woreda. Sources o income were livestock sales, sale o ghee, and
renting out o pack camels.
Source: DPPA/SCUK, 2002, 2008.
For the year 2004 to 2005, the DPPA/SCUK
report noted a decline in income rom renting o
pack camels due to heightened government
restrictions on the contraband trade. Whereas this
income source accounted or between 31 and 48
percent o annual income in 1998 to 1999
(depending on wealth group), rom 2004 to 2005
it was reported to be absent. During the eld
visits during the preparation o this report inMarch 2010, the use o camels as pack animals or
movement o contraband goods was reported to
be extensive and rental prices were increasing.
Relative to 1998 to 1999, all households earned
higher income rom livestock sales as a result o rising
livestock prices (DPPA/SCUK, 2008).
The sources o income described above indicate
that, to some extent, Issa communities in the
woreda have already diversied their income. Incommon with other pastoralist areas, these
activities can be categorised as good and bad
diversication as ollows (Little, 2009):
Gooddiversicationiscloselylinkedtothe
pastoralist sector and keeps value added in the
region; it includes milk and meat processing,
tanning, trading, retail input suppliers, and
local natural product gathering/processing. For
Mieso-Mulu woreda, good or at least neutral
diversication might include remittances.
Ocially, the use o pack camels to support
the contraband trade is probably seen as a ormo bad diversication by government,
especially i smuggling o arms takes place,
though or pastoralist themselves the practice
represents a logical economic activity with
high returns.
Weakorharmfuldiversicationmayhurt
the physical environment and social abric o
society and, in the long run, can undermine
the main economic activity o pastoralism. For
Mieso-Mulu woreda, it includes excessivecharcoal production and rewood sales, and
livestock raiding.
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
26/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center22
The strategy o sending amily members to towns
to seek employment would probably all under
harmul diversication in cases where people
were exploited or abused by employers, or
exposed to other risks. For example, girls sent to
work as domestic servants in Djibouti might be at
particular risk o physical or sexual abuse.
Related to economic diversication in pastoralistareas is education and a deliberate strategy o
educating amily members with a view to either
uture income via remittances or greater capacity
to engage in novel income-generating activities.
Education is discussed urther in sections 3.1.3b
and 3.3.2.
b. Livestock herds and human oods
Background notes
An important characteristic o pastoralist systems is
the direct, household-level consumption o
livestock products and especially milk. Animal milk
is a valuable ood containing high-quality protein
plus at, vitamins, and minerals. A basic nutritional
analysis o animal milk shows that two cups o milk
per day (around 500 ml) can meet at least 50
percent o the recommended intake or many
essential nutrients (Sadler et al., 2009). Thereore
the ability o livestock to convert dryland
vegetation into milk is one o the undamental
economic justications or pastoralism. Milk is not
only consumed resh, but preserved in the orm o
ghee, butter, yogurt, and cheese.
A second important characteristic o pastoralist
nutrition is the consumption o cereals and the
use o livestock to sell or exchange or cereals. All
pastoralists groups consume grain and thereore
require markets to exchange livestock or grain.
In terms o child nutrition and ood security, it is
important to note that grain alone is not easily
digested by young children. However, when
mixed with milk, cereal protein is more ully
utilized or growth.
The high reliance o pastoralist groups on milk
explains their good nutritional status during
periods o high milk production, such as the main
wet seasons. However, pastoralistsand especially
their childrenare very susceptible to periods o
milk decit, as occurs during long dry seasons or
drought. This aspect o pastoralist nutrition
explains seasonal and drought-related child
malnutrition.
Livestock herds and human oods in Mieso-Mulu
woreda
The DPPA/SCUK report or 2004 to 2005 or
Shinile Zone noted a decline in household size,
especially among middle-wealth and better-o
households; middle-wealth households declined
rom 9 to 11 to 6 to 8 members, whereas better-
o households declined rom 15 to 17 to 8 to 12
members. This represented a 30 to 40 percent
decrease in household size. This trend was
explained by migration to towns or abroad,
especially during bad years. One result is that it
became relatively easier to eed remaining
household members using livestock-derived
oods. This is urther evidence o livelihoods
diversication in the area.
Table 5. Contribution o livestock to human ood consumption in Shinile Zone, 1998 to 1999
Wealth Food typegroup
Cereals and sugar Milk rom Total ood derivedacquired through own livestock directly or indirectlylivestock sales rom livestock
1998-99 2004-5 1998-99 2004-5 1998-99 2004-5
Better-o ~73% ~58% ~25% ~42% ~98% ~100%
Medium ~65% ~60% ~28% ~38% ~93% ~98%
Poor ~65% ~70% ~15% ~12% ~80% ~82%
Notes: the data were collected rom dierent pastoralist areas o Shinile Zone and thereore are not
specic to MiesoMulu woreda. Decits lled by gits, relie ood, wild oods, etc.
Source: SCUK/DPPA, 2002, 2008.
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
27/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 23
A health and nutrition survey rom April to May
2009 noted that or Ayisha woreda: The main
sources o ood or adults in the our weeks prior to the
survey were rice (44%), sorghum (38%) and wheat
(16%). The main source o ood was cereal purchase
(69%), own animal production (22%) and relie ood
(12%). The source o income in the last three months
was mainly rom the sale o livestock (86%), ollowedby sale o poles/charcoal (4%) and sale o relie ood
(9.5%). Cash source or the month ahead was predicted
to be rom the sale o livestock (82%, n=120). Access
to markets is challenging in many parts o theworeda,
with modal average distance to main market (on oot,
return journey) ranges rom 4 to 8 hours. The majority
(81%) reported a round trip on oot o 8 hr. walk was
needed to make the return trip to the main market. A
total o 64.5% (n=71) mothers reported eeding animal
milk to their young child in the last 24 hours. It is
suggested that the livelihood o communities in Ayisha
is very dependent on the condition o their livestock or
trade and home consumption o their produce (milk in
particular) (EHNRI/UNICEF/SCUS, 2009).
c. Markets and trade
Background notes
Data on sources o ood and income in pastoralisthouseholds demonstrate that pastoralists are very
dependent on markets, especially as a means to
sell animals and acquire cereals. A vast body o
research shows that certain livestock marketing
behaviours are observed amongst all pastoral
wealth groups, but this depends on seasonal
conditions at the time o sale. In the wet seasons,
there is herd growth and prices generally are
good, and these conditions motivate sellers.
However, pastoralists must attain suciently largeherd sizes to allow them a comortable margin to
liquidate their animals through the market (e.g.,
Barrett et al., 2006). During dry seasons (or
drought) prices are lower, herders oten are
pressed by immediate cash needs and thus do not
have the luxury o timing sales according to
periods when prices are most avourable. Here,
the undamental principle is to market what is
considered surplus at a time when cash need
arises, and price is not such a key actor in
determining sales compared with wet season sales.Conversely, sales could be dictated by desperate
situations when the decimation o livestock
becomes imminent, as in times o prolonged
drought (Aklilu and Wekesa, 2001).
While certain behaviours hold true or all wealth
groups, important dierences exist in marketing
behaviours by wealth status. Research shows that
wealthier households use livestock markets more
requently to sell animals because these householdshave greater cash expenditures. For the poorer
households, the key livelihoods strategy is herd
growth because, in these environments, livestock
provide the best economic returns relative to other
available options.
From a cross-border perspective, many pastoralist
ecosystems are cross-border systems and this
includes marketing arrangements.
Markets and trade in Meiso-Mulu woreda and beyond
As Tables 4 and 5 indicate, pastoralists in Shinile
Zone are highly dependent on markets to sell
livestock to acquire cereals and other items. The 2002
report by DPPA/SCUK gives a good overview:
The main markets or the pastoral community in
Shinile Zone are: Meisso, Beki, Dire Dawa and
Djibouti. Other secondary markets are Bardode and
Gadamaito (Garba Issa) in Shinile/Aar Zone border.
Mieso market is a relatively major market or livestock
sale. Tuesday and Thursday are the main camel and
cattle market day and shoats are sold every day.
Traders rom Addis Ababa and Djibouti buy all
three species o livestock rom Meisso market. Oromo
armers also buy young oxen or ploughing purposes.
Traders are not able to buy livestock rom Dire Dawa
and take to Shinile Zone, as this is considered
contraband. Traders thereore opt to buy livestockrom Meisso and Beki or sale to other destinations
including Djibouti. Beki market days are the same as
Meisso market days. Beki market mainly sells cattle,
shoats, camel and donkeys in that order. Traders buy
livestock rom this market and take them to Djibouti,
Addis Ababa, and Dire Dawa. Dire Dawa is a
major sheep and goat market but not or cattle and
camels.
Djibouti market takes all three species shoats, cattle
and camels. The main source or Djibouti market istraders who purchase their livestock rom Meisso,
Beki, and other markets in the zone. These traders
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
28/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center24
have a double-advantage by selling in Djiboutirst
rom currency exchange (which avours traders who
purchased in Ethiopian birr), and, second, by
investing in relatively cheaper goods rom Djibouti
(mainly second-hand clothes, and oodstus and other
goods) or exchange with other traders in Shinile
Zone. These goods are considered contraband and
thereore come through unofcial channels. Whenthere is no ban on international livestock export, the
main livestock market becomes Djibouti, which will
absorb all species. However, this market is considered
illegal and traders use unofcial means to export
livestock. Main markets or oodstus and clothing are
Meisso and Dire Dawa. The pastoralists mainly buy
sorghum, sugar, tea, salt and other household goods,
including clothing.
There is a signicant trafc o unofcial cross-border
trade going on in Shinile Zone. This trade is locally
reerred to as contraband implying that it is
unlicensed by the government o Ethiopia. This is
mainly trade in clothing both used and new but
also non-ood household items (known as bagaash),
electronics and ood items may be imported in this
way. The main source or such goods is Djibouti,
transiting through Dikhil in Djibouti, Abdulqadir
and Harirat in Somalia, and the destination is in
Shinile Zone, mainly Adem district. A signicantamount o these contraband items are also transited
through other parts o Shinile Zone, destined or
neighbouring Regions/Zones o Ethiopia. Whether it
is transshipped or expressly passed through the
Shinile Zone, goods imported in this way would then
get to several markets outside the zone.
Furthermore, Mieso market has been an import
source o small ruminants or export abattoirs near
to Addis Ababa (Hailemarium Teklewold et al.,
2009), with agents rom ELFORA and Mojo
oten present. In the past, exporters had also used
Young goats purchased by the ELFORA export company in Mieso market.
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
29/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 25
the railway to move animals to Djibouti, but at
the time o this study in March 2010 the railway
to Djibouti was not operating.
Metehara and Mieso markets are the two most
important source markets or exportable livestock in
the central Rit valley Mieso is also a secondary
market that sourced livestock rom the surroundingprimary livestock markets, such as Bedesa, Chiro,
Hirna, Beroda, Asebot, Kora and other markets in
the neighbouring Somali lowlands Mieso is located
in a strategic location or livestock export via Djibouti.
Some live animal exporters like SHAG are using
this opportunity especially or cattle and camels.
SHAG has a collection/waiting centre at Mieso
where it collects animals rom Borena, Bale and
Wello, conditions them, and passes them through the
quarantine requirements and transports them to the
port using railway (Getachew Legesse et al.,
2008).
The regular use o the Mieso market by the Issa
to sell livestock also had benets or Oromo
armers, because the Issa were important buyers o
cereals at the market. As noted in the PRA report
o Mercy Corps in November 2009, the Mieso
market had not been accessible to the Issa or
some months, due to confict with Oromo and
Hawiya. Other markets or the Issa include Bikie,Adem, and Gadamayito (Garba Issa) on the
border o Shinile Zone and Aar Region. Due to
their more distant location, Djibouti markets are a
last resort.
Not well covered in marketing reports is the
importance o Mieso market as a source o
camels to other areas o Ethiopia, including the
salt mines in Aar, the Raya plains, Minjar, and
parts o Tigray (Yacob Aklilu, personalcommunication).
3.1.2 Natural assets
Natural assets are the natural resource stocks rom
which resources ow and services useul or
livelihoods are derived.
a. Environment, rainall, and mobility
Background notes
Pastoralists live in areas which are characterised by
marked climatic variability, especially with respect
to rainall. This variability may be seasonalas in
the alternation between wet and dry seasonsor
more serious, as in multi-year droughts. Livestock
mobility is one o the most eective techniques
Arican pastoralists have developed or both
exploiting and coping with regular seasonal
variability and droughts in these semi-arid and aridareas.
Although pastoralist mobility is oten seen as a
nonprogressive and unproductive way o lie,
economic analysis shows that herd movement is
eective in preserving livestock production in
variable climates. Research in this area dates back
to the mid-1970s and produces consistent results
using dierent methodologies in dierent areas
(COMESA, 2009). Although the scientic
evidence shows the eciency o herd mobility in
pastoral areas and the need or relatively large
system boundaries to optimize land use,
diminishing access to grazing areas is one o the
most important long-term trends aecting
pastoral livelihoods. Pastoralists ace competition
rom armers and agropastoralists, have their lands
allocated to commercial rice, sugar, or cotton
schemes, are displaced by large-scale dams or
other development projects, are excluded rom
wildlie conservation areas, and, in some areas,are aected by bush encroachment that prevents
grazing by livestock. These pressures on grazing
land increase tensions and conficts between
groups, which in turn can limit access to
communal grazing areas.
Environment and mobility in and around Mieso-Mulu
woreda
Shinile Zone is characterised by three main typeso rangeland, viz. closed savanna (bushland), open
savanna (bush-grassland), and open grassland
(Table 6). As in otherworedas in Shinile Zone, Issa
herders in Mieso-Mulu woreda practice seasonal
movements o livestock to access water and
grazing, including movements outside the woreda
to other parts o Shinile Zone, to Aar Region, or
to Djibouti or Somalia. Whereas the woreda is an
administrative unit, a more useul way o looking
at pastoralist movements is to understand the
wider ecosystem boundaries that ollow anenvironmental and economic logic, rather than
administrative borders.
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
30/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center26
Issa dry season or drought movements with their
livestock include
movementswestwardsintoAfarRegion,
especially towards the Awash river during dry
periods, which are confict-prone due to
longstanding animosity between Aar and Issa
over control o the Allighedi plain and Awash
river (e.g., see Markakis, 2003);movementssouthwesttowardsAwash,again,
towards the river and especially during
drought;
movementsnorthintoDjibouti,andfurther
north and east as ar as Zeila on the Somali
coast;
movementsintoAwbereandJijigaworedas o
Somali Region, moving as close as around 20
km rom Jijiga town;
attimesofseveredrought,movementssouth
into Babile woreda o Oromiya, moving as ar
as Faen.
Notes: the dotted red line approximates the boundaries o the most distant movements during dry
seasons or drought. All borders shown are unocial.
Figure 3. Dry season and drought-related movements o Issa pastoralists rom Shinile Zone
These movements within the wider pastoral
ecosystem are aected by actors such as
rainfall,whichdeterminestheavailabilityof
water and vegetation both spatially and
temporally. In general, lower rainall within
the overall system leads to greater movement,
as water and vegetation are less available;
accesstospecictypesofgrazeorbrowsespecies, such as the salty bush species in the
coastal areas o Somalia that are avoured or
camels;
accesstomineralsorsaltsforlivestock;
avoidanceofareasinfestedbyticksorother
parasites;
trendsinaccesstooruseofgrazinglands,
such as
o allocation o grazing areas or crop
production. This is a well-known trend inthe woreda due to expansion o Oromo
agropastoralism, and has been a
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
31/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 27
longstanding and important cause o
confict; see section 3.2.3b;
o bush or weed encroachment which reduces
the availability and diversity o useul graze
or browse species in a given area. This trend
then increases the need to access alternative
areas, thereby urther contributing to
confict;animportantsetofpolicyandinstitutional
arrangements such as those that
o legally or illegally assign land to one group
o users in preerence to another group;
o create a legal or policy vacuum or vagueness
in terms o ormal recognition o communal
grazing areas and related user rights;
o enable or hinder movements across ocial
boundaries, especially international borders;
o ail to prevent rangeland degradation, or
example, by absence o policies on bush
encroachment or through ailure to enact
policies;
o attempt to provide basic services using
xed-point delivery systems that are not
suited to pastoralist mobility;
o can create incentives or certain actors to
instigate confict as means to sustain undingor confict resolution activities.
The remainder o this section ocuses on rainall
and rangeland issues, whereas policy and
institutional issues are described in section 3.3.
Annual rainall estimates2 or Mieso-Mulu woreda
are shown in Figure 4. The average rainall rom
1996 to 2009 was 676 mm compared to a zonal
average o 557 mm.
Source: FEWSNET (2010) rainall estimates (RFE).
Figure 4. Annual rainall in Mieso-Mulu woreda and Shinile Zone, 1996 to 2009
2 Rainall Estimation (RFE) imagery used by FEWSNET is an automated (computer-generated) product which uses Meteosat inrared data,rain gauge reports rom the global telecommunications system, and microwave satellite observations within an algorithm to provide RFE inmm at an approximate horizontal resolution o 10 km. Further details are available rom Herman et al., 1997.
Mieso woreda
Shinile Zone
Mieso woreda
Shinile Zone
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
32/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center28
Figure 4 indicates a series o relatively dry years in
the woreda and Zone between 2001 and 2005,
suggesting that mobility issues may have been
particularly important during those years; no
long-terms trends are evident, partly because the
data available covers only a relatively short
12-year period. In both drier years and wetter
years, movement is a normal event rom aroundmid-November to the end o March. These
movements were mainly to the oothills in the
south o the Zone and into Oromiya Region, to
Note the agreement between the actual rainall data in the graph (above) and the rainall patterns
shown on the seasonal calendar (below).
Jijiga Zone, and to sub-coastal areas in Somalia.
Within any given year there is marked seasonal
variation in rainall. Average seasonal rainall
patterns or the period 1996 to 2007 are shown in
Figure 5, together with the seasonal calendar rom
the DPPA/SCUK baseline report, which used a
reerence year o 2004 to 2005. The main rainyseason (karan) alls between July and October, and
the lesser rains (diraa) all between March and
May.
Seasonal variability in rainall in Mieso-Mulu woreda
over the 14-year period between 1996 and 2009 is
shown in Figure 6, and refects typical variations in
pastoralist areas. For example, note the marked
changes in rainall over time during March, April,
May (the diraa rainy season), and July, August,
September, and October (the karan rainy season).
Given the importance o mobility or pastoral
livestock production and the role o rainall in
determining movement, analysis o rainall should
Figure 5. Mean monthly rainall in Mieso-Mulu woreda, 1996 to 2007, and
seasonal calendar or Shinile pastoralist areas
Sources: rainall estimates rom FEWSNET (2010); seasonal calendar rom DPPA/SCUK, 2008.
include the wider ecosystem within which Issa
herders might have access. For example, good
rainall outside o Shinile Zone in neighbouring
areas o Aar Region, Jijiga Zone in Somali
Region, Djibouti, and northwest Somalia would,
in theory, provide options or Issa to move into
these areas should rainall within the Zone all
below normal. Similarly, reduced rainall in
neighbouring areas would lead to reduced
movement options and increased pressure on
resources within the Zone.
Meanmonthlyrainfall
(mm)
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
33/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 29
In summary, the available rainall data indicate
that, in Ethiopia, the rainall data rom
FEWSNET date back only to 1996, so long-term
trends cannot be analyzed. The 14-year period
rom 1996 to 2009 shows a common pattern
across Shinile Zone and neighbouring areas o
Aar Region and Somali Region, viz. a relative
decline in annual rainall between 2001 and 2005,with an upwards trends towards pre-2001 levels
in 2006 and 2009. In 2009, rainall was relatively
poor and similar to 2004. In Mieso-Mulu woreda,
there was typical variability in monthly rainall
rom 1996 to 2009 (Figure 6). Data rom areas
adjacent to Shinile Zone, such as Awdal in
Somalia (Somaliland), indicate that this variability
tends to smooth out across longer time periods,
rom the 1920s onwards.
The reerence line at 676 mm is the mean total rainall in the woreda over the 14-year period, 1996 to 2009.
Figure 6. Monthly variation in rainall in Mieso-Mulu woreda, 1996-2009
Source: FEWSNET (2010) rainall estimates (RFE).
Livelihood zone maps produced by DPPA/
SCUK (2008) indicate that agropastoralism by
Oromo or Somali Hawiya communities accounts
or around hal o Mieso-Mulu woreda by land
area, suggesting that approximately 50 percent o
the woreda to the south is not accessible to Issaherders. At the same time, Oromo or Hawiya
agropastoralists may try to access pastoralist
grazing areas, especially during dry periods.
Grazing areas in neighbouring Aar Region to the
west may also be dicult to access or Issa due to
confict. This situation explains why Issa mobility
includes Jijiga Zone o Somali Region and
sub-coastal areas o Somalia.
Superimposed on the rainall and seasonal
mobility patterns are issues o rangeland quality,
and, in particular, bush and weed encroachment
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
34/100Mercy Corps and Feinstein International Center30
in relatively higher and wetter closed savanna
areas (Table 6). These changes indicate that not
only is some Issa pastoralist land being allocated to
crop production by non-Issa groups, but the
remaining pastoralist land is being degraded by
woody species and weeds.
The changes shown in Table 6 are supported bydata on livestock herd composition, recording
changes over 60 years in Erer and Ayisha woredas.
These data show a slow shit towards greater
ownership o camels and goats, and ownership o
ewer cattle. This was explained by declining
grasslands and the capacity o browsers to make
use o encroached bushland (Amaha Kassahun
Gezahegn, 2006). These changes are discussed in
more detail in section 3.2.3e.
Table 6. Rangeland types and trends in weed and bush encroachment in Erer and
Ayisha woredas, Shinile Zone
Type o Description
rangeland
Closed savanna
(bushland)
Open savanna(bush-grassland)
Open
grassland
Notes: see Figure 1 or locations o Erer and Ayisha woredas relative to Mieso-Mulu woreda. The types o
rangeland shit rom closed savanna (bushland) in the higher south o the Zone to open grassland in the
lower north o the Zone (also see Figure 2).
Rainfall300-450mm;temperature27-43C;altitude700-1200m;area
27,700km2 or ~30% o Shinile Zone
Over-cuttingofusefultreespeciesforcharcoalproduction,rewood,and house construction by non-pastoral groups, plus clearing o trees
or crop production
Acacia nubica andA. melliera have been observed not only as
encroaching woody plants but ever expanding across the closed
savannas. Based on the current trend it could be anticipated that the
woody plants would expand to most o the canopy covers o the closed
savannas in Shinile Zone. Both species are ound to be ecologically
unriendly causing a tremendous decline in the productivity o
important grass species.
Rainfall300-350mm;temperature25-40C;altitude600-850m;area25,500 km2 or ~30% o Shinile Zone
GreaterencroachmentofweedsXanthium abyssinica and Parthenium
hysterophorus by 50% more and 20% more relative to open grassland
Acacia nubica categorised as an aggressive woody encroacher, invading
more than 50% o the open savanna
Ingeneraltheopensavannasareunderseriousthreatfrom
encroachment by unpalatable and noxious woody plantswhich may
urther lead rom a partial to a total ailure o the rangelands to produce
enough orage or livestock.
Rainfall300-350mm;temperature27-42C;altitude500-700m;area
36,000 km2 or ~40% o Shinile Zone
Dominatedbygrassspecies,especiallyperennialsofthegenera
Panicum, Dactyloctenium, Eleucine, Cenchrus, Leptochloa, Sporobolus,
Brachiar ia, Cynodon, Cyperus, Phalaris, and Polypogon; around 49 grass
species identied and 11 non-grass species
Tribulus terrestris, Xanthium, and Parthenium encroaching more than 50%
o the grazing lands and a threat to productivity
Source: adapted rom Amaha Kassahun Gezahegn (2006).
-
8/8/2019 Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Conflict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali R
35/100Moving Up or Moving Out? A Rapid Livelihoods and Confict Analysis in Mieso-Mulu Woreda, Shinile Zone, Somali Region, Ethiopia 31
3.1.3 Human assets
Human assets represent the skills, knowledge,
ability to labour, and good health that together
enable people to pursue dierent livelihood strategies
and achieve their livelihood objectives.
a. Indigenous skills and knowledge
Background notes
Pastoralists live in some o the harshest and
risk-prone environments in the world, with
severe limitations in the availability o water and
vegetation. Their ability to adapt and surv