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• NEWS• OSSREAHoldsaWorkshoponIssuesinSocialScienceResearchfor

Development• OSSREAOrganisesResearchMethodologyTraining• OSSREAHostsTraininginHealth Financing and Evaluation of

Health Policies• OSSREACo-Hoststhe2ndand3rdSeminarSerieswithFriedrichEbertStiftung

• FEATUREARTICLES• ReducingConflictwhileEnhancingDemocraticGovernanceinEastern

Africa:TheNeedforDialogueinKenya’sPoliticalSet-upJames N. Ogutu

• SocialStigmaagainstPersonsAffectedbyPodoconiosis:TheCaseinWollaitaSodoAreaofSNNPR,Ethiopia

Jana Zehle

• RegulatingorBanningPlasticBagsinZimbabwe:AContentiousDebate

Mangizvo Remigios, and Jerie Steven

• WastefromthePeopleorPeopletotheWaste?AnAnalysisofGweru’sMcFaddenDumpsiteandItsEnvirons

Matsa Mark

• NEWPUBLICATIONS

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VolumeIX No.3 October2012

President Professor Habtamu Wondimu, Ethiopia

VicePresident Professor Herman Musahara, Rwanda

VicePresident Professor Ruth Otanga, Kenya

VicePresident Professor Benigna Zimba, Mozambique

ExecutiveDirectorAmb. Prof. Royson M. Mukwena, Zambia

Member Professor Rodreck Mupedziswa, Botswana

Member Dr. Donald Chimanikire, Zimbabwe

Member Ms. Thandi Khumalo, Swaziland

OSSREA EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

OSSREA Liaison OfficersDr.AgostinhoCachapa,UniversidadeMandumeyaNdemofayo,AngolaEmail:[email protected]

Dr.GodisangMookodi,UniversityofBotswana,BotswanaE-mail:[email protected]

Dr.GudayEmire,AddisAbabaUniversity,EthiopiaE-mail:[email protected],MoiUniversity,KenyaKenyaE-mail:[email protected],NationalUniversityofLesotho,LesothoE-mail:[email protected],MadagascarE-mail:[email protected],UniversityofMalawi,MalawiE-mail:[email protected],UniversityofMauritius,MauritiusE-mail:[email protected],MozambiqueE-mail:[email protected],UniversityofNamibia,NamibiaE-mail:[email protected]

Mr.BernardRutikanga,UniversityofRwanda,RwandaE:mail:[email protected],UniversitySouthAfrica(UNISA)E-mail:[email protected],JubaUniversity,SouthSudanE-mail:[email protected],UniversityofKhartoum,SudanE-mail: [email protected],UniversityofSwaziland,SwazilandE-mail:[email protected],UniversityofDaresSalaamTanzaniaE-mail:[email protected],MakerereUniversity,UgandaE-mail:[email protected],UniversityofZambia,ZambiaE-mail:[email protected],ZimbabweE-mail:[email protected]

OSSREA Bulletin Vol. IX No. 3 (October 2012) Page 1

NEWS

OSSREA Holds a Workshop on Issues in Social Science Research for

Development

OSSREA holds a workshop on issues in Social Science Research for Development where OSSREA Executive Committee Members and Liaison Officers of the respective OSSREA Chapters discussed issues of social science research and their implications for development in Eastern and Southern Africa was held at Crossroads Hotel, in Lilongwe, Malawi, 27th 28th August 2012.

According to Dr. Abiye Daniel, Director of Publications and Dissemination, Professor Dr. Robert G. Ridley, the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Malawi, welcomed the participants and opened the workshop. While opening the workshop, the Vice-Chancellor remarked that the social sciences do indeed play a major role in development and that the interface between social sciences and natural sciences is where the balance is struck. As an example of the significant contribution of social sciences, the Vice-Chancellor mentioned that the spread of river blindness, i.e. onchocerciasis, and the medicine for this disease was only understood after social intervention was taken. Dr. Abiye also quoted Professor Ridley as noting that the social sciences address fundamental social issues that help for technological development and that this is necessary for Africa. Professor Ridley then thanked OSSREA for holding the meeting in Malawi and wished a successful workshop.

Dr. Abiye also indicated that the approach of the workshop was a country perspective and revolved around the following issues:

1) Challenges in social science research and teaching;

2) Status of research and teaching in OSSREA Chapters as well as the gaps, and the modalities to support research;

3) Assessment of the link between social sciences and policy and modalities to address gaps;

4) Achievements and challenges of the Headquarters and its Chapters; and

Evaluation of the relationship between and among the Executive Committee, Liaison Officers and the Secretariat.

All in all, Liaison Officers of 17 Chapters, the Executive Committee, as well as the Secretariat discussed each Chapter and suggested ways in which problems can be handled while best practices are maintained, further enhanced and shared.

OSSREA Organises Research Methodology Training

The Regional Research Methodology Training for PhD Candidates was organized by OSSREA and conducted at Consortium of Christian Relief and Development Association (CCRDA) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 6–22 August 2012. OSSREA received more than 200 applications in response to the call for applications posted on its website of which 30 PhD candidate participants were selected from 11 countries; namely, Burundi (1), Ethiopia (7), Kenya (6), Lesotho (1), Madagascar (1), Rwanda (1), Sudan (2), Tanzania (6), Uganda (2), Zambia (1), and Zimbabwe (2). Out of these 30 applicants 9 were women.

The training organizers at OSSREA noted that the objective of the training was to equip PhD candidates with advanced research methodologies so that the candidates will be able to do successful PhD researches and to be able to design and conduct problem-solving studies in the future.

According to the organizers, this third round training in the year lasted for two weeks during which it covered three major thematic areas: 1) research design; 2) qualitative methods; and 3) qualitative data analysis, research proposal


development, quantitative methods and data analysis, and quantitative data analysis using SPSS. The first two parts of the course were facilitated by two professors from universities based in the USA and the last part was facilitated by a lecturer from Addis Ababa University.

Participants expressed their satisfaction with the course and thanked OSSREA for organizing the training. The event ended with a brief reception where participants were awarded certificate of successful completion of the course, and where they also promised to be in the momentum of developing successful proposals and doing problem-solving researches on different social science issues.

OSSREA Hosts Training in Health Financing and Evaluation of Health Policies

The training in Health Financing and Evaluation of Health Policies was given to about 20 participants drawn from public universities in Ethiopia, and government and non-government research and health organisations over a period of three weeks at the OSSREA Headquarters, 6-24 August, 2012.

According to Dr. Getnet Alemu, organiser of the training and coordinator of the Erasmus University Rotterdam-supported Health Financing and Evaluation of Health Policies in Ethiopia project, the training dealt with the economics of public health spending and the econometric evaluation of health policies while the second component included health insurance and financing and the measurement of health equity.

Getnet indicated that the course was a practical hands-on training aimed to equip participants with the knowledge and skills of conducting health financing and health policies impact evaluations, and it involved, health equity analyses on data sets that were provided by the instructors and extensive use of STATA software. According to him, the course had two components, each with specific aims.

He outlined that the specific aims of component 1 were to:

(i) equip trainees with knowledge of the economic and social rationales for the public provision of health care, , issues pertaining to the effectiveness of public health expenditure, and approaches that are currently being used to increase the effectiveness of health-care delivery; and

(ii) equip participants with the methodological skills and insights that are necessary to understand and critically review econometric impact evaluation studies in development and health economics. This included the basic skills needed to conceive, design and conduct impact evaluation studies.

The specific aims of component 2 were to:

(iii) provide a concise overview and appraisal of options for financing health care systems in low-income countries, and assess the scope for resource mobilization through social health insurance, including Community-Based Health Insurance.

(iv) equip participants with an understanding of – and ability to – critically appraise empirical evidence on the equity and efficiency of health care systems in developing countries, with a particular focus on the measurement and explanation of socioeconomic inequalities in health outcomes.

Dr Getnet also mentioned that the training was facilitated by specialists drawn from different countries in the West, to whom he was thankful. The event ended with a modest reception where at the coordinator thanked the trainers, the participants/trainees, and the hosting organisation, OSSREA. The trainees were awarded certificate of successful completion and trainers on the last sessions noted the importance


of the training and their hopes that the trainees will apply the knowledge and skills they earned.

Finally, Ambassador Professor Royson Mukwena, OSSREA Executive Director, thanked the organiser, the trainers and the trainees for making the event a success and he called on the event officially closed.

OSSREA Co-Hosts the 2nd and 3rd Seminar Series with Friedrich Ebert Stiftung

OSSREA co-hosted the 2nd seminar series organised jointly with Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, The Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions, OSSREA and the International labour Organisation on June 26th 2012, at OSSREA Headquarters, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

The theme of the conference was “Debriefing on the 101st Session of the ILO International Labour Conference” in Geneva. After welcoming the participants on behalf of the Resident Representative of FES-Addis Ababa, Mr. Arne Schildberg the participants were introduced.

The first speaker, Judith Van Doorn from ILO spoke about “Africa’s Response to Youth Employment Challenges” where she gave country responses and how they addressed this issue. The second speaker Aly Cisse, also from ILO, presented on “ILO Recommendations on the Social Protection Floor” where it was explained what the social protection floor looked like and some of the challenges.

The discussion which followed raised issues regarding the challenges countries are facing regarding youth unemployment and best case scenarios from which other countries can learn from. The second paper discussion revolved around country responses to social protection and the priorities that each country emphasizes on.

Participants were researchers, practitioners and policy makers drawn from the relevant public sector organizations, universities, mainly the Addis Ababa University, some non-

governmental organizations, and think thanks such as OSSREA. According to Dr Melese Getu, Program Specialist with OSSREA, the objective of the joint seminars is to bring together researchers, practitioners, and policy makers to discuss different social protection and social security issues.

The seminar was officially closed by Ambassador, Professor Royson Mukwena, the Executive Director of OSSREA who thanked all participants for their active participation and stressed that the youth are the core to any development programme and that there problems have to be addressed to get a solution.

Similarly, the 3rd series of the seminar was organized by OSSREA and FES and held at the OSSREA Meeting Hall on July 18th, 2012. ‘Social Protection for Inclusive Development: General Messages and Applications to Ethiopia’ by Prof. Stephan Klasen was the topic of the 3rd seminar series.

The first part of the presentation was on the role social protection played in terms of development with a special emphasis on Ethiopia and explored: the challenges, vulnerability and areas of shock and the various social policy frameworks that are available.

The next issue was the definition of social protection that was defined in terms of: social insurance, social assistance and inclusive efforts and its feasibility by way of: political commitment, administrative capacity and financial sustainability.

Various lessons were then presented from worldwide programs and the following lessons were identified:

1) Social protection can mitigate risks, reduce poverty and inequality and accelerate programs toward achieving MDGs targets;

2) Political will and program ownership are key;


3) Ensuring financial sustainability is essential;

4) Success depends on institutional and administrative capacity;

5) Monitoring and evaluation are essential;

6) Building on existing informal systems is necessary;

7) Maximizing synergies between social protection programs and other investments is important; and

8) Social protection promotes gender equality, women empowerment and reduction of social exclusion.

The Social Protection Floor was then explained and some of the weaknesses in terms of sustainability were identified. Furthermore, the following points of implementation in Ethiopia were discussed:

a) PSNP being the flagship social protection project in Ethiopia;

b) PSNP being well targeted but the necessity of addressing the weaknesses;

c) Government run but the program being donor funded;

d) The impact being positive but modest;

e) The need for more transparent targeting;

f) A need for the program to be rights based; and

g) The need for increasing predictability.

The discussion revolved around issues raised by the speaker and issues that had been overlooked but ended on a note that the presentation raised awareness and was a follow up of issues on social protection.


Abstract

Eastern Africa is a conflict-prone region today. Internal (mostly ethnic) conflicts are common in most of the countries. These internal conflicts are a major setback to peaceful coexistence and to development. They are thus the concern of this paper. When, in 1962, African countries were just waking up to political independence from colonialism, French agronomist René Dumont wrote a landmark book called L’Afrique noire est mal partie (translated as: ‘Sub-Saharan Africa has had a false start’). He had foreseen a troubled future for the sub-continent. And true to his prediction, coups d’état, bloody ethnic conflicts, poverty, ignorance and disease still plague this region fifty years later. This paper contends that the biggest obstacle to peace, social and economic progress in Kenya, and in Eastern Africa, is poor governance. The paper provides sample data from Kenya to show that there is a lot of social inequality in Kenya, a direct result of poor governance. The social disparities are the main factor behind social instability (i.e. conflict) in Kenya. Political leaders, by their self-seeking, egocentric behaviour, have brought the Kenyan nation to its knees and to the brink of breaking up. After considering three major causes of social instability (conflict) in Kenyan society, the paper proposes that only meaningful national dialogue can sort out the country’s predicament.

Keywords: Kenya, conflict, democracy, dialogue.

1. Introduction

1.1. Statement of the Problem

“With the advent of multi-party politics in Kenya in 1991, the Moi regime had to contend [for the first time in its 13 years of existence] with organized, legitimate political opposition. With the threat of losing political control in the face of impending [national] elections in 1992 and again in 1997, certain elites allied to the Moi regime instigated inter-ethnic clashes. This phenomenon of social violence and communal polarization” continues to dog Kenya’s politics to this day (Aseka, in Achola et al. 2004: 16).

This paper contends that the biggest obstacle to peace and social and economic progress in Kenya, and in Eastern Africa, is poor governance, or, in other words, poor political leadership. This poor leadership is the cause of mortal ethnic conflicts in most of these countries. Even though the Republic of South Sudan is less than three years old (it became a republic in July 2011), ethnic conflict there continues to claim hundreds of human lives as hundreds others flee from their homes to seek refuge in northern Kenya, especially in 2011 and 2012. Ethnic groups there are fighting over resources such as land and pasture. The authorities there have their work cut out for them because at present, the leading Dinka ethnic group forms 25% of the South Sudanese population but controls 43% of the country’s economy (BBC Radio, February 2012). In Rwanda and Burundi, lasting peace will have to be found since resources are not equitably shared among the Hutu and the Tutsi. In Somalia, inter-clan fighting is the norm while in Kenya ethnic clashes (as they are locally known) started in 1992 and are now a common phenomenon.

The political leadership in Kenya has mismanaged public resources (Aseka 2004) and promoted malpractices such as corruption, nepotism, negative ethnicity (Wamwere 2008) as well as social inequalities. Asian countries like Singapore, Malaysia and South Korea were

Feature ArticlesReducing Conflict while Enhancing Democratic Governance in Eastern

Africa: The Need for Dialogue in Kenya’s Political Set-up

James N. Ogutu (Ph.D.)*

*James N. Ogutu (PhD) is a senior lecturer in the Department of Linguistics & Foreign Languages,Moi University, Eldoret, Kenya. P. O. Box 9386-40141 Kisumu, Kenya. Email: [email protected]


economically at par with African economies like Kenya and Ghana in the early 1960s (at the dawn of political independence in Africa). Today, 50 years on, the Asian economies are either categorized among high-income (First World) countries or as middle-income (emerging) economies. Kenya, on the other hand, remains among the Low Income (Third World) countries with an annual per capita income of US Dollars 810 compared to Singapore’s US Dollars 40,070 (www.worldbank.org/data, accessed on 16.04.2012).

Kenya’s political leaders, by their self-seeking, egocentric acts, have brought the Kenyan nation to its knees and to the brink of breaking up. They have divided the country into ethnic blocs to protect their ill-gotten wealth while the marginalized, vast majority of the country’s population continues to languish in poverty, disease and despair. Consequently, ethnic conflict is tearing Kenya apart. It (ethnic fighting) has become a regular feature of national elections in Kenya as politicians incite Kenya’s (42) ethnic groups against one another. Following the last national elections in December 2007, this nation virtually collapsed when rival political camps started a near-civil war over a disputed election result. It took outside intervention to stop the strife after 1,500 people had been killed and 650,000 people forced to flee from their homes to become internally displaced persons (IDPs) (Mathenge 2012). And now, as Kenya prepares for another national election in early 20131, the country is once again showing all the signs of political trouble breaking out: ethnic conflicts have started erupting in different parts of the country.

After considering three major causes of social instability in Kenyan society, this paper proposes that only meaningful dialogue can sort out the country’s predicament. When everyone only cares for themselves and for their ethnic group, ethnic disasters in Kenya will only go from bad to worse until Kenyans learn to sit together to dialogue. This is what they have not managed to do this far. This paper points out some key issues

which Kenyans urgently need to address so that ethnic conflicts give way to lasting peace and development.

1.2 Hypotheses

1. Kenya has known social conflict and turmoil in the recent past because of poor governance and this can be avoided through dialogue.

2. A culture of dialogue and negotiation promotes social peace, democracy and development.

3. Kenya is presently undergoing democratic transition and this young, fragile democracy needs to be nurtured to maturity.

1.3 Definition of Concepts

We now provide a working definition for three of the four key words of this paper (conflict, dialogue, democracy, and the fourth one being a proper noun, Kenya). These are the meanings which this paper uses for these terms. Oxford University Press [n.d.] The Oxford English Dictionary (www.oed.com, accessed on 20.04.2012) defines our three key terms thus:

Conflict – (noun). Fight; struggle; quarrel; (of opinion, desires, etc.) opposition; difference.

Dialogue – (noun). Exchange of views (between leaders, etc.); talk.

Democracy – (noun). a) (country with) government which encourages and allows rights such as freedom of speech, religion, opinion and association, the assertion of the rule of law, majority rule, accompanied by respect for the rights of minorities. b) (society in which there is) treatment of each other by citizens as equals and with absence of class feeling.

In this paper also, the terms ‘progress’ and ‘development’ appear a number of times. ‘Progress’ is often used to mean ‘development’, which in turn is approached according to D. K. Orwa (cited in Eshetu, Mlay and Oyugi 1990: 108 –109) : “Development is treated both as ‘a social process which can be influenced in large


measure by human design’ and as change plus growth. Development involves improvement in material and social welfare. This improvement is measured by the degree to which material and social well being is widely diffused among the population. In concrete terms it can be measured by availability of employment opportunities, access to education, provision of health, housing, clean water and other services”.

2. Background of the Problem

Sub-Saharan Africa is rich in natural resources, from petroleum and gas in the Sudans, Angola, Nigeria, Mozambique and so on; minerals such as gold, uranium, copper, diamond in southern, West, Central and East Africa; tropical rainforests in East, Central and West Africa; a huge hydro-electric power potential on rivers like the Nile, Limpopo, Zambezi, Congo, etc.; to arable land, beautiful valleys and mountain peaks as well as wild animals in game parks and reserves. But in social and economic terms, the African Continent remains the poorest of the world’s continents. The main reason for this African paradox is bad governance. Here is what a leading journalist in Kenya’s best-selling weekend newspaper (the Sunday Nation) writes:

In Africa, the only certainty is the uncertainty of life. If you survive election violence, there is famine, drought, malaria, typhoid and God knows what else to contend with. There is always the danger of getting killed by bandits on a cattle rustling mission. If you use the highways, reckless drivers can easily kill you and, if you survive, you may then die at the nearest district hospital because the light bulb in the operation theatre has been missing for a year. When you throw in life expectancy into the bargain, [future] visions cease to be exciting. (Weru 2012:15)

Kenya is a typical African country where bad governance in the form of dictatorial political regimes has thrived on political intolerance of civic freedoms like freedom of expression,

and perpetuated nepotism, corruption, social/ethnic conflict and rampant poverty among the populace. There seems to be a correlation between governance and socio-economic development in a country. As Joseph Ngunjiri (2007)2 observes,

Good governance is key to faster development...for good governance to be a reality, a country’s politics has to be put in order. Singapore’s first post-independence prime minister was Lee Kwan Yew. Under him, Singapore became a First World country (from a Third World One) in two decades. In 1969, Singapore had the same GDP per capita as Kenya. Today (2012), 43 years on, Singapore is a developed (First World) country while Kenya remains one of the Least Developed Countries in the world (a Third World Country).

Poor governance in Kenya is a direct result of the nature of the country’s politics. Kenya’s politicians are greedy beyond measure, ethnically chauvinistic and corrupt. They have divided Kenya’s 40 million citizens along ethnic lines and made Kenyans to perceive one another as ethnically different rather than as one African people living in one country with the same resources and destiny. The politicians have always placed their own personal interests before the national good and curved out for themselves personal territories which they are ready to defend at whatever cost. They perceive politicians and people from the other ethnic groups (Kenya has 42 African ethnic groups) as enemies out to ‘finish’ them (render them poor and destitute). This retrogressive mentality has created a country deeply divided along ethnic lines where ethnic groups fiercely compete for political influence so as to get greatest access to the national cake (i.e. economic resources). One result of this state of affairs is that Kenya has about 30 billionaires (in U.S. dollar terms) who control everything in the country to perpetuate their personal dynasties while keeping the rest of the population at their beck and call. The other result is that there is a lot of socio-economic inequality


in Kenya, with two or three of the country’s 42 ethnic groups dominating Kenya’s politics and wealth at the expense of the others. These features of Kenya’s socio-economic landscape have existed since Kenya gained political independence in 1962 and have now become part and parcel of the Kenyan psyche, which explains politically motivated assassinations common in Kenya since 1969 as well as ethnic conflict which Kenya has known since 1992 and have now become a characteristic of all national elections. Between 30thDecember 2007 and 15th February, 2008, about 1500 Kenyans were killed and over 650,000 others were expelled from their homes by violence which followed an election outcome disputed by opposing ethnic camps (Mathenge and Kariuki 2012)3.

Many Kenyans share the sentiments in this paper. Ibrahim Mwathane, a Kenyan expert on land issues, says the following (2012)4:

We had ethnic clashes in Kenya in 1992, 1997, and 2002 and tension in 2005. In 2007, violence erupted. It is not surprising that these dates coincide with political contests. Other than in 2005, when we had a national referendum, all the others were General Election years. This is when individual politicians and political parties compete. Notice that such clashes never erupt between elections…It follows, therefore, that ethnic clashes in Kenya are directly related to political contests and some political actors.

In summary, Kenyans today do not know how to dialogue among themselves to resolve the country’s problems for the country to make socio-economic progress. This is why the world’s leaders led by the U.S. President B. Obama stepped in in January 2008 and forced Kenya’s warring political camps to sit together and talk peace under the watch of former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan and his team of several African personalities.

Dr Mukhisa Kituyi was a senior minister in the Kenya government from 2003 to 2007. This is what he writes5 today about Kenya:

…Kenyans do not know how to dialogue together. A common feature of the three annual dialogue meetings [held in Nairobi] so far has been the tendency of leaders from different callings whining and wrenching as they accuse each other to the foreign hosts of the dialogue [conferences]…Rather than dialogue together on the hurdles in the path to a credible transfer of power in the next year (2013), we see competing groups talk at each other, and then accuse each other to senior pensioners from across the continent…The picture from the Crowne Plaza Hotel [venue of the meetings] all week was one of persons holding high public office acting like disgruntled children reporting the ayah to mama when she returns after some extended absence…how do we explain the apparent addiction to foreign mediation…Have we totally banished the idea that “eminent persons” is not a panel of judges to perpetually regulate our public discourse? …Our country bled [in 2008] because dialogue collapsed at a critical time of competition…This [dialogue] is a skill that we need in confronting the myriad challenges that confront us with a stalling economy, rising inflation and growing labour unrest. It is a skill that does not have to forever depend on foreign intermediaries which brings me to the [ongoing] doctors’ strike. Whereas it may be true that [the Kenya] government cannot afford the level of benefit increments striking doctors are asking for, the contemptuous abandon with which the strike has been handled is a clear reflection of an underdeveloped dialogue culture. (emphasis ours).

That is the background of this research: that Kenya, like other African countries, has economic potential which can only be tapped if her political leaders give national dialogue a chance and promote a culture of free communication among the population. Dialogue will allow debate and this will bring in more civic freedom while


enhancing peaceful coexistence and reducing social conflict. This is how other countries have developed.

As Kenya prepares for another national election in 2013, political tension is already rising again (since February 2012). Politicians are bickering among themselves and Kenyans are pointing accusing fingers at ethnic groups other than their own. The country’s political leaders are busy strategizing how to ensure that a member of their ethnic group becomes the country’s next head of state in 2013. And political friends are turning into enemies in the scheme of things. They cannot sit together to peacefully map out Kenya’s future.

While the politicians jostle for leverage, the Kenyan political playing field remains highly uneven. Kenya’s political independence dates back to 1962 when Britain granted Kenya internal self-government. Since then, Kenya has had three heads of state, including the incumbent, Emilio Mwai Kibaki. Of these three heads of state, two are from the same ethnic group, the Kikuyu, and since politics begets wealth in Kenya, Kenya’s economy today is controlled by the Kikuyu who make up about 21% of the national population (see Table 1). It is not far-fetched to say that about 55% of Kenya’s wealth is today in the hands of the Kikuyu. This is a reality that has caused a lot of resentment towards the Kikuyu among the other (38 or so, since two or three groups are closely allied to the Kikuyu) ethnic groups. As the next national election approaches, the Kikuyu are also seriously fighting to produce the successor to Mwai Kibaki who is one of their own. They reason that democracy is a game of numbers so anyone can run in the elections and the one who garners the most votes wins. Yet other Kenyans want their turn. They feel that the Kikuyu should not dominate the country’s top seat and should let others have a chance. The result is a perpetual state of ethnic tension in the struggle for political mileage. An endless state of social inertia.

3. Literature Review

Most of Kenya’s intellectuals concur that bad politics is the main cause of most of their country’s social and economic problems. Professor P. Anyang’-Nyong’o, currently Kenya’s Minister for Health Services, in his book A Leap into the Future: A Vision for Kenya’s Socio-political and Economic Transformation (2007); Professor Kimani Njogu in the book Governance and Development; Towards Quality Leadership in Kenya (2007), and others agree that Kenya requires a radical transformation. In this section, we discuss three aspects of the ‘politics of [ethnic] exclusion and inclusion’ (Aseka, in Achola et al. 2004: 7) practised by Kenya’s politicians: poor governance, social inequalities, and rampant greed and corruption, and their impact on Kenyan society.

3.1 Poor Governance

“…the African crisis is a crisis of governance and hence a crisis of the state… The governance styles of [Kenya’s first head of state, Jomo] Kenyatta and [the second head of state Daniel Arap] Moi polarized the Kenyan society and fatally wounded the body-politic they were meant to serve in accordance to the oath of office they took” (Aseka, in Achola et al. 2004: 3). Since the end of the Moi regime in December 2002, nothing has changed in Kenya, in terms of governance. K. King’ei, another professor, observed in 2004 that “this political culture based on socio-linguistic differentiation has bred a lot of inter-ethnic division and animosity” (King’ei 2004). And in April 2012, Karuti Kanyinga, a Professor of Political Science at the Institute for Development Studies of the University of Nairobi, writes:

Ethnic alliances are forming as exclusionary platforms for acceding to power. This is deepening divisions along ethnic lines…The divisions that characterized the pre-2007 election violence period are clearly in place. Gema [read Kikuyu] leaders have been congregating to unify their quest to


have one of their own at the centre of power [i.e. as head of state when Mwai Kibaki leaves office in early 2013]6. Politicians are breaking laws without prosecution and without regard to national interests; a culture of lack of respect for the rule of law is gradually forming. It is troubling that we have not learnt from the post-2007 election violence [which left 1,500 people dead and 650,000 others forcefully evicted from their homes]. During the [Kofi Annan-led] national dialogue of early 2008 that resulted in the end to violence, Kenyan leaders agreed that absence of inclusive politics, perceptions of ethnic marginalization and imbalances in development, and histories of injustices, are some of the issues that required addressing to prevent the possible break-up of Kenya. Many recognized the need to learn from this past and to forge ahead in reconstructing a new body of politics based on policies that promote national rather than ethnic interests. There was a desire to build Kenya on principles of democratic governance, respect for the rule of law and rights of all. But the country’s senior politicians appear to suffer memory loss. They have simply ignored the need for a better Kenya. They are concerned with matters that protect their political careers, as individuals. And it does not matter the cost of safeguarding their careers, even if it means threatening national interests. From 2009, these senior politicians began to unify their efforts to block any attempts to hold anyone accountable including for crimes such as grand corruption…This culture of disrespect for the rule of law, abuse of power, corruption and impunity have spread to lower levels of society and the government because politicians and other senior leaders are not held accountable for their actions. Simply put, the failure to hold senior people accountable has resulted in other people breaking the law because influential politicians protect them. Alongside this blot in the practice of politics is the usual

trend in which politicians are rallying their communities for support any time they are held to account. They mobilize [their] communities to identify with their alleged crimes. (Kanyinga 2012).

Professor E. M. Aseka of Kenyatta University, Nairobi, asserts that “In essence, the post-colonial leadership in Kenya has failed to evolve an articulate and constructive ideology for socio-economic development.” (Aseka, in Achola et al. 2004:1).

3.2 Economic Inequalities

Inequality is a major source of discontent in Kenya. Since the politicians have succeeded in dividing Kenyans along ethnic lines, social tension has continued to mount over the past five decades as some ethnic groups have dominated Kenya’s political arena at the expense of other ethnic groups. Since in Kenya, as in other sub-Saharan states, politics is synonymous with riches, ethnic groups which have had the seat of the country’s political power have consistently prospered when others were marginalized.

Economic inequality in Kenya exists at several levels. The first level is where a rich minority controls the country while tens of millions of Kenyans are mired in absolute poverty. For instance, 60% of the population of Nairobi occupies 5% of the city’s total residential area (M. Mutiga 2012). The second level is where a few ethnic groups have more than their fair share of national resources and opportunities, e.g. 75% of Kenya’s public sector jobs are held by the five most populous Kenyan ethnic groups: Kikuyu, Luhya, Kalenjin, Luo and Kamba who make up 70% of the country’s population (Nation Media Group (2012) Daily Nation 2012: 9; see also Tables 1 and 2 and Figure 1). The third level of economic inequality in Kenya is where one ethnic group dominates the country’s economy for decades on end, and seeks to continue doing so. As shown in Figure 2, the Kikuyu dominate Kenya’s education sector, among other sectors.


As shown in Figure 1, the top four ethnic groups (especially the top two) have a bigger share of employee positions at Kenya’s seven public universities than they are proportionately entitled to in Table 1.

Table 2 shows that the top five ethnic groups who make up 70% of the national population take up over 80% of staffing positions in Kenya’s five biggest public universities. The other two public universities not featured in Table 2, Jomo

Sample Data

Table 1. Ethnic representation in Kenya

Ethnic Group (%) share of total population

Kikuyu 21Luhya 14Luo 12Kalenjin 12Kamba 11Kisii 6Meru 5Mijikenda 5Maasai 2Other communities 12

SOURCE: Ogechi (2009: 7)

Figure1: Ethnic Representation in Kenya’s Seven Public Universities SOURCE: Adapted from Mathenge (2012) and Ogechi( 2009).


Kenyatta and Maseno, did not hand in their data in time, but they would not have changed the scenario.

Several issues emerge from Table 3:

(i) The Kikuyu are numerically far dominant in four of Kenya’s seven public universities, even where the Vice-Chancellor is not

a Kikuyu. This is mainly because these universities are located in areas where the Kikuyu are dominant in the population. This in turn means that the other ethnic groups do not have as much access to public universities (and the socioeconomic advantages associated with a university) as the Kikuyu. Where the Kikuyu are over-represented but the Vice-Chancellor is not

a Kikuyu, it could be said that since all universities are under the Minister for Higher Education who is appointed by the Head of State, the non-Kikuyu Vice-Chancellors seek to be politically correct with the political establishment by ensuring that the Kikuyu are well represented in their institutions; the Kikuyu are dominant in Kenya’s political system.

Table 2. Ethnic representation in five of Kenya’s seven public universities

University Staff from Kenya’s top five ethnic groups (%)Masinde Muliro, Kakamega 93.0Moi, Eldoret 89.8Egerton, Nakuru 87.3Nairobi 82.3Kenyatta, Nairobi 81.7

SOURCE: Adapted from Mathenge (2012)7

University VC* ethnic origin Highest ethnic community

Name %

Masinde Muliro Luhya Luhya 68.9

Moi Kalenjin Kalenjin 55.0

Jomo Kenyatta Luhya Kikuyu 49.7

Nairobi Luo Kikuyu 38.0

Kenyatta Kikuyu Kikuyu 38.0Egerton, Nakuru Kalenjin Kikuyu 28.9

Table 3. Ethnic origin of staff at Kenya’s public universities, 2012

SOURCE: Adapted from Mathenge (2012).

* VC stands for Vice-Chancellor who is the chief executive officer of a university in Kenya


(ii). Vice-Chancellors often tend to follow the national trend of favouring their ethnic groups when recruiting personnel in their universities. This is appalling given that the university is supposed to be the beacon of reform and innovation as the centre of research and human resource training. Maseno University, in Kisumu, which is not mentioned in Tables 2 and 3 would have conformed to this observation due to its geographical location in western Kenya.

(iii). Kenyans tend to live in ethnic zones or enclaves. Each ethnic group is associated with certain geographic areas where they are the majority population. This way, a Kenyan cannot buy land and live anywhere he (or she) wishes. The ethnic majority in an area or a city is a crucial factor in resource allocation and investment. This is also why land is a major issue in Kenya’s politics and a key factor in Kenyan social life. It all goes back to the country’s political leaders to de-ethnicize Kenyan society because the country’s constitution states that a person is free to settle in any part of the country. The reality on the ground is different.

We conclude this section with the words of Professor E. M. Aseka who notes that “Kenya’s political regimes have consistently failed to foster a positive governance realm mindful of the general welfare of all Kenyans and the role of ethnicity in allocating resources continues to be dominant.” (Aseka, in Achola et al. 2004:13–14).

3.3. Greed and Corruption

Greed is deeply entrenched in the character and psyche of individual Kenyansb that always put their personal interests and the interests of their ethnic group first. In her book entitled It’s our turn to eat Wrong (2009) documents how corruption is part and parcel of Kenya’s social fabric and a major obstacle to development. The Office of the Kenyan Head of State is viewed by the occupier of that office and by the ethnic group from which he comes as an opportunity to enrich themselves

at the expense of other Kenyans. Wrong (2009) rightly asserts that the biggest impediment to social progress in Kenya is the political class who perpetuate corruption, nepotism, impunity and other social ills. Mr John Githongo, a member of the Kikuyu ethnic group, was sacked in 2006 after three years in office (as Kenya’s first Director of the Anti-corruption Campaign, and this office abolished) by President Mwai Kibaki, Kenya’s Head of State and a fellow member of the Kikuyu group, because he publicly criticized the corrupt practices of the Kibaki regime, including the infamous Anglo-Leasing scandal.

The greed among Kenya’s politicians is as old as the Kenyan Republic since it dates back to 1962, a year before Kenya gained political independence, as G. Loughran8, a veteran British journalist and expert on Kenya, confirms:

After weeks of debate and opposition to moves by government ministers and assistant ministers to pay themselves handsome gratuities, backdated and amounting to nearly £4,500 each for Kenya’s 20 ministers and nearly £3,500 each for the 29 assistant ministers, the backbench opposition has capitulated...It was in 1969 when the Kenya Parliament voted itself this lucrative windfall and the backdating was for seven years, all the way to 1962, before independence....Only one observation on this: Plus ça change [plus ça reste le même] (the more things change [the more they remain the same]).

When civil servants regularly go on strike to press the government for better pay (cf. the quote from Dr Mukhisa Kituyi at note 6 above), Kenya’s Parliament (ministers and other members of parliament) regularly (once every two years on average) vote and implement increases in their own salaries and allowances. Kenya’s Head of State earns more than Four million Kenya Shillings (U.S. Dollars 47,620) net per month today (April 2012) while an ordinary Kenyan member of parliament earns about 900,000


Kenya Shillings (U.S. Dollars 10,715) net per month (www.investmentnewskenya.com/salaries/kibaki, accessed on 21 April 2012), and the highest paid full professor in a Kenyan public university earns about 180,000 Kenya Shillings (U.S. Dollars 2,140) net monthly. These salaries of Kenyan politicians are irrational given that the annual per capita income in Kenya is only U.S. Dollars 810 (www.worldbank.org/data, accessed on 21 April 2012). In April 2012, the Head of State of France earns about U.S. Dollars 28,000 net monthly while the annual per capita income in France is about U.S. Dollars 42,370 (Eturama.com LLC - Le portail international des etudiants [n.d.] accessed at www.salaire-mensuel.com /salaire/nicolas-sarkozy, on 18 April 2012).

Ratios

• Kenyan president’s net annual salary: country’s net annual income per capita = 705:1

• French president’s net annual salary: country’s net annual income per capita = 8:1

At the same time, Kenyan leaders continue to “take advantage of their official positions to export food [especially maize] stocks stored as food security (Eshetu, Mlay, and Oyugi 1990:118)” and pocket the money earned there from. Professor E. M. Aseka confirms that “There is no culture of public property management worth talking about in Kenya”. He goes on that “…Management processes in Kenya are permeated by political games by leaders both in the public and private sectors…Leaders and followers are both ensnared by the politics of patronage… The brutal deflation of the public and quasi-public sectors through corruption in Kenya must be stopped” (Aseka, in Achola et al. 2004: 7– 9, 16).

Berry (1999:17) says that at the heart of quality service delivery is ‘values-driven leadership’. Political leadership in Kenya needs to be guided by some values. Only these values will bring

about the badly required “… revolutionary transformation of the political and economic order.” (Eshetu, Mlay, and Oyugi 1990: 3).

4. Summary and Conclusion

This paper is inspired by a desire for greater social stability in Kenya and in Eastern Africa. This stability is what begets prosperity. As of now (2012), most Kenyans are waiting for the next (2013) elections in fear and uncertainty. Social tension and insecurity are rising every day in the country as pro-reform politicians are increasingly reporting, publicly, that they are being threatened with death (by anti-reform forces). Kenyan media are also full of pleas by desperate citizens calling for peaceful elections in 2013. The paper argues that the frequent inter-ethnic conflicts caused by poor political leadership in Kenya are a serious threat to the country’s existence and that only politicians can eliminate these conflicts for the good of all Kenyans. Kenyan democracy is at a youthful and fragile stage. Professor Aseka states that “Transitional processes need visionary leadership” (Aseka, in Achola et al. 2004: 7). This is what Kenya needs most. We can also call it “…a revolutionary transformation of the political and economic order.” (Eshetu, Mlay, and Oyugi 1990: 3). Professor G. K. King’ei, Director of the Institute of African Studies at Kenyatta University, also concurs that on these issues threatening Kenya’s nationhood, “it all boils down to the question of governance.” (King’ei, in Achola et al. 2004:7). Indeed, all of Kenya’s sober-minded elite agree that there is an urgent need for a paradigm shift in Kenya’s politics. Politicians ought to give real dialogue a chance.

Notes

1. The actual date for Kenya’s next national election has not been confirmed. An organ of the Government has proposed 04/03/2013, but most citizens want the poll held in 2012, so the exact date is yet to be known. Kenyans are presently “debating” the date in the media.


2. Joseph Ngunjiri, 2007, “Good governance is key to foster development: How Malaysia learnt from Kenya and became a tiger?” In: The Sunday Nation Newspaper, October 21, 2007, Nairobi: Nation Media Group, p. 12.

3. Oliver Mathenge, 2012, ‘New ICC deadline for Kenya suspects’, in the Saturday Nation, March 31, 2012, p. 4, for the figure of 1,500 dead; and Anthony Kariuki, ‘Tobiko warns politicians over hate speech’, in the Sunday Nation newspaper, April 15, 2012, p. 29, for the number of those forcefully evicted from their homes.

4. Ibrahim Mwathane, 2012, “The Land Question – Say No to land-related election violence”, in Nation Media Group (2012) The Daily Nation newspaper, Wednesday, February 8, 2012, p. 13.

5. Dr Mukhisa Kituyi (Kenya’s Minister for Trade, 2003–2007), 2011, ‘Inability of Kenyans to dialogue together is a national malaise’ in the Sunday Nation newspaper, December 11, 2011, p. 21.

6. At this juncture, we wish to point out three things: a) ‘Gema’ is an ethnic alliance of three ethnic groups: Gikuyu (Kikuyu), Embu, Meru. These three groups are essentially one as their names, language and other cultural traits are all similar; b) the Kikuyu group have produced two of the three heads of state that independent Kenya has had so far: the incumbent, Mwai Kibaki, and Jomo Kenyatta, Kenya’s founding head of state; c) Professor Karuti Kanyinga is himself a member of the Gema ethnic group.

7. Oliver Mathenge, 2012, “The ethnic bastions on campus exposed: majority of staff in public universities tend to be of same ethnic group as vice-chancellor” in the Daily Nation newspaper, March 7, 2012, pp. 1 & 4.

8. Gerry Loughran, in the Sunday Nation newspaper, July 31, 2011, p. 34.

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Eshetu, C., W. Mlay and W. Oyugi (eds.). 1990. The crisis of development strategies in Eastern Africa. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: OSSREA.

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Social Stigma against Persons Affected by Podoconiosis: The Case in Wollaita Sodo Area of SNNPR,

Ethiopia

Jana Zehle, (Ph.D)*

Abstract

This article deals with the situation of young people affected by podoconiosis in Wollaita Sodo area, Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Region of Ethiopia. It further deals with social stigma against them and their exclusion from education and social life. Finally, health education and aspects of prevention and rehabilitation are discussed. Besides general information on pathogenesis and spread of podoconiosis, case studies are presented from interviews conducted by the researcher of selected individuals. These interviews were transcribed and grouped under categories emerging from the data. The results indicate that those young people affected by podoconiosis face social stigma and exclusion from education and social life.

Keywords: Podoconiosis, Mossy Foot, Stigma, Education and social inclusion

Pathogenesis and Spread of Podoconiosis

Podoconiosis is a type of tropical lymphoedema1, also known as non-filarial2 Elephantiasis found in subsistence communities in the tropics. In December 2010 Podoconiosis was included in the catalogue of Neglected Tropical Diseases by the MoH (Ministry of Health) in Ethiopia and in February 2011 by the WHO (World Health Organization). With regard to the fact that the history of podoconiosis is well described and has been investigated in Ethiopia since the 1970s (see Price in Davey 2008), this act to recognize podoconiosis officially as a neglected disease

on a national and international level has been delayed. The question arises then, why have so few people heard of podoconiosis? Davey argues in an interview: “Podo [Podoconiosis] is truly a disease of the voiceless – it only affects people in rural communities who are too poor to afford shoes. It is also neglected because it is a tropical diseases that visitors to the tropics will never develop, unlike for example, malaria” (THAF 2011).

Education

In Ethiopia, where podoconiosis has been well described, prevalence is about 5% in areas of irritant soil (see map below): Podoconiosis is thus more common than HIV infection in these areas. About 11 million people (18% of the national population) live in endemic areas (irritant soil areas) in Ethiopia and between 500,000 and 1 million people are affected nationwide (Ahrens et. al 2011). Podoconiosis is better known under the name ‘elephantiasis’. As Davey explains in an interview, elephantiasis occurs in the presence of microscopic, thread-like worms transmitted by mosquitoes. The disease itself is a result of a complex interplay between several factors: the worm, the symbiotic bacteria within the worm and the host’s immune response. It is not definitely known whether the swelling is caused by the parasite itself or by the immune system’s response to the parasite. Alternatively, elephantiasis may occur in the absence of parasitic infection.

This non-parasitic form of elephantiasis is known as ‘nonfilarial elephantiasis’ or podoconiosis, and areas of high prevalence have been documented in Burundi, Rwanda, Sudan (Price and Bailey 1984); Cameroon (Wonju et al. 2008); Equatorial Guinea (Corachan et al 1988); Ethiopia; Kenya (Crivelli 1986.); Tanzania (de Lalle et al 1988);

* Jana Zehle, Assistant Professor, Department of Special Needs, Addis Ababa University1 Lymphoedema (lymphedema) occurs when the lymphatic system does not work properly. This results in the long-

term swelling of part or parts of the body.2 Tropical diseases not caused by various thread-like parasitic round worms (nematodes) and their larvae.


and Uganda (Onapa, Simonsen, and Pedersen 2001). Non-filarial elephantiasis is thought to be caused by persistent contact with irritant mineral particles found in soils of volcanic origins, in particular red clays rich in alkali metals such as sodium and potassium and associated with volcanic activity. Further, high values of sulphur, cerium, lanthanum and neodymium typical for basaltic bedrocks were found as well as zirconium and beryllium (Desta, Ashine, and Davey 2003; Frommel et al 1993).

Early symptoms commonly include a burning sensation in the foot and lower leg, with the leg becoming warm and painful. Later, the swelling may be one of two types: soft and fluid, ‘water-bag type’, (see photo 1); or hard and fibrotic, ‘leathery type’ (see photo 2), (Davey 2008).

As the researcher became aware of during her research stay, remarkable improvements can be achieved in the early and progressive stages of the disease if keeping foot hygiene with soap and

water is combined with daily use of robust shoes and socks. Application of ointment and wearing elastic bandages are also appropriate additional treatments (see photos 3-5). Surgical treatment may be helpful in only a few cases. A vaccine is not yet available.

Photo 1

Photo 2

Photo 3

Photo credit: Zehle (2008, 2009)

Photo 4

Photo 5

Most studies of podoconiosis in Ethiopia have been conducted in Wollaita Zone of SNNPR, where the prevalence of podoconiosis is over 5%. These include such as Desta, Ashine and Davey (2003), Tekola, HaileMariam and Davey (2006), Tekola, et al (2009) and Yakob, Deribe and Davey (2007) However, an epidemiological study in resettlement schemes of West Ethiopia (Gulliso woreda) showed that the prevalence of podoconiosis is 9% in indigenous people (Ahrens et al 2011).


Research on Podoconiosis in Wollaitta Sodo, SNNP Region of Ethiopia

This research was conducted in Sodo, Wollaitta Zone in SNNP Region of Ethiopia. The researcher went there twice (2008 and 2009) with a group of scholars from different fields on invitation of the Mossy Foot Treatment and Prevention Association (MFTPA), a registered Ethiopian charity. It was given the name ‘mossy foot’ because moss-like changes can often be seen on the skin of the foot.

Because of their disease, people with podoconiosis are less productive. More important, podoconiosis is a stigmatizing health problem. Being affected by podoconiosis has a profound impact on a person’s life: he or she may be excluded from social and religious activities; and where the problem has affected children, they are excluded from school education because of misconceptions about the causes of podoconiosis. Misconceptions of the causes of podoconiosis include snakebite, poor nutrition, curses from God and the evil eye (Tekola et.al. 2009). Such misconceptions reinforce exclusion from the community and arouse feelings of guilt among patients who are affected by podoconiosis. Consequently, they hide and isolate themselves from the rest of the community.

MFTPA addresses the multidimensional aspects of podoconiosis and the impact this disease has on patients’ lives, with a focus on prevention, treatment and rehabilitation. The health workers of MFTPA operate in outreach clinics, and are in charge of provision of surgery to selected patients and training patients in new areas of work. MFTPA has been effective and successful in supporting people affected by podoconiosis, who are hesitant to take part in different activities for fear of being stigmatized. One of MFTPA’s strategies is to address people affected by podoconiosis through treated patients who are trained as health educators and then return to their communities. They use those treated patients as role models. They address other patients through treated podoconiosis patients

who return to their communities after being trained as health educators through MFTPA and serve as role models. Furthermore, many patients become productive again after treatment. They receive vocational training and are then prepared to work in sectors such as carpeting, metalwork or hairdressing. Being treated for their disease and being able to raise their income and lead an independent life creates awareness among unaffected members in the communities and contributes to the reduction of stigma.

Yakob, Deribe and Davey conducted a study in January 2007 aiming to assess the knowledge, attitudes and practices of community members towards podoconiosis in highly endemic areas in Southern Ethiopia. In the cross-sectional study, 438 study participants were selected by multistage probability sampling. Most respondents (93.5%) had seen a patient with podoconiosis and 91.6% had heard of the local terms for podoconiosis. The proportion of respondents holding at least one misconception about causation was 93.4%. More than one half (55.8%) showed stigmatizing attitudes towards social interactions with podoconiosis patients and 63.8% had unfavorable attitudes towards the condition (Yakob, Deibe, Davey 2007).

The Participants and Process of the Present Study

When the author of this article went to Wollaitta zone, she was interested in how podoconiosis affects those individuals socially and personally. To get the necessary information, the author of this article interviewed four people affected by podoconiosis and delimiting her target group to school aged participants. The interview participants were informed about the purpose of the study and they agreed to participate voluntarily. Informed consent was sought and obtained verbally. The names of the interviewees were made anonymous.

The researcher was accompanied and supported by an interpreter who spoke the local language and had already established trusting relationships


with the interviewees. The interviews were held at health centres in rural areas in Wollaita zone to where the interview partners came in order to get medical treatment. Purposefully, the researcher did not audiotape the interviews as she assumed - and was confirmed by the interpreter – that the use of electronic equipment would have had a negative impact on the interviewees’ willingness to be interviewed. While conducting the interviews, the researcher took notes and immediately after each interview she wrote down her impressions of the interview situation. The notes were reread, revised and completed (postscriptum) and then shared to the interpreter to read and discuss them. As we were still at the health centre, the researcher had the opportunity to re-question them, focusing on any responses that remained unclear to the interpreter and I. Through this procedure the researcher tried to collect data of the utmost inter-subjectivity and authenticity.

Following are very brief summaries of the interviews:

Tesfaye is in his mid twenties. Twelve years ago - when he was in grade seven - Tesfaye contracted podoconiosis. As a consequence his classmates and teachers started to ignore him and to blame him, “You smell when you are in the class, we can no more learn”. His father took him to Sodo where he received medical treatment. He then participated in a vocational training course. In 2003 he returned to his village and enrolled in school again. He is currently attending in grade 10.

Ajanao is about 10 years old and since he was five, he has been treated for podoconiosis. When the first symptoms became obvious, his parents took him to a traditional healer, but with no success. No one else in his family has been affected by podoconiosis. When the disease became worse, Ajanao left school because his classmates laughed at him; they discriminated against him; and even they beat him. Now his podoconiosis is under control and the swelling

is hardly perceptible any longer. He is back in school in grade two.

Aragesh is about 10 years old and her whole family - parents and two brothers - are affected by podoconiosis. Aragesh still goes to school together with Ajanao in grade two. Some of her teachers sympathize with her, but others do not and she receives corporal punishment more often than her classmates according to her own perception. Her classmates also refuse to share materials with her. Aragesh is engaged in household work such as fetching water and cutting grass despite her swollen feet – but she is wearing shoes now.

Mekonnen is about 14 years old and is in grade three at a local government primary school. Five years ago, he was affected by podoconiosis. His legs were so swollen that they no longer fit in a trouser leg. He had to wear long skirts. Because of the smell of his swollen legs, his classmates held their noses as soon as he approached. Mekonnen dropped out of school and got medical treatment in Sodo. He then returned to his village and works as a distributor and informant about prevention and treatment of podoconiosis.

Results, Discussion and Conclusion

The responses by the interviewees confirm that people with podoconiosis are often mistreated and that social stigma against people with podoconiosis is widespread. They are excluded from school, are denied participation in various forms of social activities and social interactions, as their participation in those activities is extremely difficult or even prohibited. Correspondingly, one interviewee stated: “My classmates and teachers started to ignore me and to blame me: ‘You smell, we can no more learn when you are in the class’ ”.

In line with these observations, Erving Goffman’s definition of social stigma as a severe social disapproval of personal characteristics or beliefs that are perceived to be against cultural


norms (Goffman 1986), stands. Reactions such as exclusion, accusation and humiliation of unaffected members of the community towards podoconiosis-affected members induce feelings of guilt and shame, as described above.

From a legal standpoint, as long as school aged people that are affected by podoconiosis face barriers to receive education, fundamental international human rights are violated. For example, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights Act 1948, Art. 26 states:

(1) Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.

(2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.

The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 1966, Art. 12:

1. The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health.

2. The steps to be taken by the States Parties to the present Covenant to achieve the full realization of this right shall include those necessary for: … (c) The prevention, treatment and control of epidemic, endemic, occupational and other diseases…”

Further, Ethiopia will remain far from reaching the goal of Education for All, as it is expressed in the Dakar Framework for Action – EFA – 2000, Goals 2, 3 and 6:

“... (2) Ensuring that by 2015 all children particularly girls, children in difficult circumstances and those belonging to ethnic minorities have access to a completely free and compulsory primary education of good quality;

(3) Ensuring that the learning needs of all young people and adults are met…

... (6) Improving all aspects of the quality of education”,

And as well as in the Millennium Development Goals 2000, Goals 1, 2 and 6:

“(1) Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger

(2) Achieve universal primary education

… (6) Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases”.

Conclusion

Podoconiosis is a widespread but neglected disease in Ethiopia and worldwide. People affected by podoconiosis suffer from personal and social exclusion. Most patients describe it as ‘the worst disease’ mainly due to its negative social consequences and absence of an effective cure at the advanced stage (Tekola et.al 2009). Thus, interventions must be developed to raise awareness for preventing, treating and controlling the disease.

Recommendation

Awareness of the population must be increased on various levels, from local to international bodies, because:

• Detected at an early stage, podoconiosis is relatively easy to treat. Primary prevention consists of avoiding or minimizing exposure


to irritant soil by wearing robust shoes and by keeping foot hygiene. However, it has to be considered that poor people living in rural areas often cannot afford to buy shoes or refuse to wear them, and some of them are required to walk long distances barefoot to fetch water.

• The community needs to be educated about podoconiosis. Community health workers, teachers and leaders of churches and mosques need to have basic knowledge about podoconiosis. These community leaders could distribute their knowledge, observe whether people in the community might be affected by podoconiosis and procure treatment.

• Community health workers, teachers and leaders of churches and mosques could further play an active role in minimizing stigmatization of people affected by podoconiosis, by offering support and encouragement to the affected and by creating awareness among their publics so that stigmatisation could be curtailed.

• People affected by podoconiosis experienced stigmatization and exclusion. Consequently, health workers and researchers must allocate time to establish trust and keep information they receive confidential.

• Persons, like Mekonnen, who are successfully treated, can be trained as community workers because they also inherit a model function for people who are suffering from podoconiosis; they can also play tremendous roles to correct stigmatizing bias of non-effected people.

• For patients with advanced podoconiosis, the aim should be that the disease is controlled such that they can wear shoes and earn a living. As farmers and weavers affected by podoconiosis may no longer be able to carry out their former work, basic education and vocational training should be

provided to them so that they will be able to earn their living and live an independent, self-determined life in the future.

• Podoconiosis necessitates a stronger scientific inquiry. Further cross-disciplinary research is needed from natural and social science to medicine, ethics, literature, law and economics.

Acknowledgement

The researcher would like to express her thanks to Gail Davey and people from the Mossy Foot Treatment and Prevention Association (MFTPA) for creating for her the opportunity to became aware of and interested in the situation of people affected by podoconiosis.

Finally, the researcher shares Gail Davey’s optimistic view that “Ethiopia is uniquely situated in holding the key to eradication of this costly and highly stigmatized disease within its borders” (Davey 2008).

References

Ahrens, C.; Alemu, G.; Daniel, T., Davey, G.; Tekola, F. 2011. Burden of podoconiosis in poor rural communities in Gulliso woreda, West Ethiopia. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov.pubmed/21666795 retrieved August 5, 2011.

Corachan, M., Tura J.M., Campo E., et.al. 1988. Podoconiosis in Aequatorial Guinea. Report of two cases from different geological environments. Tropic Geogr Med 40, pp. 359-64.

Crivelli, P. 1986. Non-filarial elephantiasis in Nyambene range: a geochemical disease. East African Medical Journal 63, pp. 191-94.

Davey, G. 2008. Podoconiosis: Let Ethiopia lead the way. Ethiopian Journal of Health Development. Addis Ababa.


de Lalle, F. et.al. 1988. Endemic non-filarial elephantiasis in Iringa District, Tanzania: a study of 30 patients. Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 82, pp. 895-97.

Desta, K., Ashine, M., Davey, G. 2003. Prevalence of podoconiosis (endemic non-filarial elephantiasis) in Wolaitta, Southern Ethiopia. Tropical Doctor 33/4. The Royal Society of Medicine Press, pp. 217–20. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov.pubmed/8236466 retrieved August 5, 2011.

Frommel, D., Ayranci, B., Pfeifer, H.R., Sanchez, A., Frommel, A., Mengistu G. 1993. Podoconiosis in the Ethiopian Rift Valley: Role of beryllium and zirconium. Tropical and Geographical Medicine 45/4. Publisher Foundation GTM, pp 165–167. http://www.demotix.com/news/14926/podoconiosis-ethiopia, Retrieved August 5, 2011.

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http://www.facebook.com/pages/Tropical-Health-Alliance-Foundation-THAF/121519251207003?sk=app_4949752878, Retrieved August 5, 2011.

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ht tp:/ /www.who.int/neglected_diseases/diseases/podoconiosis/en/index.html. Retrieved August 5, 2011.


Regulating or Banning Plastic Bags in Zimbabwe: A Contentious

Debate

Mangizvo Remigios* and Jerie Steven**

Abstract

The government of Zimbabwe banned the use of thin plastic bags because of their environmental impacts. The plastic bags which were introduced in the 1980s have become an ever present item in Zimbabwe. Plastic bags are responsible for littering, blockage of water drains as well as deaths of domestic animals. In places where they are burnt to reduce the amount of litter, they produce noxious smoke that is responsible for greenhouse gases. The ban of plastic bags in Zimbabwe has been a contentious issue. Environmentalists are advocating for an outright ban of the bags whilst industrialists are for regulating the use of the plastic bags through economic instruments such as levies. It is therefore vital to create a high level awareness among consumers so that they make an informed decision concerning use of plastic bags.

Key words: regulate, ban, plastic bags, Zimbabwe

Introduction

At the beginning of 2011, the Government of Zimbabwe banned the use of thin plastic bags in the country. Through Statutory Instrument 98, Section 3, sub-section (i) the Government of Zimbabwe prohibited the manufacture or use, commercial distribution or importation of plastic packaging with a wall thickness of less than 30 micrometres (Langa 2011). The ban prohibited pharmacies, groceries, liquor and convenience stores from giving out plastic bags. Instead plastic bags are to be replaced by paper carrier bags which can easily decompose. Through this Act, Zimbabwe joined a growing list of countries trying to break the plastic bag addiction. There

* Mangizvo Remigios, Doctoral student at University of Fort Hare (South Africa)** Jerie Steven, Lecturer in the Department of Geography and Environmental Science, Midlands State University,

Zimbabwe

is a growing international movement to ban or discourage the use of plastic bags because of their environmental effects. The African continent which has been motivated by a climate of widespread environmental devastation has boldly moved to initiate a continent-wide ban on plastic bags in an effort to eliminate the billions of throwaway plastic bags that are marring its cities and landscapes (Doan 2007; Simpson 2007).

Since plastic (polythene) bags were introduced in the early 1980s, they have become an ever-present item in modern society (Warner 2010). Environmental groups estimate that 500 billion to one trillion of the bags are now used worldwide every year. They are often used as shopping bags for packaging food and are generally preferred to paper bags and reusable cloth and jute bags because of their physical and chemical properties (Ramaswamy and Sharma 2011). They are strong, lightweight and moisture resistant (Jollands and Majundar 2007). Plastics also have unique properties which include versatility, inertness and flexibility, especially in the application areas of packaging (Fobil and Hogarh 2006).

Plastic bags are so cheap to produce, sturdy, plentiful, easy to carry and store that they have captured at least 80 per cent of the grocery and convenience store market since they were introduced a quarter of a century ago (Roach 2003). However, consumers use plastic bags with careless indifference to the detriment of the environmental effects that result from their disposal. This could stem from the fact that up until 2010, plastic bags were normally given for free to shoppers. As such, plastic bags have become one of the most recognisable symbols of the modern day throwaway culture. Zimbabwe’s Minister of Environment and Natural Resources Management argues that despite their convenience to consumers, they have become an


environmental nuisance responsible for causing pollution, deaths of animals and blockages of drains. Hence the use of thin plastic bags has to stop (Zimbabwe Reporter 2010; New Zimbabwe 2010). This promulgation has generated a lot of debate among scholars, ordinary citizens and media practitioners.

Hazards Caused by Plastics

Plastic bags have two destinations after their use: either they find their way to disposal sites and landfills or they litter public spaces where they are an aesthetic nuisance (Ayalon et al. 2009). Plastics are non-biodegradable and their decomposition takes between 400 and 1000 years (Aldred 2007). Plastic bags are very light and are therefore easily blown by wind and travel long distances. The situation is worsened by poor solid waste management which has become prevalent in most of Zimbabwe’s urban areas. Open dumping is rampant in Zimbabwe’s urban centres such as Gweru and Kwekwe where waste collection is irregular (Jerie 2006). Plastic bags are ranked third behind food wastes and paper/cardboard in waste composition by mass of the domestic solid waste generated weekly in Gweru and Kwekwe (Jerie 2006). Plastic bags, unlike food wastes, are easily blown to cover expansive areas.

Residents commonly use plastic bags for storing their waste and they dump these in open spaces near their houses (Ramaswamy and Sharma 2011). This form of improvisation is used in areas where waste collection is poor. This practice is rampant in most municipal areas of Zimbabwe. These bags ultimately become part of the municipal solid waste stream. Plastic bags littered in public places provide an ugly sight. These bags end up being everywhere. They are found cluttering landfills, flapping from trees, floating in the breeze and clogging drains (Roach 2003).

The prevalence of improperly disposed plastic bags has been linked to the spread of malaria in

some urban areas of Nigeria and Kenya (Doan 2007). There are fears that the plastic bags could also worsen the malaria problem in Zimbabwe as elucidated by the Minister of Environment. Plastic bags have the capacity to hold rain water for several days thereby providing breeding habitats for mosquitoes. Plastic grocery bags also clog sewer pipes, thereby creating stagnant water, which produces the ideal habitat for mosquitoes and other parasites which have the potential to spread a large number of diseases (Environmental Literacy Council 2005).

In recent years, plastic wastes that were casually dumped in the urban areas have been blamed for blocking gutters and drains, ultimately creating serious storm water problems. Experiences in other parts of the world show that plastic bags have caused flooding after rainstorms since they clog drainage systems. Bangladesh experienced similar floods in 1988 and 1998 and this led to the banning of plastic bags in 2002 (IRIN 2011). Ghana has been experiencing an unprecedented increase in flooding in its major cities like Accra, Kumasi and Takoradi (Fobil and Hogarh 2006). Zimbabwe’s urban centres such as Gweru often experience flooding as the underground drainage waterways quickly clog because of the prevalence of plastic bags in the city (Mangizvo 2007).

One option that has often been used to reduce the amount of plastic bags in the solid waste stream is burning. Intentional open burning of waste along with plastic bags is also a commonly observed practice in cities of the developing world (Ramaswamy and Sharma 2011). In a study on alleys in the central business district of Gweru in Zimbabwe, Mangizvo (2010) observed that municipal workers had resorted to burning the plastic bags as a way of containing them. However, this method is detrimental as plastic bags when burnt cause local air pollution and release toxic gases such as furan and dioxin, and leave unhealthy and harmful residues that include lead and cadmium (Gordon 1994).


The Zimbabwean Minister of Environment and Natural Resources Management highlighted that if plastic bags are burnt, they emit gases such as carbon dioxide which have negative impacts which include the depletion of the ozone layer (Zimbabwe Reporter 2010).

Plastic grocery bags have a negative social impact as they are linked to loss of livestock. Many people lose their livelihood as their livestock mistakenly eat plastic bags which are often caught in trees and fences, leading to suffocation or blockage of digestive tracts, and eventually death (Njeru 2006). Plastics were responsible for the deaths of 5,000 animals annually in Zimbabwe, and these included donkeys, cattle, sheep and goats (New Zimbabwe 2010). The ingested plastic bag remains intact even after the death and decomposition of the animal, thus it lies around on the landscape where another victim may ingest it.

Why Plastic Bags Must Be Retained

It is difficult to simply ban the use of plastic bags since they have a number of advantages over other types of carrier bags. Over the years, they have replaced traditional and paper bags and they have secured a firm place in the consumer economy which includes African urban centres (Bahri 2005). There seems not to be a ready substitute for the plastic bag. The ban on plastic bags is a contentious issue. One line of argument that includes plastic bag manufacturers holds the ban could lead to unprecedented deforestation as paper bags are made from virgin wood. However, environmentalists lobbying for the ban of the plastic bags argue that most paper grocery bags in use today are made from recycled content, hence the plastic bags need to be banned.

It is argued that regulations, taxes or using reusable bags for shopping won’t reduce the consumption of plastic bags. This is because these bags are very convenient to use while at the same time they play a very essential role in people’s lives. They serve multi purposes as they can be used for carrying papers, storing smelly gym kit or wet swimming costume, protecting

his lunch among many other uses (Weir 2008). Although plastic bags may be taken for granted, there is no other single household item that has more applications across every facet in people’s lives. Without plastic bags, shopping can be a very difficult exercise.

It has also been argued that plastics have been made a scapegoat in the litter problems experienced in the urban centres of Zimbabwe. It is convenient to fault the plastic bag consumers for irresponsible waste disposal, but the real issue could be failure by local authorities to provide adequate waste management facilities (Reuters 2005). It is the unavailability of municipal services, such as solid waste disposal, sanitation and water supply which constitutes an extreme environmental injustice. Environmentalists tend to pay more attention to the problems that are caused by the plastic bags yet in essence the problem should be tackled holistically. Plastic bag producers should be accountable to their actions while at the same time local authorities provide efficient service delivery. There is need for an integrated approach involving the producers, the local authorities, the government and consumers, in dealing with the problem caused by the plastic bags.

The use of plastic bags is popular with consumers for many reasons that include easy availability, easy storage and transportation on account of their thinness and lightness, and their offering multiple uses compared to alternatives such as paper bags (Njeru 2006). As a result, it is not a simple matter to ban their use. Instead, consumers are calling for governments that have banned the use of plastic bags to find alternatives to the plastic bags before outlawing them. There is no alternative for the plastic bags at the moment and it is almost unhygienic for consumers to carry food items such as bread without the protective cushion of plastic bags. It is imperative to have options in place before banning the bag. It has also been argued that this piece of legislation affects the welfare of the workers (Veremu 2011). Several jobs are likely to be lost. Banning the plastic bags would really create serious


problems to households who are dependent on the plastic bags for their livelihoods.

Recommendations

The prevalence of plastic bags and related materials in the environment is so extensive in many countries as has already been discussed here. It is apparent that plastic bags have become a staple of the urbanized human environment. It is therefore necessary to introduce some remedies to the problems caused by plastic bags.

Public Awareness and Education Campaigns

It is important to create awareness among city residents in Zimbabwe regarding indiscriminate use and disposal of plastic bags. This could be done by using informative instruments such as awareness campaigns and environmental education. It is apparent that there is very little public awareness over why directives such as the ban of plastic bags are being instituted in Zimbabwe. There have been hardly any public awareness campaigns to explain things to ordinary people. Information on the banning of plastic bags only appeared in a few news articles in the press as well as announcements made by the Ministry of Environment on television during the news bulletin. This is inadequate as information did not get to many people throughout the country. It will be good to have an extensive campaign using all forms of media as well as through anti-littering campaigns promotions where residents are educated on the dangers posed by plastic bags. This could result in behaviour change by members of the public. The government should therefore ensure the message has been thoroughly disseminated before giving ultimatums. Creating awareness among city residents regarding indiscriminate use and disposal of plastic bags will be a good option to overcome the problem in future. This could be done through anti-littering campaigns promotions where residents are educated on the dangers posed by plastic bags. Awareness campaigns in the forms of informing and educating consumers can be used as a pre-consumption measure to impact on profligate use of plastic bags. They can also be tailored

to promoting re-use culture as against use-and-throw consumerism (Bahri 2005). This is what is significantly lacking in Zimbabwe.

Levies on Plastic Bags

The use of economic instruments such as levies on plastic bags could go a long way in discouraging consumers from demanding them after they have bought their groceries. It is used as an instrument to internalize external costs due to too many waste plastic bags in the environment. Although this has not been successful in countries such as Kenya, it has worked well in Ireland where it effectively impacted on wasteful consumption and brought about the desired changes in consumer behaviour (Bahri 2005). In 2002, Ireland passed a tax on plastic bags and customers who wanted them had to pay 33 cents per bag at the register. This move was accompanied by an advertising awareness campaign. Within weeks plastic bag use dropped 94 per cent. Within a year, nearly everyone had bought reusable cloth bags, keeping them in offices and in the backs of cars (Rosenthal 2008). Plastic bags were not outlawed, but carrying them became socially unacceptable. This is attributed to the education and awareness campaigns that the public was exposed to. Levies are a better than a ban on issuance of bags because a lot of people still forget to carry own carrier bags and only remember at the till point such that they have no choice but to purchase the plastic bags. With time, consumers will begin to appreciate the importance of carrying their own bags instead of continuously buying new plastic bags.

Developing Appropriate Technology

It is imperative to have appropriate technology that produces thicker plastics in place before banning the thin bags. Kenya provides a good example of a country that went on to ban the use of thin plastics without having put contingent measures in place. There were no alternatives such as the eco bags. Today thin plastic bags continue to pollute the environment because there are no alternative options (Shahonya 2010). This is because the inertia in technological shift in the


production of biodegradable and environmentally friendly options is not available. The same could apply to Zimbabwe. Appropriate technology could therefore be a panacea in the war on plastics (Shahonya 2010). The government of Zimbabwe should be proactive by prioritising the acquisition of technology to manufacture thicker plastics.

Use of Environmental R’s: Reduce, Recycle, and Reuse

The drastic measures of banning the use of thin plastic bags may not achieve the intended objectives in Zimbabwe. Consumers are so addicted to the plastic bags to such an extent that many feel they cannot do without it. The government through the relevant ministries and arms of government and interested parties should encourage consumers to use the Environmental 3 R’s. The utilisation of the environmental R’s could curtail the use of plastic bags. The three environmental R’s are used in the following order: reduce, recycle and reuse. A reduction in the use of plastics means that alternatives such as paper and other biodegradable bags should replace the plastic ones; and new strategies of packaging should be practised. The reduction only comes once consumers are sensitised on the negative impacts of the thin plastic bags on the environment. Reduction can only be achieved when alternatives have been availed to the consumers.

Recycling

Recycling has for some reason not been a very popular or viable business in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe should adopt and improve recycling technologies. Recycling of plastic bags helps to reduce the amount of plastic waste burden on the environment. However, plastic recycling is easier said than done. The challenge in plastic recycling is the difficulty in segregation of plastics in one of the different groups and also cleaning of the plastics from the various contaminants like food

debris, wet paper, etc. Many people still handle plastics in a manner that makes it difficult for them to be recycled. The cost and efforts to accomplish this are a major factor accountable for the dismal recycling efforts. Plastic can be recycled but to recycle them, plastic will have to be disposed of properly. These bags should be thrown into garbage bins dedicated to plastics from where they can be collected, and used for recycling.

The reuse of plastics has been an ongoing practice in Zimbabwe for many years. Plastic bags can be used as many times as possible, thus curtailing their build up in amount. This is only possible if they are thick and durable. With sound campaigns, consumers should be educated to carry old plastic bags when going for shopping. They could be reused to carry books by school going pupils among many other uses.

Banning Plastic Bags

This is too drastic a measure at this point in Zimbabwe which must only come as the final resort, after all other alternatives have been exhausted. This is only after sufficient alternatives have been accepted by the public and are in good supply in the community. The critical element in the whole discourse is developing the alternatives to conventional plastics and promoting them for use. Only once they have been widely accepted by the public in the society, should a ban on conventional plastics be considered. A total ban of plastic bags and concentrating on the manufacture and selling of recyclable eco-bags would ensure that customers remember to carry own shopping bags to the store. However, before the ban can be effected, it is essential to have substitutes of plastics in place. In addition, there should be a political will to enforce the outright ban. Otherwise, the whole process could be a futile exercise.


Conclusion

In conclusion, banning the use of the plastic bags could be too harsh. Instead, there is need to regulate their use by having stringent specifications of bags to be manufactured and/or imported. It is important to enforce the regulations instead of paying lip service. The above recommendations cannot work in isolation and they cannot be implemented singly. They need to complement each other and, in most cases, they must be carried out simultaneously. Maybe, the scourge of the plastic bag could be eradicated and environmental protection ensured.

References

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Ayalon, O., Goldrath, T., Rosenthal, G. and Grossman, M. 2009. Reduction of plastic carrier bag use: An analysis of alternatives in Israel. Waste Management, 29: 2025–2032.

Bahri, G. 2005. Sustainable management of plastic bag waste: The case of Nairobi, Kenya. IIIEE Reports 2005. Available at http://www.sysav.se/upload/ovrigt/Sysav%20Utveckling%20rapporter/Sustainable%20management%20of%20plastic%20bag%20waste.pdf (Accessed 11 March 2011)

Doan, A. 2007. Africa wages war on plastic bags. Inhabitat, 17 December 2007. http://www.inhabitat.com/2007/12/17/africas-outlook-and-ban-on-plastic-bags/. Accessed on 10 March 2011.

Environmental Literacy Council. 2005. Paper or Plastic? Accessed on January 20, 2011

at http://www.enviroliteracy.org/article.php/1268.html.

Fobil, J.N. and Hogarh, J. N. 2006. The dilemmas of plastic wastes in a developing economy: Proposals for a sustainable management approach for Ghana. West African Journal of Applied Ecology, 10(1): 221–229.

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1 * Department of Geography & Environmental Studies, Midlands State University, Zimbabwe

Waste from the People or People to the Waste? An Analysis of Gweru’s

McFadden Dumpsite and Its Environs

Matsa Mark1*

Abstract

McFadden dumpsite has been Gweru’s one and only operational waste dump since 2002. It is the city’s final resting place for all forms of waste including surgical waste. The dumpsite is ever burning, producing a thick pungent smell which perverts the whole area and its environs. Though at its inception in 2002 the waste dump was located relatively far from residential areas, recently new residential suburbs of Clifton Park (2004) and Woodlands Park (2009) have developed very close to it, raising safety, health and aesthetic concerns to the residents. This paper sought to determine the environmental status of Gweru’s McFadden dumpsite. It also queries the rational of developing new suburbs in the vicinity of the dump; safety and health implications of the dump location to the residents of victim suburbs of Mkoba 17, Clifton Park and Woodlands Park, as well as the nearby institutions of Ascot high School and Jairos Jiri Naran Centre for the Deaf and Dump [for People with Hearing and Speaking Disabilities]. A case study approach was employed in this study. Questionnaires were used to solicit information from residents while interviews were used to get expert knowledge from the City Director of Health, Council Cleansing Superintendent, Dumpsite Supervisor and Environmental Management Agency (EMA) officials. Direct observation was also used to document the state as well as the goings-on at the site. Results revealed that the dump is poorly managed. No environmental impact assessment (EIA) was undertaken for the dump, Clifton Park or Woodlands Park suburbs despite the fact that these are prescribed projects under the country’s environmental law. There

is also evidence of health-related diseases emanating from the dump, and one reported death of a scavenger in 2010.The study recommends that council earnestly consider carrying out a full EIA to find a new dumpsite for the city. Council and EMA should also carry out environmental and health awareness education to reduce food and water contamination problems to residents in the vicinity of the dump. The dumpsite should be fenced so that scavengers do not enter the area. Council should also engage the business community for funds for the installation of an incinerator at the dumpsite so that surgical waste is not subjected to open air burning as is currently the case.

Key words

Waste management; dumpsite; scavenger; landfill

Background to the Study

Continued rapid urbanization in most towns and cities of the world has made the management of waste in urban areas across the globe a perennially topical issue to safety, health and environmental management practitioners. According to WHO (2002), dumpsites comprise municipal, industrial, commercial and domestic (or household) waste which may be solid, semi-solid or liquid. The fact that this waste appears in dumpsites in three different states makes its management problematic, resulting in disease outbreak and environmental problems (Kurniawan 2009). Increasing scientific evidence has indicated that waste dumps and landfills impact negatively on the health of populations residing within their vicinity (Viessman and Hammer 1998; Sharma and Dubey 2005). A comparison of populations living within 2km radius of some of the 9,565 landfill sites operational at some time between 1982 and 1997 in the United Kingdom and those living far away revealed more cases of


congenital anomalies in live births in the former (Elliot et al. 2001). The same study also revealed that landfill influences contributed significantly to the frequency of still births occurrence as well as unsolicited termination of pregnancy.

Poorly managed landfills and waste dumps may also threaten public health by increasing disease transmission. Putrefying organic materials at landfills and waste dumps that are improperly managed can make them become breeding areas for disease vectors such as rats, flies and mosquitoes. Garbage accumulation at dumping sites in urban areas produces undesirable odour which may cause headaches, nausea and flue (Ministry of Environment and Tourism 2004).

The thick smoke generated from burning of solid waste at dumpsites contains carbon monoxide soot and nitrogen oxides, all of which are hazardous to human health and degrade the quality of air (Sharma and Dubey 2005). During the processes of decomposition and anaerobic digestion, methane and carbon dioxide are the principal gases produced. These processes contribute up to 18% of the total methane emissions to the atmosphere, ranging from 9 to 70 megatons (Vrijheid 2000). This therefore makes public concern about possible effects on the health of populations living near landfills and dumpsites justifiable.

Landfills and waste dumps have a high risk of contaminating ground and surface water (Salomons and Stigliani 1995; Kurniawan 2009). Chemicals or group chemicals which develop at landfills and dumpsites include dioxins, organic solvents, polychlorinated biphels and heavy metals such as cadmium, all of which impact negatively on the health of people (Vrijheld 1998). Runoff from landfills and waste dumps also contain toxic materials and pathogenic organisms which contaminate drainage systems in nearby residential areas, creating a potential

public health hazard for the nearby populations.

In Africa, most towns and cities dispose their waste on waste dumps (which are usually poorly sited and poorly managed) in contrast to the common practice in most urban areas of the developed world, where waste is mainly managed at landfills which are usually scientifically determined, fenced and properly managed sites for organised disposal of waste materials (which cannot be reused or recycled) for burial.

Waste management problems in Africa can be attributed to economic hardships. According to UN-Habitat (2004), rapid urbanization in Africa undermines the capacity of governments to deliver services effectively. Sharma and Dubey (2005) confirm that people living within the vicinity of waste dumpsites are heavily exposed to diseases emanating from the waste. A research by Mohamed (2001) in Somalia concluded that a large percentage of people’s illnesses in poor countries is directly linked to the effects of hazardous waste dumping. In Tanzania, a study revealed that people who lived near landfills showed symptoms such as fatigue, sleepiness and also complained of headaches (Surrey County Council 2008).

Despite the increase in content and general awareness, waste management is failing to put into practice aspects of safety, health and environmental concerns to the planning and location of dumpsites in relation to residential areas. Over the years, residents have complained about safety, health and environmental issues of municipal dumpsites in Harare, Masvingo, Marondera, Victoria Falls, and Gweru, among others; but municipalities have failed to address residents’ concerns. In the case of Gweru, for example, more and new residential suburbs continue to develop in the vicinity of McFadden dumpsite, the city’s only and final resting place for all forms of waste from industrial, municipal,


Material and MethodsDescription of the Study Area

Figure 1. Location of Gweru’s McFadden Dump

domestic, commercial and even surgical waste. This paper therefore seeks to determine the environmental status of Gweru’s McFadden dumpsite. It also queries the rationale of placing the dumpsite in the midst of residential areas, why new suburbs continue to mushroom in the vicinity of the dump. It looks into the health,

safety and environmental implications of the dump location to the residents of the victim suburbs of Mkoba village 17, Mkoba village 12, Clifton Park, Woodland Park as well as nearby institutions—Ascot High School and Jairos Jiri Naran Centre for the Deaf and Dump [for People with Hearing and Speaking Disabilities].

Gweru’s McFadden dump, established in 2002 is located some 4.5km due South-West from the City centre off Lower Gweru road. It lies some 1.5km to the East of Mkoba 17, 600m to the West of Clifton Park and about 800m to the South-West of Woodlands Park. All three are low income high density areas with a population estimated at 7000.

The area currently used for dumping is about 1000m2 and stretches in a NNW to SSE direction. It is generally sandy (since it sits on a belt of sedimentary rock) although there are patches of some clay soil on its western margin. Wind

blows from East to West and surface drainage is generally from NE to SW. During the dry season (May to October), the dump site is exposed and perpetually smoky, while during the wet season (November to March), it is hardly visible from a distance since it will be surrounded by lush vegetation most of which are different crop types grown by residents of the aforementioned three suburbs as well as residents from other distant high density suburbs who are lured by the dumpsite-enhanced fertile soils. Smoky conditions are also a common attribute of the dump even during the rainy season.


Theoretical Framework

Waste Disposal in Developing Countries

Developing countries’ urban areas continue to grow at a much faster rate than the provision and expansion of the necessary infrastructure and services. This has resulted in Management problems as most local authorities face severe financial challenges debilitating their ability to provide effective waste disposal systems. Generally, most urban centres have high proportions of non-degradable solid waste such as metals, glass, paper and plastics. In the absence of recycling, these have a permanent effect on the site of disposal. Land pollution in urban areas is partly a result of toxic matter being dumped at without proper detoxification methods having been carried out while leaching of toxic materials at dumpsites can pollute water sources such as river systems and ground water. Given this overview, the management of waste in urban areas therefore continue to be a topical issue in environmental studies. Although waste management involves the generation, storage, collection, processing, transportation and disposal of waste, this study focuses on waste disposal, defined here as getting rid of waste in a manner that minimises risks to both the environment and human health.

Waste Disposal Methods

Most common solid waste disposal methods include landfills, incineration and composting.

Landfills: These are the most traditional method of waste disposal and they remain a common practice in most countries. Historically, landfills were often established in disused quarries, mining voids and burrow pits. The Maseru disposal site in Lesotho, for example, is located in a worked-out quarry that has not been engineered to prevent any pollution (Basel Convention Centre 2006). Moyo (1997) defines landfill as any area

of land used for the deposit of mainly solid waste adding that landfills can either be open dumps or sanitary trenches which are lined and can later be capped when full.

In Zimbabwe, authorised dumpers are mainly major industries, retailers and a few individuals on an occasional basis. The most common solid waste disposal methods used in Zimbabwe are sanitary landfills (controlled tipping) and composting (Chenje, Sola and Paleczny 1998). The type of wastes dumped on landfills ranges from solids to liquids, including paper, plastic bottles, glass, clothing, building materials, oil residues, gas cylinders, chemicals from shoe manufacturing, asbestos, and putricibles among others.

In Harare, more than 85% of the solid wastes are also disposed of by sanitary land filling (Chenje et al. 1998). However, compacting of solid waste using bulldozers and landfill compactors greatly reduces the quality of land for other options.

While attempts have been made at land filling in Zimbabwe, for example in the south-eastern city of Masvingo, Gweru and Harare, the situation in Beira, Mozambique is quite different. Beira residents deposit their waste either in communal containers or in open spaces with 37% using open spaces and 47% using communal containers (Bambaige 2003). As a result, piles of solid waste from open dumping provide breeding grounds for flies, rats and other disease-causing organisms such as bacteria, which are a threat to humans.

In Zimbabwe, however, open dumping is also growing in and around most urban centres, reflecting the failure by local authorities to effect proper and efficient waste management (Tevera 1991). Flammable industrial waste and dump gases are a major factor to the start of fires. Dump fires can also convert wastes such as old tyres, used batteries, paints and batteries into


Table 1. Quantities of incinerators in Japan and some Newly Industrialised Countries

SOURCE: Mendes and Imura (2004b)

Country Number of Incinerators YearJapan 180 2003South Korea 19 2000Taiwan 19 2003Singapore 4 2004

toxic materials, which pollute the air, water and soils (Tevera 1995).

Studies by Zaranyika (1996) along Mukuvisi River in Harare showed that leachate from landfills in the industrial region along Mukuvisi River had a strong influence on the trace metal content of the stream. This goes to prove that leachate from landfills is negatively impacting on Zimbabwean water resources.

Although land filling is common in poorer African and Asian countries, it is also a significant feature in the cities of more economically developed countries, where it is well managed (Themelis and Kaufman 2004). The Western coast is the best way in which the United States of America relies on land filling as a primary means of waste disposal. As land is less expensive than in places like the North-east, landfills are somewhat easier to site and usually have very low tipping fees. The reliance on land filling is therefore unlikely

to diminish in the foreseeable future in the United States (Themelis and Kaufman 2004). In Australia, landfills are also the most common method of disposal of solid waste (Mendes and Imura 2004b).This is because Australia is a large country with a low population density hence it is easier to site landfills. In Japan, however, it is more common for waste to be incinerated because the country is smaller and land is scarce (Mendes and Imura 2004b).

Incineration: This is the process of destroying waste material by burning it at very high temperatures. It is carried out both on a small scale by individuals and on a large scale by industry. It is recognised as a practical method of disposing of hazardous waste materials, such as biological medical waste.

Most of the municipal solid waste incinerators in the world are located in Japan as well as in the Newly Industrialised Countries of Asia (Table 1)

Incineration residues and waste that cannot be incinerated are disposed of in well-controlled landfill sites. Due to land scarcity, Tokyo, Singapore, Hong Kong, and several other cities have adopted off-shore land filling (sea reclamation) with several islands being constructed using inert wastes (Mendes and Imura 2004b). These are used as new development sites for business, industry, residential and harbour activities. A famous one is Odaiba, a leisure and tourist spot located in Tokyo Bay.

In Zimbabwe, incineration is confined to institutions like hospitals like Parirenyatwa in Harare and Mpilo in Bulawayo. The incinerator based at Gweru Provincial Hospital, for example, also serves other health institutions like Claybank Clinic and Birchenough Hospital. Solid waste treated and disposed of using this incinerator includes human tissue, limbs, placentas, small amounts of drugs (medicines and injectibles), soiled surgical dressings, swabs and other contaminated waste (Jerie 2001).


Though classic incineration is still widely used in many other developing countries, especially in Asia, classic incineration is becoming controversial for several reasons, for example, it may be a poor use of many waste materials because it destroys not only the raw materials, but also all the energy, water and other natural resources used to produce it. Incineration of municipal solid waste also produces significant amounts of dioxin and furan emissions to the atmosphere (Mathuthu et al. 1995). These are considered to be serious health hazards. In addition, incineration produces large amounts of ash, requiring safe disposal so as to contaminate underground aquifers.

Composting: Waste materials that are organic in nature, for example plant materials, food scraps and paper products are increasingly being recycled. They are put through a composting and/or digesting system to control the biological process to decompose the organic material and kill pathogens (Mendes and Imura 2004b). The resulting stabilised organic material is then recycled as mulch or compost for agricultural or landscaping purposes.

In Zimbabwe and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), composting of municipal solid waste is not common at municipal level (Chenje, Sola and Paleczny 1998) al. 1994). However, given the erratic nature of refuse collection by municipalities in urban areas, composting has become a significant method of putricibles waste disposal.

Elsewhere, composting is common in less developed Asian cities like Dhaka in Bangladesh and Phnom Penh in Cambodia which find the cost of incineration too high and only use incineration for hospital waste (Themelis and Kaufman 2004). The 2002 state of garbage showed that the United States recycles about 27% of municipal solid waste. This includes organic wastes that are subjected to composting. In Slovenia two-

thirds of citizens already compost their garden bio-waste and one-third of compost both kitchen and garden waste. Slovenia is aiming to compost a minimum of 35% of bio-waste from the municipal solid waste by 2015 and to reduce the biodegradable fraction in land filled waste by 30% compared to the year 2000.

Waste Disposal and Health

Developing countries face a vast deficit in sanitation, with one in two people lacking access to improved sanitation (UNDP 2006). Many more lack access to good quality sanitation. Without a rapid increase in the scale and effectiveness of sanitation programmes, the Millennium Development Goal target for 2015 will be missed by a wide margin.

Leachate from land filled refuse exhibit a very wide range of chemical concentrations which change with respect to time, season, infiltration and state of consolidation (ZINWA 2000). In principal, therefore, all solid waste represent a risk to water quality and precautions need to be taken when establishing a solid waste disposal site to reduce these risks. Besides, modern landfill sites are not just dumping ground but have to have controlled waste inputs as well as controlled outputs of leachate and other emissions. A study by Matsa and Marambanyika (2009) revealed that Gweru’s McFadden dumpsite is a source of toxic chemicals like lead (pb) , cadmium (cd) and sulphides (sox), which are a threat to human health. Residents of surrounding suburbs like Clifton Park are lured by the fertile soils on the edges of the dump where they practise urban agriculture. Section 146.11 of the Environmental Management Agency (EMA) (Chapter 20:27) place waste disposal site selection under the First Schedule which demands the construction of facilities therein to undergo an environmental impact assessment. This is in light of the dangers toxic and hazardous waste can cause to the environment.


Data Collection and Analysis

A case study approach was used in this research. This allowed focussed and intensive querying of intervening parameters and attributes involved in both the location and interactions between the dumpsite and the surrounding residents who are directly and/or indirectly under its perpetual influence. Since all houses in the three residential areas are arranged in rectangular quadrants, for each suburb, 15 respondents were randomly selected per quadrant (one per household) and requested to answer questionnaire interviews. To expedite the process and for 100% retention of questionnaires, five student assistants were engaged to help administer questionnaires. In order to obtain in-depth answers, target respondents had to be above 16 years. To get representative views from each residential suburb, the 15 respondents per quadrant were sampled from quadrants closest to the dumpsite outward to those furthest. A total of 120 respondents were thus sampled, 40 from each of the three suburbs. Questions asked included whether residents were consulted in the siting of the waste dump, social and economic problems they encountered as a result of the dump, safety and health problems that they experience, their views as to what should be done to redress their plight among other such questions relating to the waste dump-human interface.

Direct interviews were held with the City’s Director of Health, Cleansing Superintendent (both at his council offices and also at the dumpsite itself) to unravel the criteria used to select the dumpsite and also why residential areas continue to develop in its vicinity among other related questions. Two officials from the Environmental Management Agency, one responsible for environmental monitoring and planning and the other responsible for environmental impact assessments were also interviewed on site to give their expert assessment of the dumpsite in relation

to surrounding residential areas and institutions like Ascot High School and Jairos Jiri Centre for the Deaf and Dump [for People with Hearing and Speaking disabilities]. The Heads of these two institutions were interviewed to determine waste dump influences on school life. The dumpsite supervisor was also interviewed in order to have an insight into the daily experience of the goings-on at the dump, for example, type and quantity of waste delivered per day, its source, number, frequency and behaviour of scavengers, and complaints from residents among other experiences. The nursing sisters at the nearest clinic of Mtapa and Mkoba polyclinic were also interviewed for statistics and frequency of health-related issues emanating from the waste dump.

Direct observation was used to identify type of waste, distance of the residential areas from the waste dump, size of the waste dump, type of soil, whether the area is protected or not, and presence of scavengers, animals and any other activities around the dumpsite.

Secondary data from council documents and published journal articles in relation to Gweru dump was also consulted. Information obtained was discussed and used to corroborate findings.

Results and Discussion

Rationale for Dumpsite Location

According to the City’s Cleansing Superintendent, Gweru dump was located at its present site as a result of an environmental impact assessment (EIA) carried out between 1999 and 2001, before it became operational in 2002. The major consideration for its location was the proximity of the place to the city’s major residential suburb, Mkoba which has 19 separate high density residential suburbs and houses more than 54% of the city’s 150,000 residents. It is also near both light and heavy industrial sites. The dumpsite


was thus strategically located to reduce costs of transporting industrial waste from the industries and domestic solid waste from Mkoba. Mkoba also produces most domestic waste by virtue of its size. The site was also chosen because it is close to the city centre (about 5km due north-west), another source of considerable waste, thus cutting on transport costs. Another attribute of McFadden is that it has no major rivers or surface water streams which may contaminate city water sources.

The City Director of Health acknowledged that McFadden is not a good site for waste disposal given the city’s financial and technical incapacitation. It was however the best of the three identified sites. Granite Quarry site near Mkoba 11 was rejected because it sits on the city’s water course and its water table is high. Runde River which feeds into the city’s main water source, Gwenoro dam starts in this area. The site is also too close to Bata Shoe Company dumping ponds. The other probable site, the area near the neglected Mimosa Council Aerodrome was rejected because it lies 45km from the city and was therefore considered too far and therefore expensive.

Contrary to assertions that an EIA was carried out, the Environmental Management Office revealed that they have no document to that effect. Neither was there any EIA for the nearby graveyard, Woodlands Park or Clifton Park residential suburbs. Landfills or waste dumps are prescribed projects which, according to EMA (20:27), require a full EIA for them to be established. Yet, in the case of McFadden dumpsite, this legislative procedure was not followed. The same applies for Clifton Park and Woodlands Park residential suburbs.

The City official interviewed disowned Woodlands Park (and Hertfordshire Park along Harare road) saying it was a political imposition,

a result of the ZANU PF Government’s fast-track land reform programme (to win the urban population) which is not yet registered as council property since it is still contested land. He cited this as the main reason why no EIA was carried out before the suburb was developed so close to the dumpsite. Given that the dumpsite is along the east-west prevailing wind, it is clear that Woodlands Park residents are negatively affected by the strong odours from the waste dump.

Ideal Waste Management System for the City of Gweru

Figure 2 indicates waste management processes that are supposed to be carried out by the City’s Cleansing Department. However, due to serious financial problems caused by the country’s financial meltdown of the 2000–2009 decade, this system has since been crippled. Out of the six refuse trucks needed by the department for effective transportation of refuse to the dump site, only one is working. This has resulted in the department collecting refuse only in the Central Business District (CBD) with all residential areas completely ignored. In their responses to questionnaires, residents of Mkoba 17 conceded that council had stopped collection of refuse more than six months ago while for both Clifton Park and Woodlands Park, council had not collected garbage for over a year, and when they do, it’s a feeble attempt of only once per month. This has resulted in residents dumping their waste on road sides, open spaces and in storm water drains. Waste dumped in storm water drains has resulted in clogging of the drainage system which causes local flooding during the rainy season.

Reasons given by the Cleansing Superintendent for collecting waste daily from the CBD were first, that the large numbers of people who frequent it daily for different reasons make it a critical area from a health view point. Secondly, a lot of waste is generated from vegetable and crop


markets with farmers from peri-urban areas like Lower Gweru, Chiundura, Shurugwi, Kwekwe, Silobela, Lalapansi and Somabula selling their produce in the CBD. In low density areas whose residents are generally well-to-do and have a higher appreciation of their rights, council collect refuse once per week. The Cleansing

Superintendent conceded that this routing is informed by the fact that the life cycle of a fly is seven days; hence they will be trying to reduce the breeding of flies in these areas where they (council) may risk an outcry which could result in judicial procedures costly for the city council.

Figure 2. Components of the Waste Management System in Gweru


The State of McFadden Dumpsite

Observation revealed that the dumpsite lacked major structural facilities. It is a typical traditional waste dump (and not a landfill as originally planned), despite the fact that it is the final resting place for all kinds of waste generated in the city’s socio-economic, industrial, commercial, medical and domestic sectors. When it first became operational, McFadden dumpsite was supposed to operate in cells with each cell hoped to last for six years if properly managed. The dumpsite itself was supposed to have a lifespan of 35 years. According to the City Cleansing Superintendent, clay soil was used to line the cells and compacted to minimise leachate. However, leachate that is supposed to collect at the leachate pond to reduce ground water pollution was not visible, meaning that it leached underground. There is, however, a hazardous industrial waste disposal point which is overflowing and poorly managed.

The waste dump is not fenced and waste is not covered. Waste was seen flying in all directions following the direction of the wind. The Cleansing Superintendent hinted that even if the Council had fenced the dumpsite, the fence would be stolen by scavengers who see it as a hindrance since they want free access to the dump. In 2002, a section of the dump was fenced but the fence disappeared a few weeks later.

There is no machinery for waste compacting at the dumpsite since council cannot afford buying or even hiring. The borehole which was meant to help monitor ground water contamination emanating from the dumpsite has long ceased to function, and, of the recommended 14 workers supposed to be employed at the waste dump, there are only 7 because of cash flow problems within the Council.

There is no security in terms of monitoring and supervision and scavengers from as young as 5 years to as old as 75 years rush to any truck,

approaching in anticipation of anything useful either as it is or after selling it. Officials manning the waste dump had no log books to record movement of vehicles, quality and quantity of waste and did not even inspect the scavenged material. There is no weighbridge to weigh vehicles that bring waste to the dump and there is also no sorting or organisation of waste. Uncontrolled burning is done in an effort to reduce waste scattering. Large numbers of flies and mosquitoes bread in stagnant water paddles. The waste dump was also surrounded by crop plots which may be affected by water pollution through leachate.

Safety and Health Issues for Residents

The is no incinerator at McFadden dump although surgical waste like used syringes, needles, used gloves, and foetuses as well as security items like the now useless Zimbabwe dollar notes and heaps of bearer cheques from banks are all dumped. This is in spite of the fact that it is an offence to burn surgical waste in the open as it produces hazardous and toxic waste.

Residents in all the three suburbs as well as pupils and staff at both Ascot High School and Jairos Jiri Naran Centre for the Deaf [for People with Hearing and Speaking Disabilities] complained of environmental health problems such as air pollution from the almost perpetually burning fires from the dumpsite, bad odour from the decomposing waste which is not covered with soil. They also complained of possible surface water pollution. The superintendent of Jairos Jiri Naran Centre for the Deaf [for People with Hearing and Speaking Disabilities] also bemoaned the large numbers of flies which disturb his students during meal times, especially during summer months. Residents also revealed that some scavengers scavenge for food stuffs such as condemned tomatoes and vegetables which they later resale in residential areas posing


a serious health threat. EMA officials indicated that a report at their offices reveal that some of the plastic material for packaging foodstuffs at the popular Kudzanai Musika (Market) are actually waste retrieved from the dumpsite for re-use. The Cleansing Superintendent confirmed that at one point foodstuff that was condemned and dumped at the waste dump was scavenged and found its way back into some shops, posing a serious health threat to innocent people. In this connection, 40% of respondents reported incidences of frequent diarrhoea and nausea which they suspected were related to the dump. These claims were corroborated by the nursing sisters of both Mtapa Clinic and Mkoba Polyclinic.

The Cleansing Superintendent also revealed that, in December 2010, one male scavenger was found dead at McFadden dump site and that the post-mortem revealed that he had died from chemically induced burns from dangerous (hazardous) substances disposed of at the waste dump. The Superintendent further conceded that they receive occasional reports of injured scavengers from the dump site. In the first three months of 2011, the Council received 49 reports of injuries to scavengers as well as other dumpsite-related illnesses from residents of Clifton Park, Mkoba 17 and Woodlands Park.

Although the majority of residents (70%) were of the view that the waste dump must be moved away from their residential area, it also emerged that 30% were of the view that the waste dump was in fact a blessing for them since it gives them a sustainable source of livelihood in a country where unemployment is over 80%. These were mainly scavengers who benefitted economically or otherwise from their activities at the dumpsite.

Agricultural activities were also observed very close to the dump. Although the Cleansing Superintendent believed that there is no harm in

eating farm products grown near waste dumps since they are first boiled, EMA officials argued that crop products have a biomagnification impact in human bodies and prolonged eating of contaminated crops may have long term effects on human health. This is confirmed by Asante-Duah (1993) and Jarup (2003).

Conclusion

The state of Gweru’s McFadden dumpsite is a sorry-sight. Although some effort may have been put in finding the ideal place for the waste dump, the effort fell far below EMA expectations. There is also no paper evidence to prove that any EIA was ever undertaken before the placement of the dump. Council literally defeated its good economic intentions of placing the dump close to the city’s largest high density suburb of Mkoba by sanctioning the development of Clifton Park residential suburb, barely 600m from the dumpsite. Conflicting interests between the city council which is predominantly run by the erstwhile opposition political party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and the central government which is predominantly in the hands of the powerful Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) is also evident in the establishment of another high density area of Woodlands Park, also on the north-western edge of the dump. Council’s position that it was not consulted in the establishment of Woodlands Park which it views as a political gimmick by central government underlines the gravity of the rift between the two belligerent parties, leaving residents of Clifton Park, Woodlands Park and Mkoba 17 as the greatest losers as they suffer consequences from safety, health and environmental aesthetic points of view. The fact that there is evidence of dump-related illnesses in the three residential suburbs and the fact that in 2010 one scavenger died while “on duty” at the dumpsite also prove the severity of safety and health risks that residents


of Mkoba 17, Woodlands Park and Clifton Park have to contend with daily.

Evidently, McFadden waste dump is poorly sited and Gweru city council needs to take proactive measures to redress the situation to avert prolonged human risks and exposure to safety and health problems.

This paper therefore proposes the following recommendations:

• The Council should earnestly consider carrying out a full EIA to find a new dump site for the city. The new site should be an appropriately engineered landfill rather than a traditional waste dump with no environmentally sound management plan.

• Meanwhile, the Council has to work in collaboration with the Environmental Agency (EMA) to carry out environmental and health awareness education to reduce food and water contamination problems. Such problems include the reuse of old plastic bags retrieved from the dumpsite and the resale of discarded foodstuffs.

• The Council must also employ and deploy more workers to guard the dumpsite so that scavengers do not enter the area .Such workers would also sort the garbage to ensure that hazardous materials are not dumped onto the dumpsite. A 24-hour guard of the dumpsite also ensures that the fence does not get stolen.

• The city council should also appeal to the business community for funds to invest into installing an incinerator so that surgical waste is not subjected to open-air burning as is the case currently at McFadden.

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Jarup, L. 2003. Hazards of heavy metal contamination. Brit.Med. Bull, 68: 167–182.

Jerie, S. 2001. Analysis of institutional solid waste management in Gweru. DGES, University of Zimbabwe.

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Matsa , M. and Marambanyika, T. 2009. An assessment of the conservation levels of toxic chemicals within and around Gweru Dumpsite in Zimbabwe. Journal of Environmental Extension, Volume 8, January 2009, pp 16–24.Mathuthu, A. S., Mwanga, K. and Simoro, A. 1995. Impact assessment of industrial and sewage effluents on water quality of the receiving Marimba River in Harare. Journal of Environmental Science and Health.30: 43–51.


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NEW PUBLICATIONS

The June 2012 issue of EASSRR Journal appeared containing the following reviewed articles:

• Trends and Perceived Determinants of HIV/AIDS In Rural Areas: The Case of Thamaga and Surrounding Villages, Botswana, by Matlhogonolo Bene and Michael Bernard K. Darkoh;

• Market Access and Livelihood Diversification in Rural Ethiopia: Evidence from Kewot Woreda of North Shewa, by Muluken Elias & Workneh Negatu;

• An Analysis of Organisational Commitment by Academic Professionals in Tertiary Institutions in Zimbabwe, by Frank Gwavuya; and

• The Synergistic Effects of Socio-Economic Factors on the Risk of HIV Infection: A Comparative Study of Two Sub-Cities in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, by Assefa Tolera Sori

SSRRS 35 contains the following articles/research reports by different young scholars:

• A Critical Assessment of Private Sector Involvement in Solid Waste Management in Kampala, by Mesharch W. Katusiimeh

• Causes and Manifestations of Administrative Corruption in Zimbabwe: A Case Study of Three Government Departments, by Eustinah Tarisayi

• The Ecology of Crop Raiding Elephants in the Matusadona National Park (Zimbabwe): Implications for Community-Based Wildlife Conservation, by Patrick Gwimbi and Ngwarai Sithole

• An Assessment of Perceived Socioeconomic Impacts of Climate Change on the Community of Faza Island, Lamu East District, Kenya, by Edward Waiyaki, Horace Owiti, Richard Angwenyi, and Tabitha Muriuki

• Indigenous Knowledge in the Production and Management of Herbal Medicine: The Case of the Bakonzo of Western Uganda, by Baluku Stanley and Bakahinga Mbalibulha


Downloadable full text of the Bulletin and briefs or summaries of the other titles are available online at the OSSREA website http://www.ossrea.net/.

The SSRRS 36 is another new entry with the following titles in it:

• Extent And Impact of Poverty on Youth Livelihoods and Empowerment Strategies in Rural and Semi-Urban Areas of Malawi, by Amon Kabuli

• Poverty-Induced Cross-border Movements and Children’s Vulnerability to Sexual Exploitation and HIV/AIDS, by Kudzai Makoni

• Institutional Framework and Impact of Farmer-Based Livestock Development Institutions on Livestock Production in Malawi, by Liveness J. Banda

Another new serial publication Gender issues Research report series No 26 came from the Gender Issues Research, and contains two titles:

1. Gender Factor in Decision Making: A Case Study of Preschool Teachers in a Progressive Rural Community in Kenya, by Muganda Nelima Beatrice

2. Gender Mainstreaming for Afforestation in Kakamega South District, Kenya, by Irene Alianda Ashioya

The OSSREA Bulletin Vol. IX No.3 (June 2012) constitutes news articles, feature articles, and briefs of new publications was published. The feature articles include: Social Marketing and the Fight against Malaria in Uganda Using Insecticide Treated Nets (ITNs); Gender Mainstreaming in Higher Education: Successes, Challenges and Lessons; African Student Mobility in the Philippines: An Explorative Study in Metro Manila and Cavite; and Reconstructing a Fragile State of Somalia: Drivers, Dynamics, and Impact of Neighbouring Countries

The Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review (EASSRR)

OSSREA invites contributions to its journal. The EASSRR publishes articles, book reviews, research notes and other short communications pertaining to the social sciences. The Editorial Policy and Authors’ Guidelines are available on the website http://www.ossrea.net


CALL FOR ARTICLES, REVIEWS AND COMMENTARIES Since the February 2003 issue of its Newsletter, OSSREA has been publishing short articles on topical issues concerning the transformation process in Africa. The African Union and NEPAD have been among such topics dealt with from various angles. Our aim is to provide members of the academic and research institutes with a lively forum for debate and reflection on matters of critical concern for the people of the continent.

In the October 2012 issue of the OSSREA Bulletin, we plan to publish a few articles on issues of interest to the continent. Accordingly, OSSREA members and other interested scholars are invited to contribute articles.

Articles should be 6-8 pages in length, including a brief abstract. Authors are advised to include their full address and send their contributions by e-mail before December 31st

2012 to:

The EditorOSSREA Bulletin

OSSREA, P.O. Box 31971Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

E-mail: [email protected]

Readers wishing to respond to or comment on the articles in this Bulletin should also send their papers to <[email protected]>

TheEasternAfricaSocialScienceResearchReview(EASSRR)

OSSREA invites contributions to its journal. The EASSRR publishes articles, book reviews, researchnotesandothershortcommunicationspertainingtothesocialsciences.TheEditorialPolicyandAuthors’Guidelinesareavailableonthewebsitehttp://www.ossrea.net

Printed@Eclipse+251115572222/23AddisAbaba,Ethiopia

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