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No More Violent Eruptions, PleaseAuthor(s): Michael McLoughlinSource: Fortnight, No. 306 (May, 1992), p. 23Published by: Fortnight Publications Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25553429 .

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D1 IUNGANNON DISTRICT Council's decision to declare a 'violence-free

,_Izone' could be a significant step on the

journey towards a peaceful solution to the

'troubles'.

Five years ago I posed a challenge to Dun

gannon councillors which seemed then just as

unlikely to receive widespread backing: to "seek

ways and means of bringing together in greater

understanding the two major traditions in the

council's area". Barely a year earlier, I had

been escorted from the chamber by the Royal Ulster Constabulary after a vociferous protest at unionist domination, and the Northern Ire

land Office had only begun to think seriously about 'education for mutual understanding' and a community relations programme.

Strangely, during the debate on that motion

there wasn't a dissenting voice. All sides?

Ulster Unionists, SDLP, independents, Sinn

F6in and Democratic Unionists?supported the

principle of improved relations, if no one seemed

anxious to set up a committee immediately. There was, perhaps, a good deal of unvoiced

scepticism. Less than a year, later, however, in the

aftermath of the Enniskillen massacre?when

11 people lost their lives in the IRA blast at the Remembrance Day ceremony?an active

committee to pursue mutual understanding de

veloped, and peace began to break out in a

chamber that had seen bitterness and acrimony since the council's inception in 1973.

The first big challenge for the newly established consensus soon surfaced?when it

became clear that the nettle of 'responsibility

sharing' would have to be grasped, as symbol ised by the rotation of the chair. Nationalists

had everything to gain from such a move?

since they had never held the post?but for

unionists it represented a momentous leap in

the dark. It proved too much for some, and

when decision-time came only three unionist

councillors (Ralph Brown, Ken Maginnis and

Jim Brady) voted for rotation of the chair on a

six-month basis, between 'constitutional' coun

cillors from the two main traditions.

But most people in the area were happy to

endorse the move?as they did at the 1989

election by returning councillors most active in

the move to consensus politics. And in the

council chamber the new understanding began to break up the traditional unionist and nation

alist alliances.

The difficulty which the rotation gesture

posed for unionists has been fully appreciated

by their moderate nationalist colleagues and

strong bonds of trust have developed, despite a

few hiccups?over employment practices, for

example?which is remarkable. Over these

four experimental years there has been a steady

marginalisation of the extreme voices on both

sides of the chamber. This perhaps found its

fullest expression so far in the vote in March to

call on paramilitaries "to recognise the demo

cratically expressed will of the majority of the electorate here and to declare Dungannon Dis

trict Council area a 'violence-free zone'", which

would "enable the council to further improve

community trust and harmony, and at the same

time establish a district where the Northern

Ireland political parties and the United King dom and Irish governments could advance dis

cussions towards a political agreement on the

totality of relationships within these islands".

A watershed?moments after the Enniskillen bomb in 1987

No more violent

eruptions, please

Look at Dungannon Council and you see Northern Ireland's future. MICHAEL McLOUGHLIN explains its latest cross-community move?a 'violence-free zone9

Of 19 councillors present 14 voted in favour

(four SDLP, seven UUP and three independ

ents) and two against (DUP), with two Sinn Fein and one Ulster Unionist abstaining.

The significance of this series of events will

not escape students of Irish history who know

the pattern ofthe 16th century Plantation: they will recognise in them unprecedented move

ment towards understanding and accommoda

tion at the heart ofthe 'merging zone' between

the British and Irish traditions in Ireland. The zone, stretching from Limavady and Derry

through Magherafelt, Cookstown, Dungannon,

Armagh and Banbridge to Down District has

long had 50/50 or 60/40 concentrations of each tradition, and understanding has always been

very difficult.

Geologically, the spots where continental

plates overlap carry the greatest risk of earth

quakes. Communities in the 'merging zone'

suffer the same tension below the surface?

day-to-day living problems for people from

both traditions have always been easier the

further away from the zone they live. Before

the 'troubles', the 'Irish' tradition in Bangor and the 'British' tradition in Newry or Mona

ghan had little to fear from the ruling majorities in their areas. But it was always a different story in the 'merging zone'?the fullest expression

of intolerance being the old sore of discrimina

tion in jobs and elsewhere.

Look at Dungannon today, in the heart of

the 'merging zone': growing trust where there

was suspicion, understanding instead of re

crimination, and 'responsibility-sharing' rather

than rule by a marginally dominant unionist

tradition. The new, middle-ground majority

sees beyond its boundaries and looks forward

to the day when its newfound trust spreads

through the 'merging zone'?northwards

through Cookstown and eastwards through

Armagh. With some justification the council stands

on high moral ground in calling for a 'violence

free zone'. It believes it has earned the right to

call on the paramilitaries in the area to end the

misery they have brought to so many families

on both sides of the divide. Its object is to establish an oasis of peace in

the north, which all sides might use to advance

discussions on the 'totality of relationships'. The best climate for talks on the future of

Northern Ireland would be a violence-free at

mosphere. That doesn't seem possible at the

moment on a region-wide basis but it can

perhaps be brought about in a smaller area.

The next step should be to convince those

parties, like Sinn Fein, which say they 'under

stand' the use of violence in this society, that

the cause of peace in Ireland can best be ad

vanced by endorsing the violence-free zone.

Such parties have influence with the paramili taries?sooner or later they will have to use that

in a positive way and call for a ceasefire.

Four years ago in Dungannon it took great

courage for Mr Maginnis, Mr Brown and Mr

Brady to make that leap to 'responsibility

sharing'. Nationalists in Dungannon have not

let them down and the whole community has

benefited.

Similar courage is now required from those

whose 'understanding' of the use of violence to

achieve political ends gives them the influence

to help break the vicious circle.

FORTNIGHT MAY 23

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