Nominal and verbal tone in Nata: Anallomorphy-based account∗

Andrei Anghelescu, Joash J. Gambarage, Zoe Lam & Douglas Pulleyblank

University of British Columbia

July 29, 2016

This is a pre-print of an article accepted for publication in Jason Kandybowicz and Harold Torrence (eds.) Africa’sEndangered Languages: Documentary and Theoretical Approaches (Oxford University Press) to appear in 2017.Please do not distribute.

1 Introduction

This paper examines core tonal properties of Nata, a Lacustrine Bantu language (Guthrie E-45)spoken in the Mara region of Tanzania. In most instances, both in nouns and verbs, a Nata wordexhibits a single H tone. Moreover, the location of this H tone is restricted to a small number oflocations. As such, Nata’s tone system might at first glance appear quite simple. As we will see,however, a close examination of both nouns and verbs uncovers considerable complexity in thesystem (including cases where more than one syllable in a word has a H-tone). Nouns exhibitlexically encoded distinctions (Anghelescu 2012); verb roots exhibit no lexical distinctions, butinflected verbs differ tonally depending on tense/aspect/mood (Lam in press). In this paper, weexamine commonalities and differences between the nominal and verbal tone systems of Nata,showing that the sparse distribution of H-tones follows from simple edge effects whereby tonesare located relative to well motivated morpho-syntactic boundaries. Our analysis is framed interms of the lexical allomorphy approach of Archangeli & Pulleyblank (2015a, in press a, inpress b).

Nata has roughly 7,000 speakers and is highly endangered because children appear to be switch-ing from the use of Nata at home to Swahili. The tonal generalizations in this paper are basedon a compilation of Nata data in the Nata Online Linguistic Database, a repository for data

∗Thanks to Rose-Marie Dechaine, Laura Downing, Michael Marlo, the audience members of ACAL45 andtwo anonymous reviewers for comments on this paper. We would like to acknowledge support from the SocialSciences & Humanities Research Council of Canada to Douglas Pulleyblank.

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collected as part of the Nata language project currently underway at the University of BritishColumbia. This project, along with information on previous work on Nata and related lan-guages, is discussed elsewhere in this volume (Anghelescu et al. to appear). We discuss certainissues specifically concerning the documentation of tone in Nata in §7.

Before we enter into a detailed discussion of Nata, it should be mentioned that Ikoma, a closelyrelated language, has a markedly distinct tone system from Nata. According to Aunio (2010),some class of nouns in Ikoma surface without any high tone, while another class surfaces withmultiple high tones. Both of these properties are systematically absent in Nata (at least fornouns). Beyond this, there is not a systemic mapping between the tonal pattern of a nounin Nata and the tone pattern of a noun in Ikoma. An adequate comparison between the twosystems is beyond the scope of this paper, and as such we do not discuss Ikoma.

This paper is structured as follows. After this introduction and some background on morphol-ogy and tone (§2), we present tonal data pattern by pattern: macrostem-initial high pattern,verbs & nouns (§3); macrostem-final pattern, verbs & nouns (§4); macrostem-initial LH pat-tern, verbs & nouns (§5); double high pattern, verbs only (§6). We conclude with a briefdiscussion, including remarks on documentation issues.

2 Background

This section provides basic background concerning the morphology crucial to our discussion,as well as certain basic properties of the tonal system.

2.1 Morphology

Both Nata nouns and verbs can be analyzed as having three morphological domains: the stem,the macrostem, and the word (Myers 1990; Mutaka 1994; Ngunga 2000; Downing 2001;Archangeli & Pulleyblank 2002; Mudzingwa 2010; Cook 2013). The stem is composed ofa noun or verb root, which is followed by suffixes or a final vowel. We analyze nominalmacrostems as containing class prefixes followed by the nominal stem, whereas verbal macrostemscontain object markers followed by the verbal stem. While the latter claim is standard, the pro-posal that nominal macrostems include class prefixes is not. Evidence for this domain structurewill be presented at various points in the paper. In verbs, various prefixes fall outside themacrostem, including the subject marker, as well as tense and aspect markers. These prefixesbelong to the word domain. For nouns, pre-prefixes fall outside the nominal macrostem, aswell as specific instances of noun class prefixes to be discussed. Crucially, by assuming thesame three domains for nouns and verbs we are able to present a unified account of Nata tonepatterns.

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(1) Nata morphological backgroundTenseAspectSub jectPrepre f ix

Ob jectClass pre f ixes

Root

ExtensionsTenseAspectMood

Word Macrostem Stem

To illustrate this structure, (2) shows the verb nkaGısOma and the noun Ekinaata, both formsbroken down into the three domains: stem, macrostem, and word. The verbal prefixes includethe first person singular marker n- and the narrative past tense marker ka-; the verbal macrostemincludes the class 7 object marker Gı-, the verb root sOm and the final vowel -a. The nominalpre-prefix is e; the nominal macrostem includes the class 7 marker kı- and the noun root naata.1

(2) a. Verb morphological template

Word[N- ka- MStem[Gı- Stem[sOm -a]]]SM1sg NAR OM7 read FV

b. Noun morphological template

Word[e- MStem[ki- Stem[naata]]]PPF C7 Nata language

2.2 Tone

Nata has three major tonal patterns for nouns and verbs, with a fourth minor pattern observedin verbs. These patterns can be described by referencing a morpho-syntactic edge, specifically,edges of the macrostem. In the following sections we will describe how each of these patternsis instantiated in nouns and verbs as well as how a phonology of Nata can derive these surfaceforms with a very simple set of lexical forms and constraints.

Aside from a small number of verbal forms with two high tones, all other forms have exactlyone high tone syllable per word. Both long and short vowels are found in Nata, but no shortvowel can host a contour tone. The only contour that exists in Nata is a falling one, withfalling contours restricted to long vowels that occur in the penultimate syllable. Aside from thepenultimate position, long vowels with high tones have level high tones.

1A few comments regarding transcription are in order. Since tone is the focus of the discussion, we representboth high tones (via an acute accent, e.g. [a]) and low tones (via a grave accent, e.g. [a]) in all transcriptions. Theoutcome of segmental processes such as Dahl’s Law are indicated, but without discussion. For example, the NAR-RATIVE prefix is [ka] in an example like [uka[[mwa]]] ‘you shaved’ but [Ga] (because of the following voiceless[k]) in [uGa[[karaaNa]]] ‘you fried’. Similarly, the output of vowel coalescence is indicated, again without discus-sion. Compare the two examples of the NARRATIVE just given with [oGii[[tera]]]. Vowel harmony too is indicatedbut not discussed. For example the class 1 prefix is [mu] in [o[mu[karı]]] ‘woman’, but [mo] in [o[mo[remı]]]‘farmer’ (see Gambarage 2013 and Gambarage and Pulleyblank (to appear) on Nata vowel harmony).

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(3) ‘High’ on penultimate vowelsFalling contours on penultimate long vowels

a. o-mu-naata PPF-C1-nata.person ‘Nata person-SG’b. rii-BuruuNa PPF-C5-egg ‘egg-SG’

Level high on non-penultimate long vowelsc. ukaGiitera SM2SG-NAR-OM1-spill ‘you spilled it-NARRATIVE PAST’d. Ùaa-sukuBi PPF/C10-hump ‘humps’

3 Macrostem initial high tones

We begin our discussion of nominal and verbal tone patterns with what we consider to be thedefault pattern, namely a pattern where the first syllable of the macrostem – in both verbs andnouns – surfaces with a high tone.

3.1 Verbs

In the first class of verbs we examine, H-tone surfaces on the first syllable of the macrostem.A large indicative class (tense, aspect, mood) exhibits this pattern, which encompasses thenarrative past (ka-), the habitual (haa-) and the progressive (ku-). We illustrate this tonal classwith forms from the narrative past. The narrative past refers to events that occurred beforespeech time, whether recently or remotely; it is usually used in a sequence of events.

For verbal data sets such as in (4), the leftmost column shows the number and person of subjectmarker (SM), followed by an idealized segmental morpheme breakdown. The goal of the mor-pheme breakdown in both verbs and nouns is to facilitate understanding of the morphology; itdoes not indicate the range of surface variation in the forms of each morpheme. For example,the SM2SG can surface as either mid (o-) or high (u-); compare the five examples of this mor-pheme in (4) and (5). In such cases, we list what we assume to be the default allomorph inthe morpheme breakdowns, in this particular case adopting the mid vowel forms as the defaultfollowing Gambarage & Pulleyblank (to appear). The tonal form of the word – the importantpoint as far as this paper – is given next, followed by the translation.

In this class of verbs, a H-tone consistently falls on the first syllable of the macrostem, whichhappens to be the first syllable of the verb root in the dataset in (4).

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(4) Narrative past tense with the verb root sOm ‘read’Morpheme Breakdown Word Gloss

MSTEM[ H ]SM1sg [N- ga- [[sOm -a]]] [Nga[[sOma]]] ‘I read’SM2sg [u- Ga- [[sOm -a]]] [uGa[[sOma]]] ‘You read’SM3sg [a- Ga- [[sOm -a]]] [aGa[[sOma]]] ‘S/he read’SM1pl [tu- Ga- [[sOm -a]]] [tuGa[[sOma]]] ‘We read’SM2pl [mu- Ga- [[sOm -a]]] [muGa[[sOma]]] ‘You (pl) read’SM3pl [Ba- Ga- [[sOm -a]]] [BaGa[[sOma]]] ‘They read’

SM NAR read -FV

As the data above illustrate, subject markers do not condition an alternation in the location ofhigh tone; all persons and numbers exhibit the same tonal pattern, namely low. The followingexamples illustrate that the identity of the root does not condition any tonal alternations either;in these examples, we hold the subject markers constant, though changing the subject markerwould have no effect on the tones. The meaning of each root is given in the left hand column.

(5) Narrative past tense with different rootsMorpheme Breakdown Word Gloss

MSTEM[ H ]fry [u- Ga- [[karaaN -a]]] [uGa[[karaaNa]]] ‘You fried’shave [u- ka- [[mw -a]]] [uka[[mwa]]] ‘You shaved’count [u- ka- [[Bar -a]]] [uka[[Bara]]] ‘You counted’

SM2sg NAR root -FV

The cases in (4) and (5) are multiply ambiguous. The H-tone could correctly be described asbeing either stem-initial or macrostem-initial; in most cases the H is also root-initial. Additionaldata show that the correct generalization is that the H is macrostem-initial. This can be seenin cases involving object markers (OM), where the left stem boundary does not coincide withthe left macrostem boundary. When there is one OM, H falls on the OM instead of the verb root(6a); when there are two OMs, H falls on the leftmost OM (6b). The examples in (6) show thatH-tone assignment is insensitive to which specific morpheme the H falls on. High tone locationis solely determined by the location of the left macrostem boundary.

(6) a. Narrative past tense with one object markerMorpheme Breakdown Word Gloss

MSTEM[ H ]SM1sg [N- ka- [Gi- [sOm -a]]] [Nka[Gi[sOma]]] ‘I read it’SM2sg [u- ka- [Gi- [sOm -a]]] [uka[Gi[sOma]]] ‘You read it’SM3sg [a- ka- [Gi- [sOm -a]]] [aka[Gi[sOma]]] ‘S/he read it’

SM NAR OM7 read -FV

b. Narrative past tense with two object markers

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Morpheme Breakdown WordMSTEM[ H ]

SM1sg [N- Ga- [ke- mu- [sOm -Er -a]]] [NGa[kemu[sOmEra]]]SM2sg [u- Ga- [ke- mu- [sOm -Er -a]]] [uGa[kemu[sOmEra]]]SM3sg [a- Ga- [ke- mo- [sOm -Er -a]]] [aGa[kemu[sOmEra]]]

SM NAR OM7 OM1 read APPL FV ‘I (etc.) read it for him/her’

Before turning to our proposal, we briefly consider an alternative analysis. Rather than assignH relative to a particular morphosyntactic boundary, we might imagine that stems are markedby an initial H, that object markers are underlyingly marked as H, and that the leftmost Hwins (by some version of the OCP, Meeussen’s Rule, or some such constraint).2 There aretwo major problems with such an approach. First, verbs do not exhibit tonal contrasts; asillustrated in (5), all verbs behave in the same way tonally. This means that there would beno reason to postulate a H underlyingly in forms such as those in (4), (5) and (6). If a H wasto be inserted by rule on verbs, then the rule might as well insert the H at the left edge ofthe macrostem, as proposed here, rather than insert it at the left edge of the root or stem onlyto undergo deletion when preceded by an object marker. In addition, object markers are notgenerally H. In the ‘final H’ pattern (§4), for example, object markers are systematically L, andthere is no H to their left that could trigger the postulated type of deletion. A representativeexample is [waNga[MSTEMBemu[STEMkaraaNgiire]]] ‘you would fry it for her/him’ with twoobject markers, Be and mu. In general, object markers are only H in tenses where the left edgeof the macrostem is independently H, or in the case of the LH-pattern (§5), where there aremultiple object markers at the left edge of the macrostem. We discuss both final-H and LHpatterns below.

3.2 Analysis

Standard generative accounts of phonological patterns, whether rule-based (Chomsky & Halle1968) or constraint-based (Prince & Smolensky 1993), assume that morphemes have a single“underlying” form from which all surface variants are derived. Phonological generalizationsare captured by particular configurations of phonological rules or constraints in combinationwith the nature of underlying representations – a common tonal assumption, for example, beingthat for appropriate languages underlying representations are toneless with or without H-tones(Pulleyblank 1986; Odden 1988; Hyman 2001b,a).

The alternative that we explore here builds on proposals in Archangeli & Pulleyblank (2012,2015a, 2015b, in press a, in press b) arguing that generalizations are accounted for by con-straints governing morpheme combination, with “morphemes” constituting sets of observedsurface allomorphs. The allomorphy-based analysis assumes (i) that all members of an allo-morph set are possible surface forms, (ii) that predictable relations between allomorphs areexpressed by redundancy rules, and that (iii) when there are multiple surface forms for a singlemorpheme, the choice between allomorphs is determined by phonotactics, morpheme-specific

2An analysis along these lines was suggested by an anonymous reviewer.

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selectional restrictions, or all else being equal, by general default strategies. We show herethat the application of this approach to Nata tone provides a straightforward account of theobserved tonal patterns. We begin by laying out the phonotactics for the macrostem-initial pat-tern, showing how these phonotactics interact with a general preference for default low-tonedallomorphs.

As seen in (4)-(6) – and amply motivated in additional cases throughout this paper – mostmorphemes appear in Nata with a low tone. Even morphemes that bear high tones, such as sOmin (4) (e.g. uGasOma), bear low tones unless there is some phonotactic forcing the appearanceof a high tone. This asymmetric pattern of “marked” high tones and “unmarked” low tones iswidely recognized in Bantu (Odden 1988; Hyman 2001a,b). In the tone literature, this kindof asymmetry has been accounted for in a number of ways. In rule-based approaches, it isoften assumed that underlying representations encode H vs. /0 tonal distinctions, with L beingredundantly assigned (Pulleyblank 1986; Hyman 2001a); in Optimality Theory, this assumptionis sometimes maintained (Myers 1997; Yip 2002). An alternative within Optimality Theory isto assume that the asymmetries between marked and unmarked tones are the result of harmonicconstraint rankings (de Lacy 2002; Pulleyblank 2004). Rather than postulate a representationaldifference between High and Low tones, this approach derives the asymmetric patterns byhaving the constraints governing High tones take precedence over the constraints governingLow tones. The surface allomorphy account given here develops this non-representationalaccount of tonal asymmetry. Our proposal is that morphemes with multiple allomorphs includea “default” low-toned allomorph. This is the case in the narrative past forms, for example,where verbal roots and object markers may be either high or low. We formulate the necessarylexical condition as in (7).

(7) Lexical redundancy condition∃ LOW If a morpheme has an allomorph with an initial H-tone syllable, then it has

a corresponding default allomorph where the initial syllable is L; domain:affixes and verb roots.

In general, it appears that this lexical redundancy condition holds of affixes and verb roots, butnot noun roots. We take this up in later sections.

A “DEFAULT” condition ensures that the lexically specified default is chosen, unless somephonotactic forces a different allomorph to appear. This constraint is further specified into acondition on roots and a condition on affixes.

(8) DEFAULT

For a morpheme with multiple allomorphs, choose the allomorph designated as default.

Given the the lexical redundancy condition in (7) and the DEFAULT condition, we might actu-ally expect words to surface with low tones on all vowels. A very general phonotactic preventsthis from happening. As noted above, all Nata words have at least one high-toned syllable.

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(9) HIGH

Every macrostem contains a H-tone.∀ [Macrostem . . . ], ∃ H; H ∈ [Macrostem . . . ]Assign a violation mark to macrostems which do not have a high tone.

Relevant for the class of verbs represented by the narrative past, an additional phonotacticrequires that any high tone be located at the left edge of the macrostem.

(10) HIGHLEFT

Align a H-tone with the left edge of the macrostem.∀H, ∃ [MACROSTEM . . . ]; align the left edge of the H with the left edge of the macrostem.Assign a violation for every TBU between the left edge of the H tone and the left edgeof the macrostem.

Together, DEFAULT, HIGH and HIGHLEFT ensure that all but one of the morphemes in a narra-tive past form will be low, with a single non-default syllable at the left edge of the macrostem.

We illustrate this analysis with ukaGisOma, from the set of examples in (6a). In the examples of(4)-(6), we have seen that roots and object markers exhibit both low and high allomorphs; theother morphemes seen in these examples have been systematically low-toned.

(11) Lexical representations for the morphemes in ukaGisOmaWord-level prefixes { u }, { ka }Object marker { Gi, Gi }Root { sOm, sOm }Final vowel { a }

Three of the morphemes contained in ukaGisOma have one allomorph each, while the objectmarker and the root have two allomorphs each; in cases with more than one allomorph, defaultallomorphs are indicated with underlining. Given two morphemes with two allomorphs each,there are a total of four allomorph combinations that must be considered to determine theoptimal output for this morpheme string.

(12) Assessment of narrative past form[{u}+{ka}+[{Gi, Gi}+ HIGH HIGHLEFT DEFAULT

[{sOm, sOm}+{a}]]]a. [u-ka-MST[Gi-[sOm-a]]] *!b. [u-ka-MST[Gi-[sOm-a]]] *! * (sOm)uc. [u-ka-MST[Gi-[sOm-a]]] * (Gi)

d. [u-ka-MST[Gi-[sOm-a]]] *! ** (sOm, Gi)

Word, macrostem and stem boundaries are indicated in these examples, with the macrostemlabelled because of its relevance for HIGHLEFT.

In cases without an object marker, the stem and macrostem boundaries coincide; the result isa high tone on the first vowel of the verb root. In cases with two object markers, HIGHLEFT

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ensures that the high tone will be on the leftmost object marker. Although such examples differin the number of possible allomorph combinations (2 possible sequences with no object markerand 8 possible sequences with two object markers), the assessment of possible sequences isentirely analogous to (12).

3.3 Nouns

Many nouns surface with a high tone on the class prefix, that is, according to our domainproposal, the leftmost syllable of the macrostem. Unlike the analogous verbal paradigm, thereis no syntactic or semantic grouping that these nouns fall into, though we do note that manydeverbal nouns fit this pattern, such as omoremı. This is to be expected since the macrostem-initial pattern is the default pattern, and there are no lexical tone distinctions on verb roots.

(13) Macrostem-initial high nouns: [PPF + [Class prefix + [Noun stem]]]MSTEM[ H ]

a. [o- [mo- [remi]]] PPF-C1-farmer ‘farmer-SG’ cf. ku-rem-a ‘to farm’b. [a- [Ba- [remı]]] PPF-C2-farmer ‘farmer-PL’c. [a- [ma- [remi]]] PPF-C6-farmer ‘farmer-AUG-PL’d. [e- [ke- [remi]]] PPF-C21-farmer ‘farmer-DIM-SG’e. [o- [ru- [bErE]]] PPF-C11-millet ‘millet-SG’f. [o- [Bu- [bErE]]] PPF-C14-millet ‘millet-PL’g. [e- [ki- [bErE]]] PPF-C21-millet ‘millet-DIM-SG’h. [a- [ma- [bErE]]] PPF-C6-millet ‘millet-AUG-PL’

Note that nouns may appear with either their canonical class prefix or with the prefix for a“derived” class such as augmentative or diminutive. As illustrated by the various forms for theroots { remi } (13a-d) and { bErE } (13e-h), both canonical and non-canonical cases have theirtone determined by the noun root, not by the class prefix. This follows from the observationthat, while the pre-prefix and class prefix vary, the root and position of tone remain constant.As we shall see, this generalization holds for nouns with all three tone patterns.

The basic generalizations to be captured in these forms are (a) that these noun roots are sys-tematically low-toned, and (b) that the class prefixes, though low-toned in certain other cases,are high-toned with these nouns. The essence of our analysis of this class of nouns is that theirtone patterns are entirely analogous to the verbs seen in §3.1: there must be a H-tone and itmust be aligned with the left edge of the macrostem.

Before turning to the details of this analysis, consider first three noun classes, classes 5, 9, and10, whose prefixes require special comment.

(14) Classes with fused non-tone-bearing prefixesa. [[rii-[buri]]] PPF/C5-feather ‘feather-SG’b. [a-[n-[tSera]]] PPF-C9-path ‘path-SG’c. [[tSaan-[tSera]]] PPF/C10-path ‘path-PL’

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In class 9, (14b), the class prefix is not a tone-bearing unit; in this case, the high is realized onthe first syllable of the stem – which is the first tone-bearing unit of the macrostem. The phono-tactic generalization is therefore the same but the relevant noun roots must include allomorphswith an initial H-tone.

In classes 5 and 10, the prefixes rii- and Ùaan- constitute fused pre-prefixes and class prefixes.Evidence for the fused nature of class 5 and 10 pre-prefixes and class prefixes can be foundfrom syntactic contexts which suppress the pre-prefix (Gambarage 2012) and from patterns ofsyntactic agreement, in addition to their phonological shapes. Since the pre-prefix is normallyoutside the macrostem and the class prefix is normally inside the macrostem, this raises thequestion of how these fused formatives behave in terms of domains. The basic options are toinclude the fused morphemes inside the macrostem or to exclude them from the macrostem.As we see in (14), the appearance of a macrostem-initial H-tone on these morphemes arguesfor analyzing them as inside the macrostem. We there posit the following morphosyntacticstructure for these fused forms.

(15) Class 5 and class 10 fused morphemesWord[ MStem[ rii- Stem[ ... ]]] Word[ MStem[ Ùaa- Stem[ ... ]]]

PPF/C5 PPF/C10

3.4 Analysis

In the data in (13), we see noun class prefixes surfacing with a high tone; in subsequent sec-tions, we will see that the same noun class prefixes may also be low-toned. Hence the lexicalrepresentations for these prefixes must include both low and high allomorphs.

(16) Lexical representations for class prefixesa. simple{ Ba, Ba } CLASS 2{ ma, ma } CLASS 6{ ki, ki } CLASS 7

b. fused{ rii, rii } CLASS 5{ Ùaa, Ùaa } CLASS 10

In terms of lexical redundancy, these noun class prefixes are consistent with the lexical condi-tion in (7).

A noun root like { bErE } ‘millet’ has a single tonal allomorph. To achieve the observed tonalpattern, where the first macrostem vowel is high, nothing needs to be added to the analysismotivated in §3.2 for verbs. The condition HIGH ensures that every noun will have a high toneand the condition HIGHLEFT ensures that the location of that high is macrostem-initial. Thisis illustrated in (17).

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(17) Assessment of macrostem-initial H in a noun[{o}+[{ru, ru}+[{bErE}]]] HIGH HIGHLEFT DEFAULT

a. [o-[ru-[bErE]]] *!u b. [o-[ru-[bErE]]] * (ru)

The class 9 forms are interesting because roots in this class alternate, appearing with L rootallomorphs if in another class but with a H-initial allomorph in class 9. A theory allowing thepostulation of abstract morphemes not attested on the surface might account for such cases bypositing either a H-toned nasal prefix or a nasal prefix with a floating H tone. A special rulewould link the posited H to the initial syllable of the root. In the approach taken here, the optionof adopting abstract morphemes is not permitted, hence we must instead postulate a morpho-logically special redundancy rule holding of roots in class 9. We assume that allomorphs canbear abstract properties, like class, which must be present on noun roots, in this case.

(18) Lexical redundancy condition

CL9-ROOTS A morpheme has an allomorph with an initial H-tone syllable iff themorpheme has an allomorph with an initial L-tone syllable; domain:roots in class 9.

Given the redundancy condition CL9-ROOTS, if the learner observes a class 9 form with aninitial L-tone root, an initial H-tone root will also be posited, and vice versa. Hence morphemessuch as ‘path’ will have two allomorphs: { Ùera, Ùera }. Since the prefix itself for class 9 isnon-syllabic, the phonotactic condition HIGH forces the appearance of the non-default rootallomorph { Ùera } in a morphologically complete word.

(19) Assessment of macrostem-initial H in a noun with a non-syllabic prefix[{a}+[{n+[{Ùera, Ùera}]]] HIGH HIGHLEFT DEFAULT

a. [a-[n-[Ùera]]] *!u b. [a-[n-[Ùera]]] * (Ùera)

An anonymous reviewer has suggested that the redundancy-based analysis is undesirable sinceit has to “double the number of lexical entries for an entire class of nouns to account for thebehavior of one prefix”. We think that the issue is not so clear. A large number of lexicalentries is not a metric of how poorly a theory does. The crucial issue is how a particularanalysis accounts for the various generalizations extractable from observed patterns. What weneed is an analysis that accounts for two important aspects of the observed surface patterns:(i) that class 9 forms, like other nouns, respect the requirement that there be a single H tonewithin the macrostem, and (ii) that this H is on the first syllable of the macrostem – the firstroot vowel in class 9 where the prefix itself is non-syllabic. Any analysis needs some rule orconstraint ensuring that every word have a H (comparable to our HIGH), that the H appear onthe first vowel of the macrostem (our HIGHLEFT), and that all other vowels be low (the effectof our DEFAULT). Where our account differs from standard generative accounts is in attachinganalytic significance to where the high tones of an analysis fall. A standard account posits

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tones in positions underlyingly where they may or may not be observed on the surface andpays no attention formally to the locations where tones appear on the surface. In the alternativewe are exploring here, lexical redundancy conditions track which morphemes actually surfacewith high or low tones in addition to where such tones fall. In Nata, we observe that affixesthat are H always have a counterpart that is L, that roots are either L throughout (observed onboth verbs and nouns) or have an initial H (observed on verbs and nouns in class 9). Perhapssuch observations should not be considered significant (as is traditionally the case in generativephonology) but it is unclear what the criteria are for considering some generalizations to besignificant and others not.

The analysis proposed here also accounts for the cases with fused prefixes provided that thefused morphemes are included within the domain of the macrostem:

(20) Domains for fused prefixes with macrostem-initial H tonesa. WD[ MSTEM[rii- ST[buri]]] PPF/C5-feather ‘feather-SG’b. WD[ MSTEM[tSaan- ST[tSera]]] PPF/C10-path ‘path-PL’

Both low and high allomorphs for the fused prefixes are observed – we will see the low-tonedforms below: { rii, rii } and { Ùaa, Ùaa }. The phonotactic constraints HIGH and HIGHLEFT

ensure that the correct surface allomorphs are chosen. We return to discuss the fused prefixesin more detail in §5.

4 Final high tones

The second class of cases that we consider exhibits a high tone on the final syllable of themacrostem. We consider verbs, then nouns.

4.1 Verbs

The past conditional tense represents a class of verbs where a H-tone surfaces on the last syl-lable of the macrostem. Marked by a combination of prefixes a- (past), Nga- (conditional), andthe suffix -ire (perfective), the past conditional tense refers to counterfactual contexts, i.e. statesand events that are impossible. Semantically, the past conditional falls into the irrealis class, aproperty which we will see to be significant. A H-tone falls on the second vowel of -ire, whichis always the last syllable of the macrostem and the last syllable of the word.3

3There are various issues concerning vowel hiatus resolution, some of which can be seen in the followingexamples, that we do not address here.

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(21) Past conditional tense with a variety of verb roots

Morpheme Breakdown Word Root glossMSTEM[ H ]

[ñ- aa- Nga- [[heere]]] [ñaaNga[[heere]]] ‘give’[ñ- aa- Nga- [[ñwiire]]] [ñaaNga[[ñwiire]]] ‘drink’[ñ- aa- Nga- [[sOmire]]] [ñaaNga[[sOmire]]] ‘read’[ñ- aa- Nga- [[sukwiire]]] [ñaaNga[[sukwiire]]] ‘dump out’SM .SG1 PST COND V-ROOT + PFV ‘I would give (etc.)’

The same tonal pattern is observed in two other irrealis tenses with -ire, namely the negativenear past, e.g. ntisOmire ‘I didn’t read (just now)’, and the negative past conditional, e.g.ntjaNgasOmire ‘I would not read’. These negative senses are similar to the affirmative pastconditional in terms of semantics—all of them express events that did not happen in the actualworld.

The perfective suffix -ire does not always have the tonal pattern LH. In realis contexts, suchas the near past, the same morpheme surfaces with a LL tone pattern: nijOOBOkire ‘he built it’,neGwiire ‘I fell’, etc.

4.2 Analysis

We have seen that the suffix -ire has two tonal allomorphs, one with the tone pattern LH,observed in the irrealis tenses, and one with the tone pattern LL, as observed in realis tenses.

(22) Lexical entry for -ire ‘perfective’: { ire[REALIS], ire[IRREALIS] }

Following Archangeli & Pulleyblank (2015a, in press a, in press b), we assume a class of ofSelect-M conditions which require the presence of allomorphs marked for a particular morpho-syntactic feature. In this case, the LH allomorph is marked for being an ‘irrealis’ form,and, given SELECT-IRREALIS, must be selected whenever those morpho-syntactic features arepresent in a form.

(23) SELECT-IRREALIS (SELECT-I):Within a word with the morphosyntactic property of ‘irrealis’, all morphs within thatword are marked for irrealis.

When the LH allomorph, -ire is selected, the output forms will satisfy HIGH; SELECT-I mustdominate HIGHLEFT since choosing -ire causes the presence of a H that is not aligned to theleft edge of a word. We illustrate with the example [ñaaNga-[[sOm-ire]]] ‘I would read it’.

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(24) Assessment of a past conditional form with a final high tone[...+{Nga}+[[{sOm, sOm} SELECT-I HIGH HIGHLEFT DEFAULT

+{ire[REALIS], ire[IRREALIS]}]]]a. [ñaaNga-[[sOm-ire]]] *! *!

u b. [ñaaNga-[[sOm-ire]]] ** * (ire)c. [ñaaNga-[[sOm-ire]]] *! * (sOm)d. [ñaaNga-[[sOm-ire]]] ** **! (sOm, ire)

4.3 Nouns

Analogous to the verbs which surface with high tone on the final syllable of the macrostem,there is a class of nouns with a high tone on the final syllable; there appear to be no generaliza-tions about the semantics or morpho-syntax of these nouns. A noun root appears with the samehigh tone placement regardless of the noun class, including augmentatives and diminutives.

(25) Macrostem-final high nouns: [PPF + [Class prefix + [Noun stem]]]MSTEM[ H ]

a. [e- [Gi- [sare]]] PPF-C7-TWIN ‘twin-SG’b. [e- [Bi- [sare]]] PPF-C8-TWIN ‘twin-PL’c. [ [rii- [sare]]] PPF/C5-TWIN ‘twin-AUG-SG’d. [a- [ma- [sare]]] PPF-C6-TWIN ‘twin-AUG-PL’e. [a- [ [ñakwaaha]]] PPF-C9-ARMPIT ‘armpit-SG’f. [ [Ùaa- [ñakwaaha]]] PPF/C10-ARMPIT ‘armpit-PL’g. [a- [ma- [ñakwaaha]]] PPF-C6-ARMPIT ‘armpit-AUG-PL’

4.4 Analysis

The essence of the analysis of these cases is simply that the relevant noun roots are marked asincluding a final high tone.

(26) Lexical representations of nouns with a final high tone{ sare }, { ñakwaaha }, etc.

Since only one allomorph for each noun in this class is posited, there are no alternations intone. Since the lexical representation of these nouns satisfies HIGH, there is no reason for anyother morphemes to appear in a non-default way. Attested surface tone patterns are thereforecorrectly predicted.

(27) Assessment table[{a}+[{ma, ma}+[{sare}]]] SELECT-I HIGH HIGHLEFT DEFAULT

u a. [a-[ma-[sare]]] **b. [a-[ma-[sare]]] ** *! (ma)

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Neither the irrealis allomorph -ıre nor the high-final noun roots have corresponding allomorphsthat are completely low. This sets them apart from the monosyllabic morphemes examined sofar which have both low and high allomorphs; see (7). With these high-final cases, when thereis a high tone, there is systematically a high tone.

5 Macrostem initial low-high pattern

The third tonal pattern we consider consists of a low-high pattern at the left edge of themacrostem.

5.1 Verbs

Certain verb constructions have a low tone on the first syllable of the macrostem and a high onthe second syllable. An example is the hortatory subjunctive, used to express polite commands.The examples in (28-30) illustrate this LH-initial pattern with macrostems that contain no objectprefixes, one object prefix and two object prefixes, respectively.

(28) Hortatory subjunctive without object markersMorpheme Breakdown Word Gloss

MSTEM[ L H ][n- uu- [[sOm -E]]] [nuu[[sOmE]]] ‘(Please) read!’[n- oo- [[sukur -E]]] [noo[[sukurE]]] ‘(Please) dump out!’FOC 2SG root SBJV

(29) Hortatory subjunctive, one object markerMorpheme Breakdown Word Root glossMSTEM[ L H ]

[n- oo- [kii- [h -E]]] [noo[kii[hE]]] ‘give’[n- oo- [ki- [ñw -E]]] [noo[ki[ñwE]]] ‘drink’[n- oo- [Gi- [sOm -E]]] [noo[Gi[sOmE]]] ‘read’[n- oo- [Ge- [sukur -E]]] [noo[Ge[sukurE]]] ‘dump out’FOC 2SG OM7 root SBJV ‘Please give (etc.) it!’

(30) Hortatory subjunctive, two object markersMorpheme Breakdown Word Root gloss

MSTEM[ L H ][n- oo- [ke- mu- [h -E]]] [noo[kemu[hE]]] ‘give’[n- oo- [ke- mu- [ñwEEr -E]]] [noo[kemu[ñwEErE]]] ‘drink’[n- oo- [ke- mu- [sOm-Er -E]]] [noo[kemu[sOmErE]]] ‘read’[n- oo- [ke- mo- [sukur-Er -E]]] [noo[kemo[sukurErE]]] ‘dump out’FOC 2SG OM7 OM1 root-APPL SBJV ‘(Please) give (etc.) it to him/her!’

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If the macrostem is shorter than two syllables, this class of tenses does not exhibit the low toneseen elsewhere, beginning instead with a high tone on the first syllable of the macrostem. Sincethe relevant length is of the macrostem, this special behavior is only found when a monosyllabicstem occurs without an object marker. The data in (31) illustrate this.

(31) Hortatory subjunctive with monosyllabic rootsMorpheme Breakdown Word Gloss

MSTEM[ H ][n- uu- [[h -E]]] [nuu[[hE]]] ‘(Please) give!’[n- uu- [[ñw -E]]] [nuu[[ñwE]]] ‘(Please) drink!’FOC 2SG ROOT SBJV

When these stems are preceded by object markers, then the macrostem is larger than a singlesyllable and the regular LH pattern is observed. The two verbs given in (31) have previouslybeen seen with the regular LH pattern when occurring with one object (29) and with two objects(30).

5.2 Analysis

The critical observation for this class of forms is that the macrostem must begin with a L tone.Setting aside for the moment the question of which class of verbs is subject to this requirement– we will refer to it simply as the ‘α’ class – we need one additional constraint:

(32) LOWLEFTα

Align the left edge of a Macrostem characterized by property α with a L-tone.

LOWLEFTα interacts with HIGH and HIGHLEFT. As seen in (31), LOWLEFTα and HIGH

come into conflict when there is only one syllable in the macrostem. That such ‘short’ formssurface as high shows that HIGH must dominate LOWLEFTα . When the macrostem is two ormore syllables long, LOWLEFTα and HIGHLEFT are in conflict, with both constraints seekingto assign a tone to the left edge of the macrostem. As seen in (28-30), LOWLEFTα wins overHIGHLEFT in such cases. The low tone appears at the left edge and the high tone appears asfar to the left as possible, that is, on the second syllable.

This analysis is illustrated by nooGisOmE ‘please read it!’.

(33) Assessment of stem with two object markers: LH pattern

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[...[{Gi, gi}+[{sOm, sOm} HIGH LOWLEFTα HIGHLEFT DEFAULT

+{E, E}α ]]]a. [noo-[Gi-[sOm-E]]] *!b. [noo-[Gi-[sOm-E]]] **! * (E)

u c. [noo-[Gi-[sOm-E]]] * * (sOm)d. [noo-[Gi-[sOm-E]]] **!* ** (sOm, E)e. [noo-[Gi-[sOm-E]]] *! * (Gi)f. [noo-[Gi-[sOm-E]]] *! ** ** (Gi, E)g. [noo-[Gi-[sOm-E]]] *! * ** (sOm, Gi)h. [noo-[Gi-[sOm-E]]] *! *** *** (sOm, Gi, E)

HIGH forces the presence of at least one high-toned allomorph. LOWLEFTα forces the firstsyllable of the macrostem to be low-toned. HIGHLEFT forces the obligatory high tone to be asfar to the left in the macrostem as possible.

The remaining factor to consider is what forms of morphemes must be posited to ensure thatappropriate allomorphs are available for selection. Regarding affixes, we have already seen thatthose affixes that appear in appropriate contexts with a high tone also have predictably relatedallomorphs with low tones ({ -E, -E }, { -Gi, -Gi }). This was ensured by the redundancy relation∃ LOW (7). ∃ LOW also ensures that CVC verbs like sOm, which occur with a high tone whenwithout prefixes in simple tenses such as in §3, have both L and H allomorphs ({ sOm, sOm }).Even a suffix such as the applicative can bear a H in the appropriate circumstances, namelywith a CVC root and no object marker.

(34) Hortatory subjunctive with CVC root and applicative suffixMorpheme Breakdown Word Gloss

[ L H ][n- oo- [mu- [sOm -Er -E]]] [noo[mu[sOmErE]]] ‘Read it for

someone (c1)’[n- uu- [ [sOm -Er -E]]] Maria [nuu[[sOmErE]]] Maria ‘Read it for someone,

specifically Maria’*[n- uu- [ [sOm -Er -E]]] *[nuu[[sOmErE]]]FOC 2SG OM1 ROOT APPL SBJV OBJECT

Note that the applicative can occur without an object marker only if there is an overt syntacticobject. That the applicative suffix has both high and low allomorphs is not surprising. Inessence, all affixes which appear in the macrostem domain, both prefixes and suffixes, appearto exhibit both high and low allomorphs.4

With longer roots, an additional redundancy relation is needed. Consider a verb root like sukur.In a verb form with macrostem-initial high tones, such a root surfaces with an initial high if

4An anonymous reviewer expressed concern about this property of the applicative. Rather than being a causefor concern, we think it is indicative of a more general lexical redundancy condition, namely that all macrostem-level affixes have a bidirectional implication with an allomorph having an initial L implying an allomorph with aninitial H and vice versa.

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there are no object markers and as low throughout if there are: [u-Ga-[[sukur-a]]] ‘you dumpedout-NARRATIVE PAST’, [u-ka-[Ge-[sukur-a]]] ‘you dumped it out-NARRATIVE PAST’. Settingaside the issues of segmental allomorphy with this particular root, such a verb would alsosurface as low throughout if appearing with a suffix with a final H, as in the past conditional:[ñaaNga[[sukwiire]]] ‘I would dump out-PAST CONDITIONAL’. In addition to these forms, wehave seen in this section that a tense like the hortatory subjunctive can have any of three rootforms: an initial low tone followed by a high tone when there is no object ([noo[[sukurE]]]‘(please) dump out!’), an initial high tone when there is one object ([noo[Ge[sukurE]]] ‘(youplease) dump it out!’), and low throughout when there are two objects ([noo[kemo[sukurErE]]]‘(you please) dump it out for him/her!’). Hence such roots predictably exhibit three tonalallomorphs: { sukur, sukur, sukur }.

We consider two of these allomorphs to be the polysyllabic counterparts of shorter verb rootslike { sOm, sOm }. Just as the a short verb root allomorph with H is redundantly related to a shortroot allomorph with L, so a longer root allomorph with an initial H is redundantly related to aroot allomorph with L throughout. This follows from ∃ LOW (7). What is new about the longerroots is that there is an additional allomorph, one with a low-high pattern (e.g. { sukur }). Thepredictability of such root allomorphs is ensured by an additional lexical redundancy condition:

(35) Lexical redundancy conditionHL→LH If a morpheme has an allomorph with the pattern #HL then it has a

corresponding allomorph with the pattern #LH.

The observation of a root with a H L pattern (e.g. { sukur }) therefore leads to the redundantpostulation of two other root allomorphs: { sukur } on the basis of ∃ LOW (7) and { sukur } onthe basis of HL→LH (35).5 Note that the reverse implications are not true. The observation ofa LL pattern does not necessarily mean that there will be a corresponding HL pattern (§3); theobservation of a LH pattern does not necessarily mean that there will be a corresponding HLpattern (§4).

Given these predictably generated allomorph sets, the derivation of verbs in the L H class isstraightforward. We illustrate by considering three cases involving the root { sukur, sukur,sukur } ‘dump out’, the first with no object markers, the second with one object marker, thethird with two object markers.

With no object markers, the only way that LOWLEFTα can be satisfied is if the first syllableof the verb root is low. This forces a minimal violation of HIGHLEFT, but there must still be ahigh tone given HIGH.

5Note that polysyllabic morphemes never have more than one high tone syllable. This could be expressed inthe grammar by an inviolable condition on all allomorphs, to the effect that an allomorph may have no more thanone high tone syllable.

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(36) Assessment of stem with no object markers: LH pattern[...[[{sukur, sukur, sukur} HIGH LOWLEFTα HIGHLEFT DEFAULT

+{E, E}α ]]]a. [n-oo-[[sukur-E]]] *!b. [n-oo-[[sukur-E]]] **! * (E)

u c. [n-oo-[[sukur-E]]] * * (sukur)d. [n-oo-[[sukur-E]]] **!* ** (sukur, E)e. [n-oo-[[sukur-E]]] *! * (sukur)f. [n-oo-[[sukur-E]]] *! ** ** (sukur, E)

Consider next an example with a single object marker. Given two allomorphs for the objectmarker, three for the root and two for the subjunctive suffix, there are a total of twelve candi-date allomorph combinations for this form; seven representative forms have been selected forinclusion.

(37) Assessment of stem with one object marker: LH pattern[...[{ Ge, Ge }+[{sukur, sukur, sukur} HIGH LOW HIGH DEFAULT

+{E, E}α ]]] LEFTα LEFT

a. [n-oo-[Ge-[sukur-E]]] *!b. [n-oo-[Ge-[sukur-E]]] **!* * (E)c. [n-oo-[Ge-[sukur-E]]] **! * (sukur)

u d. [n-oo-[Ge-[sukur-E]]] * * (sukur)e. [n-oo-[Ge-[sukur-E]]] *! * (Ge)f. [n-oo-[Ge-[sukur-E]]] *! * ** (Ge, sukur)g. [n-oo-[Ge-[sukur-E]]] *! **** *** (Ge, sukur, E)

In this case, LOWLEFTα forces the object marker to be low (37d vs. 37e,f). HIGH forces thepresence of a high tone (37d vs. 37a), over-ruling DEFAULT. HIGHLEFT forces the high to beas far left within the macrostem as possible, in this case on the first syllable of the verb root(37d vs. 37c). A (non-default) high on the subjunctive suffix would never be necessary giventhe length of the root and the effect of HIGHLEFT (37d vs. 37b,g).

With two object markers in the macrostem, the first must be low (given LOWLEFTα ) and thesecond must be high (given HIGH and HIGHLEFT). The stem morphemes (root and suffixes)therefore appear with their default low-toned allomorphs. A selection of the 24 total possiblecombinations is presented in (38).

(38) Assessment of stem with two object markers: LH pattern

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[...[{ke, ke}+{ mo, mo}+ HIGH LOW HIGH DEFAULT

[{sukur, sukur, sukur}+{Er}+{E, E}α ]]] LEFTα LEFT

a. [n-oo-[ke-mo-[sukur-Er-E]]] *!b. [n-oo-[ke-mo-[sukur-Er-E]]] *! * (ke)

u c. [n-oo-[ke-mo-[sukur-Er-E]]] * * (mo)d. [n-oo-[ke-mo-[sukur-Er-E]]] **!* ** (mo, sukur)e. [n-oo-[ke-mo-[sukur-Er-E]]] **! * (sukur)f. [n-oo-[ke-mo-[sukur-Er-E]]] **!* * (sukur)

5.3 Nouns

Certain nouns also surface with a LH pattern at the left edge of the macrostem. These nounsare distinct from the cases with a macrostem-initial high (§3.3) and from the cases with a finalhigh (§4.3). Moreover, they are both interesting and puzzling because of the way this patterninteracts with fused prefixes. Consider the examples in (39).

(39) Low High Nouns: [PPF + [Class prefix + [Noun stem]]]MSTEM[ L H ]

a. [o- [ro- [siri]]] ‘rope-C11-SG’b. [e- [Ge- [sima]]] ‘well-C7-SG’c. [o- [mu- [kari]]] ‘woman-C1-SG’d. [a- [ma- [BuruuNga]]] ‘egg-C6-SG’e. [e- [ki- [GOkOrO]]] ‘elbow-C21-AUG-PL’

MSTEM[ Pref L H ]f. [ [rii- [siri]]] ‘rope-C5-DIM-SG’g. [ [rii- [sima]]] ‘well-C5-DIM-SG’h. [ [rii- [kari]]] ‘woman-C5-DIM-SG’i. [ [rii- [BuruuNga]]] ‘egg-C5-SG’j. [ [rii- [GOkOrO]]] ‘elbow-C5-DIM-SG’k. [ [ÙaaN- [gOkOrO]]] ‘elbow-C10-PL’l. [a- [N- [gOkOrO]]] ‘elbow-C9-SG’

As shown in (39a-e), simple syllabic class prefixes appear in these cases with a LH pattern onthe macrostem; the root itself in these cases is HL. When a fused pre-prefix/class marker isobserved, as in (39f-k), the LH pattern shifts one syllable to the right: the fused affix itself islow, and it is followed by a LH tone sequence. The noun root in these cases is LH. Finally,class 9 examples where the class prefix is not a tone-bearing unit exhibit a LH pattern at theleft edge of the macrostem (39l), achieved by a LH pattern on the nominal root.

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5.4 Analysis

Like all nominal tone patterns, it is the noun root that determines which of the three tone pat-terns is observed: macrostem-initial high, final high, or as in this section, low-high (Anghelescu2012). In the macrostem-initial H cases (§3.4), noun roots are invariably low-toned except forclass 9 roots which alternate between HL and LL. For nouns in the final H class (§4.4), nounroots are again invariant, surfacing with a L*H pattern. For LH-pattern nouns, however, thereare two allomorphs for noun roots, LH and HL. For most nouns containing these roots, the HLpattern will surface; however, if such a noun root is preceded by a class 5 or 10 prefix, the LHpattern will surface. Recall in addition (see §3.3) that most noun roots can appear with the class5 prefix as an augmentative even if class 5 is not the canonical noun class.

In the case of a noun root like ‘woman’ that has both HL and LH allomorphs, we need todetermine which allomorph is the default allomorph and what the conditions are that force anondefault allomorph in a specific environment or class of environments. Our suggestion isthat it is the HL allomorph that is the default. This is the tone pattern that occurs with most ofthe canonical class prefixes, the classes whose prefixes are lexically determined (e.g., 39a-d).When such forms have a non-canonical diminutive class 5 form, we see in this marked classa LH pattern. The correlation is not perfect. For some noun roots, class 5 (with LH) is thecanonical prefix and for some non-canonical prefixes, such as the class 21 augmentative, westill see the default HL pattern. In cases with canonical class 5 and class 10 singulars, however,we generally have corresponding plurals in class 6 or class 11 with HL patterns. Ultimately, theclaim of the allomorphy model is that token frequency of allomorphs directly correlates withbeing the ‘default’. In Nata, we do not have data on token frequency, but the considerations ofmorpheme combination just given lead us to hypothesize that HL forms are more frequent thanLH forms. We therefore assume lexical entries as follows:

(40) Lexical entries for “LH” nominal roots{ kari, kari }α ‘woman’{ GOkOrO, GOkOrO }α ‘elbow’{ BuruuNga, BuruuNga }α ‘egg’

Given lexical entries along the lines of (40), correct forms are straightforwardly obtained forthe “regular” LH cases in (39a-e). This is illustrated in (41) by the example omukarı ‘woman-C1-SG’.

(41) Assessment of macrostem LH pattern with syllabic class prefix[{o}+[{mu, mu}+ HIGH LOW HIGH DEFAULT

[{kari, kari}α ]]] LEFTα LEFT

u a. [o-[mu-[kari]]] *b. [o-[mu-[kari]]] **! * (kari)c. [o-[mu-[kari]]] *! * * (mu)d. [o-[mu-[kari]]] *! ** * (kari, mu)

Consider the role of LOWLEFTα in the determining the optimal form for nouns of this tonal

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type. Following our analysis of verbs in the LH tonal class, we have assumed that nouns withthe LH tonal pattern are members of the “α” class. As such, they are subject to the requirementenforced by LOWLEFTα that the macrostem begin with a low tone. This requirement is metby omukarı (41a). A close consideration of (41), however, shows that LOWLEFTα actuallyplays no crucial role in such basic forms. If these nouns are members of the α class, then thecandidates in (41c,d) incur violations of LOWLEFTα . If such nouns were not members of theα class, then candidate (41a) would be chosen over (41b,d) because of its minimal violation ofHIGHLEFT, and (41a) would be chosen over (41c) since (41c) involves a nondefault allomorphunforced by some higher ranking consideration. Hence assigning these basic LH noun roots toclass α is consistent with their surface forms, but is not necessary.

The necessity of class α designation becomes clear, however, when we consider cases wherethe non-tone-bearing-unit class 9 prefix is involved. Consider an example like aNgOkOrO ‘elbow-C9-SG’ (*aNgOkOrO) (39l). In this kind of case, LOWLEFTα is critical to ensure the correctsurface form.

(42) Assessment of macrostem LH pattern with non-syllabic class prefix[{a}+[{N}+ HIGH LOW HIGH DEFAULT

[{GOkOrO, GOkOrO}α ]]] LEFTα LEFT

a. [a-[N-[gOkOrO]]] *!u b. [a-[N-[gOkOrO]]] * * (GOkOrO)

We propose, therefore, that the superficial resemblance between the LH verbs seen in §5.1 andthe basic “LH” nouns of (39a-e) has led to these nouns being classified as members of the α

set, hence subject to LOWLEFTα . Before turning to a consideration of what it means to be amember of the α set, we need to round out this discussion of LH nouns with a consideration ofthe fused prefixes where the high tone appears to have shifted one syllable to the right.

Given the analysis so far, the behavior of the fused pre-prefix/class prefixes, seen in (39f-k),is intriguing. Since the fused prefixes in such forms are low, e.g. rii- in riikari ‘woman-C5-DIM-SG’, we might expect surface forms like *riikari. This would result in satisfaction ofLOWLEFTα and minimal violation of HIGHLEFT. That we get a different pattern with thefused prefixes and only with the fused prefixes suggests that it is a lexical property of the class5 and 10 prefixes that is causing the otherwise deviant tone pattern.

Our suggestion follows (Archangeli & Pulleyblank 2015a,b, in press b) in postulating a selec-tional requirement for the class 5 and 10 fused prefixes. Selection is a property whereby certainmorphemes require the presence of a particular phonological property on an adjacent string. Inthe case of the class 5 and 10 fused morphemes, we propose that these two prefixes require thepresence of an immediately following low tone.

(43) Lexical representations of class 5 and 10 prefixes (revised from (16){ rii, rii } L CLASS 5{ Ùaa, Ùaa } L CLASS 10

The constraint SELECTION ensures that the selectional property of these morphemes is met.

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(44) Selectional constraintSELECTION Assign a violation mark to each morpheme which does not satisfy

its selectional restrictions

We illustrate the effect of the selectional requirement in (45).

(45) Assessment of macrostem LH pattern with fused prefix[[{rii, rii} L SELECTION HIGH LOW HIGH DEFAULT

+[{kari, kari}α ]]] LEFTα LEFT

a. [[rii-[kari]]] *! *u b. [[rii-[kari]]] ** * (kari)

c. [[rii-[kari]]] *! *! * * (rii)d. [[rii-[kari]]] *! ** ** (rii, kari)

Critical to these cases, the selectional requirement of the fused morphemes forces the occur-rence of the marked LH root allomorph.

Before concluding this discussion of the LH macrostem pattern, it is important to verify that im-posing a selectional restriction on fused morphemes does not have any negative consequencesfor nouns from the macrostem-initial H class or from the final H class. An example of each isreproduced in (46) (from (14) and (25)).

(46) Tone patterns with fused morphemesMacrostem-initial H [[rii-[buri]]] PPF/C5-feather ‘feather-SG’Final H [[Ùaa-[ñakwaaha]]] PPF/C10-ARMPIT ‘armpit-PL’

In these cases, the selectional requirements of the fused prefixes are met, whether the prefixitself is H (to satisfy HIGH) or L (as the default for the morpheme). We illustrate this in (47)and (48).

(47) Assessment of macrostem-initial H pattern with fused prefix[{rii, rii} L+[{buri}]] SELECTION HIGH LOW HIGH DEFAULT

LEFTα LEFT

a. [[rii-[buri]]] *!u b. [[rii-[buri]]] * (rii)

(48) Assessment of final H pattern with fused prefix[{Ùaa, Ùaa} L+[{ñakwaaha}]] SELECTION HIGH LOW HIGH DEFAULT

LEFTα LEFT

u a. [[Ùaa-[ñakwaaha]]] ***b. [[Ùaa-[ñakwaaha]]] *** *! (Ùaa)

Since these roots are not in the α class, LOWLEFTα is irrelevant (vacuously satisfied). What

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is critical therefore is that there be a high tone, and that default allomorphs be maximized.Selection is satisfied in both types of cases since the root allomorphs in both types of casesbegin with low tones.

To summarize, we analyze the LH nouns by proposing that, like verbs, they are membersof class α , requiring a low tone at the left edge of the macrostem. The special property ofmorphemes fusing a pre-prefix with a class prefix is that they are necessarily followed by a Ltone.

To conclude this discussion of the LH pattern, we discuss two issues arising from our analysis.First, we note that the analysis results in multiple allomorphs for certain roots. A verb like‘dump out,’ for example, has the three allomorphs { sukur, sukur, sukur }. Other types ofroots may have one allomorph or two. Is this a problem? We think not. To see why, we notean important difference between a traditional generative theory and the framework presentedhere. In a traditional generative account, to put information into the lexicon implied that theinformation was idiosyncratic (Kenstowicz & Kisseberth 1979). Only if it was impossible toaccount for differences by rules or constraints would ‘allomorphs’ be posited. This is totallydifferent from the framework adopted here. All instances of surface difference are encoded inallomorph sets. The occurrence of multiple forms in an allomorph set does not imply a lack ofpredictability. The cost of an allomorph set depends on whether the different allomorphs can beproductively related to each other (low cost) or not (high cost). Since the instances of multipleallomorphs posited here are productively related, the cost is low. It is certainly the case that thisapproach stores more information than the traditional generative approach. Storing redundantinformation, however, seems to be consistent with a growing body of research (Pierrehumbert2001; Bybee 2010).

The second issue concerns the status of a feature like “α”, the characterization of the classrequiring the presence of an intial low tone in the macrostem. Consider whether the LH patternat the left edge of the macrostem can be read off some phonological property of the componentmorphemes. For verbs, the crucial morpheme would need to be the suffix -E. What we observewith -E, however, is that it is usually low, but high if the macrostem has a single syllable; see(28)-(31). It is not obvious why being predominantly low but sometimes high would give riseto the observed pattern. The dominant generative strategy in such a case is to say, “what ifwe assigned a tone string X to -E underlyinglingly? Could we from tone string X derive theobserved surface pattern?”. Perhaps we could. For example, we might posit a LH pattern on -Ein conjunction with rules associating these tones at the left edge of the macrostem. The problemwith such an account is that there is really nothing in the surface tone patterns observed with-E that directly motivates such an analysis. By positing an underlying tone string that is notdirectly motivated by the suffix, it looks like we are postulating a phonologically motivatedanalysis although, in fact, the relation between the LH pattern of the hortatory subjunctive andthe presence of the suffix -E is completely arbitrary. Consider, moreover, the case of nouns. Anoun such as ‘woman’ exhibits the LH pattern: [o-[mu-[kari]]] ‘woman-C1-SG’, [[rii-[kari]]]‘woman-C5-DIM-SG’. There is nothing about such a word’s tone pattern that points directlyto its behavior. The HL pattern, [o-[mu-[kari]]], is seen in class 9 (see 14) without the kindof alternations seen with LH nouns. Similarly, the LH pattern, [[rii-[kari]]], is seen in theinvariant final H nouns (see 25). There is nothing per se in being either HL or LH that forces the

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macrostem-initial LH pattern. What is clear is that the learner must identify the relevant classof nouns and verb forms based on their behavior, independent of the particular surface tonesobserved on any given case. Our argument, therefore, is that membership in the appropriateclass must be marked, and we do so by designating this class, the “α” class, as requiring thatthe macrostem begin with a low tone. To identify the class by an abstract tone sequence whichmust necessarily differ from the LH and HL patterns seen in other nouns and verbs seems nomore explanatory than to designate the class morphologically, as we do here. For discussionof a case in Kinande that is comparable in significant respects, see Archangeli & Pulleyblank(2015b).

6 Additional tone patterns

In a small class of cases (Lam in press), we observe patterns which violate HIGH in that themacrostem does not exhibit a H tone. The two examples we are aware of are the negativeimperative and the near past (realis) both of which have H tones that precede the macrostem(49a, b).6

(49) Macrostems without a high tone

a. Negative imperativeMorpheme Breakdown Word Gloss

[LH MSTEM[ ]][u-ta- [[ñw -a]]] [uta[[ñwa]]] ‘(youSG) don’t drink!’[u-ta- [[sOm -a]]] [uta[[sOma]] ‘(youSG) don’t read!’[u-ta- [[ñw -a]]] [uta[[ñwa]] ‘(youSG) don’t drink!’2SG-NEG ROOT -FV

b. Near pastMorpheme Breakdown Word Gloss

[H MSTEM[ ]][n-tu [[he -ere]]] ntuheere ‘we (just) gave’[m-ba [[he -ere]]] mbaheere ‘they (just) gave’SM-NEG ROOT -PFV

Several things mark these cases as unusual. First, they are the only instances in verbs wherethere is no high tone within the macrostem. Second, unlike with the three other tonal patternsseen in verbs, there is no corresponding pattern observed in nouns. Third, these cases have hightone prefixes outside the macrostem, a pattern not seen on any other verbs or nouns. Fourth,the negative imperative not only fails to exhibit a high tone within the macrostem but also canexhibit a sequence of two highs (Lam in press).

6As above, we do not address the segmental alternations seen in these verb forms.

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(50) Negative imperative: Consonant-initial subject markerMorpheme Breakdown Word Gloss

[H H MSTEM[ ]][mu- ta- [[ñw -a]]] mutañwa ‘(youPL) don’t drink!’[mu- ta- [[sOm -a]]] mutasOma ‘(youPL) don’t read!’[mu- ta- [[rem -a]]] mutarema ‘(youPL) don’t cultivate!’[mu- ta- [[sukur -a]]] mutasukura ‘(youPL) don’t dump out!’[mu- ta- [[taandor -a]]] mutataandora ‘(youPL) don’t tear!’1SG- NEG- ROOT -FV

The difference between (49a) and (50), presumably the reason that the subject prefix is L in(49a) and H in (50), is that the 2nd person subject marker is C-initial in (50).

Consistent with out basic approach to Nata tone, an analysis of these cases might be sketchedas follows. The negative marker ta- and the subject marker mu- would be marked as high in theimperative; neither morpheme is generally high but the allomorphs appropriate to the negativeimperative and the near past would be marked as high (Lam in press). The vowel-initial u- couldnot be similarly marked as high because of a general prohibition on high-tone vowel-initialsyllables, which would also apply to preprefixes, for instance. If we add to these allomorphspecifications a general OCP-type constraint against sequences of H tones in the word, we getthe desired surface patterns as long as the word-level OCP outranks HIGH. Getting the prefixalhigh forms to take precedence over the macrostem-internal high forms is a straightforwardresult of selecting those morphemes specifically marked for the morphological features of thenegative imperative and the near past.

There is an interaction between vowel initial verb roots and tone patterns. Compared to conso-nant initial root, vowel initial roots have high tones realized one syllable to the right. Comparethe two forms below: the macrostem of [uGa[karaaNa]] has a high tone on the left most syllable;however, the macrostem of [oGi[itera]] has low tone on the left most syllable and high tone onthe following syllable.

(51) Narrative past tense ‘You verb-ed’Morpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[ H ]fry [u- Ga- [[karaaN -a]]] [uGa[[karaaNa]]]spill [o- Gi- [[iter -a]]] [oGi[[itera]]]

2SG- NAR- ROOT-FV

Interestingly, this is only true when these roots are not preceed by object prefixes, in otherwords when the left edge of the root is the left edge of the macrostem. This set of formsraises questions about where the left edge of the macrostem is, and how it’s defined: relative tomorphemes? relative to syllabes? The example below illustrates three possible interpretationsof the macrostem boundary. A proper investigation of such patterns is left for a later date.

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(52) Possible interpretations of the macrostem left edgeMorpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[ H ][o- Gi- [[iter -a]]] [oGi[[itera]]][o- G- [[iiter -a]]] [oG[[iitera]]][o- Gii- [[ter -a]]] [oGii[[tera]]]2SG- NAR- ROOT-FV

7 Discussion

In this paper, we have presented a unified approach to both verbal and nominal tone in Nata. Asmentioned in the introduction, our first impressions of Nata tone led us, erroneously we nowbelieve, to consider the system to be quite simple. Beginning with nouns, Anghelescu (2012)identified three classes of nouns and proposed a metrical analysis, but encountered difficultiesin defining which nouns exhibited which tonal patterns in a non-arbitrary way. The problemswere exacerbated when Lam (in press) discovered comparable tonal patterns in verbs, but withdifferences that made Anghelescu’s metrical analysis problematic. In this paper, our goal wasto develop an analysis of both nouns and verbs, combining the core insights of Anghelescu andLam’s previous work.

We note in this regard that there is no independent evidence in Nata for metrical structure.That is, there is no evidence beyond the basic tonal observations. Therefore, there is very weakmotivation for positing a phonological domain such as the foot. Furthermore, there is no reasonto think that duration, amplitude or vowel quality play a role in the “tone” system, nor is thereany obvious role for some sort of binary constituency. Metrical structure performs no obvious“counting” function.

One novel aspect of this analysis is the extension of the macrostem to nouns. This extension isadopted on the grounds that nouns and verbs share similar surface patterns and reference to acommon domain allows us to capture this fact of the language. Though we do not investigate thesyntactic patterns and relationships, it is worth noting that the object markers found preceedingthe verbal macrostem and the class markers preceeding the nominal macrostem have identicalallomorph sets, at least with respect to tone. The full range of shared and distinctive allomorphproperties between object markers and class markers remains to be investigated.

While we have discussed a number of suffixes which are important in tone alternations, wehave not systematically presented macrostem suffixes. With respect to suffixes, both the fullrange and a comparison with prefixes remain for future work.

The general goals of the Nata project at UBC have been outlined in Anghelescu et al (toappear). Tone is descriptively important since it plays a critical role in both the phonology andthe syntax. Our description of tone in verbs is by no means complete; we have not examinedtone in compounds or reduplication; and so on. At an analytic level, we have attempted to showjust how difficult the analysis of such a superficially “simple” system can be. At the theoretical

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level, we have only begun to explore the implications of Nata tone for a theory of allomorphy.

8 Conclusion

Though words of Nata have very few high tones, we have shown that a tonal account correctlypredicts their distribution by aligning tones with morpheme boundaries. Following Anghelescu(2012), we discuss three classes of nouns, all involving tones aligned to the left or right edgeof the macrostem. Following Lam (in press), we argue that the three classes of nouns havecounterparts in the verbal system. We propose a unified analysis of both. The analysis cruciallydepends on correct identification of the macrostem. What we believe to be the largest class, thehigh-initial class, involves the alignment of a high tone with the left edge of the macrostem. Asecond class, the high-final class, involves a high tone at the right edge of the macrostem. Athird, more marked, class involves a LH pattern at the left edge of the macrostem: this classof forms, found in both verbs and nouns, requires that a low tone appear at the left edge of themacrostem, with an obligatory high tone then appearing as close to the left edge as possible.

We have shown how a theory without any abstract underlying forms can account for the broadrange of tonal data observed. Lexical Allomorphy accounts for the observed surface patternsvia interaction between default selection, phonotactics, and selectional restrictions. We haveseen that a phonotactic demanding a high tone be realized on a syllable within the macrostemoverrides a general preference toward default low tone affixes in situations where a root cannotsatisfy the phonotactic. In cases where the root can satisfy this phonotactic, both it and thedefault selection on affixes are satsified, though other phonotactics regulating alignment oftone and domain edges are violated. Finally, we have seen that selectional restrictions on fusedpreprefix/prefixes, specifically class 5 and class 10 prefixes, account for an alternation in whichroot allomorph is selected.

We have argued for an analysis where the forms of morphemes directly reflect their surfacerealizations. From a learnability perspective, this is a more attractive situation than one inwhich a learner needs to posit abstract features to classify how a morpheme will behave withrespect to tone assignment.

ReferencesANGHELESCU, ANDREI. 2012. Morphophonology and tone in Nata. In UBC Working Papers

in Linguistics, ed. by Alexis Black & Meagan Louie, volume 34, 89–103. University ofBritish Columbia: Department of Linguistics.

——, ZOE LAM, JOASH GAMBARAGE, & ROSE-MARIE DECHAINE. To appear. The Natadocumentation project: An overview. In Africa’s Endangered Languages: Documentary andTheoretical Approaches, ed. by Jason Kandybowicz & Harold Torrence. Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press.

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ARCHANGELI, DIANA, & DOUGLAS PULLEYBLANK. 2002. Kinande vowel harmony: Do-mains, grounded conditions, and one-sided alignment. Phonology 19.139–188.

——, & ——. 2012. Emergent phonology: Evidence from English. In Issues in EnglishLinguistics, ed. by Ik-Hwan Lee, Young-Se Kang, Kyoung-Ae Kim, Kee-Ho Kim, Il-KonKim, Seong-Ha Rhee, Jin-Hyuang Kim, Hyo-Young Kim, Ki-Jeang Lee, Hye-Kyung Kang,& Sung-Ho Ahn, 1–26. Seoul: Hankookmunhwasa.

——, & ——. 2015a. Phonology without universal grammar. Frontiers in Psychology 6.

——, & ——. 2015b. Tonal allomorphy in Kinande. In Capturing Phonological Shades, ed.by Lian Hee Wee & Yuchau Hsiao, 76–100. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge ScholarsPublishing.

——, & ——. In press a. Emergent morphology. In Morphological Metatheory, ed. by HeidiHarley & Daniel Siddiqi. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing.

——, & ——. In press b. Phonology as an emergent system. In The Routledge Handbook ofPhonological Theory, ed. by Anna Bosch & S.J. Hannahs. London: Routledge.

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BYBEE, JOAN. 2010. Language, usage and cognition. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UniversityPress.

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COOK, TONI. 2013. The status of the macrostem in reduplication in Ndebele and Zulu. InProceedings of the 37th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, ed. by ChundraCathcart, I-Hsuan Chen, Greg Finley, Shinae Kang, Clare S. Sandy, & Elise Stickles, 46–60.Berkeley, CA: Berkeley Linguistics Society.

DE LACY, PAUL. 2002. The interaction of tone and stress in Optimality Theory. Phonology19.1–32.

DOWNING, LAURA. 2001. Ungeneralizable minimality in Ndebele. Studies in African Lin-guistics 30.33–58.

GAMBARAGE, JOASH JOHANNES. 2012. Context-of-use of augmented and unaugmentednouns in Nata. In UBC Working Papers in Linguistics, ed. by Alexis Black & Meagan Louie,volume 34, 45–59. University of British Columbia: Department of Linguistics.

——, & DOUGLAS PULLEYBLANK. To appear. Tongue root harmony in Nata: An allomorphy-based account. In Africa’s Endangered Languages: Documentary and Theoretical Ap-proaches, ed. by Jason Kandybowicz & Harold Torrence, Oxford. Oxford University Press.

HYMAN, LARRY M. 2001a. Privative tone in Bantu. In Cross-linguistic studies of tonalphenomena, ed. by Shigeki Kaji, 237–257. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages andCultures.

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—— 2001b. Tone systems. In Language typology and language universals: An internationalhandbook, ed. by Martin Haspelmath, Ekkehard Konig, Wulf Oesterreicher, & WolfgangRaible, volume 2, 1367–1380. Berlin & New York: Walter de Gruyter.

KENSTOWICZ, MICHAEL, & CHARLES KISSEBERTH. 1979. Generative Phonology: De-scription and Theory. London: Academic Press.

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——. 2004. A note on tonal markedness in Yoruba. Phonology 21.409–425.

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A Canonical Macrostem

The canonical macrostem is shown below. This structure occurs in both verbs and nouns. Theverbal macrostem contains, from left to right: optional object prefixes, a verb root, optional ex-tensions, and a final. The default final is -a. The underived nominal macrostem contains, fromleft to right: a class prefix followed by a noun stem; a derived nominal macrostem contains,from left to right: a class prefix, a verb root, a nominalizing suffix.

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(53) Macrostem template(Ob ject)Class pre f ixes

Root

(Extensions) Final

Macrostem Stem

B Verb tone patterns

B.1 Macrostem-initial high tones

The morphological templates for the narrative past (ka), habitual (haa) and progressive (ko) areshown below. The progressive marker occurs with a nasal prefix. These constructions occurwith high tone on the leftmost syllable of the macrostem.

(54) Macrostem-initial high tone morphological template

N-SM-

ka-haa-ko-

Hσ . . . -a

Word Macrostem

B.1.1 Narrative Past Tense

In the charts below, the verb root meaning is given in the leftmost column, morpheme glossesfor all other morphemes are given in the bottom row. Brackets indicate the word (outer brack-ets), macrostem (inner brackets) and verb stem (innermost brackets).

(55) a. Narrative past tense ‘You verb-ed’Morpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[ H ]fry [u- Ga- [[karaaN -a]]] [uGa[[karaaNa]]]shave [u- ka- [[mw -a]]] [uka[[mwa]]]count [u- ka- [[Bar -a]]] [uka[[Bara]]]

SM2sg NAR ROOT-FV

b. Narrative past tense with one object marker ‘You verb-ed it (OM1)’

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Morpheme Breakdown WordMSTEM[ H ]

fry [u- ka- [Bic8- [karaaNg -a]]] [uka[Bi[karaaNga]]]shave [u- Ga- [kic7- [mw -a]]] [uGa[ki[mwa]]]count [u- Ga- [Ùic9- [Bar -a]]] [uGa[Ùi[Bara]]]

SM2sg NAR OM1 ROOT-FV

c. Narrative past tense with two object markers ‘You verb-ed it(OM1) for him(OM2=C1)’Morpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[ H ]fry [u- ka- [Bec8- mu- [karaaNg -er -a]]] [uka[Bemu[karaaNgera]]]shave [u- ka- [Boc14- mu- [mw -er -a]]] [uka[Bomu[mwera]]]count [u- [Ga- [Ùec9- mu- [Bar -er -a]]] [uka[Ùemu[Barera]]]

SM2sg NAR OM1 OM2 ROOT APPL FV

B.2 Macrostem-final high tones

The morphological templates for the past conditional, negative past conditional (SM-a-Nga-. . . -ire) and negative near past are given below. The template for the past conditional is shown onits own while the other templates are abstracted over one form as they share in common thenegation morpheme. All forms in this paradigm occur with the irrealis marker (IRL) ‘ire’ in thefinal position. Note that subject markers that are CV in shape occur before the negation markerwhile those that are only a vowel occur after it.

(56) Macrostem final high tone morphological template (past conditional)SM- a-Nga-

. . .H

-ire

Word Macrostem

(57) Macrostem final high tone morphological templates with negationSM-SM-

t-SM-t-SM-

Nga-

. . .H

-ire-ire

Word Macrostem

B.2.1 Past Conditional

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(58) Past conditional ‘You would verb’Morpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[ H ]fry [w- aa- Nga- [[karaaNg -ire]]] [waaNga[[karaaNire]]]shave [w- aa- Nga- [[mw -ire]]] [waaNga[[mwiire]]]count [w- aa- Nga- [[Bar -ire]]] [waaNga[[Barire]]]

SM2sg PST COND ROOT-PFV

(59) Past conditional with one object marker ‘You would verb it(OM1)’Morpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[ H ]fry [w- a- Nga- [Bic8- [karaaNg -ire]]] [waNga[Bi[karaaNgire]]]shave [w- a- Nga- [kec7- [mw -ire]]] [waNga[ke[mwiire]]]count [w- a- Nga- [Ùic9- [Bar -ire]]] [waNga[Ùi[Barire]]]

SM2sg PST COND OM ROOT-PFV

(60) Past conditional with two object markers ‘You would verb it(OM1) for him(OM2=C1)’Morpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[ H ]fry [w- a- Nga- [Bec8- mu- [karaaNg -er7-ire]]] [waNga[Bemu[karaaNgiire]]]shave [w- a- Nga- [Boc14- mu- [mw -er -er -ire]]] [waNga[Bomu[mweerire]]]count [w- a- Nga- [Ùec9- mu- [Bar -er -ire]]] [waNga[Ùemu[Bariire]]]

SM2sg PST COND OM1 OM2 ROOT -APL -PFV

B.3 Macrostem-initial low-high pattern

The morphological template for the hortatory subjunctive is shown below. This constructionoccurs with a low-high sequence at the left edge of the macrostem.

(61) Macrostem initial low-high tone morphological template (hortatory subjunctive)N- SM-

Lσ

Hσ . . .E

Word Macrostem

B.3.1 Hortatory Subjunctive

7This form has an additional intensifier suffix er; however, deletion of [r] between identical vowels results in asurface long vowel.

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(62) Hortatory Subjunctive ‘Please verb’Morpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[L H ]fry [n- uu- [[karaaNg -E]]] [nuu[[karaaNgE]]]shave [n- uu- [[mw -E]]] [nuu[[mwE]]]count [n- uu- [[Bar -E]]] [nuu[[BarE]]]

FOC SM2sg ROOT -SBJV

(63) Hortatory Subjunctive with one object marker ‘Please verb it (OM1)’Morpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[ L H ]fry [n- oo- [Bic8- [karaaNg -E]]] [noo[Bi[karaaNgE]]]shave [n- oo- [Buc14- [mw -E]]] [noo[Bu[mwE]]]count [n- oo- [Ùic9- [Bar -E]]] [noo[Ùi[BarE]]]

FOC SM2sg OM1 ROOT SBJV

(64) Hortatory Subjunctive with two object markers ‘Please verb it (OM1) for him (OM2)’Morpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[ L H ]fry [n- oo- [Bec8- muc1- [karaaNg -E]]] [noo[Bemu[karaaNgE]]]shave [n- oo- [Boc14- muc1- [mw -E]]] [noo[Bomu[mwE]]]count [n- oo- [Ùec9- muc1- [Bar -E]]] [noo[Ùemu[BarE]]]

FOC SM2sg OM1 OM2 ROOT SBJV

C Noun tone patterns

Nouns have three possible tone patterns with respect to the macrostem: a high tone at the leftedge of the macrostem, a low-high pattern on the first two syllables of the macrostem, or a hightone on the final syllable of the macrostem. These patterns depend only on the noun stem, andnot on the class marker.

C.1 Macrostem-initial high pattern

In the charts below the noun class is given in the left most column, followed by semanticproperties of the noun in parentheses. The morpheme breakdown is then given followed bythe fully tone-marked word. Brackets indicate the word (outer brackets), macrostem (innerbrackets) and noun stem (innermost brackets).

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(65) Noun stem remi ‘farmer’Morpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[ H ]C1 (SG) [o- [mo- [remi]]] omoremıC2 (PL) [a- [Ba- [remi]]] aBaremiC5 (AUG-SG) [ [rii- [remi]]] rııremıC6 (AUG-PL) [a- [ma- [remi]]] amaremıC7 (DIM-SG) [e- [ke- [remi]]] ekeremıC8 (DIM-PL) [e- [Be- [remi]]] eBeremi

[PPF- [CM [STEM]]]

C.2 Macrostem-initial low-high pattern

The examples below illustrate the macrostem initial low-high pattern. Recall that the LH pat-tern begins after the fused prefixes in classes 5 and 10.

(66) Noun stem kari ‘woman’Morpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[ L H ]C1 (SG) [o- [mu- [kari]]] omukarıC2 (PL) [a- [Ba- [kari]]] aBakarıC5 (AUG-SG) [ [rii- [kari]]] rııkarıC6 (AUG-PL) [a- [ma- [kari]]] amakarıC7 (DIM-SG) [e- [ki- [kari]]] ekıkarıC8 (DIM-PL) [e- [Bi- [kari]]] eBikari

PPF- CM STEM

(67) Noun stem gOkOrO ‘elbow’Morpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[ L H ]C1 (SG) [a- [N- [gOkOrO]]] aNgOkOrOC10 (PL) [ [Ùaa-N- [gOkOrO]]] ÙaaNgOkOrOC5 (AUG-SG) [ [rii- [GOkOrO]]] riiGOkOrOC6 (AUG-PL) [a- [ma- [GOkOrO]]] amaGOkOrOC7 (DIM-SG) [e- [ki- [GOkOrO]]] ekiGOkOrOC8 (DIM-PL) [e- [Bi- [GOkOrO]]] eBiGOkOrO

PPF- CM STEM

C.3 Macrostem-final high pattern

The examples below illustrate the macrostem final high pattern.

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(68) Noun stem sare ‘twin’Morpheme Breakdown Word

MSTEM[ H ]C7 (SG) [e- [Gi- [sare]]] eGisareC8 (PL) [e- [Bi- [sare]]] eBisareC5 (AUG-SG) [ [rii- [sare]]] riisareC6 (AUG-PL) [a- [ma- [sare]]] amasareC7 (DIM-SG) [e- [ki- [sare]]] ekısareC8 (DIM-PL) [e- [Bi- [sare]]] eBisare

PPF- CM STEM

(69) Noun stem añakwaaha ‘armpit’Morpheme Breakdown WordMSTEM[ H ]

C9 (SG) [a- [ [ñakwaaha]]] añakwaahaC10 (PL) [ [Ùaa- [ñakwaaha]]] ÙaañakwaahaC5 (AUG-SG) [ [rii- [ñakwaaha]]] rııñakwaahaC6 (AUG-PL) [a- [ma- [ñakwaaha]]] amañakwaahaC7 (DIM-SG) [e- [ki- [ñakwaaha]]] ekıñakwaahaC8 (DIM-PL) [e- [Bi- [ñakwaaha]]] eBiñakwaaha

PPF- CM STEM

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