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New migrant communities in LeedsCook, J, Dwyer, PJ and Waite, L

Title New migrant communities in Leeds

Authors Cook, J, Dwyer, PJ and Waite, L

Type Monograph

URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/12804/

Published Date 2008

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A RESEARCH REPORT COMMISSIONED BY LEEDS CITY COUNCIL

NEW MIGRANTCOMMUNITIES IN LEEDS

July 2008

Dr Joanne Cook, Leeds Social Sciences Institute, University of Leeds

Professor Peter Dwyer, The Graduate School, BLSS, Nottingham Trent University

Dr Louise Waite, School of Geography,University of Leeds

New Migrant Communities in Leeds 1

CONTENTS Page

1 INTRODUCTION 3BackgroundNational Data Sources on A8 migrant numbersMethods and study design: a qualitative approach

Generating the fieldwork dataHandling/analysis of data and ethical considerations

2 MIGRATION PATTERNS 8Motivations for migrationLength of stay

Other drivers of migrationA ‘typical migrant’?Conclusions

CHAPTER 3. WORK 12IntroductionLabour market sector, terms and conditions

Employment sector and types of jobsContracts, pay and working conditionsRecruitment and the WorkersRegistration SchemeTraining, career progression and qualifications

Work relationshipsConclusions

4 NEIGHBOURHOOD ANDCOMMUNITY RELATIONS 22IntroductionImpacts on established communities

Awareness of new migration into the local areaThe world of work

Interactions between establishedcommunities and new migrants

Positive interactionsTensions and problemsPrejudice and discriminationBarriers to mixing

Conclusions

5 WELFARE SERVICE PROVISION 31IntroductionMeeting the housing needs of new migrants

The impact of A8 migrants onhousing provision in Leeds

HealthcareA limited impact on healthcare services?

Education and children’s servicesEducation and children’s services: a significant local issue

Social security benefitsTwo key issues

DataLanguage

Conclusions

6 KEY FINDINGS ANDRECOMMENDATIONS 45Key findingsKey ecommendations

Data collectionWelfare servicesLanguage and integrationCommunity relations

ANNEX 1 49Research Methods, Question Frames,Sample Consent Forms and ProjectSummaryReferences

NEW MIGRANT COMMUNITIES IN LEEDS

2 Joanne Cook • Peter Dwyer • Louise Waite

FOR FURTHER INFORMATION

Leeds City Council contact on New MigrantsPat FairfaxLeeds City CouncilRegeneration Service6th Floor WestMerrion HouseLeedsLS2 8BBTelephone 0113 24 78128e. [email protected]

Research TeamJoanne Cook [email protected] Dwyer [email protected] Waite [email protected]

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSLeeds City Council and the research team would like to thank allof the participants who gave their time to either take part in thisresearch project or to help us gain access to new and establishedcommunities. Confidentiality excludes us from naming individualsbut we would like to acknowledge all the new migrant workers,established community residents, employers, trade unions,community workers, interpreters and service providers withoutwhom this study would not have been possible.

3New Migrant Communities in Leeds

CHAPTER 1.INTRODUCTION

BACKGROUNDThis research was commissioned byLeeds City Council as part of itsstrategy for developing a betterunderstanding of the situation ofnew migrant communities living inLeeds1. The project is based aroundthe need to gather information onthe experiences and needs of A8migrants, the implications forservices and the impact upon Leedscommunities.

In an era characterised by increasingglobal mobility and economicmigration (King, 1995) theenlargement of the European Union(EU) in 2004 saw rights to resideand work in the UK extended to A8nationals for the first time. Theexpansion of the EU has triggeredboth a growth and increaseddiversity of migration flows intoBritain. Consequently immigration asa process has entered both publicand political discourses and isfrequently associated with debatesaround community cohesion (Zetteret al, 2006).

At the national level a range ofgovernment agencies (including theDepartment for Communities andLocal Government and the newCommission for Equality and HumanRights) are charged with promotingcommunity cohesion and equalitywithin and between communities. Inlight of the Cantle report (2005) theGovernment’s community cohesionagenda has stressed the link

between people’s sense of belongingto places, respect for difference, andgood community relations (HomeOffice, 2003, 2005). However, inareas across Britain, such as Leeds,local authorities are often faced withthe reality of ensuring goodneighbourhood and communityrelations in the face of increasedmigration in localities alreadycharacterised by multi-ethniccommunities.

Some commentators, such as TrevorPhillips, have claimed that Britain is‘sleepwalking’ into a societysegregated along ethnic lines.Although the evidence to supportthis view is limited (Dorling, 2005),concerns that multicultural pluralismmay have negative impacts oncommunity cohesion remain. Forexample, the recent Commission onIntegration and Cohesion’s report(2007:9) notes that this may beparticularly the case in, “ethnicallydiverse urban areas experiencingnew migration, such as inner citiesin the major metropolitan areas”.Alongside this note of caution, thesame report also emphasises thatnotions of mutual respect andcivility may act as the basis for ashared national vision of‘Britishness’ with the potential tounify the diverse communities livingside by side in contemporary Britain.

The new influx of A8 economicmigrants needs to be understood inthe context of successive waves ofmigrants who have long contributedto the economic, political, social andcultural shaping of British society(Winder, 2004). While A8 migrationis a significant new wave, it isimportant to observe that despite

1 Since 1st May 2004 workers from the new EU Member States have been free to come live and work in the UK; aGovernment decision based on the perceived fiscal benefit of these migrants to the UK economy. Nationals from theeight eastern European States, also known as the A8 (Accession 8) are required to register employment with the HomeOffice through the Worker Registration Scheme (WRS). The A8 states are: Poland, Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia, Slovenia,Slovakia, Hungary and the Czech Republic. Maltese and Cypriot nationals were also part of the 2004 enlargement buthave full freedom of movement rights and are not required to register as workers. From 1st January 2007 nationals ofBulgaria and Romania were granted the same free movement rights as existing EEA nationals throughout all EU MemberStates. However, nationals from these states, also known as the A2 (Accession 2), have limited access to the UK labourmarket. This study did not include any Bulgarian or Romanian migrants (e.g. entering under the Highly Skilled Migrantsprogramme) and therefore we use the term A8 to cover the above described Accession 8 nationalities. Throughout thereport we also refer to these A8 nationals in Leeds as ‘new migrant workers’ (NMW).


much attention on A8 migrants sinceEU enlargement, Office for NationalStatistics (ONS) figures show that A8migration comprised only 16% ofnon-British long term in-migration(defined as stays of over 12 months)in 2005-06; whereas migration fromthe New Commonwealth made up26% (ICoCo, 2007a). It is withinsuch a national policy context thatthis research project is embedded.

NATIONAL DATA SOURCES ON A8 MIGRANT NUMBERSThe most recently available reportestimates that just over one millionA8 migrants have arrived in the UKsince 2004 (Pollard et al, 2008). Itis important to note that there is nota single, all-inclusive system in placeto measure the movement of peopleinto or out of the UK. As aconsequence, there is no definitivedata on the number of A8 migrantsliving or working in a particular area(Boden and Stillwell, 2006).Alongside this, there is a generalrecognition that official statistics onmigration are inadequate (ICoCo,2007a); so much so that uponreviewing sources of data outside ofthe Office for National Statistics,Rees and Bowden (2006)recommended that a ‘new migrantdatabank’ be created integratingcensus, administrative and surveydatasets. Currently a new databank isbeing developed at the University ofLeeds with a view to improvingnationally available migrationdatasets in the future. In themeantime, there are several availabledata sources that can provide somelocalised insights into A8 NewMigrant Workers (NMW); mostcommonly utilised are the NationalInsurance database (NINo) andWorkers Registration Scheme (WRS)database. Both have limitations inthat there are time lags between

arrival and registration and the dataalso doesn’t record those who leavethe UK so an accurate picture ofNMW in the country at any one timeremains elusive. Both NINo andWRS, however, can give a partial(underestimated) picture of NMWnationally, regionally and locally andthe NINo rather than WRS is thoughtof as more comprehensive and theclosest to reality (Matthews, 2006).Additional sources of potentiallyuseful local data are containedwithin the first health registration ofnew arrivals (Flag 4), the annualSchool Census (PLASC), the HigherEducation Statistics Agency count ofstudents, Electoral Registers and theLabour Force Survey.

The increasing regional significanceof A8 NMW are highlighted by thefollowing statistics:

• In 2002-03 approximately 100new NI (National Insurance)numbers were issued in Yorkshireand the Humber for A8nationals. By 2005-06 thisfigure was nearly 19,000 and by2006-07 just over 23,000 hadregistered. This 2006-07 figurerepresents 9% of the total A8registrations in England(263,400; which is 16% higherthan the previous year).

• Leeds is ranked 8th in the list oflocal authorities in England toreceive A8 NI registrations. Theonly non-London local authoritiesto receive more A8 NIregistrations than Leeds areBirmingham and Manchester.

• Nationally, 86% of the A8 NIregistrations are from Poles,Slovaks and Lithuanians. Leedsis the sixth most populardestination for Poles, but doesnot feature in the top ten list forSlovaks2 or Lithuanians.

2 Bradford however, is the most popular location in the whole of England for Slovaks. A comparison of NINo and WRSdata by West Yorkshire BME Housing Market Study (2007) finds that migrants are not necessarily living in the sameplaces that they are working in, with a suggestion that some new migrants working in Leeds may be living in Bradford;this finding may therefore be pertinent for Slovaks in particular.


• NINo records NI applicationsfrom not just A8 nationals butalso other non-British nationalsworking in the UK. Analysis ofthese total figures illustrate thatin 2005-06 the percentage of NInumbers issued to A8 nationalsin Yorkshire and the Humber wasnearly 40% of the totalapplications received. The Polishare the most numerous group toregister in Yorkshire and theHumber, but Pakistanis, Indians,Iraqis and Chinese all outnumberthe next largest A8 group whichis Slovaks (Boden and Stillwell,2006).

• The Yorkshire and the Humberregion in 2005-06 had abovenational average proportions ofpeople from Poland, SlovakRepublic and Latvia (Matthews,2006).

• In 2005-06, almost 20% of thetotal number of NI registrationsin Yorkshire and the Humberwere to new migrants resident inLeeds, with a further 12% ineach of Bradford and Sheffield(Boden and Stillwell, 2006).

Against such a backdrop of thepartial mapping of new migrantcommunities, it is perhaps notsurprising that Stenning et al (2006)have commented that at the localand regional scale, responses to A8migration have been largely reactiveand piecemeal. The need tounderstand the implications ofcontemporary migration dynamics isunderpinned by the lack of accuratedata, and limited information abouthow new migrants actuallyexperience life in the UK (Robinsonand Reeve, 2006). It is to the latterchallenge that this research report isoriented.

In line with the requirementsoutlined in the original tender

document the research team used arange of qualitative techniques toexplore four key issues:

• The scale of new migration inLeeds (including factors such asintended length of stay andwhether people who arrived aloneare intending to bring theirfamilies over at a later date, etc.)

• The experiences and needs ofnew migrants in Leeds.

• The implications of the newdynamics of migration for serviceprovision within the city(including housing andhomelessness, education, health,community safety, social careand employment).

• The impact of new migration onestablished communities3.

METHODS AND STUDY DESIGN: A QUALITATIVE APPROACHThis study combined aliterature/policy review, individualkey informant interviews and focusgroups and semi-structuredinterviews with newly arrived A8migrants, established communitiesand service providers. The fieldworkoutlined below focused on theneeds, experiences and expectationsof the A8 new migrant populationsresident in Leeds, and theirrelationships with wider establishedhost communities. Additionally itconsidered the impact of the new A8migrant populations on local serviceprovision.

Generating the fieldwork dataA total of 89 participants wereinterviewed in the course of thefieldwork. Of these, 10 were keyinformants, 34 new A8 migrants, 24members of established

3 The term established community is used in this research to refer to participants who were either born in Leeds or havebeen resident in Leeds for five or more years.


communities in Leeds and 21 weredirectly involved in the provisionand/or administration of local publicservices, such as Leeds City Council(LCC) services. For further details ofthe sample see tables 1-4 below. Allinterviews were conducted in Leeds4

between January 7th and February27th 2008. Individual interviewslasted approximately 1 hour. Focusgroups and interviews ranged from 1hour to 1? hours duration. A rangeof appropriate locations were usedfor the interviews, includingparticipants’ offices, homes andcommunity centres. In order toensure consistency of approachacross the research team, a commonset of question guides wasdeveloped (refer Annex 1). Thesewere structured to ensure thatdiscussions remained focused butalso allowed participants the spaceto develop their own approach inresponding. Question guides werepiloted and refined in initialinterviews.

Handling/analysis of data and ethical considerationsTwo basic principles, namelyinformed consent and anonymity(Lewis, 2003) underpinned thefieldwork; all participants wereinformed about the research prior toparticipation and were free towithdraw at any point. Whererequired an appropriate interpreterwas present at the interviews withnew migrants and establishedcommunities. All tapes were fullyinterpreted and transcribed foranalysis. Further detail about theresearch methods utilised in thisproject can be found in Annex 1.

The subsequent chapters of thisreport draw on data generated in thefield to provide new empiricalevidence about the character andimpact of the recent influx of A8migrants to Leeds. It is hoped thatthe grounded insights presented inthis report will inform future servicedevelopment and planning and,

KEYINFORMANTNO.

ROLE AND ORGANISATION

KI1 Recruitment agency specialising in new migrant labour

KI2Manager for a company in the hotel/hospitality sector thatemploys new migrants

KI3 Community worker with Polish migrants

KI4Services manager for a logistics/distribution company thatemploys new migrants

KI5 a) Human resources managerb) Group head of corporate responsibilityc) Training manager for Leeds operationsAll work for a logistics/distribution company that employs newmigrants

KI6 Regional representative of a trade union

KI7 Community worker for new Roma migrants

KI8Human resources manager of a food manufacturer which employsnew migrants

Table 1. Key informant participants

4 KI8 was located in a town adjacent to the LCC boundary. Some of the A8 migrant workers at the factory travelled fromLeeds to their place of work.


ultimately, lead to an improvementin the lives of both the established

communities of Leeds and thosewho are relatively new to the city.

5 One participant was of mixed heritage.

6 In order to protect the anonymity of participants who took part in the service provider focus groups the precise jobtitles of individuals have been replaced with a more general statement of the service area in which they work.

CODE NUMBERAND NAME NO.

INTERVIEWTYPE

NUMBERS AND GENDER AGE RANGE

FG1 Slovak workers Focus group3 men3 women

Late 20s-mid 50s

FG2 Polish men Focus group 8 men 20s – late 50s

FG3 Polish women Focus group 9 women 20s to mid 50s

ROMA1 Joint interview1 man2 women

30s to early70s

ROMA 2 Joint interview 2 womenLate teens/late 30s

ROMA 3 Joint interview2 men1 woman

Late teens to 50

Table 2. New migrant participants

CODE NUMBER AND NAME

INTERVIEW TYPE

NUMBERS ANDSERVICES REPRESENTED6

SP1 Housing andcommunity relations

Focus group

7 participants:Community safety x 3Jobs and SkillsHousing ServicesSocial housing providerRegeneration

SP2 Health and social care

Focus group

8 participants:Asylum/migration service x 2Adult social carePrimary care trusts x 3One stop centres x 2

SP3 Education andchildren’s services

Focus group

7 participants:Education Leeds x 4Children’s centre workerSchool x 2

Table 4. Focus groups with service providers

Table 3. Focus groups with established communities

CODE NUMBERAND NAME

INTERVIEW TYPE

NUMBERSAND GENDER AGE RANGE

FG5 Pakistani men Focus group 8 men 40s-60s

FG6 Pakistani women Focus group 4 women 20s-50s

FG7 West Indians Focus group 5 men 1 woman Late 20s to 70s

FG8 White residents5 Focus group 2 men 4 womenEarly 20s to mid 60s


The subsequent chapters of thisreport draw directly on the datagenerated in the fieldwork with theabove participants:

• Chapter 2 explores the migratorymovements of the A8 NMW inLeeds; it considers issues suchas the motivations underpinningmigration to Leeds, length of stayand the notion of a ‘typicalmigrant’.

• Chapter 3 discusses the world ofpaid work from the points of viewof new migrants, employers andother key informants; additionallyissues highlighted by establishedcommunities are also discussed.The range of issues consideredincludes employment sectors andtypes of job, contracts,recruitment, training andqualifications.

• Chapter 4 presents data thatrelates to neighbourhood andcommunity relations in Leeds.Topics considered are establishedcommunities’ perceptions of theimpacts of A8 migrants on theirneighbourhoods and the level andtypes of interaction that occurbetween established communitiesand A8 migrants.

• Chapter 5 explores issues aroundwelfare provision and servicedelivery; housing, healthcare,education and social security arediscussed. The effects of new A8migration upon welfare servicesand how this may impact onavailable resources andestablished communities are alsoconsidered. Two more generalissues, a lack of coherent dataand the importance of Englishlanguage capability, are alsoaddressed.

• Chapter 6 offers conclusions, keyfindings and recommendations.

CHAPTER 2.MIGRATION PATTERNSThis chapter provides an overview ofparticipants’ perspectives on themigration patterns of NMW in Leeds.Much of the data presented is drawnfrom the new migrant groupsinvolved with the research, withadditional insights from relevant keyinformants. By far the mostnumerous A8 population in Leeds isthe Polish community, whichaccounted for 66% of WRSapplicants between 1st May 2004and 31st December 2006, with theLatvians (11%) and Slovaks (9%)forming the next largest groups (LSCYorkshire and Humber, 2007). Oneof the interview respondentsexpressed the view that Leeds isbenefiting from a shortage of jobs inLondon (‘London is pretty fullbasically’, (Key Informant 3 [KI3]Polish community worker) and hencethe city is attractive as it isperceived as an economicallybuoyant destination for migrants.Although saturation of London’s jobmarket is largely fanciful (forexample, 40% of the arrivals fromA8 countries in 2003/04 settled inLondon), Leeds has had a longmigration history in the 20th centuryand NMW are clearly continuing thistrend in the 21st century.

MOTIVATIONS FOR MIGRATIONThe success of the UK in attractingnumbers of A8 workers has beenattributed to a number of factors byStenning et al (2006). Theseinclude sustained economic growth,low and differentiated (regressive)tax system, the English language,the relatively open and cosmopolitannature of the society, and the moreentrepreneurial culture (compared tosome European countries).Throughout the study the keymigration motivation for participatingA8 NMW was the desire to enter theUK paid labour market. This pre-


eminence of economic motivationappears to have been largely drivenby the favourable disparity in wageearning potential between countriesof origin and the UK.

There are no jobs in Slovakia and thewages are very low. One week wage isas much as one month wage inSlovakia. (FG1 Slovak)

We are doing easy work for smallmoney. But small money here is bigmoney in Poland. If we did the samein Poland — we would have no money.

(FG2 Polish men)

They are totally motivated by wages.That's all it’s about. (KI5 logistics/

distribution company)

The desire to find work was also akey incentive for the Roma familiesbut it was combined with thephysical threat of racism at homeand the desire to provide better andsafer environments for their children.(Travellers Health Partnership Report,2006). The opportunity to secure ajob and earn money is a valuedelement of their lives in Leeds, butthis augmented by a desire to escapepersecution and discrimination intheir country of origin. Experiencesof harassment remain an element ofeveryday life for some NMW in Leeds(see Chapter 4) but the Romaparticipants feel more secure andable to express their ethnic identityin Leeds.

R1: Here I am a gypsy. In Slovakia Iam not a gypsy- we don't have our owncountry. We are feeling here freebecause there are other nationalities.No one cares about me and that isgood, just some lady.

(Roma 1, daughter)

I think it is better here because in mycountry there are no jobs and theracism in Slovakia is bad. In Slovakiathey know we are gypsies and theydon't like us. (Roma 3 son)

However, participants in the Polishwomen’s group also spoke of anadditional motivation for migrationbeyond greater earning capacity.They expressed enhanced feelings ofliberation due to the ‘freedoms’ thatfollowed European accession andsaid that they wanted to broadentheir horizons through theexperience of living in the UK (seealso Spencer et al, 2007).

R1: It is school of life

R2: The experience is importantbecause we learn something

R3: Living in multicultural societyopens up your mind. In Poland wehave like one nation so we have lots ofprejudices and here you can get rid ofthem and try to cross the border.

(FG3 Polish women)

LENGTH OF STAY

Within the sample, participantsexpressed a range of views about thelength of stay for NMW in Leeds.Experiences varied from a shortperiod of no more than a few months(for example during a universityvacation), right through topermanent settlement.

It fluctuates. It’s different…. they veryoften come for just 3 months and goback and the next summer they comeagain. There is a certain percentage ofpeople who have stayed and are


planning to stay… How many?Probably 50%.

(KI1 recruitment agency)

Managers at a major Leeds employerconcurred with the suggestion thatlength of stay varied but a significantnumber of NMW are staying forperiods in excess of 12 months.

R1: It’s very, very mixed. Some peoplecome over for a short time.

R2: About 6 months. But then we havepeople, we have significantly largerproportion of them have been here for12 months and for all intents andpurposes to stay here and settle.

(KI5 logistics/distribution company)

Commonly NMW tended to see theirpresence in Leeds as finite. Theyenvisage ultimately returning back totheir country of origin after a year or two.

The situation is that about half of uswill return after one year home…replaced by new people. (FG1 Slovak)

Forever — no. For some time —maybe. Maybe for 1 year or two.Not forever. (FG3 Polish women)

Such ‘intentional’ data should beread with caution. Other studies(e.g. Spencer et al, 2007) haveobserved differences betweenparticipants’ stated intended lengthof stay and the actual duration oftheir period of residence. As peoplecome to acknowledge the potentialbenefits of migration they remain forlonger periods and/or may take uppermanent residence.

They plan to go back to Poland. Quitea few don't because the life here is so

much easier. And quite peaceful andthey realise that the possibilities hereare much greater than in Poland. Sothey will stay here.

(KI3 Polish community worker)

It should be noted that in earlierwaves of labour migration to the UKmany migrants originally intended toreturn home following a short periodof paid work. However, the reality isthat many settled permanently(Dayha, 1973). This point was madeby members of an established Leedscommunity who originally migratedin the 1950s.

I suppose it’s easy to say. I come here48 years ago; I only come for 5 years.A long 5 years! (FG7 West Indian)

However, some NMW exhibit asomewhat different tendency andexaggerate the length of their stay inorder to secure employment. A hotelemployer described how NMW claimthat they are settling in Leedspermanently at the time of jobapplication, whereas in reality theystay just for the summer period,earn some money and return home.

And they all started April time, Maytime. Then all of a sudden in Augustthey either told us they were leaving orthey just disappeared without tellingus. And they'd gone back home. Theywere telling us they were herepermanently but actually they wereonly here for the summer to get jobs.

(KI2 hotel/hospitality company)

Other drivers of migrationA further possible determinantaffecting the length of stay in theUK is the macro-economic pictureacross Europe. One service provider(SP2 Adult social care) observedthat other European countries are


opening their borders to a greaterdegree and experiencing a period ofeconomic growth that will attractmigrant workers. For example, hehas recently observed Poles leavingLeeds to seek more lucrative workingopportunities in Holland. Similarly,another service provider (SP2Asylum/migration service) urgedcaution as NMW are frequentlyemployed in jobs that under-utilisetheir skill levels (see Chapter 3) andhence may relocate in order toaccess more desirable jobs. Sheargued that LCC should consider thelabour requirements of the city overthe next decade and work to attractand retain NMW (see also Stenninget al, 2006 for national economicprojection scenarios). Additionally,the resurgence of the Polisheconomy, which was noted byseveral participants (KI1 recruitmentagency, KI3 Polish communityworker, SP2 Adult social care), wasthought to be responsible for somePoles returning to their homeland inthe future. The recruitment agencykey informant (KI1 recruitmentagency) noted that they are findingit harder to attract Polish people toLeeds as the wage gap between theUK and Poland is eroding (cf.Pollard et al. 2008). This discussionpoints to the importance ofunderstanding that waves ofmigration are shaped by trends anddevelopments in other parts of theworld. It is therefore increasinglyimportant to consider the relativestrengths of the economies ofmigrants’ countries of originalongside that of the Leeds, andmore broadly the UK.

A ‘TYPICAL MIGRANT’?Immediately following the expansionof the European Union in 2004, thestereotypical A8 NMW entering theUK was characterised as male,single and in his 20s (Home Office,2006). Individuals who migrate forthe shorter periods are still likely tobe single men in their 20s (perhaps

moving for a short period duringtheir studies or immediately aftertheir university education). Theyoften migrate together in pairs orsmall groups who know each other.Such workers are still part of theEuropean migrant labour force inLeeds, but today, the picture ismuch more diverse. Couplesmigrating together and family joinersare becoming increasinglycommonplace (see also, BradfordCentral and Eastern EuropeanWorking Group, 2006).

An increasingly common phenomenain our sample is that the male NMWwill ‘lead’ the migration andestablish himself with a job andaccommodation before bringing hispartner/family over to Leeds. ‘Familyjoiners’ therefore now form a growingpart of the migrant population inLeeds.

R1: My story is similar. My husbandwas coming first then me and mydaughter.

R2: I joined my husband aftertwo months.

R3: So did I. After 3 months.(FG3 Polish women)

Initially it was singles, a highproportion of males to females, 18-25yr olds. But now a lot more familiesare coming in, family joiners, who havestarted to settle down.

(SP2 Asylum/migration services)

There was also some evidence fromthe NMW focus groups that couplesin their 20s without dependents arechoosing to migrate together. A finalnotable group of NMW in Leeds wereolder migrants aged over 50 whoreported difficulties in obtaining


employment in their countries oforigin. They had decided to migrateto the UK in an attempt to earnmore money prior to retirement.

CONCLUSIONS• The largest numbers of A8

migrants in Leeds come fromPoland, with the next mostsignificant groups being Latvianand Slovak.

• In terms of motivations formigration, economic reasons arestill paramount for most NMW,with the exception of Romamigrants who move both toaccess work in the UK and toescape persecution in theircountry of origin.

• The length of stay of NMW inLeeds varies from a few monthsto permanent settlement.

• It is problematic to attempt toidentify a ‘typical’ A8 NMW butit would appear that increasinglycouples are now migratingtogether and family joiners arepresent in significant numbersalongside the more stereotypicalmale single migrant.

• In order to better predictcontinued and future migrationflows and move towardsdeveloping pro-active planning,some degree of horizon searchingwill be necessary.

CHAPTER 3. WORK

INTRODUCTION

As a result of the expansion of theEuropean Union (EU) in 2004, EUrights to freedom of movement wereextended to citizens of the A8states. It needs to be noted,however, that for all EU nationalssuch rights are subject toindividuals meeting further specifiedconditions. For example, EUnationals who wish to reside inanother member state for more thansix months must satisfy at least oneof the following criteria; beemployed or self employed, haveaccess to sufficient resources andhealth insurance to ensure they canmaintain themselves withoutrecourse to the host state’sbenefit/welfare system, hold studentstatus or be a family member of aperson who fits into one of theprevious four noted categories.Additionally, under transitional rulesintroduced by the UK governmentfollowing the 2004 expansion, A8NMW are further required to registerwith the Workers RegistrationScheme (WRS) in order to legallylive and work in the UK7. As workerswho contribute through the taxationsystem A8, migrants are also able toaccess certain social securitybenefits but again are subject toparticular rules. As soon as theystart to work A8 migrants registeredwith the WRS have the right toaccess child benefits and taxcredits. However, in order to beeligible for income related benefitsNMW need to have workedcontinuously for a period of one year(see TUC, 2007 and Pollard et al.2008 for further details)8.

Although some diversity ofemployment was present, typicallythe NMW interviewed in this

7 Refer to chapter 3 of Pollard et al. (2008) for fuller discussions.

8 Details will also be available on the Welcome to Leeds Website from June 2008 at www.leeds.gov.uk/welcome


research worked full-time inunskilled or semi-skilled sectors ofthe labour market where Leedsbased employers struggled to recruitworkers from the local population.Many NMW routinely initially foundwork through an employment agencyand subsequently becamepermanent employees of a companyafter 6-13 weeks.

It is important to contextualise thedata presented in this chapter. Manyof the discussions relate to thesituation of NMW employed in thefour companies involved in thisstudy. The data from NMW relates totheir experiences of employment inother companies. Relevant keyinformants (e.g. the trade union andrecruitment agency), however, offermore general discussions on issuesabout the recruitment, pay andconditions of A8 NMW. It is relevantto bear in mind that the fourcompanies who took part in thisstudy are reputable firms whopromote relatively high standards ofemployee treatment and conditions.Therefore, this study has notuncovered many of the moreexploitative employment practiceswhich previous studies havehighlighted (Anderson et al, 2006;Mackenzie and Forde, 2006;Travellers Health Partnership Report,2006; Commission for RuralCommunities, 2007, Spencer et al,2007). This is not to say that thesekinds of exploitative employmentpractices do not exist in Leeds. Forexample, the study did uncoversome evidence of exploitativehousing practices on the part ofsome employment agencies (refer toChapter 6) and discussions withestablished communities reportedthat some NMW were employed oncontracts that contravened theWorking Time Directive andMinimum Wage legislation (seebelow, pp.12-14).

LABOUR MARKET SECTOR,TERMS AND CONDITIONSThe age profiles of NMW varied butthe largest proportion were youngerworkers aged in their 20s and 30s,and a small number of older workerswere interviewed who were aged 50plus. Some of the workersinterviewed were employed incompanies where the majority ofworkers were migrants from A8countries. NMW routinely workedalongside large numbers of fellownationals, this was especially thecase when they were employed inmanual jobs and/or working lesssociable hours such as night shifts.

Employment sector and types of jobs

Within the study the four companiesselected as key informants werechosen because they operated insectors in which a highconcentration of NMW areemployed; namely the hotel andleisure sector, warehousing andmanufacturing/processing (HomeOffice, 2006; Migrant WorkersReport, 2006; Commission for RuralCommunities, 2007). The NMWparticipants were employed in arange of largely low-skilled, manualjobs that included warehouseoperatives, packers, porters, bar andhotel workers and chefs. Employersreported a relatively high turnover ofstaff amongst NMW, but some NMWwere settled in stable employment.The Polish NMW in particularexperienced more varied types ofwork including high and low skilled,manual and non-manualemployment.

When describing the types of workthey undertook, NMW explained thatthey were ‘hard workers’ and werewilling to take any kind of jobs.Employers concurred with thisperspective.


…they tend to be the calibre that willgo for the manual operational; youknow the British people don't reallywant to be going for the unskilledmanual jobs. They don't apply for themany more.


We are a distribution centre so it isquite a fast pace. I think probably themain area is the picking area …it’squite intense ...People have to havecertain skills to be able to identify thestock, to be able to read the pickingnote correctly. …Typically its quitehard work. You're on your feetconstantly. You are looking atinformation, it’s quite tiring and wehave very unsociable shifts.


Within the four companies whoserepresentatives were interviewed,NMW formed a growing proportion ofthe workforce, and most of thisgrowth had taken place over the lastyear. One firm had seen its NMWworkforce grow from zero to 10% inone year. In another company, 70%of their recent trainees were EasternEuropean. All employers said thatNMW were becoming an increasinglyimportant part of their workforce andthat the numbers they employedwere likely to increase in the futureas they looked to fill labourshortages. The overwhelmingmajority of A8 NMW employed inthe four companies were fromPoland; between 60-80%.Employers were asked what it wouldmean for their business if this A8workforce ceased to be available.Employers explained that NMW werefilling vacancies that they could notrely on the existing population totake. This issue has beenhighlighted in large scale studieselsewhere. For example, Spencer etal (2007) found that 75% ofemployers felt that European

enlargement had been good forbusiness as migrant workers do jobsunder employment conditions thatUK nationals are not prepared toaccept (see also Dench et al, 2006).There was also some evidence thatA8 migrants were working insections of the company wherespecialist market knowledge wasrequired, particularly where thebusiness was expanding into newEastern European markets.

…we have a number of people workingin our exports department who areEastern European. Particularly goodbecause we export to Eastern Europe.(KI5 logistics/distribution company 2)

Any reduction in the availability ofA8 migrant labour in the futurewould have severe repercussions forcompanies. One key informantexplained ‘we would have toseriously look at other locations’ fornew migrant workers (KI4logistics/distribution company).

We would be very much in dire straits.In the kitchen, in housekeeping and inconference. … The whole of my team,we've got a team of 7 kitchen portersand 5 of them are Polish. Very relianton them.


The NMW in this study were takingup previously unfilled vacancies inlocal paid labour markets. In thissense they cannot be considered tobe taking jobs away from localpeople. They were regarded byemployers as an increasinglyimportant core resource thatcontributed in a positive way to localbusinesses and the development ofthe local economy (see alsoBradford Central and EasternEuropean Working Group, 2006;Audit Commission, 2007).


Contracts, pay and working conditionsThe majority of NMW were employedfull-time 37.5 or 40 hours a weekand contracted to the company on apermanent basis. Over-time was paidat a higher rate and, in line withother studies (Mackenzie and Forde,2006), it was found that all workerswere employed on, or above, theminimum wage. Employers and newmigrants talked of NMW havingequal access to paid holidays andbeing on the same contracts androtational shifts as establishedworkers.

Many of the NMW had originallyfound employment via anemployment agency. NMW, however,commented positively on thebenefits of being employed directlyby a company as opposed to workingfor an agency.

R1: Now we are paid for breaks and forovertime, they would not pay forholidays and bank holidays.

R2: When there was no work theagency closed down and when therewas little work the first people to belaid off were those working throughagency. (FG1 Slovak)

I used to work for [company name] asa data analyst. It was job through theagency. It was dead end job. Veryboring. It was not good. While workingthrough the agency you do not get allthe privileges. It is always better towork on the contract.

(FG3 Polish women)

This study has found evidence thatsome employment agencies are notcomplying with legislation thatrequires them to provide paid breaks,holidays and redundancy notices.

Many of the NMW who foundthemselves in this position wereaware that the agencies were actingillegally but felt that they were not ina position to challenge them and sokept quiet. Rates of pay variedamongst the sample according to thetype of employment; many of thePolish workers were in higher skilledjobs being paid well above theminimum wage. The older Polishworkers tended to be in lower skilled,lower paid jobs. With one exception,all of the Slovakian and Romaparticipants were in lower paidmanual jobs paid at, or just above,the minimum wage.

However, the trade union and Polishcommunity worker key informantscited evidence of NMW being paidbelow the minimum wage (also seeTravellers Health Partnership Report,2006). Interviews with establishedcommunities also revealed that someNMW were being employed locally ininformal/irregular employment withlittle protection and poor wagelevels; perhaps approachingpractices of ‘forced labour’(Anderson and Rogaly, 2006).

There's the aspect of the not knowingwhat their rights are. There's also theaspect that because of the languagebarrier they do what they are told.

(KI6 Trade Union)

While the Polish workers wereemployed across a wider range oflabour market sectors, this was notthe case for Slovakian and Romaworkers. This study found someevidence that employmenthierarchies exist within the new A8migrant workforce according tonationality (see also, McIlwaine et al,2006). For example, the sixSlovakian participants workedtogether on the night shift at afactory. Initially they had chosen towork nights simply because the shiftswere longer hours (12 hours insteadof 8) and they could earn more


money. They explained how this shiftsystem had led them to ‘live likemoles…we sleep through the dayand in the evening we go to work’(FG1 Slovak). They also spoke of howSlovakians were employed in theworst paid jobs in their factory andhow they felt disadvantaged vis a visthe Polish workers and also Kurdishworkers (a significant group withinthe factory). Thus they found itextremely difficult to move intobetter jobs because they lackedconnections within informalhierarchies in the company workforceto access more preferableemployment conditions. The Romaworkers, with one exception, were allin low skilled, low paid jobs and onerespondent also spoke ofemployment agencies prioritisingPolish workers. All of theseparticipants were dissatisfied withtheir working conditions and, like therespondents in the Spencer et al(2007) study, were trying to improvetheir English which they believedwould enable them to get better jobs.

To some degree it is inevitable thatmore established new migrantgroups will occupy privilegedpositions within the NM workforce.Polish workers form the largestsingle A8 NM group (Home Office,2006; Audit Commission, 2007), asa result of its size and migrationhistory there are specialist Polishrecruitment agencies and theestablished Polish community hasworked hard to support new Polishmigrants in Leeds. One young Romarespondent, who had been educatedin Leeds for two years and spokevery good English, told of how;

I go everyday to agency and they saythere is no work. I would be happywith a job but people from Poland getjobs but not me? There is a littlediscrimination in the agency. ButPolish can get job. Banks translate inPolish but nothing in Slovak

(Roma 3 Son)

Although perhaps relativelyprivileged when compared to othernationalities, Polish migrant workersalso face disadvantages within theworkplace. Often these centrearound issues of languagecompetency and the transferabilityof qualifications (Learning and SkillsCouncil, 2007). For example, thePolish migrants in higher skilledjobs all spoke good English, whereasthe Poles in lower skilled jobs, theSlovaks and Roma (with a fewexceptions) tended to speak verylittle English (see furtherdiscussions in respect of Englishlanguage capability on pp.32-34).

Some workers also complainedabout health and safety conditionsin their workplaces. One Polishworker explained how he had beeninjured at work due to unsafeequipment and was now unable towork. The Slovak participants allspoke of the poor conditions in theirfactory due to the productionrequiring cold temperatures.

It's very hard work. There is only 5 to7 degrees Celsius and we are workingthrough the night. It is not good forour health. (FG1 Slovak)

However, it is also important to notethat some of the NMW weinterviewed were extremely satisfiedwith their work;

From my perspective I am extremelyhappy with my company. Salary isgreat. (FG2 Polish men)

I worked fulltime in a firm on apermanent contract for three yearswithout discrimination. No problems

(Roma 3 father)


Recruitment and the WorkersRegistration SchemeThe most common route to paidemployment was via employmentagencies but the majority of migrantworkers in the study were madepermanent between 6 and 13 weeksafter initial employment. Somenotable exceptions can be identifiedhowever. For example, one Romaworker explained how she was thelongest serving agency worker in herfactory and had been there for threeand half years on a temporarycontract (Roma 2 Mother). Not all ofthe companies in this study usedemployment agencies. One firm haddeveloped its own word-of-mouthrecruitment networks throughexisting staff and no longer used anagency (‘our Polish employees tellingother Polish people about the jobsand lots of word of mouth’; KI4logistics/distribution company),whilst another recruited via advertsonly. Where agencies were used, oneemployer stressed that they auditthe agency practices.

We will audit you for the appropriatepaperwork. We’ll audit you to ensurethat you aren’t ripping these peopleoff. .. we insist on how much they paytheir workers. And we say, we willhonour your profit margin. But if weever find out that you are not payingyou will never work for us again. Everynow and again we get one of our Polishpeople to say, you know, are you beingpaid ok. (KI5 logistics/


None the less, there is someevidence from NMW and the tradeunion key representative (KI6 tradeunion) that some workers remain onagency books for up to 2 years. Thiskey informant was hopeful that theTemporary and Agency Workers(Prevention of Less FavourableTreatment) Bill being considered byParliament will help protect agency

workers in the future by specifyingthat they are made permanentemployees after 13 weeks on site.All of the employers that weinterviewed were already complyingwith these regulations.

All of the employers and the majorityof the NMW were aware of therequirement to register with theWorkers Registration Scheme. Oneof the key difficulties identified byemployers is the administrativeburden that employing a NMW canplace on the company. All of theemployers interviewed providedsome degree of assistance withregistration.

…it just creates more admin. …Wehave to get all that and then send it offto Sheffield who quite often lose thedocuments and they have to pay.

(KI4logistics/distribution company)

Lots of red tape. …It does actuallytake more resources because clearlythere are ramifications for not followingthe procedures. (KI5 logistics/

distribution company 2)

Training, career progression and qualificationsEmployers cited examples of trainingthey provided, some of this wasbasic operative skills training, butone employer also provided Englishlanguage classes and two othercompanies accommodated shiftpatterns to enable NMW to attendEnglish classes. Language relatedsupport training is in great demandand resources were such in onecompany that they had greaterdemand than supply and employeeswere waiting for this training. Mostof the companies also paid NMW totranslate training materials and otherinformation for new employees.There were also examples of


employers using buddy schemeswhereby they drew upon thelanguage skills of more establishedNMW to support new employees.

…through ESOL we have like aninformal buddying system. We putsomeone to people what we call ESOLsuper users, fast track them through,not just the basic language, very highlanguage so that those people assist intheir inducting. (KI5 logistics/


Two employers had support systemsin place for helping employees setup bank accounts. One companyhad been approached by a localbank and another had anarrangement with a Credit Union.They explained that most of theirNMW tend to arrive without a UKbank account. Research has shownthat NMW are disadvantaged interms of financial services andmany of them experiencedifficulties in opening bankaccounts (Mackenzie and Forde,2006; Commission for RuralCommunities, 2007). This is animportant service which indicatesthe support role that ‘good’employers can play in enhancingthe settlement of NMW.

We also found some examples ofcareer progression amongst NMWwithin the companies we sampled.

I've got an example of a Polish personwho started about 14-15 months ago,he started off as a linen porter, hisEnglish was good, he'd been touniversity in Poland, we had aconference porter driver vacancy so hetransferred over to conference porter…And then we had a supervisor vacancyand he applied along with externalcandidates and some other UK internalcandidates and we actually gave it tohim. (KI2 hotel/hospitality company)

In line with other studies(Mackenzie and Forde, 2006;Bradford Central and EasternEuropean Working Group, 2006), itwas found that a large proportion ofNMW were over qualified for thejobs they were doing, and littleevidence was found of ‘ethnicentrepreneurialism’ (Stenning et al,2006) as most NMW are inrelatively low-skilled work.

They treat Polish education like secondcategory. I was treated like this in aprivate agency. They did not have anyrespect for Polish education. They didnot take it into account. I was quitehigh in Poland as a physiotherapist.Here I did not work as aphysiotherapist. (FG3 Polish women)

This was confirmed by the employerinterviews. However, we also foundthat quite a few of the Polishworkers had skilled jobs thatmatched their qualifications andexperience. This was not the casefor the Slovakian factory workers asmany of them were highly educated.For example, one respondent was acomputer programmer, another wasa trained chef. However, a majordistinguishing factor is that offluency in English. The highlyqualified Polish workers working injobs congruent with their skill levelsall spoke good English. The Romamigrants were in a significantlydifferent position, in that migrationto Leeds had enabled them findemployment sometimes for the firsttime as discrimination in Slovakiahad meant that many of them werenot highly educated and hadexperienced long periods ofunemployment.

WORK RELATIONSHIPSMuch of the focus of the increasingamount of policy/academic literatureon integration and cohesion isoriented towards how migrants may


be enabled through localneighbourhood spaces, activities andprocesses (in schools, communitycentres and so on) to integratesuccessfully. Relatively littleattention is paid to the workingarena as a potential space of mixingand integration between A8 NMWand the established workforce. Thisstudy uncovered some examples ofpositive interaction through workevents.

What was nice was that, erm, we havea social club and every year we have aChristmas party…. mix was probably50/50. And, erm, there was someeducation amongst the men withregard to alcohol games. You could seealmost like a defrosting of theatmosphere. People who were out andout Yorkshire republicans, as it were,actually started talking to them.


Another employer observed thatrelations between NMW andindigenous workers markedlyimproved over time.

R: I think initially that may be the case[referring to lack of workplace mixing],especially if you have a large group ofpeople. Say for instance a traininggroup, they will tend to, I won't sayisolate themselves, but stick together.They'll all sit at the same lunch table.Maybe that group may get smaller andwhat we find is that people do actuallybefriend other people outside thatgroup. Now obviously there's a lot ofpolitical background today, as we'vealready said, going on. I think peoplehave got different views. I think we tryand ensure that people leave theirviewpoint at the clocking in machine interms of the workplace, because we allhave to work together. And yes somepeople out there have got quite strong

views. So we try not to let it get in theway. Eventually people will befriendother people, but not straightaway.(KI5 logistics/distribution company 2)

This employer attributesimprovements in workplace relationsover time to a strict policy of non-segregation in the warehouse thatprohibits the clustering of particularnationalities around specific worktasks. This helps to ensure thatmixing across nationalities in thewarehouse occurs. The Polishwomen’s group in particular alsonoted that workplace relationsbetween themselves and theirsupervisors were better than inPoland, and they also receive greaterlevels of support whilst pregnant.

R1: It is better here and my employer isreally flexible because I am alsostudying now at the University of Leeds.They made it possible for me, they cutmy hours and I can work flexi hours aswell. They treat you like a human.

R2: I think for women here it is lessscary to get pregnant. It is bigadvantage from living in Britain. InPoland it is not accepted when you getpregnant as an employee. Here you getsome respect when you are pregnant.

FG3 Polish women)

A more complex picture is offered byone of the employers.

There's two cores. Its almost like,it’s….. you've got the core, but you'vegot, it’s like a greying at the edges butfrom both sides. So here [on diagramjust sketched; pointing to the middlesection of 2 slightly overlappingcircles] we effectively get quite a lot ofintegration. But you get the pockets ofindigenous population who won't talk


to people with a different accent.You've got Polish people who just wantto come to work and not integrate. Andthen you've got, and its getting bigger,where you know it's a classic examplewhen one of my security guards says, Ican say 12 words in Polish now. Thatsort of thing. But there is still going tobe the core. And in fairness its not,there's no hostility, there's just lack ofintegration. But you see that blurringmore and more. (KI4 logistics/


This employer continued to say thatprejudice from the indigenousworkers had recently occurred intheir workplace, i.e. a spate of BNPslogans had appeared in the toilets.Another employer picked up on thetheme of a reluctance to integrateamong a group of NMW. This wasevidenced by a reluctance amongstthis group to speak English at work.

Polish, because they are quite clicky.But it alienates other people in theirdepartment. So one of the things wehave done is we've banned themtalking in their own language unlessthey are in the staff canteen. We'vesaid when they are on their breaks,they are not in our employment, it’stheir own time they can speak howeverthey like. But if they are on publiccorridors, in the restaurant or anywherethen they need to speak English.


The Slovaks in contrast felt it waspurely due to the range ofnationalities in their factory(Kurdish, Indian, Polish, Slovak,Israeli) that multiple languages werespoken by the different groups whichmade communication, and mixing,difficult. Several of the employersalso commented on the muchvaunted ‘work ethic’ of NMW(Anderson et al, 2006; Dench et al,

2006) in terms of higherproductivity levels and willingness to‘go the extra mile’ (KI4logistics/distribution company). Thisappears to coincide withstereotypical national/ethniccharacterisations of NMW that maycause resentment from establishedworkers. The Polish communityworker provided a differentperspective, however, when shecommented that the Poles have nowalmost become a hostage to fortunebecause of their reputation as hardworkers. She commented that theyinitially gave ‘200% of what theEnglish people were giving’ (KI3Polish community worker) in orderto prove themselves. Subsequentlythey were expected to maintainthese high productivity indefinitely.This viewpoint is partiallycorroborated by one of theemployers who suggested thatemployees who had been with themmore than 12 months werebeginning to become less reliable,i.e. starting to go off sick and poortime keeping etc. (KI2hotel/hospitality company).

CONCLUSIONSWith regard to working lives of NMWthe key findings are;

• Within the four companies whoserepresentatives we interviewed,NMW formed a growingproportion of the workforce, andmost of this growth had takenplace over the last year.

• The employers we spoke tounanimously saw the influx ofnew migrant labour from Easternand Central Europe as a valuableresource that enabled them to filllabour shortages. This refutes therhetoric around ‘they’re stealingour jobs’ that is explored inChapter 5.

• The majority of A8 NMW firstenter the labour market through


employment agencies and henceare initially routinely employedon temporary contracts. Manymove onto more stablepermanent contracts after a fewmonths, although some of themigrants we interviewedremained on temporary contracts.

• This study has found evidencethat some employment agenciesare not complying with legislationthat requires them to providepaid breaks, holidays andredundancy notices.

• Employers spoke of theadministrative burden created bythe Workers Registration Schemeand the difficulties encounteredby their employees in paying the£90 registration fee.

• The study found that a minorityof NMW were over qualified fortheir jobs. The Slovak and Romaparticipants worked entirely inmanual labour sectors whereassome of the Poles have movedinto more highly skilled jobs. Thisis especially true for those withgood English communicationskills and appropriatequalifications. We also foundsome examples of careerprogression amongst NMW withinthe companies we sampled.

• The study found evidence ofemployment hierarchies amongstthe generic population of NMW.Roma and Slovaks were morelikely to experience de-skillingand be employed in mundanemanual work.

• With regard to relationships atwork, examples of positive mixingin the workplace were identified.These were observed to enhanceover time, but it is also true tosay that there is reluctanceamongst certain sections of bothNMW and non-NMW to mix andintegrate within the workplace.

• This study uncovered someexamples of positive interactionthrough work events andincreased tendencies towardsmixing between NMW and theirmore established work colleaguesover time, indicating that in somecircumstances the workplace cansupport processes of integrationand settlement.


CHAPTER 4.NEIGHBOURHOOD AND COMMUNITYRELATIONS

INTRODUCTIONA key aim of this research is toexplore the impact of new A8migration on neighbourhoods andcommunities in Leeds with a view toenhancing community relationsbetween the two groups. Ensuringcommunity cohesion in this way hasbeen a long-standing policy objectiveof successive British governments(Zetter et al, 2006). Initially thischapter explores the impact of A8migration on establishedcommunities in Leeds. It does thisvia an analysis of data generated infocus groups with establishedPakistani, West Indian9 and whitecommunities. Discussions then moveon to consider the extent to whichnew migrant and establishedcommunities interact with eachother in their everyday lives.

As with the previous chapter it isimportant to contextualise this study,in that focus groups were run withspecific groups within BME andwhite communities. Therefore theviews discussed below are notintended to reflect the community asa whole but they are examples ofspecific experiences which may carryresonance for broader communityexperiences and attitudes to newmigration. This data points to someof the important work needed toensure ‘good community relations’ inthe face of increased communitydiversity.

IMPACTS ON ESTABLISHEDCOMMUNITIESThe established communitiesinvolved in the research had, attimes, converging perspectives withregard to the impact of NMW ontheir communities. However, there isalso evidence of the threeestablished communities holdingsignificantly different views oncertain issues. This point wasperhaps the most striking part of thefindings in this section and urgescareful consideration of theheterogeneous makeup of‘established communities’ andparticular attention to thedifferences within and betweendifferent groups.

Awareness of new migration into the local area

All three established communitiesbelieved NMW from A8 countries tobe present in significant numbers intheir neighbourhoods. Theparticipants talked about seeingEastern European migrants on thestreets, witnessing specialist shopsspringing up, hearing new languagesand coming across A8 migrants in arange of locations such as parks,shops, doctor’s waiting rooms, andschools. In terms of how long theythought the migrants would stay; theperceptions were mixed.

The West Indian group talked inmuch more positive and embracingways about the NMW in theirneighbourhood than either of theother two established communities.Much of their discussion centredupon the common experience ofbeing a migrant, in spite of the factthat the movement and settlementof West Indians had occurred up tofifty years earlier in the case ofsome participants.

9 The term West Indian rather than African-Caribbean is used because this was the chosen term used by the communitygroup where participants were recruited


There’s always going to be difficultyright at the beginning. Until you startmingling with people its difficult tohave an inter-relationship with people.But sometimes you meet in the shopsand you would say, you’d look andthink, that face looks strange, hellohow are you, what are you looking for?How are you settling in? And thingslike that. You make yourself more likeavailable to help them because of theexperience that you had when youcame here. Because of the difficultythat we had when we arrived in theearly 50s … if we see a strange faceyou try to make that face feelwelcome. (FG7 West Indian)

The West Indians expressedconsiderable acceptance of the NMWand articulated pride in theirtolerance of people from othercountries, cultures and faiths comingto live alongside them. Havingthemselves previously experienceddifficulties following their arrival inBritain in the 1950s, theyempathised with any experiences ofdiscrimination and non-acceptancethat NMW might be encountering inLeeds (‘when we come here in the50s, 60s we were fighting teddy boyswith chains and what not’; FG7 WestIndian). They felt it was their ‘duty’to welcome new communitymembers into their neighbourhoodirrespective of their ethnic origins.

In contrast, the perspectives of thewhite and Pakistani groups were morecomplex and contradictory. Despiteconcerns about the impact of NMWin their neighbourhood (see below), amember of the Pakistani men’s groupfelt that new migrant workers havebrought with them a particular workethic and skill base that wasbeneficial for the local economy.

We have seen these people at shops,car wash and etc. They are working

very hard as well. They are bringingnew skills and ideas they are helpingin the local economy. They havegood builders and plumbers. (FG5Pakistani men)

Alongside the many concernsexpressed by the white group (seebelow sections which indicatecomplex and seemingly contradictoryperspectives in this group), thewhite participants felt that NMWenhanced the ethnic diversity oftheir neighbourhood in a positiveway and, by and large, they had nogrievance at all with individualmigrants.

R1: I've got no objection… If they'renot doing any harm to anybody else Idon't care what you believe in oranything.

R2: I mean you smile at them, that'sall we can do, to try and integratethem. (FG8 White residents)

The world of workRhetoric around the theme of‘they’re stealing our jobs’ is muchaired by particular media outlets. Toa certain extent these sound bitesappeared to have permeated intosome participants’ consciousnessregardless of whether or not theyhad personal knowledge of ‘Britishjobs’ being lost to NMW.

R1: We have newspapers, we havetelevisions, we have internet. We readall these things and people make thedecisions through that.

R2. I wouldn't say we know personally.Probably what we've seen on thenews… (FG8 White residents)


This resonates with the experienceof the trade union key informant weinterviewed. When speaking aboutanother part of the region, heoutlined the resentment of someestablished community memberstowards NMW who they regarded ascausing increased job competitionand a loss of local employmentopportunities.

The Poles come in and it meant itskind of dislocating the community in[place name] a bit. Because it meansthat the British people are having to goelsewhere for jobs. So they are leavingand there is that resentment. It wasactually, I spoke to people from [placename] and said that that's the placethe BNP could probably do quite well.But realistically anywhere in the northbecause of the way the jobs have goneand also because the north tends to bewhiter. (KI6 trade union)

However, members of the whitefocus group were very mindful ofbeing labelled as ‘racist’ and feltthis sometimes shuts downopportunities for dialogue and thecandid airing of grievances.

I think people are frightened to saywhat they think or feel because theyare frightened they are going to getlabelled a racist. I don't think peopleare racist. To me like I say I don't carewhere you're from, what you do, whatyou worship, what you dress in. I don'tcare if you're sky blue with pink dotsall over you. I'm not bothered. We're allhuman. Everyone should be tret[treated] the same.

(FG8 White residents)

One participant in the white groupbegan by describing how he couldno longer secure employment as abar-chef after being under-cut byNMW. In line with findings in

Mackenzie and Forde (2006) thisrespondent spoke of the willingnessof NMW to engage in unrecordedover-time, thus effectivelyundermining the Working TimeDirective and minimum wage levels.In spite of this, he still appreciatedthe wider benefits of the influx ofNMW into the country.

Even though it’s coming across asnegative for me, because my job isworth less so I'm less employable. Icome from Lincolnshire which isextremely rural. The Kosovans, theEuropeans … they do the piecework,they work in fields. They work reallyhard, really long hours for little pay.And when we go to the supermarketand we pick up a cabbage and its 40pand not 80p we're not complaining…We cannot survive if it wasn't forpeople doing those jobs…. You get alot of British people moan about themcoming in and taking over the jobs butif they got off their backsides and didit themselves there wouldn't be asmany coming to take the jobs.


The Pakistani groups in particularalso believed that their chances ofsecuring employment had beenreduced following the arrival oflabour migrants from Europe. Theybelieved that NMW were willing toaccept lower wages (often below theminimum wage) which are onlysustainable because of ongoingwage differentials between Britainand the new migrants’ countries oforigin and also as they often live inmulti-occupancy housing. ThePakistanis are then undercut in thelabour market as they are unable toaccept such low wage levels.

R1: We are not able to get workbecause of them. Where we go forjobs, they come first they get the jobs.


R2: They work for less money and theycan manage on less money and it’svery difficult for us to work for lessmoney. They work for less than theminimum wage…. With them living inshared houses they can work for a lowwage. (FG6 Pakistani women)

Like most of our kids can’t get a joband these people do a job for £3 anhour, £2 an hour, £4 an hour… likeother kids born in this country theywon't take job for £4 … thesepeople are taking their jobs. (FG5Pakistani men)

INTERACTIONS BETWEENESTABLISHED COMMUNITIESAND NEW MIGRANTSData presented in this sectionemerged predominantly from theinterviews conducted with newmigrants and establishedcommunities. The service providergroups also provided the opportunityfor public sector staff to share theirexperiences and observationsregarding the interactions that occurbetween established communitiesand NMW.

Positive interactionsA notable feature of this research isthe positive way in which the WestIndian focus group talked about therecent arrival of A8 migrants.Members of the West Indian focusgroup were, on the whole, far morepositively disposed towards A8migrants than their counterparts inboth the Pakistani groups and thewhite group. When discussing thearrival of new migrants in theirneighbourhood (with the exceptionof some particular concerns aboutschooling and healthcare) the WestIndian participants talkedextensively about tolerance and theacceptance of newcomers. Four ofthe West Indian participants had

themselves been economic migrantsto the UK in the 1950s and much ofthis sentiment seemed to emanatefrom a shared memory of once beinga migrant themselves. The WestIndian group reported that theymixed with NMW in theirneighbourhoods (on the streets, inshops etc) and in a more groundedway through the West Indiancommunity centre. Europeanmigrants of various nationalities hadhired rooms in the centre for eventsand the West Indians saw theseinteractions as positive and anopportunity to learn a little about theculture and customs of the newarrivals.

…and especially in the centre, weaccommodate new people... and yousee them come in and they are veryhappy enjoying themselves and we goin and have a look at them. I think it’sa good thing that we've got a centre toaccommodate them.

(FG8 West Indians)

This is illustrative of the way inwhich sheer proximity betweendifferent groups may lead to positiveencounters. Evidence such as thiscounters arguments about ‘parallelcommunities’ living segregated liveswhilst occupying the samegeographical space. Someparticipants in both the Slovak andPolish groups also spoke of havinggood neighbours and exchangingChristmas cards with people wholived in their street. One Romaparticipant described having anEnglish neighbour who became afriend through chatting to her andhelping her practise her English.Others spoke of activities for theirchildren providing spaces forinteraction with establishedcommunity members.

My wife is going with the neighbours tosome child place…they will be goingtogether. Nursery. (FG2 Polish men)


Aside from the positive interactionsnoted above members of thePakistani and White focus groupsshould not be regarded as openlyhostile to the NMW who had recentlyarrived in their neighbourhoods.Nonetheless, the data presented inthe next section highlights two mainissues. First, members of moreestablished Leeds communities havea number of concerns in respect ofA8 migration to the city. Second,some NMW have experiencedhostility from certain individualswithin the wider population.

Tensions and problemsThis section of the research containsa range of responses that reflectsthe diversity of groups that wereinterviewed. Within the fieldwork,discussions concerning tensions andproblems between NMW andestablished communities were farmore frequent than the morepositive interactions highlightedabove. These tensions seem toemanate first, from observationaland emotional responses to NMWfrom established groups, andsecond, from more groundedexperiences of neighbourhoodinteraction from both NMW andestablished communities groups.

The perception of NMW receivingpreferential treatment from serviceproviders (see Chapter 6) isprominent in the public’s imagination(Robinson, 2007). This formed astrong theme within the White focusgroup that suggests resentment andtouches upon notions of belonging,identity and ‘Britishness’ that areoften confronted in environments ofgreater cultural, religious and ethnicplurality (Soysal, 1994; Weiner,1995).

If there is only a pot so big … peoplewhoever comes into this country arepaying taxes, doing what they shouldbe doing then they deserve the samebenefits when they need it as we. But

it is perceived they get more then wefeel we are ignored. If we feel we'rebeing ignored then we're going to makea stink about it. Because that is whenwe start thinking, it’s our country, theyshouldn't be here. I don't think it’sbecause of racism. I think it’s becausewe are British. (FG8 White residents)

Two of the service providerparticipants corroborated thisconcern through their ownexperiences of working with newmigrants and establishedcommunities. They were concernedabout the yawning gap betweenpeople’s perceptions and reality(Robinson and Reeve, 2006).

Yeah, there's a perception that newermigrants are given preferentialtreatment. They think they get newhouses, central heating immediately.And this is fuelled by the media. Theissue of established minoritycommunities being particularly againstthe NMW has come out inconversations that I've had. They seemto be quite vociferous - concerns thatthey seem to get more than we do etc.

(SP2 Adult social care)

I think underlying tension still there...that 'they're getting more than I am'thing. Do we bust some of thosemyths? In 5-10 yrs time if it keepsbubbling maybe there will beproblems.

(SP2 Asylum/migration services)

The Polish community workerinterviewed also commented thatresentment can emerge in areas ofhigh unemployment if Poles areseen to be working. This suggeststhe importance of being aware ofthe embedded and very real socio-economic disadvantages and


structural inequalities in local labourmarkets that may affect someestablished communities (Zetter etal, 2006; Learning and SkillsCouncil, 2007).

We had a problem, when Poles are veryoften put in areas, predominantly whitearea but where the white people areunemployed. And seeing a Poleworking hard, for example, buyinghouse, they feel jealous.


A white participant also wonderedwhere these spaces were that couldsupposedly facilitate positiveinteractions as he went on toquestion the very notion of‘community’.

There's very little sense of communityanywhere you go. So where is the placeyou go to meet the other people, thepeople that you are talking about andwhere are you going to communicatewith them and where are you going tofind common ground?


The Pakistani men’s group,alongside the White group, brieflycommented on problematic newmigrant behaviour within theirneighbourhoods. A white respondentargued that the arrival of new A8migrants had possibly increasedcrime rates.

However, it needs to be stressed thatthis study found (in line with manyother reports, e.g. ICoCo, 2007) thatA8 new migrants were far morelikely to be victims rather thanperpetrators of anti-social behaviourand harassment. All the new migrantgroups were concerned about theissue of youth behaviour in theirneighbourhood (often related toperceived alcohol abuse), and feltparticularly vulnerable as newcomersto the area.

When we have been here only twoweeks, my son was playing outside andwhen other kids found out that hecannot speak English they stole hisball and kicked him. Those kids thenbroke our window. When wecomplained to our landlord, he saidthat there's no law against unrulychildren. (FG1 Slovak)

The only problem is teenagers.Youth. They gather together on thestreet. That's why they should banthe drinking alcohol. And the drugs.The other people are fine, but theyoungsters between 10 and 16 areactually worst. (FG2 Polish men)

R1: The problem is with the teenagers.

R2: Police did not do really anythingabout it. My friend had a brick throughhis window, just missed his daughter,ran outside. The police took two hoursto come. We called about four times.

(Roma 1, son)

The anti-social and criminalbehaviour of youths inneighbourhoods, combined with therecent tragic murders of two Polishwomen in Leeds, caused heightenedlevels of fear amongst NMW whilstin the public sphere. Womenparticularly seem to feel this fearacutely whilst moving throughcertain areas. Such fears were alsoobserved by an employer with regardto journeys to and from workplaces.

Q. Do you feel safe in Leeds?

R1: Not exactly. Especially after twomurders on Polish girls. Definitely not.I am frightened of Leeds. I felt safer inDorset and in Poland. Crime, guns andknifes. People do not respect eachother.


R2: Now I work and live in the citycentre, but before when I lived in[place name] it was important not tolook at other people, passing them by.We have got that warning from otherPolish people - don't look in their facesif you are in bad neighbourhood,because it will get you in to trouble.

(FG3 Polish women)

Generally speaking there is no feel ofsafety in [place name] at night time.[Place name] is not safe. I was beatenhere. (FG1 Slovak)

No and they are a little bit frightened.We've had some incidence of, erm,racial victimisation. So they don't likewalking. They don't feel safe walking.


A final issue in this section that issaid by an employer to causedisquiet amongst NMW is aneighbourhood ‘protection racket’.The extent of this practice is hard todetermine, yet the disturbingconsequences for newcomers are nothard to imagine.

R. We provided accommodation in[place name] which is not the safestarea of Leeds and there were someissues with someone trying to obtainmoney from our workers.

Q. Deception, trying to get money offthem? Extort money from them, takemoney from them?

R. Someone knocked on the door andsaid, I own this district. You will needto pay me to be safe here. (KI1recruitment agency)

Prejudice and discrimination

Several issues arose regarding therelationships between, and

perceptions amongst, NMW andestablished communities thatindicate prejudice anddiscrimination among the hostcommunity. A Roma participantrevealed initial prejudice from whiteEnglish neighbours on account ofthe Roma’s dark skin.

Yes we have got good neighbours, nowwe have lived here two and a halfyears. When they find out we areEuropeans they fine with us. First theythink we are Muslim. When they [theneighbours] find out I'm from Europeand Christian it's fine.

(Roma 1 daughter)

Likewise, a Polish woman spoke ofprejudice that she believed SouthAsians directed towards non-Muslims.

I live in a council flat so it is mainlyPakistani area. There are no Englishpeople and I try not to mix in such anenvironment because they areprejudiced [towards non Muslims]. Ifyou are not Muslim — you aredifferent. (FG3 Polish women)

A related perspective emerged fromthe same focus group; namely thatracism against white Europeans islargely unrecognised and hard toprotect against in the currentlegislative environment.

It is not only language. Being foreignerputs you in a worse position. My friendhas similar experience. English peopleare scared of black people. Blackpeople can take you to court and saythat you are racist. You don't have thisproblem with Poles, so Polish peopleare now on the end.

(FG3 Polish women)

A different opinion, however, wasarticulated by a Pakistani man who


feels that integration issues for newEuropean migrants were not aspressing as for his own Asiancommunity.

The main point is that we have beenhere for a half a century but have stillnot mixed; it involved many culturaland religious things which can't beignored. Likewise Eastern Europeandoesn't have much cultural differenceso their interaction with the nativepeople is easier because they don'thave much cultural difference. It ishard for Asian people but easy forthem. Sometimes because of thecolour of the skin we can't tell whethera person is English or Polish unless theperson speaks. (FG5 Pakistani men)

Barriers to mixingLanguage is, perhaps unsurprisingly,a much articulated reason for a lackof neighbourhood mixing amongstNMW and established communitiesgroups (Audit Commission, 2007).

Language is a problem which ispreventing interaction andinterrelations. (FG5 Pakistani men)

Polish people attract other Polishpeople, so it is difficult to mix withothers. (FG6 Pakistani women)

The big issue right now is thelanguage. And this is the mostimportant thing. (K3I Polish

community worker)

Whilst the authors of this reportwould not wish to support the moresensationalist claims of ‘parallel’lives, or communities ‘sleepwalkinginto segregation’; this research hasrevealed concerns from particularly

the Pakistani community and RomaNMW about lack of mixing betweendifferent ethnic groups despite livingin close proximity. Some of thisseems to be due to languagebarriers, and some the result oftensions and prejudice as evidencedin the previous section. This has led,for example, to Roma participantsstating that they do not mix withlocal people (although they wouldlike to) because they fear trouble ifthey go to local youth clubs andenter particular public spaces.

R: We are getting mixed as they areliving the same place but they are notmixing up.

Q: So you are in the same physicalspace but you are not sharing the samecommunal space?

R: Yes there is segregation within thestreet. (FG5 Pakistani men)

The trade union key informantfurther touched upon a possibledesire for group insularity amongstrecently arrived Poles. A Pakistaniwoman similarly observed that this ispossibly not unusual behaviour forany newly arrived migrantcommunity.

The Polish tend to be quite insular. Itsnot uncommon for us to speak tosomebody who has got nigh on perfectEnglish but always told they can'tunderstand us. (KI6 Trade union)

I think they stick to their own littlegroups. Like with all new communitiesthey stick to their own with people theyknow. (FG6 Pakistani women)

Having noted that observations ofpartial ‘parallel lives’ cameparticularly from the Pakistanigroups, it should be recognised that


the Pakistani women’s group wasenthusiastic about getting to knowtheir new neighbours better andsuggested a way of achieving thisthrough a community ‘open day’.

R1: We need to know about theirproblems to understand and know theEastern Europeans. We need tounderstand their daily life and whattheir problems are in order to mix andlive together.

R2: How can we mix? Like having aday where people from all religions gettogether… open day.

R1: Yeah, we should meet and find outwhat happens in their religion and tellthem what happens in our religion.

(FG6 Pakistani women)

CONCLUSIONSThis chapter has explored the stateof neighbourhood and communityrelations between establishedcommunities and A8 NMW. Keyfindings of this chapter are;

• An important aspect to emergefrom this chapter is that the term‘established communities’ iscomposed of multiple differentgroups/actors and thereforecontains a diversity ofexperiences rather than anyunified opinion. In the context ofthe research, this is especiallythe case with regard to the WestIndian group being far morepositively disposed towards thearrival of NMW in theirneighbourhood than the Pakistaniand White groups.

• The term ‘new migrantcommunities’ also needs to bedifferentiated. This research hasfound more similarities thandifferences amongst the newmigrant groups in terms of their

common experiences ofinteraction with establishedcommunities. For many of themexposure to harassment andprejudice, particularly from anti-social youths, is a somewhatunifying feature of everyday lifefor the NMW in this research.

• Sheer proximity betweendifferent groups may sometimeslead to positive encounters. Thiscounters arguments about‘parallel communities’ livingsegregated lives whilst occupyingthe same geographical space.Some evidence of positiveinteractions were found throughthe usage of shared spaces suchas community centres. However,considerably more discussioncentred around tensions and thelack of mixing so there is a needto facilitate greater interaction toenable myth busting, sharedcultural learning and the buildingof positive relations.

• Members of more establishedLeeds communities have anumber of concerns in respect ofA8 migration to the city. Therewere genuine concerns expressedaround competing for jobs whichneed to be addressed throughbreaking down assumptionsabout NMW and opening upopportunities for interactionbetween established and newmigrant communities. Concernsalso existed around NMWreceiving preferential treatmentfrom service providers. However,this research found, (see Chapter5), that while some areas ofservices were experiencingincreased demands, such asmaternity services and education,overall NMW were not accessingservices in any great numbers.

• Some NMW have experiencedhostility from certain individualswithin the wider population and,in line with other studies (e.g.ICoCo, 2007), this research


found that A8 new migrants werefar more likely to be victimsrather than perpetrators of anti-social behaviour and harassment.Anti-social and criminalbehaviour of youths inneighbourhoods, combined withthe recent tragic murders of twoPolish women in Leeds, causedheightened levels of fear amongstNMW whilst in the public sphere.Women particularly seem to feelthis fear acutely whilst movingthrough certain areas.

• This research has revealedconcerns particularly from thePakistani community and RomaNMW about lack of mixingbetween different ethnic groupsdespite living in close proximity.Some of this seems to be due tolanguage barriers, and some theresult of tensions and prejudiceas evidenced in the previoussection.

CHAPTER 5. WELFARESERVICE PROVISION

INTRODUCTIONThis chapter explores issues relatedto welfare provision and servicedelivery. Sections within the chaptervariously discuss housing,healthcare, education and socialbenefits. The discussions belowillustrate the ways in which A8migrants meet their welfare needsalongside a consideration of how thisnew wave of labour migration hasimpacted on both service provisionand established Leeds communities.Additionally, two further keyconcerns of participants arehighlighted. First, a lack of coherentand consistent data in respect of thediverse population of newly arrivedA8 NMW was signalled by serviceproviders. Second, a more generalconcern around issues related toEnglish language proficiency isdiscussed.

MEETING THE HOUSINGNEEDS OF NEW MIGRANTSThe majority of new migrantsinterviewed typically live in innercity areas in privately rentedproperties. Initially, many live inhousing provided by the employmentagency that has contracted them towork in the UK. They often leavethis accommodation quite rapidlypreferring to seek out alternativesthat are cheaper and/or of a higherstandard in more favourable areas.

I came here in 2005. The flat wasshocking 3 rooms for 12 people. Wewere on top of each other. We sufferedin such conditions for 3 months. Thenwe started to rent a house through [ahousing] agency. We’ve lived there for


over 2 years. 4 of us, 4 rooms, a bigspace at the back, small garden infront. We have garage as well.

(FG3 Polish men)

We found our original house through afriend, but there were too many peoplethere so we found our own housethrough a Pakistani landlord but wedidn't like the area, it was too noisyand rowdy. Now we live in [placename]. It's ok, we have a garden, it'sclean and very quiet. (FG1 Slovaks)

I was recruited in Poland. My employerprovided the house. It belonged to thecompany, a shared room in a house. Itwas horrible. 11 girls in 1 house and 1bathroom, 5 bedrooms. I moved out asquick as I could. Now I rent from aprivate landlord. (FG4 Polish women)

In contrast to Polish and Slovakparticipants, the three Romafamilies we interviewed lived incouncil accommodation. Althoughthis is not generally the case,previous research with Roma inLeeds found that the majority ofparticipants lived in privateaccommodation in extremely poor,over crowded conditions andsuffered from high housing turnover(Travellers Health Partnership,2006). Two of the families in ourstudy lived in overcrowdedconditions. A mother and son shareda two bedroom flat whilst theirsister, who had a serious healthcondition, slept on the couch.Elsewhere, following the arrival of anew grandchild, three generations ofone family lived under one roof.Whilst the tenant’s daughter and herbaby were waiting to be re-housedher teenage brother and youngersister shared a bedroom. The council

have assessed the situation anddeemed it a priority case. However,the daughter believed it was ‘goingto be a long wait’ (Roma 2daughter). She ruled out privaterented housing due to the expenseand low standards; a view echoed bythe third Roma family weinterviewed.

Son: We prefer this city council house.The private house in Bradford hadmice and was £500 per monthwhereas the council is £200.

Mother: When we got this house I wascrying. Tell the council thank you,thank you, for this house [she repeatsthis as we leave to emphasise hergratitude]. (Roma 3)

Relatively few new migrants arehoused in social housing/councilaccommodation. Indeed, theevidence suggests that many newmigrant workers have problemsaccessing such accommodation dueto the general shortage of socialhousing stock and long waitinglists10.

Often Poles live in occupationalhousing. Quite often obviously thelandlords are neglecting them… At thesame time the system for accessingpublic housing, a council house, isdifficult. I know a number of Polishpeople have a problem with that…Poles feel that the council overlookstheir problems quite badly.


We are trying to get from the councilfor nearly 3 years now. They didn'thave any free ones. (FG3 Polish men)

10 New migrants are generally not entitled to apply for social housing until they have been resident for 12 months in theUK; however, all applications are based on a needs assessment carried out by the provider. and they can presentthemselves earlier if the circumstances permit.


The impact of A8 migrants onhousing provision in LeedsIn three of the four focus groupswith established Leeds communitiesthere was a common view that theinflux of A8 migrants had increasedhousing costs due to extra newdemand for cheap privately rentedaccommodation and the finitesupply of this type of housing.

Houses have got more expensivebecause of them. Prices of houseshave risen ….The rented houses thatyou can get are much higher, rent ismore expensive.

(FG2 Pakistani women)

R2: It is like when we first came toEngland back in the sixties. Its historyis repeating itself… There wereproblems then but not as severe asnow. Now there are 10 people living inone room, so health issues as well…the big problem is housing, houseprices are rising.

R3: To summarize, new migrantswherever they come from bringadditional demand into the area. Inorder to meet those demands in thecommunity, more resources arerequired from Central Government, CityCouncil or whoever?

ALL: Yes that's right, Yes. Yes. [Generalagreement]. (FG5 Pakistani men)

Rent is going up…a lot of privatelandlords, getting on the band wagon.

(FG8 West Indians)

Whilst increased housing costs in theprivate sector were an issue for many,within social housing a key concernamong the research participants wasthe potential for housing issues tofuel resentment between establishedcommunities and newly arrivedmigrants. At the heart of this wereperceptions about the ways in whichhousing is allocated to clients withina situation where demand routinelyoutstrips supply.

There is a perception that if you comein as an immigrant group, and the A8sare a big group at present, then youwill get preferential treatment forservices …If we could build newhouses I don't think we could buildenough to meet demand without theadditional pressure of people cominginto Leeds. This causes a lot ofconflict If the son/daughter of someonewho has lived on an estate for 20 yearscan’t access a property it breedsresentment and frustration… Many ofthe emails I see about discriminationare usually people perceiving it [theletting system] as an unfair process.Ultimately this is because housinggoes to the person with most priority,based on housing need; homelessness,overcrowding, children etc.

(SP1, Social housing provider)

The issue of new A8 migrantsplacing additional demands onalready limited resources and therules by which those resources areallocated were a key concern amongWhite residents interviewed in FG6.

R2: Some [new migrants] moved intothe estate where I am…. But therewere a few of the families that were abit narked off because you were seeingall these vans turn up and they were


getting the houses totally kitted out. Itcaused a bit of an atmosphere, to putit nicely. Some of the families were abit, ‘OK they’ve come over withnothing but why are they gettingeverything straightaway.

R1: You seem to hear an awful lot aboutit. Yes I think what she says is right.

R2: What was annoying people nearme was the fact that you had likeHotpoint lorries turning up. Then wefound out talking to them, ‘yes thecouncil have got all this for us’.

R4: They were getting that provisionfrom the social, the council andeverything but anybody else from here,from England, was getting told, takeyour little social grant or whatever andbuy second hand.


Further discussions revealed that thenewly arrived migrants in questionwere not A8 migrants. Nonetheless,the above data is important for tworeasons. First, it is indicative of awidespread lack of knowledge aboutthe rules that govern A8 migrants’access to welfare provisions and thefact that the overwhelming majorityenter to work. Second, it isillustrative of the way in whichaccess to, and the allocation of (attimes) scarce welfare resources canbreed resentment among establishedresidents who perceive that theirneeds are secondary to those of newarrivals. Such discussions should notbe dismissed as simply racist, theparticipants in FG6 were articulatingopinions based on the idea ofwelfare rights being linked to priorcontribution and with preferencebeing given to those who havepreviously contributed via paid work.

R2: I don’t care what colour, creedanybody is….. But it does seemsometimes to be a little bithypocritical. When you’ve got so manythings over here already that thegovernment won’t help with ….

R4: All the tax that people have paidfrom this country…That will only holdso much won’t it [pointing to cup]. Ifyou start trying to take more and moreout of it, you can’t because its notthere. Why should we support all thesepeople, when we’ve got plenty of ourown people to support?


A8 migrants have clearly had animpact on the costs and availabilityof private housing in Leeds.However, at present their overalleffect in relation to social housingappears to be limited. For example,language data provided by AireValley homes indicates that theirbiggest single group of A8 clientsare Polish but these make up only0.04% of overall clients (AVHL,2008). The reality is that very fewA8 NMW are likely to have sufficienthousing needs priority to qualify forsocial housing (ICoCo, 2007b).Evidence indicates that less than1% of social rented lettings acrossEngland are allocated to A8nationals (Robinson, 2007).Tackling some established residents’misconceptions about who is eligiblefor social housing and the ways inwhich accommodation is allocated isa more pressing concern.

HEALTHCAREMost new migrants were registeredwith local doctors and those thathad used hospital services weregenerally satisfied with theirtreatment. All the new migrantgroups and several key informantsthat participated in the study,


however, frequently reporteddifferences in routine medical policyand practice compared to theirhomelands. Issues highlightedincluded a lack of access to hospitaldoctors, long waiting times to seeGPs and the reluctance of Britishdoctors to prescribe antibiotics.

In Poland you can buy antibiotics overthe counter. Also in Poland the systemis you can go to A&E - for anycomplaint. Even for mild things you goto the hospital (SP2 Care services)

R2: The doctors here are not good. Forfever they prescribe Paracetamol.

R1: And you are ill, have a fever andyou have to ring for appointment. Youcan't see a doctor for days….

R3: In our country if I'm ill I can go todoctor and be seen. (FG1 Slovaks)

Doctors don't do anything. They onlygive painkillers... it’s like ‘you’vechopped your arm off? It’s ok, here youhave some Paracetamol.

(FG3 Polish men)

The health service is 100% better inSlovakia. You see the same doctoreach time, you can just call in andaccess to doctors is better.

(Roma 2 daughter)

A limited impact on healthcare services?

A migratory movement as significantas the recent influx of A8 migrantsinto the UK is bound to create some

additional demand for healthcareservices in host communities. Thelevel of demand from A8 migrants,however, may be significantlyreduced by two factors. First, manymigrant workers are young andrelatively fit. Second, it wasconsistently reported that themajority of A8 migrants prefer toreturn to their country of origin forhealthcare services wheneverpossible. This offers new migrantsthe possibility of accessing morefamiliar, and in their view, moreappropriate treatments more quickly.

When we go home on holidays we allsee doctors, especially the dentist.

(FG1 Slovaks)

R1: When I go to Poland I always havefour visits; to the dentist, the doctorfor me and with my kids and thegynaecologist.

R2: Like all Poles. We go to Poland toseek medical treatment.

R3: I went to the doctor here and headvised me to take Paracetamol 4times a day. So next week I am goingto Poland to see a specialist.

(FG4 Polish women)

In contrast to housing (aside fromone participant who complained thatnew migrants had led extended thetime spent waiting for GPappointments), members of theestablished Leeds communities hadlittle to say about the impact of A8NMW on healthcare provision.Several participants, however, notedthat maternity services were onearea where the relatively youngpopulation of A8 migrants may beleading to some new demand; anissue that has been noted elsewhere


(ICoCo, 2007a). This particularissue was highlighted by anemployer and a service provider.

Although they still go back for medicalcare. They believe its better. The vastmajority of them still go back fordental care, for any operations becausethey believe its better and they don'thave to wait so long. They canbasically ring up and get in hospitalnext week… [not for] births. That’s notthe sort of thing you can catch aplane, go home, have your child andget a plane back. But certainly minoroperations (KI5 logistics/


We have maternal birth figures from2005, just after the influx, and Polishnumbers are looking a bit higher.Single males aren't as likely to impacton our services. But worryingly withtransitory groups there's no consistencyin pre/post-natal services, or childhealthcare services. We haven't seen amassive influx. It could be areluctance to register with children'sservices or perhaps they are more likelyto go to A&E?

(Primary Care Trust, SP2)

The above comments were furtherendorsed by a member FG8, theWest Indian focus group, who haddirect experience of working in theLeeds hospitals.

Within the hospitals, I used to do apaediatric clinic there, the influx ofEastern European children comingthrough for blood tests was quite highand then there were loads of youngmothers coming through from EasternEurope. Now because many of themhad never ever been to an ante natalclinic or they’d turn up there and then

and say, ‘I’m in labour’…That did puta strain on the maternity units herewithin Leeds…Because they didn’trealise that they had to go to their GP,to be screened for everything thatneeds to be done… They’d just turn upand say, ‘I’m having my baby.’

(FG8 West Indians)

Data from the study suggests that(in the short term at least), awayfrom particular services related tochildbirth, any additional demandsfor healthcare services may be offsetby the widespread practice of A8migrants returning home to accessmedical services. This kind ofmovement, where people exercisetheir rights as EU citizens to liveand work in a host member statewhilst simultaneously choosing toutilize their status as a nationalcitizen of a particular Europeannation state, in order to access whatthey consider to be better healthcareservices in their country of originmirrors previous research with otherEU migrant populations (Dwyer,2001; Ackers and Dwyer, 2002).This manipulation of healthcarerights across time and space hasobvious advantages for individualsbut, potentially, more negativeimplications for national healthcaresystems faced with a disjuncturebetween the location of claims forhealthcare services and the countryin which migrants work.

EDUCATION AND CHILDREN’S SERVICESSchools in Leeds are facing largenumbers of new arrivals. Forexample, numbers at the City ofLeeds school grew by 20% in2005/06. (Central Leeds LearningFederation, 2007).Typically, theschools who are receiving thehighest number of new arrivals arein some of the most deprived areasof the city. The emergent issue ineducation and children’s services is


the need to develop a coherenteducation plan to meet the demandsbeing placed on the schools systemby the growth in new migrants’needing school places. (CentralLeeds Learning Federation, 2007).One of the major difficulties derivesfrom the problem of gathering dataon current need and predictingfuture demands, an issue on whichEducation Leeds (which wasrepresented in focus group SP3), iscurrently developing data.

On the whole, new migrants withschool aged children expressed ageneral satisfaction with the servicetheir children received; althoughsome did indicate that they wouldlike more information about how welltheir child was progressing. Theharassment and bullying of A8children was also highlighted in thedata.

In our school we have Slovakian kids.They often hear from other kids thatthey should go back, they are notneeded here, they stealing jobs fromtheir parents. (FG4 Polish women)

One new migrant also spoke of beingbullied in secondary school wheresome pupils had targeted her as anoutsider. This resulted in her playingtruant from school for a significantperiod and her parents, who knewnothing of her absence or thereasons behind it, being threatenedwith legal action.

Education and children’sservices: a significant local issue

Participants in the focus groupconvened with education andchildren’s service providershighlighted strong evidence of thesignificant localised impact of A8migrant families settling in Leeds

and the need to develop a moreplanned and resourced strategy.There is increasing pressure onschools to place children ineducation quickly and there isevidence that some schools, namelyinner city schools with surplusplaces, are receiving the largestgrowth in A8 admissions.11

We've got between 20-25% of childrenfrom Eastern European Countries overthe last year, the school has grownfrom a predicted 320- 420 over thelast year, with no money because thesechildren came after PLASC. We havehad to educate these children with noextra resources, and the majority ofthese children are Slovakian childrenwith Romany backgrounds and theyhaven't been in school before or havehad very little schooling and have hadno English whatsoever. (SP3 School)

This respondent explained how theyhad to do something to meet thisgrowing need;

We appointed a Polish teacher andSlovakian cleaners. We realised acouple could speak good English. Weappointed them as dinner ladies and,since Christmas, as LSA's supportingchildren in class…There’s a differencein taking 20 English children and 20non English speaking Slovakians.Somebody needs to look at EMAGfunding [English as a secondlanguage]…. In the 1960s, Iremember teaching Indians andPakistani's who could not speak a wordof English, these children cannotspeak a word of English, we need extraresources. (SP3 School)

11 New migrant children are offered places in undersubscribed schools and the requirement is to place them as quicklyas possible. However children who identify themselves as travellers can request places in fully subscribed schools (SP3Education Leeds.


We also work with new migrants andsee about 40 families a week, threequarters are Roma gypsy from Poland,Czech Republic and Slovakia…We’regetting appointments two months inadvance…. Every week we have atravellers' education session, us, surestart, home start, health visitors. So itis a big problem… We use interpreterseveryday, but luckily we get them freeof charge because we work within thecouncil…We wouldn't be able to payfor them, we would have to try andstruggle without them so we wouldn'tbe able to communicate properly.

(SP3 Children's centre)

The school noted above reportedthat 28 different languages werespoken by its pupils and that it hadtaken on an additional member ofadmission staff in the past year. Thehead teacher had tried to respondpositively to the diverse needs ofthe community they served.Importantly many of the newmigrant children accommodated inthis school spoke very little Englishupon arrival, and had no or limitedprevious schooling, which placedadditional strains on the school. Inorder to deal with this, they haveworked in partnership with a rangeof services to be able to meet theneeds of these children. Forexample, the school had worked inpartnership with the Gypsy, RomaTraveller service.12

Echoing earlier discussions (seehousing section above) anotherservice provider highlighted the waysin which increased demand forschool places by newly arrived A8migrants can have a negative impacton wider community cohesion.

Any child that identifies themselves asa traveller can get places in schoolsthat are over-subscribed…The schools

are in an incredibly difficult situationbecause we are telling the schools thatthey legally have to take these childrenand there isn't the funding…The waythat travellers can apply for places inoversubscribed schools, and the waythat Catholic schools have agreed toplace children who identify themselvesas Catholic even though places aren'tavailable [causes resentment]. Isuppose there are [local] people whocan feel that they are disadvantaged bythe fact that they haven't just movedinto the area. (SP3 Education

admissions team)

The allocation of secondary schoolplaces in the main goes to schoolswith surplus places. This does,however, create its own problemsin terms of resources. As long asthe funding lag relating to PLASCremains in place, a relatively smallnumber of schools are carrying themajor burden of meeting the needsof new migrant families. There issome evidence that a review ofEMAG funding could be used toprovide extra resources for schoolsplacing A8 children. While theseschools celebrate their diversityand have evolved good systems ofsupport they are operating undersignificant additional demandswhich require a more effectiveresource and planning strategy.Another issue worthy ofconsideration is the possibility oftensions arising over the allocationof school places. In some areas theinflux of A8 migrants hassignificantly increased thenumbers of pupils applying forplaces in catholic secondaryschools; this is a possible avenuefor resentment between establishedresidents and newly arrivedmigrants.

12 Formally the Travellers Education Service.


SOCIAL SECURITY BENEFITS

As previously noted A8 migrantsregistered with the WRS who areworking in the UK have the right toaccess child benefits and tax creditson commencement of paidemployment. Additionally, once theyhave been working continuously inthe UK for a period of 12 months,with breaks of less than 30 days,they generally become eligible forincome related (including out ofwork), benefits (TUC, 2007; CPAG,2008; Pollard et al. 2008).However, as discussions belowillustrate, working out an individual’sright to particular benefits can be acomplicated and drawn out processfor both the claimant and benefitadministrator alike13.

The primary motivation of all A8migrants within this study was adesire to access employment in theUK (chapter 2). Nonetheless, at thetime of our fieldwork 5 of themigrants we interviewed were onbenefits. Three were claimingincapacity benefit, (all havingbecome ill following extendedperiods of work in Leeds), one wasretired and a third was a singlemother on income support. Theretired pensioner aside, allexpressed a strong desire to work ifpossible; a view exemplified by ayoung migrant who was keen toavoid accessing benefits and securefull-time employment.

I have not applied for benefits, I get 1or 2 days work from the agency. Getvery casual work. It’s better for me; jobcentre would give me £60 a week, soit’s better to pick up work where I can.I would sooner do casual work thanclaim benefits. I want a full-time job.

(Roma 3 Son)

All five of the A8 migrants reliant onsocial security had experienceddifficulty in accessing the benefitsto which they had a right. Theyrecounted tales of having torepeatedly produce relevantdocumentation and of job centrestaff appearing not to understandthe regulations that applied for A8migrants. The majority of theseparticipants put their difficultiesdown to benefits staff lack ofunderstanding of their entitlementsrather than discrimination.

I had problems. The person who dealtwith the benefits said that I was onlyentitled to get benefit after 2 years offull-time employment here but theEuropean law states I can receive themafter 12 months... Finally, I got helpfrom the policeman. He helped sorteverything out. (FG3 Polish men)

I registered with the WRS within 1month of working in the UK and paid£100. I was working for 3 years beforeI got ill. So I was entitled. It took threemonths for incapacity benefits to comethrough. … [we made] many visits tothe office and no money…. It is moreabout the person who you get; if theycare about your problems.

(Roma 1 Daughter)

I had no money. I did not get mySSMG. They said I had to pass thehabitual residence test and needed mypassport, wage slips and my WRSdocuments. I gave them all therelevant documents and then theywrote and asked for them all again.The Jobcentre didn’t understand. Ithink there was a bit of discriminationgoing on. It was very stressful for me. I

13 Details in respect of welfare rights and benefits will be available on the Welcome to Leeds Website from June 2008 atwww.leeds.gov.uk/welcome


got a not entitled letter. I went to CAB.Without them I wouldn’t have got it.They resolved it in a week … It washorrible, very difficult for me. I was inthe later stages of pregnancy I had nomoney to buy stuff for the baby.

(Roma 2 Daughter)

This study suggests that the serviceprovided by JobCentre Plus to therelevant A8 migrants needs toprovide targeted staff training on theentitlements of A8 migrants andtheir families. Difficulties incommunication may be one cause ofthe delay in people receivingbenefits they were entitled to but itis important to note the aboverespondents all either spoke goodEnglish or were accompanied by anEnglish speaker. In this case thelack of communication was lessabout language and more aboutawareness and other communicationissues. However, participants’comments above aboutdiscrimination and ‘the person youget’ also suggest that servicestandards vary according to the adhoc decisions that frontline staffmake about the legitimacy of certainbenefit claimants (Wright, 2003).Importantly, it would also appearthat there is a need to provide morelanguage support at benefits officesfor claimants with limited Englishlanguage proficiency.

TWO KEY ISSUES

Data

A common and pressing concernacross the three focus groups withservice providers was a lack ofconsistent and accessible data aboutthe numbers, nationalities,ethnicities and locations of the A8migrants who had come to settle inLeeds. Service providers regardedcurrent data gathering practice asinadequate and were clear about the

problems that this caused in relationto their particular roles.

In order to alleviate any communitytensions we need to know who thecommunity is. And to be honest wedon't have anything to tell us wherethere are clusters of migrantcommunities. (SP1 Community safety)

The main issue is to identify theschools so the support can be put in.A couple of years ago we began tothink about this, we recognised thatour ethnicity categorisations maybeneeded improving.

(SP3 Education Leeds)

That's the issue for health care. Wehave no system to record theinformation. If there's no evidencethen we can't say there are issues. Weneed to get systems in place to getinformation and argue for resources.We’re not going to be taken seriouslyuntil we do that.

(SP2 Primary care trusts)

Put down the actual name of the A8states. It's always just been 'Europeanother'. Even Eastern European andCentral European isn't really adequate.

(SP2 Adult social care,)

Such data issues are not limited toLeeds. National data on thenumbers and locations of A8migrants is at best patchy (Chapter1). The use of the coverall category‘European other’ may also beproblematic. At a local level someservice providers in Leeds collectuseful data that illuminates some ofthe impacts that NMW may have onparticular areas of service provision.For example, the Police translation


service collect data on a clients’ firstlanguage which gives someindication of country of origin, andthe Education service also collectssome data on school admissions bynationality. However, there is nosystematic approach to gatheringand sharing data according tonationality across all councilservices. This clearly hinders serviceproviders who are attempting toidentify and map changing localpopulations in order to best meetcommunity needs.

LanguageThe language capabilities of NMWsettling in Leeds were also animportant theme for many of theparticipants in the study. For serviceproviders a key concern was theadditional demand for interpretingand translation services that hadoccurred following the arrival of A8migrants and the impacts that thishad on both staff time and budgets.

The Polish is a group that takes upsome of our resources in the jobshops.…certainly it has impacted on ourworkload. In particular areas about 20-25% are Polish. They are demandingin a sense, because of languagebarriers, but they are motivated in thatthey want a job. (SP1 JobShop)

From the police side the top 3languages in requests for interpretersare Polish, Czech and Slovak. That’snot what it was like 3/4 years ago.There are only a limited number oftranslators available for police to use,so there is obviously pressure on.There’s increased demand forinterpreters and that obviously takesup a lot of officers’ time.

(SP1Community safety)

We are constantly being told that therearen’t any other resources and we haveto take this on. (SP3 Educationadmissions team)

The importance of being able tocommunicate in English was alsoconsistently highlighted by keyinformants and new migrants.Among the migrants interviewedthere was a genuine enthusiasm foropportunities to learn English. Forexample

R1: I attend a school at the PakistaniCentre and I have positive experience.The teacher is Bengali and she isgreat.

R2: I also attend a college in citycentre and atmosphere there is verynice. The teacher is English. In mygroup there are 3 Poles but otherstudents come from differentcountries.

R3: I go to Park Lane College for alanguage course. I am very gratefuland to LCC because they help with thecost of the course. I only paid £60 for5 months. It‘s unbelievable. I couldnot find any cheaper course anywhere.

(FG4 Polish Women)

Others had been less successful inattending classes, often due to thefact that classes were offered atinappropriate times for shift workersworking long hours (see also,Spencer et al, 2007).

R1: We all have been under impressionthat the firm would arrange someEnglish courses. We were given a listof phone numbers to call but two yearslater nothing has materialised.


R2: There were some classes, but wewould have to pay, and they werethrough the day when we were asleepafter the night shift. (FG1 Slovaks)

I had no time [for English classes] dueto long factory shifts, 10 hour days.

(Roma 1 Daughter)

Employers saw basic English was anecessary health and safetyrequirement. The majority of thecompanies we interviewed providedsome opportunities for workers toimprove their language skills.However, they also reported areluctance on the part of someworkers to spend time away from theproduction line attending Englishclasses as this impacted negativelyon take-home pay. Other problemswere also evident. Improvements inEnglish clearly made migrants moreattractive to other employers andone company had withdrawn theirEnglish classes due to employeesmaking use of their provision thenexiting for better jobs.

I've been here two and a half years andwe tried that in the past… What wefound was that they learnt theirEnglish, we paid for it, and then theywent… to somewhere else in the citythat wasn't hotel work and they gotmore money.


The government has recently made itclear that English languageproficiency will be a requirement forany migrant who wishes to settlepermanently and take up Britishcitizenship (BIA, 2008). Alongsidethis, in the face of an annual bill of£110 million for translationservices, the Home Secretary hassuggested that the way forward is forcompanies to provide languagelessons for workers and forindividuals to accept their

responsibility to learn the language,and where they can afford it,contribute to the cost (Revill,2008). The thrust of current policy,therefore, means it is unlikely thatsubstantial new funds will be madeavailable from government to meetthe increased demands fortranslation that service providershave noted above. That said, datafrom this study endorses thegovernment’s view that a lack ofEnglish language proficiency notonly inhibits A8 migrants’ ability toaccess appropriate work but it alsoacts as a significant barrier to widerintegration.

We have migrants who are skilled injobs but lack the ability tocommunicate, mechanics who can'tsay spanner…They can open a car andfix it but at work they need tounderstand things. There’s a lack ofprovision as far as I'm concerned. Nota one year course but ESOL for work.

(SP1Jobshop)

R1: Most of our problems arise fromnot speaking English language.

(FG1 Slovaks)

R2: Not speaking English is straightaway separating us from other people.

(FG1 Slovaks)

If language is not an issue theyintegrate and they’ve got [English]friends. (KI1 recruitment agency)

English language proficiency clearlyhas resonance in the lives of A8NMW beyond the world of work. Itsrole in promoting their well-beingand wider community cohesionshould not be underestimated (seealso, ICoCo, 2007b).


CONCLUSIONS

Evidence from this study clearlyillustrates that A8 NMW have hadsome impact on welfare serviceprovision in Leeds. However, theimpact that has occurred appears tovary across service sectors.

Housing• Within social housing, although

the impact of A8 migrantsappears to be limited, theyrepresent an additional demandin a sector that has long beenunder pressure due to a shortageof available properties.

• The majority of new migrantsinterviewed typically live in innercity areas in privately rentedproperties. Consequently, A8migrants have clearly had animpact on the costs andavailability of private housing inLeeds. However, at present theiroverall effect in relation tosocial housing appears to belimited.

• Significant concerns were raisedby established communitiesabout the impact A8 migrantshave on private and socialhousing. There is a belief that anincreasing demand foraccommodation has pushed upprices in the private sector and,despite evidence to the contrary,that A8 migrants receivepreferential access to socialhousing.

• Tackling some establishedresidents’ misconceptions aboutwho is eligible for social housingand the ways in whichaccommodation is allocated is amore pressing concern.

Health• The preference for A8 migrants

to return to their country of originfor medical treatment acts to

alleviate pressures within thehealthcare system, however, somesectors (e.g. maternity services)appear to be experiencingincreased demand.

• The level of demand from A8migrants may be significantlyreduced by two factors. First,many migrant workers are youngand relatively fit. Second, it wasconsistently reported that themajority of A8 migrants prefer toreturn to their country of originfor healthcare services wheneverpossible.

Education• Regarding schools and children’s

services the participants reportedthat, in particular areas, thearrival of A8 migrants hascreated additional new demandsfor service providers.

• Education services could benefitfrom more effective datagathering and planning aroundthe current and future resourcesneeded to address the increasingdemands being placed onschools. In particular the currentPLASC system creates problemsfor funding new recent intakeand EMAG funding does notsufficiently take account of A8migrants needs.

• The allocation of secondaryschool places in the main goes toschools with surplus places.However this means that arelatively small number ofschools are taking in the largestconcentration of A8 migrantchildren.

• In some areas the influx of A8migrants has significantlyincreased the numbers of pupilsapplying for places in Catholicsecondary schools, this is apotential avenue for resentmentbetween established residentsand newly arrived migrants.


Data

• There is a lack of consistent andaccessible data about thenumbers, nationalities,ethnicities and locations of theA8 migrants who have come tosettle in Leeds.

• At a local level some serviceproviders in Leeds collect usefuldata that illuminates some of theimpacts that NMW may have onparticular areas of serviceprovision. There is a need todevelop a more systematicapproach to gathering andsharing data according tonationality (and ethnicity) acrosspublic sector services.

Language support• More generally, across all

services, there has been anincreased demand upon providersto supply interpreters to meet theneeds of their new clients.Significantly, the extent of anynew demands made on serviceproviders, and how these mayvary between particular servicesand/or localities are unlikely tobe fully appreciated until a moresystematic system of gatheringlocalised data on NMW isestablished.

• Accompanying these newdemands on interpretationservices is a genuine enthusiasmand commitment on the part ofnew migrants to learn English.

• The thrust of current policymeans it is unlikely thatsubstantial new funds will bemade available from governmentto meet the increased demandsfor translation. However, thiscontinued lack of languageproficiency not only inhibits A8migrants’ ability to accessappropriate work but is also actsas a significant barrier to widerintegration.

Perceptions of established communities• There is evidence that some

members of established Leedscommunities believe that NMWget preferential treatment inrespect of certain welfareservices. This can causeresentment between establishedcommunities and their morerecently arrived neighbours.

• In order to tackle this issue itmay be appropriate for LCC toembark on a myth bustingcampaign within establishedcommunities. This would need toemphasise three points. First,that the overwhelming majority ofA8 migrants enter the city towork. Second, that they pay taxeson the same basis as Britishworkers and as such make avaluable contribution to the localand national economy. Third,that the rights of many A8migrants to reside in the UK andaccess the full range of welfarebenefits on a par with Britishnationals is dependent on activityin the paid labour market.


CHAPTER 6. KEYFINDINGS ANDRECOMMENDATIONSThe sudden, unexpected arrival ofsignificant numbers of A8 migrantsin UK cities following the expansionof the EU in 2004 took centralgovernment by surprise andpresented local authorities with newchallenges. A8 migration has led toan overall growth in economicmigrants in the UK and alsoincreased the diversity of residentmigrant populations. A8 migration isone element within a wider andmore complex pattern of migrationinto the UK that includes forexample, new commonwealthmigrants, asylum seekers andrefugees. It should be recognisedthat many of the impacts of thesenew migrant populations, in respectof service provision and communitycohesion, are felt most keenly withinparticular, local communities thatare often relatively disadvantagedwhen compared to more affluentareas of the city. The allocation ofadditional resources to the specificlocalities where new migrantpopulations are present will berequired if community cohesion is togenuinely flourish. The remit of thisstudy was limited in that we wereasked to consider specifically, theneeds and impact of A8 migrants.Nonetheless, several of the findingsand recommendations noted belowhave a wider resonance for othermigrant groups entering and livingwithin Leeds.

KEY FINDINGS• The primary motivation

underpinning the movement ofA8 migrants to Leeds is a desireto access the paid labour market.However, escaping persecution intheir country of origin alsoappears to be a factor for Romamigrants.

• It is increasingly difficult toidentify a ‘typical’ A8 migrant.Among the NMW populationresident in Leeds length of stayvaried from a few months topermanent settlement. Similarly,although many migrants enteringLeeds continue to be youngsingle males, it would appearthat there are increasing numbersof both family joiners andcouples migrating together.

• A8 new migrant workers shouldnot be considered to be directlycompeting with establishedcommunities for jobs in Leeds.They are currently filling labourshortages within particularemployment sectors.

• There has been a substantialgrowth in the numbers of NMWemployed within the companiesinterviewed and most of thisgrowth took place over the lastyear.

• There is evidence of anemployment hierarchy amongstthe population of A8 new migrantworkers in Leeds. It would appearthat some Polish migrants enjoya relatively advantaged positionwithin the labour market whencompared to their Slovak andRoma counterparts. Thishierarchy relates to inequalitiesin social networks but also tolanguage proficiency.

• Evidence exists that someemployment agencies are notcomplying with legislation thatrequires them to provide paidbreaks, holidays and redundancypay.

• The study contains evidence ofsome positive mixing between A8migrant communities and moreestablished workers in places ofemployment. However, it is alsotrue to say that there is areluctance amongst certainsections of both the new A8


migrant groups and moreestablished communities to mixand integrate within theworkplace.

• Perceptions in relation to new A8migrant workers variedconsiderably across theestablished Leeds communitieswho took part in this study. Ingeneral, members of the WestIndian focus group were morepositively disposed towards thearrival of new migrant workers intheir neighbourhood than theircounterparts in the Pakistani orWhite focus groups.

• Although differences existbetween the A8 migrants involvedin this study, all three groupsrelated accounts of exposure toharassment and prejudice fromcertain sections of the establishedcommunities; particularly fromanti-social youths.

• The arrival of A8 new migrantworkers has had some impact onwelfare service provision inLeeds. However, this variesacross particular service sectors.

• The majority of new migrants livein inner city areas in privatelyrented properties. Consequently,A8 migrants have impacted onthe costs and availability ofprivate housing in Leeds.However, at present their overalleffect in relation to socialhousing appears to be limited.

• There is evidence that somemembers of established Leedscommunities believe that A8 newmigrant workers receivepreferential treatment in respectof certain welfare services suchas housing. This perception cancause tension betweenestablished communities andnewly arrived migrants.

• NMW highlighted theirpreference to return home to use

a range of health services;therefore, the impact on healthservices is uneven with someservices such as maternityexperiencing the increaseddemand.

• Education services haveexperienced an increaseddemand for school places fromA8 new migrant families.

• Newly arrived A8 migrantchildren have largely beenplaced in under-subscribedschools, however this increaseddemand has led to aconcentration of A8 children in asmall number of schools whichhave received no extra resourcesin the short term.

• Catholic schools in the city havealso witnessed an increasedintake of new migrant children ofCatholic background.

• The absence of a systematicapproach to gathering andsharing data according tonationality across all welfareservices clearly hinders serviceproviders in their attempts toidentify and map changing localpopulations to best meetcommunity needs.

• English language proficiencyappears to be a key factor inenhancing the integration of A8new migrant workers.

• Increases in NMW have placedadditional demand on the city’sinterpretation services with noextra resources being madeavailable.

• New migrants are keen to learnEnglish but there is a realshortage of available ESOLplaces within the city, and thetiming and location of languageclasses also poses problems forsome NMWs such as thoseemployed on shift systems.


• The continued lack of languageproficiency not only inhibits A8migrants’ ability to accessappropriate work but also acts asa significant barrier to widerintegration.

KEY RECOMMENDATIONS

Data collection

• As a priority a range of agencies,including Leeds City Council(LCC), should work together todevelop a systematic and openapproach to gathering andsharing data on new A8 migrantsacross services. Service providersshould routinely record residents’nationality/ethnicity/country oforigin and first language.

• It may be appropriate, in the firstinstance, to concentrate thedevelopment of joint/shared datagathering on those services moreimmediately affected by theinflux of NMW e.g. housing,education, healthcare, welfarebenefits and community safetyservices. Service providers needto have basic information on themakeup, and changing characterof the populations they serve ifthey are to meet clients’ needsand currently this is not in place.

Welfare services• The additional impact of A8 new

migrants on specific welfareservice provision, notably inrelation to education andmaternity services, needs to berecognised. In light of suchimpacts, funding structures needto be re-examined to takeaccount of the gaps in resources.For example, PLASC14 andEMAG15 funding could usefullyreflect these emerging needs.

Language and integration

• The central importance ofEnglish language proficiency inenhancing the integration of A8new migrant workers needs to berecognised. A demand foraccessible and affordable Englishlanguage classes exists amongA8 migrants. LCC and otherservice providers should exploreways of establishing partnershipswith employers to developappropriate English languagetraining.

• A8 migrants have triggeredadditional costs for serviceproviders in respect of translationand interpreting services. Whilstit is recognised that the statedlong-term goal of national policyis to improve English languageproficiency among migrantgroups, in the short-term at least,additional funding should beprovided to meet the needs ofnew A8 migrants for accessibleinformation.

Community relations• Service providers in the city need

to understand that the localcommunities they service arechanging and in recognition ofthis they need to engage inoutreach work that actively seeksto include new A8 migrantcommunities in order to betterunderstand and meet their needs.

• Service providers need to developa better understanding of thediversity of perspectives presentamongst the establishedcommunities in Leeds around theimpact of new A8 migrants ontheir neighbourhoods. Forexample, tensions between A8migrants and establishedcommunities are likely to emergeif more established residents

14 Pupil Level Annual School Census

15 Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant


perceive themselves ascompeting with the newly arrivedA8 migrants for jobs and localresources/services. It is thereforeimportant for service providers towork together to ensure ‘goodcommunity relations’ aremaintained as these communitiesevolve. Interventions to createshared spaces for greaterinteraction are one important wayof achieving this aim. The CityCouncil should also develop jointworking with employers toenhance opportunities forintegration to occur in theworkplace.

• Leeds City Council should take alead role in developing a myth-busting exercise in localcommunities that receive largenumbers of new A8 migrants.This myth-busting campaignshould highlight four particularfacts: the positive contributionthat A8 migrants are making tothe city’s economy; their right asEU citizens to settle in Leeds;that A8 NMW are filling labourshortages within particularsectors of the paid labour market;and that they are not receivingpreferential treatment in respectof certain welfare services.

• The somewhat commonexperience amongst new A8migrants of exposure toharassment and prejudice fromcertain sections of theestablished communities,particularly from anti-socialyouths, needs to be recognisedand appropriate action taken byrelevant agencies.

• Leeds City Council and serviceproviders need to acknowledgethe limitations inherent in thegeneral term ‘new migrantcommunities’. Hierarchies inrelation to employmentopportunities and levels of needexist within, and beyond, the A8migrant category.

• Finally, in order to move from areactive to a pro-active and moreplanned approach to newmigration, it will be necessary forservice providers to engage insome degree of horizon scanning.In that, as this researchhighlighted, future flows ofmigration and the settlementdecisions of existing A8 migrantswill be shaped by socio-economicconditions the country of origin,the state of local and nationallabour markets and opportunitieson offer in other Europeancountries.


ANNEX 1

RESEARCH METHODS,QUESTION FRAMES, SAMPLECONSENT FORMS ANDPROJECT SUMMARY

Research MethodsTwo basic principles, namelyinformed consent and confidentiality(Lewis, 2003) underpinned thefieldwork. A short introductorysession preceded eachinterview/focus group. The researchteam were mindful of the potentialfor the interviews to causediscomfort or stress to someparticipants and time was spentprior to each interview to put peopleat ease. Interviewees were thengiven the opportunity to pose anyquestions or queries that they mighthave for the researcher and it wasemphasised that they couldwithdraw from the interview at anytime if they so wished. Immediatelyprior to interview an explanation ofthe project was offered toparticipants. The issues of informedconsent and confidentiality werethen outlined and respondents wereasked formally to record theirwillingness to participate by filling ina consent form. Strategies tomaintain anonymity included securestorage/restricted access to data andthe removal of identifying locationsand personal details from researchoutputs.

Where required, an appropriateinterpreter was present at theinterviews with new migrants andestablished communities. Theinterpreter then transcribed andtranslated the session. All newmigrants and members of

established communities who tookpart in an interview received a £10store voucher. Interviews wereroutinely recorded on audiotape andadditional field notes were taken bythe researchers16. Tapes were thentranscribed verbatim and theresultant transcripts analysed usinggrid analysis (Knodel, 1993) andthematic code and retrieve methods,(Mason, 2002; Ritchie et al.,2003). In line with the applicants’previous work, a Nud*ist 6 softwarepackage was used to assist thisprocess.

The rest of this annex containsproject information sheets, questionframes and consent forms.

SAMPLE INFORMATION ON THE PROJECT

New Migrant CommunitiesResearch ProjectThis project has been funded by theLeeds City Council’s RegenerationService. The Research Team isbased at the University of Leeds andNottingham Trent University and theteam members are:

Dr Joanne CookProfessor Pete Dwyerand Dr Louise Waite.

Project aims:The project is focused uponexamining the experiences andservice needs of new migrantcommunities in Leeds, alongsideinvestigating the impact that thisnew migration has upon establishedcommunities.

As part of this research we arecarrying out the following research:

16 Originally the research team intended to conduct a single focus group with Roma participants and tape record thesession for further analysis. However, this proved to be unacceptable to these participants because of previousexperiences of discrimination and hostility in their country of origin. In order to include their voices in the study acompromise had to be made. Two members of the research team agreed to attend three separate interviews inparticipants’ homes and take field notes rather than record the interviews.


• 4 focus groups with New Migrantcommunities, who migrated toLeeds from Central and EasternEurope in the last five years.

• 3 focus groups with establishedcommunities mapping the Leedsareas of North West, North Eastand South.

• Key informant interviews withemployers, employment agenciesand trade unions working withnew migrants.

• Half-day workshop with keyservice providers.

If you are willing to help us pleasecontact Joe Cook on 01133437789or email [email protected].

QUESTION FRAMES

FOCUS GROUPS QUESTIONGUIDE: ESTABLISHEDCOMMUNITIES

Introduction to the project

• Who we are• What we are doing• The interview process, 1hour

max, consent, anonymity, etc, viathe tape.

Background to new migrants in community

• Are they aware of any newmigrant communities living orworking in their area?

• Where are the new migrantsfrom?

• Do they live close to each other orare they spread all around intheir neighbourhood?

• Do they have a sense of when theyarrived and for how long theystay?

• What sort of impact have the newmigrants had on your area?

• How, in what way, negative,positive indifferent.

Community relations/cohesion issues

• What sort of relationships do youhave with the new arrivals?

• How and to what extent do theymix with new migrants?

• What makes mixing difficult? Dodifferent languages that makemixing difficult?

• Are there particularplaces/spaces where you cometogether?

• Schools, play areas, work,doctors, community centres,shops etc.

• If there is little mixing is this aproblem?

• Have they experienced anyproblems, or hostility? How havethey dealt with this?

• How has the new wave of A10migrants impacted onestablished communities ofshared origin? (e.g. Poles)

• What impact has the arrival ofnew migrants had on theirneighbourhood?

• Generally, do you feel positive ornegative about new migrants?Why? What makes you feel thisway?

Local services/employment• What impact has the arrival of

new migrants had on their localservice provision?

• Is there any sense that since thearrival of new migrants they feelthat their needs have beenmarginalised?

• Do you feel any impact in termsof work opportunities?

• Given new migrants arrival, isthere a need for additional/newlevels/forms of support?

• What kinds of support?


• This project is going to reportback to local service providers isthere any particular message youwould like us to take

• back... Are there three points youwould like to emphasise?

FOCUS GROUP QUESTIONGUIDE: NEW MIGRANTCOMMUNITIES

Intro• Who we are• What we are doing• The interview process, 1 and a

1/2 hour max, consent, anonymityetc via the tape.

Migration Background:• Why did they choose to come to

Leeds? Work, family etc.• How did they find out about

Leeds, did they have links herealready, via recruitment agencies,employers, family, socialnetworks etc?

• How do you travel here?• How long have they been here

for?• Have they migrated alone or with

families? Future plans re-familiesjoining?

• Where do you live, sharedaccommodation, rented houseetc.

• How do they view this migration— temporary or permanent?

Migration Experience and Work:• Could you describe your life since

you come to Leeds?• Did they have any support when

they arrived?• What was it like coming to a new

place?• Has their migration experience

been a positive one?• Have they encountered any

difficulties?• What expectations did they have

and have these been fulfilled?

• Are they in work, what is thislike? How are they treated, whatkind of conditions, pay and hoursdo they work under?

• Did they expect it to be this way?• Do they have any concerns

regarding working life; are therethings that could be improved?

• What kinds of qualifications dothey have? Do their jobs utilisethese qualifications and skills?

• Are they looking for new work?• What are their perceived

opportunities/barriers to getting‘better jobs’?

Community networks and wider community experiences:

• Could you describe yourexperience of living in Leeds?

• Do they mix with theirneighbours/host community? (e.g.paid work, schools, local shopsand services, informal situationsetc.)

• What are their experiences withother residents in the area?

• Are they involved in their localneighbourhoods? Do they havechildren in the local schools etc.

• If you need help where do youturn to?

• How do they find out informationabout benefits, services, rightsetc?

• Have they experienced anyproblems, or hostility? What?How have they dealt with this?

• Are they happy in Leeds, do theyintend to stay?

• Do they feel safe in Leeds?• How does their life here compare

to back home?

Local services:• What local service have they had

contact with and what is theirexperience of these?

• Are local services able to meettheir needs and theircommunity’s needs?

• Do they have unmet needs, whatservice/support would they like to


see in place? And how shouldthis be provided/what formatshould it take?

• What housing experiences dothey have? Is there a need forspecific Support ditto for;

• Education,• Health• Welfare• Childcare

This project is going to report backto local service providers is there anyparticular message you would like usto take back. Are there three pointsyou would like to emphasise?

INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR KEYINFORMANT INTERVIEWSIntroduction to the project

• Who we are• What we are doing• The interview process, 1hour

max, consent, anonymity etc viathe tape.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

1. How many A10 migrants do you employ?

• What percentage of the workforceare they?

• Do you have plans to recruit anymore/reduce the numbers of A10migrants you employ?

• Why?

2. How would you describe atypical migrant work youemploy?

• (Key characteristics of themigrant work force: Age, gender,nationality, educational level,family status?)

• A range of nationalities or mainlyone or two? which ones?

3. How do you recruit them?

• Self present/use employmentagencies/ here or in C of O, dothey arrive through generaladvertising campaigns? Word ofmouth within migrantcommunities?

4. What kinds of work are theyinvolved in here at THECOMPANY?

• Type of work they do, typicalwage levels

• What kinds of contract are theyon permanent, seasonal,temporary?

• Which sectors of PLM? Skilllevels of the work they areinvolved in?

• Do they receive anytraining/induction?

• What type of training do theyreceive? Same as any otherworker a specific package?

• Any in other more highly skilledsectors of THE COMPANY?

5. Why do you employ migrantworkers?

• Fill gaps in your labour force?Can’t get enough British workers?

IMPACT OF MIGRANTS

6. What impact do they have onyour company?

• Are there any additional HRissues that they generate?

• What about language issues?• Are you required to register them

in any way who with LocalAuthority/WRS?

• Do they present you as acompany with any particularproblems/issues?

• Do you get involved in otheraspects of their lives e.g.providing contact to landlords orservices they may need?


7. From the point of view of theCompany, how do you findmigrant workers?

• Reliable, unreliable, good badthe same as Brits or better

8. What impact would it have onthe company if these migrantworker were not available?

9. What’s you perception of themigrant workers intensions interms of residence?

• Permanent, come and go, settlingin the area

10. What’s your experience interms of the needs and livesof the workers you employ?

• Beyond the company• Support infrastructure for

recruitment and retention ofmigrant workers

• Do you think that any widerissues need resolving in respectof migrant workers?

• Relationships with other workers,• Wider community

support/relations• Do they present any specific

issues in terms of employment?

INTERVIEW GUIDE FORCOMMUNITY WORKERS ANDOTHER KEY INFORMANTS

Introduction to the project• Who we are• What we are doing• The interview process, 1hour

max, consent, anonymity etc viathe tape.

Background

• What is your role here?• What is the role of the centre in

the community?

The experiences of the newPolish migrants to Leeds• In your experience what is it

about Leeds that attracts newPolish migrants? Why do theycome here?

• What is the nature of thismigration, permanent, short term,individuals, families?

• What kinds of support are inplace for these new migrants? Forexample when they first arrive?

• What types of support is needed?What form should it take?

• What are the experiences ofthese new migrants? Do theyexperience any difficulties?(work, welfare, housing, health,language?). What are their mostpressing needs?

• Are they accessing services? Howis this? Is there need for targetedservices? Do they need support toaccess services?

• What are the experiences of newmigrants within localcommunities and neighbourhoodsin Leeds?

• Where do new migrants tend tolive? What are their housingconditions like?

• Do they have children in localschools; are there any issuesaround this?

The role of the centre• What role has your centre played?• Has this created any issues for

your centre?• Have you received any additional

support?• Are there models of good practice

that we can learn from the Polishcommunity’s experience?


Impact of new wave of migrationon the established community• How has this new wave of

migration been received by theestablished community? Howhave they reacted, have theybecome involved in developingsupport?

• Has it raised any particularissues, (e.g. resources, cultural…)

• Is there any sense that since thearrival of new migrants they feelthat their needs have beenmarginalised?

• Is there a need for additional/newlevels/forms of support? Whatkinds of support?

This project is going to report backto local service providers; are thereany particular messages you wouldlike us to take back? Are there threepoints you would like to emphasise?

CONSENT FORMS

New Migrant Communities

Please read and confirm your consent to being interviewed for this project byticking the appropriate box(es) and signing and dating this form

I confirm that the purpose of the project has been explained to me and thatI have had the opportunity to ask questions about the research

I give permission for the interview to be tape recorded by research staff onthe understanding that all research outputs will be anonymised.

I understand that my participation is voluntary and that I am free towithdraw at any time.

I confirm the receipt of a £10 store voucher

Name of respondent Date Signature

Name of researcher Date Signature

Participant code number


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