NON-COOPERATION 1920-1922: REGIONAL ASPECTS OF THE ALL INDIA MOBILIZATION

Ph.D Thesis

Submitted by:

SAKINA ABBAS ZAIDI

Under the Supervision of

Dr. ROOHI ABIDA AHAMAD,

Associate Professor

Centre of Advance Study Department of History

Aligarh Muslim University Aligarh(India)

2016

Acknowledgements

I am immensely thankful to ‘Almighty Allah,’ and Ahlulbait (A.S), for the

completion of my work in spirit and letter.

It is a pleasant duty for me to acknowledge the kindness of all my teachers,

friends, well-wishers and family with whose help and advice I was able to complete

this work, as it is undeniable true that thesis writing involves other aiding you directly

or indirectly.

First and foremost, beholden to my supervisor, Dr. Roohi Abida Ahmed, for

her encouragement, moral support, inspiring suggestions and excellent guidance. The

help she extended to me was more than what I deserve. She always provided me with

constructive and critical suggestions. I felt extraordinary fortunate with the

attentiveness I was shown by her. I indeed consider myself immensely blessed in

having someone so kind and supportive as my supervisor from whom I learnt a lot. A

statement of thanks here falls very short for the gratitude I have for her mentorship.

I gratefully acknowledge my debt to Professor Tariq Ahmed who helped a lot

in picking up slips and lapses in the text and who has been a constant source of

inspiration for me during the course of my study.

I am thankful to Professor Ali Athar, Chairman and Coordinator, Centre of

Advanced Study, Department of History, AMU, Aligarh for being always receptive

and supportive. I am gratefully indebted to Dr. Hasan Imam, Dr. Parvej Naazeer and

Dr. Jibraeel for their interest and guidance in my work. I would also like to extend my

thanks to my pre submission presentation examiner Dr. Sajjad for providing me an

encouraging and constructive feedback. I am also thankful to Professor Ishrat Alam

and Dr. Farhat Hasan who guided me during my course work.

I owe my indebtness to the Staff of the Seminar Library, Centre of Advanced

Study, Department of History, AMU, Aligarh for their ardent and constant care to

respond to my requisitions. I would also like to put on my record of thanks to the Staff

of the following archives, museum and libraries for providing me access to the

sources and secondary works concerning my thesis: National Archives of India (New

Delhi), Nehru Memorial Mesum and Library (New Delhi), Library of ICHR (New

Delhi), Maulana Azad Libraray (AMU), Seminar Library, Department of History

(Allahabad University), Regional State Archives (Allahabad), U.P State Archives

(Lucknow), Bihar State Archive (Patna), Rajasthan State Archive (Bikaner) for

searching and providing me the valuable documents indispensible for the writing of

the thesis.

My thanks are also due to the Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR),

New Delhi, for having sanctioned me Junior Research Fellowship which made it

possible to complete this work.

I would also love to thank all my research fellows in the Department, and my

dear friends for their endearing encouragement and for keeping my spirit high and

anxiety at bay. I regret my inability to mention each one of them, by name, here. The

list would indeed be far too long, but let me make you know that there is part of all of

you in all the pages of this thesis.

My family has been a constant source of inspiration who had remained patient

with me, especially in the last year of my course, despite my poor behavior,

sometimes due to research pressure, and occasional disappearance into academic

woods. I am indebted to my Father Syed Ali Jawad Zaidi and Mother Shaheen Zaidi

for their teachings of honesty and hard work which instilled ethical and moral values

in me. This work would not have taken shape without the support and care of my in-

laws Syed Mohd. Akbar, who left for the heavenly abode during the course of my

research now his blessings continued to quell all the obstacles, and Mrs. Kaneez

Kubra, who has always been a pillar of strength for me to do the work sincerely.

I extended my special thanks to my husband Mr. Zakir Hussain, it is indeed

his inspiration, moral and emotional support and blessings that gave me the strength

and determination to complete this work.

I am also indebted to my daughters, Maria Hussain and Insia Hussain who

adjusted themselves to my busy schedule.

SAKINA ABBAS ZAIDI

Telephone: (0571) 2703146; Fax No. (0571) 2703146, Internal: 1480 and1481

ROOHI ABIDA AHMAD Dated: 23rd August, 2016 Associate Professor

Certificate This is to certify that the thesis entitle “Non- Cooperation

1920-1922: Regional Aspects of the All India Mobilization” is the

original work of Ms. Sakina Abbas Zaidi completed under my

supervision. The thesis is suitable for submission for the award of the

degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History.

(Dr. Roohi Abida Ahmed) Supervisor

Abstract

1

ABSTRACT

It was in the 1920‟s that India witnessed the dawn of the Non-Cooperation Movement

under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. In his ‘Young India,’ under the title „Swaraj In One

Year,‟ Gandhiji, suggested to wage a struggle against the mighty British Empire based on

discipline and self-sacrifice.

Mr. Gandhi was of the opinion that the British were totally relied o India‟s man

power to overcome their imperialist greed, and if the Indians refused to supply them with men

and money, they will be able to achieve the goal of „Swaraj.’

Gandhiji with his policy of Non-Cooperation Movement tried to insist that, and

believed that India can achieve her destiny by pure self-sacrifice, i.e self-purification.

In 1915, the presence of Mahatma Gandhi on the political horizon had created a

drastic impact in the political arena. The political parties active in those years were working

mainly within the constitutional framework along with the elite classes, trying their level best

to achieve freedom, but all their efforts were in vain. Soon Mahatma Gandhi appears on the

political picture and laid emphasis to gain freedom through the non-violence means for which

he approached the masses taking up their causes and grievances, explain their rights and to

fight for justice through non-violent means. Therefore, he gathered masses by fully mixing

with them, inhabiting with them with their social values, their social sufferings, etiquettes and

manners.

This was happened for the first time that the Movement was not limited to the certain

area or group of persons but penetrated deep in the localities and the different sections of the

people irrespective of their caste, creed or religion. It had taken up the issues of the comman

people living in the interiors of the country and was strict to its rule of non-violent struggle. It

was proved to be a great threat to the mighty British Empire.

The First World War, totally wreck the backbone of the country. The breach of the

promises by the British Government completely upset the Indians. The passage of the Rowlatt

Bills, the Jallianwala Bagh tragedy, the unsatisfactory Government of India Act 1919, the

Khilafat issues all paved the way for the struggle on a broader scale. This was the time when

the masses were involved in the war against the injustice.

The uniqueness of the movement took up by Mahatma Gandhi was that, it was started

up on a broader issues to fight for the national cause but it involved the regional issues within

its domain. The leaders were unaware of the situations and the distress of the people who

were the real sufferers. It was made possible only because of the leaders who were working

Abstract

2

on the grass root level that the issues of the common people came to the forefront. It was but

only possible with the efforts of the Nationalist leaders that it was not limited to the regions

only but also gained the national character.

Taking into account the region of United Provinces, the movement had the drastic

effect on the region. The peasants of this region were the real sufferers and they had already

started the struggle against the zamindars and the taluqadars, who exploit them their level

best.

While touring throughout India, Gandhiji realized that they lacked the organizational

skills. He laid much emphasis on non-violent struggle, Hindu-Muslim Unity to bring the

entire nation on a comman platform. The Movement was popularized with great zeal and

gusto by the nationalist leaders in the remotest area of the country. It had greatly affected the

grass root struggles which amalgamated with the national struggle.

The peasants uprising came into being because of their unorganized forms and

because they were closely related with the Congress. It was for the first time that the

organization had expanded its base and every strata of the society joined the struggle.

The Kisan Sabhas and the Kisan Movement were gathering storms since 1918, and

their morale was boost up by the Congress workers particularly by Jawaharlal Nehru and it

really became difficult to distinguish between the Non-Cooperation meetings and the Kisan

Sabha meetings.

The other area which was affected the region of United Provinces was Aligarh,

where the students were deeply concerned with the political developments of the times. The

Khilafat issue had adversely affected the Muslim University. This was, the time when the

relations between the Congress, the Muslim League and the Khilafat Committees were

improving which became a great threat to the British Government. With the result, they had

implemented the AMU Act, which finally came into existence on 1stDecember, 1920.

Moving ahead in the region of Punjab, the issues were totally religious in nature. The

launching of the Non-Cooperation Movement was itself based on the religious issue that was-

the Khilafat Question. So the Congress did not take time to carry forward the demands of the

Sikhs.

The Sikh shrines were under the corrupt mohants who were mere puppets in the

ahnds of the British. This was not accepted by the common people and thus they revolted

against them. The Akalis formed the group called jathas to fought against their enemies. The

Abstract

3

Congress provided them the full support and they on the other hand joined the national

struggle.

Apart from that the religious movement, the schools and the colleges were greatly

affected. Large number of the students left the Khalsa college, and Professors withdrew from

the college. Lahore Islamia School and Muslim High School were temporarily closed. Many

lawyers gave up their practices and programme of Khadi was tremendous. Punjab was

heading the list as far as the Tilak Swaraj Fund was concerned.

The Bijolia Movement of Rajasthan, was not taken up by the Congress officially but

it gained the attention of the leaders. Despite this fact, the Non-COopertaion Movement had

largely affected the regional movements of Rajasthan. Such as in 1920, Kisan Panchayats

began to run their own parallel governments. The Panchayats appointed by the Kisans

organized the Charkha movements. The peasants boycotted the courts and the peasants

refused to pay the land revenues and the other illegal cesses.

The region of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa was evenly affected by the Non-Cooperation

Movement and great enthusiasm could be witnessed in these regions. Here the national

leaders provoked and incite the people to raise their voices against the unjust rule. Hindu-

Muslim unity was preached at its greatest length. Some of the people denounce their titles as

the first step in the progress of the Non-Cooperation Movement. National leaders hold

meetings to hold boycott of election campaigns. The anti-liquor movement was in a full

swing. In Bihar the peasants raised their voices against the Dharbanga Raj and in Orissa they

were stood against the Kanika Ruler in order to remove their tyranny. In Bengal, Krishak and

Praja Smaiaties started demanding their economic and social rights and it was in 1920, that it

was dragged into more widespread agitation.

The South India also did not remain the silent spectator of the growing mass

movement. However, the leaders of the Deccan, disheartened Mahatma Gandhi as they

suggested that it was a, „mistaken policy to stand out from the Councils and to go to the

electorate.‟ Even then the circumstances changed. Strikes were observed throughout the

region. Bombay was suffering most acutely. There was all over demonstrations and protest by

the workers on the eve of the visit of Prince of Wales. The Turkish Question was a heated

topic among the Press. In Madras, the Madras Provincial Congress Committee had remained

under the sole control of the Non-Cooperation Movement.

In Kerala, the peasants rose against the oppressive landlords, which draw the Mapilla

peasantry into a tenancy movement. The Manjeri Conference was the beginning of the

propaganda work of the Non-Cooperation Movement.

Abstract

4

The movement of Mahatma Gandhi had done one great thing that it had exposed

many of the so-called „leaders.‟ In the Calcutta Notes it had been mentioned under the

heading, „The Test of the Leadership,‟ it writes-“The Non-Cooperation Movement had at

least done one great service to the country. It had afforded an infallible test for winning over

the chaff from the grain……… Those who joined the ranks of politicians in order to advertise

themselves as champion of the rights of the people feel mortally disconcerted when the

people feel actually come forward to claim their due and demand that their views be given the

effect to ……. The sweets of the office, even honorary offices, are far too tempting for

Indian character to resist……”

CONTENT

Acknowledgment

Abbreviation

Introduction 1-29

Chapter 1. Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement 30-47

Chapter 2. Non-Cooperation in United Provinces 48-69

a. Oudh Peasants And The Non Cooperation

Movement

52-63

b. The Aligarh College and the non-cooperation

movement

64-69

Chapter 3. West and the Non-Cooperation Movement 70-106

a. Punjab and the Non Cooperation Movement. 70-93

b. Rajasthan and the non-cooperation movement 93-106

Chapter 4. The Whirlpool of Non-Cooperation Movement in East 107-146

Chapter 5. Wave of Non-Cooperation in South India 147-166

Conclusion 167-178

Bibliography 179-187

ABBREVIATIONS

A.I.C.C All India Congress Committee

AIKS All India Kisan Sabha

AITUC All India Trade Union Congress

AKPC All Kerala Provincial Conference

AKS Awadh Kisan Sabha

BPC Bihar Provincial Congress

BPCC Bihar Provincial Congress Committee

BSA Bihar State Archives

CWMG Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi

FR Fortnightly Report

FRBO Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa

IESHR Indian Economic and Social History Review

MDCC Malabar District Congress Committee

MLC Madras Legislative Council

MPCC Madras Provincial Congress Committee

NAI National Archives of India

NMML Nehru Memorial Museum And Library

PCC Provincial Congress Commttee

SGPC Shrimoni Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee

UPCC Uttkal Provincial Congress Committee.

Introduction

1

INTRODUCTION

The policy of the Non-Cooperation was not a very new concept. Earlier, it had

been adopted by the Hungarian nation to free itself from Australian domination and

later on it was adopted by Ireland, Egypt, and in Korea. It was only due to the triumph

of the non-cooperation movement in Hungary that Mr. Arthur Griffiths had also,

adopted the same policy in Ireland.

It was in 1920’s that India also witnessed the dawn of the Non-Cooperation

Movement under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. In his ‘Young India,’ under the

title ‘Swaraj in One Year,’ Gandhiji suggested to wage a struggle against the mighty

British Empire based on discipline and self-sacrifice. He wrote-“……. For me the

only training in swaraj we need is the ability to defend ourselves against the whole

world and to live our natural life in perfect freedom even though it may be full of

defects. Good government is no substitute for self-government. The Afghans have a

bad government, but it is self-government. I envy them. The Japanese learnt the art

through a sea of blood. If we today had the power to drive out the English by superior

brute force, we would be counted their superiors, and in spite of our inexperience in

debating at the Council table or in holding executive offices, we would be held fit to

govern ourselves. For brute force is the only test the West has hitherto recognized.

The Germans were defeated not because they were necessarily in the wrong, but

because the Allied Powers were found to possess greater brute strength. In the end,

therefore, India must either learn the art of war which the British will not teach, or she

must follow her own way of discipline and self-sacrifice through Non-Cooperation.”

He further states that –“Terrorism and deception are weapons not of the strong but of

the weak.”

Mr. Gandhi was of the opinion, that the British totally relied on India’s man

power to overcome their imperialistic greed. If the Indians refused to supply them the

men and the money, we will be able to achieve our goal that is of ‘Swaraj.’

Gandhiji with his policy of the non-cooperation movement tried to insist, and

believed that India can achieve her destiny by pure self-sacrifice, i.e self-purification.

This could only be possible when those who initiate the co-operation with the British

government, now inaugurate the process of withdrawal. For all this, the Indians had to

Introduction

2

free themselves from the Government controlled schools, law courts and the

legislative council. They had to start their own educational institution, regulate and

settled their own disputes and unconcerned to their legislation, try to govern

themselves and only then it would be easy to convince the Government servants both

from civil and military to resign from their jobs and to the taxpayers to stop the

payment of the taxes. Lot of, emphasis, had been laid by Gandhiji on the ‘Swadeshi.’

For him, this was the most important part of the policy of non-cooperation as only

through this medium India could be able to achieve its economic salvation and could

get rid from the economic slavery. Gandhiji said that-“Had we not abandoned

Swadeshi, we need not have been in the present fallen state……we must manufacture

our own cloth and at present movement only by hand-spinning and hand-

weaving…….. all this means discipline, self-denial, self-sacrifice, organizing ability,

confidence and courage. If we show this in one year among the classes that today

count, and make public opinion, we certainly gain swaraj within one year.”

Whenever we read about Mahatma Gandhi and his movement regarding our

nation, it has a great impact on our mind, thinking and ideology. We are compelled to

assert that this was a remarkable feat of Mahatma Gandhi to liberate the peninsular

India from the clutches of an empire about which it is said that-‘the sun never sets in

the British Empire.’

In 1915, the presence of Mahatma Gandhi on the political horizon had created

a drastic impact in the political arena. The political parties active in those years were

working mainly within the constitutional framework along with the elite classes trying

their level best to achieve freedom, but all their efforts were in vain. As soon as,

Mahatma Gandhi appears on the political picture he laid emphasis to gain freedom

through non-violence for which he approached the masses taking up their causes and

grievances, explained their rights and to fight for justice through non-violent means.

Therefore, he gathered masses by fully mixing with them, inhabiting with them and

with their social values, their social sufferings, etiquettes and manners. So, he

descended deep into the feeling of the masses and assembled huge crowds for the

attainment of freedom for his country. This mixing into the social network of the

masses played a very significant role because the people felt that at least somebody

was there who cares for their well-being, for their welfare and for their free existence.

Introduction

3

This aspect of Mahatma Gandhi helped him to amass masses and mobilize them for a

free India.

A historical look on this fact will reveal, that this mobilization of masses was

observed in history, after the appearance of Mahatma Gandhi in the political scenario

of Indian polity. At this juncture it was observes that all classes of people like

workers, peasants, women and people from all walks of life were gathered on a single

platform.

This work has been based on the original sources, which I found relevant for

my work such as Proceedings, Telegrams, Letters, extract of different news papers,

Government Reports, Resolutions, CID reports, Speeches, statements of leaders found

in the Home Political Files and Deposits of the different years and also the consulted

the Police Department files of the different years. I have also gone through A.I.C.C

Papers, newspapers of those years and Autobiographies. Apart from this, I have

consulted journals and various relevant books as secondary works.

These archival material, gives the detailed account of the movement, how it

spread to the countryside and in small towns and how the comman people enrolled

themselves to the Congress creed. Weather the movement was successful or not and

how far it had affected various regions, groups of people such as the peasants,

students, workers and people from all walks of life is all set clear with the

Government reports, Resolutions, and letters.

This had happened for the first time that the Movement was not limited to the

certain area or a group of persons but it had penetrated deep in the localities and the

different sections of the people irrespective of their caste, creed or religion. It had

taken up the issues of the comman people, which they were facing in the interior of

the country and there was no one to listen up to their grievances. It was strict to its

rule of non-violent struggle and it proved to be great threat to the mighty British

Empire.

The very first chapter, which captioned as “Sprouting of the Non-Cooperation

Movement,” deals with the reasons and the causes which, helps in the germination of

the Non-Cooperation Movement. What was so significant, about the movement and

why this movement was so unique?

Introduction

4

“Honest, but a Bolshevik and for that reason very dangerous”-so was Gandhi

described by Lord Willingdon, Governor of Bombay in 1918.1

The above, cited lines by Willingdon, depict Gandhi to be revolutionary, of

course, as he was able to remove all genre of social evils and tyranny and injustice but

never had ill-will towards any one.

The whole, Gandhian philosophy revolves around the concept of Ahimsa and

Satyagraha, which was believed to be a nucleus for Indian politics and became a

social hindrance to the colonial power.

It was not for the first time, that people were raising their voices against the

ruling classes. Our pasts witnessed, many popular resistance such as Dhandhak,

Hijrat and Traga. Mahatma Gandhi tried to mould these practices and wanted to

launch a legitimate means of resistance, based on older practices keeping in mind to

avoid the violent activities. Ahimsa and Satyagraha were the two main weapons

carried on by Mahatma Gandhi in the entire national struggle.

The consequences of the First World War were drastic. The Rowlatt Bills,

were introduced to deal with the revolutionary activities. The Bills of 1919 aimed at

crushing the civil liberties, of Indians, and to yoke them in order to guide the Indian

nation as per their wishes. The Rowlatt Bills deals with the fact that it empowered the

executive machinery of the government to arrest any person found to be in possession

of seditious material and to be, tried without proving his innocence and punishing him

for a period of two years. This aspect was definitely against the law, justice and

equity. This Mahatma Gandhi did not relish it and adopted a non-violent civil

disobedience against such unjust laws and observed hartal on 6th April 1919. The

Government took repressive measures to suppress the activities during the campaign.

The Government was, totally brutal in Punjab where 1200 people were killed at

Jallianwala Bagh in a firing by General Dyre on the 13th of April 1919.

The breach of promises made by the British Government during, the war time

resulted in high discontentment in second decade of the twentieth century. The new

constitution popularly known as Government of India 1919, in spite of the hard

opposition made by the Bengal leaders was passed. In ‘Young India,’ Mr. Gandhi 1 Brown Judith., Gandhi’s Rise to Power: Indian Politics 1915-1920, Cambridge, 1972., p.xiii.

Introduction

5

wrote-“The Reform Act coupled with the proclamation is an earnest of the intention

of the British people…….. our duty therefore is not to subject the reform to carping

criticism…….as to make them a success.”

Suddenly, the situation changed within the next nine months. The Rowlatt

Bills, the Jallianwala Bagh Tragedy, the unsatisfactory Government of India Act and

the breach of promises made to the Indian Muslims regarding the treatment of Turkey,

all lead to the inauguration of the Non-Violent Non-Cooperation Movement by

Mahatma Gandhi.

“The Khilafat question has now become a question of questions. It has become

an imperial question of first magnitude…. That the Sultan should control the Holy

places of Islam and should have suzerainty over Jaziat-ul-Arab. This was what,

promise made by Lloyd George and this was what Lord Harding had contemplated….

To reduce the Turks to impotence would not only be unjust, it would be a breach of

solemn declarations and promises.”2

The All-India Khilafat Conference met at Allahabad on 2ndand 3rdJune 1920,

and was attended by M.K. Gandhi, Mr. Sahukat Ali, Mr. Chotani and others.

Mahatma Gandhi declared that he wholeheartedly sympathesised with the Muslims

and suggested for the non-cooperation as an only means of remedy. Eventually, the

non-cooperation, was adopted on 1stAugust, observed by a hartal.

It was decided, that the Non-Cooperation to the Government was taken step

by step such as to relinquish all honors and titles, resignation by Council members, to

give up the Government jobs, schools and colleges and withdrawal of Mussalmans

from the army and refusal to pay taxes.

Finally, the resolution on the Non-Cooperation Movement, was finally

adopted approved by the Central Khilafat Committee, which appoints a sub-

committee to give practical effect to the movement.

Khilafat Movement and the Gandhi’s leadership played a vital role in the

National Movement, it was, for the first time that the mass movement was launched

2 Extract from “Independent.”Allahabad, dated 12thMarch 1920.

Introduction

6

and its uniqueness was that it was beyond the range of liberalism and extremism. It

espouses the cause of Hindu-Muslim unity.

However, the opinion differs among the educated political circles. Some of the

Congressmen found Mr. Gandhi’s programme as impracticable and were of the

opinion that it should be revised before it could proved to be a failure.

Congress in its annual session at Nagpur after facing all obstacles in its way

finally, adopted the non-cooperation movement. Mr. C.R.Das moved on the

resolution. The establishment of National schools and colleges followed up the

programme of the non-cooperation, which includes the four successive stages.

Panchayats were established, Hindu-Muslim unity was maintained, hand-weaving

and spinning was to be encouraged and to strictly follow up the gospel of non-

violence.

The second chapter deals with the Non-Cooperation Movement in the region

of United Province. The movement was widespread throughout the country and

affected the regions in different ways. As the different regions were facing different

problems and crisis, the movement was intermingled with the local movements. The

reason was that for the first time the local issues, were raised and came to forefront by

the efforts of the national leaders.

Soon, after the Calcutta session, the rising tide of the Non-Cooperation

Movement advanced throughout the country, and United Provinces became one of the

main centers of the movement. In such an atmosphere Gandhi accompanied by the Ali

Brothers and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, toured throughout the country and also the

region of United Province propagating the cult of the non-cooperation movement and

addressed the students, the women, the kisans and tried to persuade them and

convince them for the need of the movement.

During his tour, he realized that the Indians lacked organizing skills and

further he laid much emphasis on the non-violent means. Gandhiji constantly

preached Hindu-Muslim unity, and in his speeches laid emphasis, on hand spinning

and hand weaving and to wear khadi while propagating non-cooperation.

Introduction

7

The ongoing national struggle through the medium of non-violent non-

cooperation programme had a drastic effect on the movements, which were limited in

the particular area of the United Provinces. In this region, the movement affected the

peasant discontent drastically. Boycott of school and colleges was another feature of

the movement in the region of the United Provinces.

Agriculture was the main occupation of the people of India. According to the

Montague-Chelmsford Repot of 1918-“this improper dependence on agriculture as the

only occupation of the people is not part of primitive Indian society but a direct

impact of the British Rule…….”

According, to a survey conducted by Dr. Harold Mann, in 1921, comparing

the land revenue of pre-British and post-British days. The level of the land revenue

assessment was to be raised at each revision was very evident in the modern period,

resulting in over burdening of the peasantry class, leading towards revolt…….. “In

Madras, Bombay and the United Province, in particular, assessments have gone up by

leaps and bounds.”

Previously the King’s share constituted of annual production, completely

dependent on year’s production, paid in forms of tributes and taxes by village

community or by peasants in joint ownership. This system has now been completely

transformed and now payments were made in cash at fixed prices on assessed lands.

The real possession was now in the hands of the British officials and the peasantry

class, were reduced to the level of tenants and always faced the danger of ejections

from their lands for non-payment of taxes. In Oudh, there were no occupancy tenants

or even life tenants in 1920. There were only short-term tenants, who were

continually being ejected. In U.P, the evictions increased by 100% in U.P during the

first two decades of the 20th centenary.

Social tensions started emerging between the landholders and the cultivating

tenants because of the agrarian structure of the Oudh accompanied by ineffective rent

law and increasing demands of lands among the tenant’s cultivators. The two main

factors which rose the peasant discontent were the –nazrana and bedakhali. The other

worst activity, which was commonly practiced was that of begar.

Introduction

8

Peasants now realized the need to organize themselves to fight for their class

demands and the initiative was taken in this region by the two-Jhinguri Singh and

Sahdev Singh at a village of Rure in the Patti tehsil of Pratapgarh District. A U.P

Kisan Sabha was organized by the nationalist who were participating in the Home

Rule League. Unlike the Congress, the U.P Kisan Sabha felt the need to enter the

legislative council.

Jhinguri Singh and Sahdev Singh took the help of Baba Ramchandra, who

came into the contact of the peasants of Jaunpur and Pratapgarh during the period of

1917-18. He utilized the ‘tradition of Rambhakti’ for the upliftment of the peasants.

Soon Rure became centre of Kisan Sabha activities by June 1920, about 50

branches of sabha were established in this region, through which the peasantry’s

propaganda continued.

Ramchandra tried to gain the support of Mahatma Gandhi and other leaders.

Nehru was delighted to see the organizational skill and touched with the miserable

conditions of the Indian peasantry, and started a vigorous campaign in putting forward

the problems of the peasantry class. Congress thus gained the popularity in the

countryside.

After the adoption of the non-cooperation movement in 1920, the AICC asked

Jawaharlal Nehru to spread the message of the non-cooperation movement. With the

efforts, of Jawaharlal Nehru, Matabadal Pandey, G.S Mishra and Baba Ramchandra

Oudh Kisan Sabha came into existence on 17thOctober 1920 and started working on

the rules conceived under the non-cooperation programme.

The charismatic personality of Gandhi, and call for non-violent non-

cooperation movement with the slogan of ‘swaraj within a year’ draw large number

of peasants. They were quite surprised as they were told to with hold their land

revenues, which they considered, it to be their religious duty.

However in the late 1920’s, the situation turned violent. There were several

incidents of clashes, which took place during this period. The landlords accused the

Congress and the Bolsheviks of inciting the rebellion among the peasants. The

allegations on the Congress to incite violence among the peasantry disturbed the

Introduction

9

Congress and with the result it completely breaks away with the peasant movement.

Gandhi completely condemned the violence and declared that if the peasants

continued with their violent means then the Congress withdrew its support from the

movement.

During the entire movement the peasants were closely related with the

Congress. By May 1921, the Kisan Sabha movement lost its intensity as the efforts

were laid to suppress the movement by the Government.

Yet one another movement by the name of ‘Eka Movement,’ emerged in the

region of the Awadh. It comprised the district of Hardoi, Sitapur, Bahraich. There

were many dissimilarities between the Kisan Sabha Movement and the Eka

Movement. Unlike the Kisan Sabha movement it was against the amendment of the

Oudh Rent Act. It was gaining a political tone and shifted its focus from the local to

larger issues. Even the Congress extended their support to the movement. In its

meetings it declared to form Eka to gain swaraj, encourage Khadi cloth and charkha,

boycott government courts and decided criminal cases in village panchayats. By

March 1922, it was also suppressed by the Government.

Lot of work had been done on the topic. Some major works on this region had

a subalternist approach which in their theory revolves particularly around the

structural independence and revolutionary capabilities of the poor peasants.

Still some questions struck to my mind regarding the Non-Cooperation

Movement. Undoubtedly, it was not for the first time that the peasants stood against

their rulers. They had a long history. They fought, agitated, revolted but they failed as

they lacked organizational skills and their leadership were limited, to the their

particular region. The Non-Cooperation gave them the opportunity to come up on a

single platform and provide them a national leadership.

Not ignoring the fact that the peasants had their own history. It was not for the

first time that they were participating in the revolts and the agitations against their

rulers. The difference lies in the fact that it was totally launched against the zamindars

and taluqadars. It was for the first time that they raised their voices against the British

authorirties who were sole responsible for the miseries and suffereings of the

peasantry class. It was possible only with the efforts of the Nationalists leaders.

Introduction

10

Gyan Pandey in his work and with his subalternist approach, ‘Peasants Revolt

and Indian Nationalism: The Peasant Movement in Awadh 1919-22,’suggested that it

was long before the involvement of the Nationalist, the AKS Movement took a strong

hold in the region emerging with 585 panchayats working in the Pratapgarh District

and around 100,000 were enrolled with the association and got the sympathetic

support of V.N Mehta, Deputy Commissioner of Pratapgarh.

Only what I have tried my level best to prove that how far the movements

which were concentrated in the regions were now got a national fervor. Their

grievances, their demands, their aspirations were now not limited to the areas but now

became a national question. It has not now recognized only as the ‘peasants struggle’

but on a more broader term a ‘national struggle.’

One should not ignore the fact that the leaders who were working and leading

their movements in regions were themselves the followers of Mahatma Gandhi and

his policy of Non-Cooperation Movement. Baba Ramchandra himself was a disciple

of Gandhi and followed his footsteps. Despite the fact that the movements in the later

years took the violent turns which was really shocking and discouraging for Mahatma

Gandhi. Therefore, he detached himself from the movement.

D.N Dhanagre in ‘Peasant Movements in India, 1920-1950,’ observers certain

features of the Gandhian-Congress Peasants Protests. Firstly, he observers that the

movement was localized. Here the question arises that, Is it so? Was it a localized

movement? How and Why? Because this was the period when the peasants

grievances had been already taken up by the nationalist leaders on the advice of

Mahatma Gandhi.

‘Abhudya,’ clearly states about a meeting held at Balwaghat which was

attended by J.L Nehru, Gauri Shankar Misra, P.D Tandon and others and organized a

commission through the medium of Kisan Sabha or PCC to probe the miserable

conditions of the peasantry.

Indeed these leaders themselves reached Pratapgarh, and according to

‘Independent,’ J.L Nehru started vigorous campaign in putting forward the problem of

Indian peasantry. This is sufficient to prove that it has now become a national

question and not remained confined to the regions.

Introduction

11

Secondly, it involved the more affluent section of peasantry. This point has to

be looked on the broader scale. As if to launch a movement on regional basis or on the

national level, only few people can hold a leadership and only those who are

‘affulent,’ or ‘influential,’ because the general masses are ignorant. What is important

here is their participation. Here Mahatma Gandhi was able to gain the support of the

peasantry class through his slogan of ‘swaraj,’ in one year. This call has drawn large

number of the masses to join the national movement.

Thirdly, the Gandhian Congress peasant protest involved compromises. One

should not deny the fact that the movement was launched against the British Raj, and

not against the zamindars and taluqadars. This was the time to organize the Indians

against the British rule and not to create a wedge among the different sections of the

society. Gandhiji stood against the unjust principles and rules prevailing in the

country. In his speech at Pratapgarh, he asked the kisans to not to serve those

zamindars who does not pay any wages in return of their work. He only asked to pay

the genuine rents to the zamindars and stood totally against the illegal cesses. So,

there is no question of any kind of compromise.

Lastly, it was characterized by constructive programme to integrate the poorer

section of the society. The constructive programme of Mahatma Gandhi involves the

concept of ‘swadeshi,’ which was important for the Indians to get rid of the economic

slavery. Not only it helps in the self dependence of the people but it also helps to

make the masses disciplined and to create organizing ability and to boost the

confidence of the people.

In one of his speeches at Mathura on 22nd November 1920, Gandhiji said-

“…… It is the highest duty of the Indians to adopt the swadeshi movement. So long

as we do not favor swadeshi, it is implied that we want to remain a slave to France,

America. If we favor swadeshi, Lancashire and Japan are doomed to be ruined……

Whenever we want to purchase swadeshi cloth made from our own mills, the mill

owners demanded high prices for them…….If we want to use swadeshi cloth we have

to manufacture. You have no other alternative but to establish mills….Unless they do

so they cannot make India an independent country.3

3 Speech by Mahatma Gandhi at Mathura on 22nd November, 1920.

Introduction

12

Kapil Kumar in ‘Peasants in Revolt,’ gave a detailed account of the peasants

strength and how they had an independent nuclei of power and organize themselves to

fought a struggle. I found that the Non-Cooperation Movement had a deep impact on

these local leaders and their followers. They (local leaders) themselves follow the

leaders of the Non Cooperation Movement, their style of preaching and propagating

and organizing the peasants were very much inspired by Mahatma Gandhi such as

Baba Ramchander was saintly figure who spread his message through Rambhakti.

That means they had adopted the same modus oprendi as the leaders at the national

level.

The subalterns, like Ranjit Guha, ‘Subaltern Studies,’ Sumit Sarkar, ‘Modern

India,’ Gyanendra Pandey’s- ‘The Ascendency of the Congress in U.P.’ who in their

theory provided two separate spheres to the Nationalist Movement–one elite and the

other one subaltern. The elite are to be blamed that under the Congress leadership

they tried to control the movement and suppress it whenever found necessary.

One should not ignore the fact that the Non-Cooperation Movement was a

movement which was started on an All-India basis. So while studying the movement

one should not confine themselves to a particular group or section of society. It was

not a struggle of the peasants, or the workers or the students or the professionals. It

was a movement of all “Indians,” as a whole to achieve the goal of ‘swaraj.’

The rules laid down by Mahatma Gandhi before proceeding toward the launch

of Non-Cooperation Movement, were not easy for everyone to follow. Still up to great

extent it was followed up by the peasantry class who were considered to be the

revolutionaries of their times. This is sufficient to prove that the Non-Cooperation

Movement works successfully in the interior of the country and the nationalist leaders

played a vital role in removing their tyranny.

The peasants discontent was truly inspired and influenced by the non-

cooperation movement launched under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi.

The other area which was affected by the Non-Cooperation Movement were

the schools and the colleges. The Aligarh College was the one which was greatly

affected with the ongoing national struggle during this period.

Introduction

13

Many major works are related to the politics of the universities such as Aijaz

Ahamed in his book Aligarh Muslim University, had gave exhaustive account of the

Muslim University at Aligarh, the politics of those days. How the loyalist groups tried

their best to counter the nationalist politics and followed the principles of its founder

Sir Syed Ahamad Khan. S.Y Shah’s- Higher education and Politics in India- A Study

of Aligarh Muslim University (1857-1920), also throws light on the subject and

mentions that how the coming of the two different communities that is Hindus and

Muslims was a great threat to the British Government and how they tried to appease

the loyalist sections of the University by granting the status of the Muslim University

by passing the Act of Aligarh Muslim University.

During 1919-20, the political developments resulted in the general unrest in

India, all this adversely affected the Muslim University. The post war years were

really a threat to the British Government as it witnessed the cementing of the relations

between the Congress, the Muslim League and the Khilafat Committee. To overcome

this situation the British Government tried to bribe the loyalist lobby of the Muslim

University.

The Khilafat issue was a hot topic among the Muslims of the country.

Gnadhiji’s Non-Cooperation programme initiated in June 1920 in the meeting of the

Central Khilafat Committee was opposed by the loyalist group of Aligarh college led

by Sayed Raza Ali. On the other hand, the nationalist Muslims of the country led by

Maulana Shaukat Ali decided to establish contacts with the Ulemas of Darul-Uloom

of Deoband, Firangi Mahal and Nadwatul Ulema of Lucknow. There were lot of

difference of opinion regarding the Khilafat issue which had affected greatly the

Aligarh college. Shaukat Ali got the signature of about 200 students who were ready

to extend their support to the national cause.

The visit of Mr. Gandhi and Shaukat Ali alarmed the British Government. The

Government now tried to gain the support of ‘sober minded’ people in order to

combat the situation. Despite the fact that many loyalist tried to control the situation

but large numbers of students joined the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation Movement. In

order to deprive the nationalists of the students support, the college authorities

decided closure of the college (sine-die).

Introduction

14

Gandhiji tried to convince the Trustees of the College to build up a “larger,

nobler and purer Aligarh….” The nationalist demands were rejected. With the

support of the students started an “Independent Muslim National University’ under

the nomenclature of Jamia Millia Islamia, at Aligarh on 29thOctober 1920.

In some way or the other, the Aligarh College was deeply influenced with the

ongoing national struggle and played a vital role in the Movement.

The third chapter deals with the Non-cooperation Movement in the western

part of the country which covers the area of Punjab and Rajasthan. The very special

feature of the movement was that it had not took up the particular way of struggle and

the particular grievances of the people but touched every aspect and every problem of

the society weather social, economic, religious or political and touched every corner

of the country.

As far as the region of Punjab is concerned, O.P Ralhan in his book- Indian

National Movement: Punjabi Martyrs of Freedom, vol. I, gave a detailed account of

the Punjab politics and how the circumstances gave a new shape and transformed the

character of the politics of that region and Non-Cooperation was adopted. The other

works I gone through was the Raghbir Singh’s- Akali Movement 1926-47, which

provided an account of the Akalis who made great contribution in the India Struggle

against the British Government and the Non-Cooperation Movement was largely

supported by them. Mohinder Singh in his book- The Akali Movement, rightly points

out that: “it was the idea of liberation of the country from a foreign government that

united all sections of the Sikh community and brought the Hindus, the Muslims and

the Sikhs of the province into the fold of the Akali movement.”

Ranjit K. Mazumdar in his book- The Indian Army and the Making of Punjab,

clearly states that how these two movements that is the Akali and the Non-

Cooperation Movement merged with each other and proved to be a great threat to the

British Government. The other works which deals with the politics and gives the

detailed account of the Non-Cooperation Movement in Punjab are – S.C Mittal-

Freedom Movement in Punjab, H.S Singha- The Encyclopedia of Sikhism, Mohinder

Singh’s – The Aklai Struggle: A Retospect.

Introduction

15

The First World War gave a new character to the Punjab politics. The

Congress opinion that the victory of the allies would result in the betterment of the

Indians proved wrong, as the Committee under the Justice Rowlatt introduced- The

Rowlatt Bills also came to be known as Black Laws. These laws, were considered as a

malaise and the ‘satyagraha,’ was the only remedy suggested by Mahatma Gandhi.

In Amritsar two champions rose into prominence- Dr. Saiffudin Kitchlew and

Dr. Satyapal, both of them raised their voices against the Rowlatt Act.

Gandhiji in his telegram to Private Secretary to Viceroy dated February 24th

1919, Ahmadabad regarded these Bills as-“The symptom of deep seeded disease

among the ruling class.” Finally, 6thof April was observed as the day of humiliation

and prayers. This all resulted in the incident of Jallianwalla Bagh Massacre. Gandhiji

was held responsible for such tragedies but for the majority of Indians Amritsar even

provoked strong feelings of Indians against colonialism.

Undoubtedly, Rowlatt Satyagraha was a widespread movement but was

limited to towns and cities. Gandhiji, was now in a mood to launch a more broad

based movement. The Khilafat agitation became intense in the province of Punjab.

Gandhi was transformed from a ‘cooperator to a non cooperator,’ after the Jallinwala

Bagh Massacre. After such a horrible massacre, Punjab, was still administered under

martial law. People were living completely under reign of terror. Gandhiji was

convinced that-“British Rule need to be ended not mended.” Finally, the Non-

Cooperation programmed, was launched under the leadership of Gandhiji.

This was the period when the province of Punjab was witnessing the Akali

Movement. This was entirely a religious in nature but it became an important part of

the Indian freedom struggle as it extended its support to the Non-Cooperation

Movement.

The integration of the two movements changed the Government’s policy. The

Government chalked out the legislation to appease the moderates and on the other

hand decided to crush the Akalis in the name of law and order. Akalis on the other

hand decided to stop the Governments intrusion in their religious affairs. The Non-

Cooperation took control of SGPC and passed the resolution to boycott of foreign

goods, liquor and established panchayats in place of Government law courts.

Introduction

16

Akali movement played a significant role in the political developments of

Punjab and aroused the peasants of Punjab. Mohendra Singh clearly states that-“it was

during the Akali Movement that the pro British feudal leadership of the Sikhs was

replaced by educated middle class nationalists and the rural and the urban classes

united on a comman platform during the two pronged Akali struggle.”

The British Government, was really worried with the entire situation. With

the visit of the nationalist leaders the wave of excitement and enthusiasm was

witnessed throughout the province. Non-Cooperation Movement made a headway

with the remarkable progress. Non-Coopertaion Committee was set up in Punjab to

carry on the agenda such as the use of khaddar gained a lot of importance, the liquor

shops were picketed, the schools and the colleges were affected at large such as the

Sri Krishna High School, Haryana, transformed itself into a national school, Khalsa

school and the Islamia College were also under the sway of the movement.

As far as the Akali Movement was concerned, it was religious in its entity. Its

aims and objectives were to release the Sikh Gurudwras from the clutches of the

traditional clergy, which was so powerful and ritualized. The movement was started

by the Singh Sabha, which later came to be known as the Akali Dal.

In November 1920, Shromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee was elected

to sort out the religious issue. The visit of Mahatma Gandhi and Ali Brothers in

October 1920 provoke the excitement of the locality and resulted the merger with the

Non-Cooperation Movement. A Central Committee known as the Shrimoni Akali Dal,

which was mainly comprised of the Jats peasantry, was formed in December in order

to carry on the struggle into a more systematic manner.

Akalis formally adopted the Non-Cooperation Movement on 11thMay, with

two main objectives that were- to reform the Gurudwara and secondly to launch a

non-cooperation against the British Government. The Government was more

bewildered with the blending of the two movements.

After the Nankana tragedy in February 1920, which resulted in the killing of

130 people completely changed the nature of the agitation. At the Nankana massacre

the Govrenment’s perception was quite complicated as it took place at the time when

the Khilafat and the Non-Cooperation Movement were also progressing. At Shaidi

Introduction

17

Diwan at Nankana, Gandhiji compared the Nankana massacre to Jallianwalla Bagh

Tragedy and asked the Sikhs to join the non-cooperation movement.

On the other side, the Government made the constant efforts to keep the keys

of the Toshakhana of the Golden Temple under their custody. Immediately, Akali’s

organized the protest meetings and ten of the Akali Jathas reached Amritsar and won

victories in the ‘Keys Affair.’

A non-violent struggle culminated at Guru-ka-Bagh Gurudwara, which was a

movement to liberate the Gurudwara. In the initial stage, the Government stayed from

the religious matter but latter its involvement was witnessed as it was regarded as

property dispute of ‘law and order problem.’ The Government now got the

opportunity to bow down the Akalis as the non-cooperation movement had been

withdrawn in February 1922.

A Committee, was appointed by the Congress Working Committee to

investigate the matter. The authorities were criticized throughout the province by the

nationalist leaders. Once again, the Government failed and resulted in Akali’s

triumph.

Worried with the entire situation the British decided to introduced ‘Gurudwara

Bill,’ but it was rejected by the SGPC and was postponed and then the ‘Sikh

Gurudwara and Shrine Bills,’ of 1922 was introduced but it was again opposed by the

Hindu and the Sikhs.

Again, in 1923, the Akalis tried to control the Gurudwara at Jaito. Agaitations

were launched by the SGPC, but they were arrested on the charges of the sedition. At

the Delhi special session of the Congress, the INC declared and extended its support

to the Akali Movement.

Finally, the Government of Punjab transferred the control of the ‘Sikh

Gurudwara Bill,’ in 1925.

The government was really bothered with the growing unrest prevailed in the

Sikh District, which affected the morale of the Sikh Regiment. The Government also

remained much confused as the religious movement had been much affected by the

Non-Cooperation Movement. They launched suppressive measures to crush the

Introduction

18

Movement. Such as Seditious Meeting Act was implied in various areas of Punjab,

many national and regional newspapers, were attacked and proscribed etc.

The Civil Disobedience Enquiry Committee was appointed by the Indian

National Congress, which concluded and congratulated the martial people of Punjab

for their grand success through non-violent means.

The aim and objective of the Non-Cooperation Movement is to get in touch

with the problems and grievances of the comman people irrespective of their religion.

As the movement, was launched because of the breach of promises made by the

British Government regarding the Turkish question. Now the Non-Cooperation

Movement has taken in its ambit, the Akali Movement of the Sikhs. In brief, the

movements aim was to get rid of the British Rule, which has penetrated deep into our

country and exploit its resources to its extent.

It has been very clear from the facts that it could not be restricted to any

particular group or class or religion.

This chapter also deals with the state of Rajasthan during the Non-Cooperation

Movement. The very first uprising which the state witnessed was in the Bijolia

feudatory, where the peasants were suffering hardships under the feudal oppression.

Bijolia Movement was the pioneering movement of Rajasthan.

B.K Sharma in his work- Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, gave a detailed

account of the facts about Rajasthan that how it was always linked with the Central

Authorities and how it came under the control of the British. He also states the root

cause of the Bijolia Movement in this region and later on, how the Non-Cooperation

Movement had affected the movement. B.L Panagaria and Dr. N.C Paharia in their

work- Political, Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan, states, that the

Bijoilia Movement was the ‘most longest and the most organized,’ movement of its

time. The other major works, which deals with the state of Rajasthan are- Ram

Narayan Chaudhary- Hamara Vartaman Rajasthan (Hindi), P.S Chaudhary-

Rajasthan Between the Two World Wars (1919-1939), R.N Chaudhary-Beesavi Sadi

ka Rajasthan (Hindi), S.S. Saxsena and P. Sharma- Bijolia Kisan Andolan ka Itihas

(Hindi), R.N Chaudhary- Adhunik Rajasthan Ka Utthan (Hindi), Laxman Singh’s-

Political and Constitutional Developments in Princely States of Rajasthan (1920-

Introduction

19

1949). All these works provided a detailed account of the regional politics and how

far it was affected with the on-going national struggle.

Lata and Kunta were the two methods which were plundering the peasants and

deprived them of their earned produce. Secondly, the peasants were ejected from their

lands on grounds of non-payment of land revenue. Moneylender on the other hand

made their conditions worsened by extracting money from the poor peasants in name

of loans on high interest rates. In 1913-14, the movement was under the leadership of

Sadhu Sita Ram Das but in 1916, Vijay Singh Pathik hold the command.

In 1916 when the Bijolia faced the failure of monsoon, Pathik asked the

peasants to not to pay the revenue and taxes which the authorities were collecting in

form of revenues and war funds. Soon he organized Bijolia Kisan Panchayat in 1916,

which took up the major issues of the time. They demanded to abolish the lag-bags

and begar to stop to contribution of the war funds. ‘No Rent,’ campaign was also

launched by the Panchayat Board, which was started with the Non-Cooperation

Movement.

In July 1921, the then Agent to the Governor-General Mr. Robert Holland on

behalf of Viceroy showed his worries about the entire situation. The authorities

continuously tried to suppress the activities of the kisans.

Rajasthan Seva Sangh was formed in 1919 with its headquarter at Ajmer by

Vijay Singh Pathik. From there he guided the movement and came into contact with

Ganesh Shanker Vidhyarthi. Bijolia Movement came into national scene through the

Vidhyarhi’s Paper ‘Pratap.’

Vijay Singh Pathik tried to put the Bijoilia affairs before the Congress session

of December 1919. However, the Congress did not take it up officially but it gained

the attention of the leaders. Mahadev Desai was deputed by Gandhiji to enquire into

the matter and promised Pathik if found peasants as sufferers he himself lead the

satyagraha.

The enquiry commission found it genuine and recommendations were made

for the redressal of the peasants grievances but all in vain.

Introduction

20

By 1920, Kisan Panchayat began to run their own parallel government and

organized the charkha movement, built small industries and became self-reliant. They

boycotted courts and police and refused to pay land revenues and other illegal cesses.

This was all part of the Non-Cooperation Programme. By 1920, Gandhiji became

much popular among the peasants of Bijoilia.

British were highly alarmed of these activities and tried their best to crush

these activities. The Kisan Panchayats counter it. With the efforts of Vijay Singh

Pathik, the movement spread to the other parts of Udaipur. By 1921, the movement

took a militant turn, however, it was carried on in the name of Gandhi.

In 1921-22, Motilal Tejawat started the tribal movement of Bhils of Mewar.

Bhils treated Motilal as ‘emissary of Gandhi,’ which created panic among the British.

Even they considered him as the ‘disciple of Gandhi.’

The movement became a great threat to the empire and the Government,

decided to crush the movement completely. After a long discussion, they reached an

agreement.

The Non-Cooperation Movement had a great impact in the state of Sirohi.

The Bhils refused to pay the taxes and stood against the authorities. The nationalist

took active part in mobilizing the Bhils and so the state adopted the counter measures.

However, Gandhi was not directly involved in the matter of the state but, was

influenced by the method of struggle adopted by Pathik. Gandhiji’s Non-Cooperation

Movement was so popular among the masses of the country that they started to follow

the programme in the name of Gandhi. They were, deeply inspired by the Gandhian

method and believed that they will get rid of their miseries and sufferings once they

freed themselves from the clutches of the unjust rule.

The Chapter Four deals with the region of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, and how

far these areas were affected by the Non-Cooperation Movement or up to which

extent the movement was successful in these areas.

Important works concerned with the region of Bihar are- K.K Dutta’s- History

of Freedom Movement in Bihar, states that how in the region of Bihar the Non-

Cooperation Movement, was propagated, and highlighted the role of the local leaders

Introduction

21

of the region in spreading and propagating the cult of non-violent struggle. Dr.

Rajendra Prasad’s, Autobiography clearly states that how the different parts of the

province holds meetings to boost up the election boycott campaign and how far it was

successful in refraining the people from voting and to convince the candidates to

withdraw their names from the election. Ran Vijoy Kumar in his work- Role of

Middle Class in the Nationalist Movement, describes the role of the educated middle

class. In his work, he states that the national schools emerged during those days and

many of them rejected and refused the grants and the aids of the Government.

Kauskal Kishore Sharma in his work- Agrarian Movements And Congress

Politics in Bihar, gives a detailed account of the impact of the Non-Cooperation

Movement on the minds of the ignorant masses of Bihar and the role of Mahatma

Gandhi in this region. However, he is of the opinion that the Congress tried to

mobilize the people of Bihar on political grounds and that the Congress opposition to

the Vidhyanand’s movement was because of its limited and conservative politics in

Bihar. Congress had a fear that it will not be limited to the zamindari of North Bihar

but it magnetized the entire zamindari system which led to the ill effects on their

interests. Stephen Henningham in his work-“Agrarian Relations in North Bihar:

Peasants Protest and the Dharbanga Raj, 1919-20,” described the first organized

struggle against the Dharbanga Raj and laid much emphasis on the leadership of the

subalterns that is the leadership of Swami Vidhyananad.

According to the official reports, Vidhyanand’s speeches had a militant tone

and the demonstrations held in the Dharbanga district were to incite the feeling

against the zamindars and the planters which can lead to serious rioting. As far as the

Congress creed was concerned it was strictly stick to the non-violent means. Mahatma

Gandhi had never supported the struggle based on violence. However, he whole-

heartedly supported the peasants cause but there were several occasions on which he

deviates itself from the local movements because of its violent nature.

The Gandhi’s movement was not new to the region of Bihar as the people had

already followed the footsteps of Gandhi during the Champaran Struggle. According

to the report of the Dharbanga Police Suprentendent, Swami Vidhyanand inflaming

the minds of Ryots against the Dahrbanga Raj as Gandhiji did in Champaran. In the

office of ‘Searchlight,’ Patna the Bihar Provincial Congress Committee approved the

Introduction

22

policy of Non-Cooperation in order to redress the national wrongs and decided to

support the Khilafat issue.

Several meetings took place in the Patna city. The people poured from every

corner with great enthusiasm. Hindu-Muslim unity was preached. Maulana Shah

Badruddin Shaib discarded the tiltle of Shams-ul-Ulema.

The another feature in the progress of the Non-Cooperation Movement can be

seen from the election of the Provincial Councils, in which very small percentage of

the voters exercised the votes. The B.P.C.C was making efforts to convince election

candidates to withdraw their names and refrain from voting.

Schools were greatly affected with the visit of Mahatma Gandhi. He laid the

foundation of National College and Bihar Vidhyapith. In 1921, some of the schools

were nationalized and some new of them emerged.

The urban and rural areas both came under the sway of the Non-Cooperation

Movement. The movement was largely supported by the professionals, students and

others in the towns. The educational boycott, the boycott of law courts, surrender of

titles and resignations from honorary post were all proved successful in the area. The

large number of panchayats emerged in the Saran district. The anti-liquor movement

was in a full swing.

The Government was really, concerned with these developments and so they

imposed Seditious Meeting Act to stop the national activities.

Not only this but the first organized struggle was launched against the biggest

landlord of Bihar, the Dharbanga Raj under the leadership of Swami Vidhyananad. He

was inspired with the personality of Mahatma Gandhi.

The B.P.C meeting was held at Bhagalpur which was attended by large

number of peasants for the first time. In some parts of Bihar, the growing spirit of the

Non-Cooperation Movement, peasants combined themselves in order to oppose the

payment of rent to the landlord. The agrarian movement in Bihar was deeply

influenced by the spirit of Non-Cooperation Movement.

Introduction

23

The other movements which shoot up in the region were that of the caste

movement such as that of the kurmis, banias, koeries, goalas and others.

Despite some of the shortcomings the Non-Cooperation Movement was

culminated and followed by the people of Bihar with lot of excitement and vigour.

Regarding the region of Orissa, Rajib Lochan Sahoo, in his work- Agrarian

Change and Peasant Unrest in Colonial India: Orissa 1912-1939, discussed about the

new province of Bihar and Orissa which had been separated from the province of

Bengal and how the peasants of Orissa suffered with the shortcomings of the colonial

agrarian structure. The peasants unrest against the colonial rule provided the strength

to the national struggle. Acharya Pritish in-Nationalist Movement and Politics in

Orissa, 1920-29, states that the region was badly affected with the drought and famine

which lead to large scale deaths. He further states the role of the nationalist that how

they stood against the authorities and provided the relief to the victims. The other

major works on this region are-Biswamoy Patti’s- Peasant, Tribal and National

Movement in Orissa, H.K Mahatab, Gandhi:The Political Leader, which in details

deals with the problems of the region, its consequences and the role of the nationalist

intelligentsia in national awakening in the region and spreading the Non-Cooperation

Movement, the emergence of the Utkal Provincial Congress Committees, Utkal Kisan

Sanghs and the role of the peasants in the national struggle.

Orissa was yet another region where the spirit of non-cooperation was

observed with great gusto here also the agrarian unrest prevailed due to the

shortcomings of the colonial structure. The state faced drought and famine and during

this phase the relief was provided by the nationalist.

Gopalbandhu Das propagated the non-cooperation with the Government if

their grievances were not taken up by the Government. Daily newspaper was

established and people from educated sections were recruited as volunteer to incite

nationalism among the masses.

With the beginning of the Non-Cooperation Movement, the peasants in Orissa

started expressing their grievances in more organized form. Satyagraha weeks were

observed, public meetings were held. There were all over hartals, students boycott,

Introduction

24

processions in the region of Balasore. The local Party office worked as Swarajya

Panchayat.

During 1921-22, the agitation was started by the people of Kanika.

Gopalbandhu school played a vital role. The alliance of imperialism with feudalism

was also exposed during the years. Here a saintly figure of Ramdas Babaji began

agitation. He appealed to people of Kanika to follow the Non-Cooperation Movement.

Many national leaders also visited the place and propagated the creed.

The people in Khurda resented against the chaukidari tax, forest laws and the

Union Board Tax. As the Non-Cooperation Movement speed up in the region the

British authorities tried to suppress it and alert the people to not to attend the

Congress organized meetings but they were failed as it was attended by two thousand

people.

Related to Bengal, Sugata Bose in her work-Agrarian Bengal: Economy,

Social Structure and Politics, 1919-1947, provides an extensive account of the

Krishak and Praja Samities, which started demanding the economic and social rights

of the peasantry class and later on it was drag into more broad based agitation that is

the Non-Cooperation Movement. She also gives an account of the economic

difficulties of the people and the introduction of the local-self Government. Gautam

Chattopadhyay, Bengal Electoral Politics and Freedom Struggle 1862-1947, gives an

information of the effects of the Non-Cooperation Movement in the entire province.

Partha Chatterjee in his work-The Present History of West Bengal: Essays in Political

Critisim, states that the political movement was primarily against the colonial

government and under the leadership of the rich peasants. It was not raised against the

zamindari class but was an attempt to check the encroachment by the colonial

government in the village society. In all this, the Gandhian ideology played a vital

role. Binay Bhushan Chaudhary in his work- ‘Agrarian Movements in Bengal and

Bihar, 1919-39,’ states that it was first time after the partition of Bengal in 1905, the

nationalist were able to draw the masses into the national struggle.

The region of Bengal was equally affected. Initially, many of the Bengal

leaders were opposed to the scheme of Non-Cooperation Movement, but later on

accepted it. The Muslim public was showing great interest in the Turkish matter. The

Introduction

25

response was amazing regarding the refusal to contest elections. Almost all nationalist

withdrew their candidature and about 80% of the voters refrained from the voting.

The Muslims were adviced by Jamiat-ul-Ulema to boycott elections.

There had been an expression of the industrial unrest in Bengal. There were

strikes by the coolies of four mill and seven jute presses. In Calcutta, there had been

strikes by the Rajmistries, and there were reports of disturbances throughout the

region. A strike in Tea Garden of Assam occurred in which 5 European officers were

assaulted.

Large number of the students were drawn to the movement. Mr. B.C Pal and

Sisir Chattreji urged the people to start national schools and Arbitration Courts. In late

1920’s, Gandhi visited Bengal and urged the students to train themselves in spinning

and speak only Hindustani and also to collect funds.

The visit of Prince of Wales was completely boycotted. There were complete

suspension of business, hartals and demonstrations took place.

The peasants and tenants associations were formed by the name of Krishak

and Praja Samities, to give organized expression to the peasants demands at the grass

root level and with the inauguration of the Non-Cooperation Movement, it was

dragged into a more wide spread agitation. Jute boycott campaign was launched due

to the decline of jute prices in 1920-21.

In 1921, in Midnapur the masses revolted against the increase in the

chaukidari taxes upto 50%. This was lead by the rich peasants- the jotdars. As they

found it as an interference in their local power. In all that the Gandhian ideology

played a crucial role as the struggle between the rich peasants and the colonial state,

the old class of zamindari was outmoded in the region. The leaders of the mass

movement united throughout the province and overpower the zamindars.

The Congress was now able to draw larger support from the various class of

the ‘owner peasantry,’. According to Partha Chatterjee- the Congress movement from

1920’s onwards “became for many people in the region successor to those earlier

movements of mass mobilization on social issues.”

Introduction

26

The fifth Surma valley Conference held at Sylhet on 20thSeptember,

encourage trade in Indian Raw material with the friendly countries outside the British

Empire. Further recommendations were set up Trade Unions and organizing Indian

labour.

Despite lot of differences in opinion the struggle of non-violent non-

cooperation work wonders in the region. The wave of the Non-Cooperation

Movement blown throughout the region with full enthusiasm and zeal and touched all

sections of class of people-students, peasants, workers.

My last chapter deals with the Non-Cooperation Movement in South India.

The Nationalist party in Poona was not satisfied with the Gandhi’s Non-Cooperation

Programme. Mr. Tilak had formed his National Democratic Company to demand for

the self-determination of India. The Deccan Nationalist and their Allies in Central

Provinces and Berar suggest that it was a ‘mistaken policy to stand out from the

councils and not to go to the electorate.’

Ravindra Kumar, in his work-‘From Swaraj to Purna Swaraj: Nationalist

Politics in the City of Bombay, 1920-32,’ describes the influence of the Non-

Cooperation Movement on the workers of the city and how they were involved in the

mass struggle.

For Malabar, O.P. Salahuddin in-‘Political Ferment in Malabar,’ gives the

detailed account of the Home Rule Movement, the consequences of the Khilafat

Movement and the Non-cooperation Movement. The Muslim peasants were the real

sufferers, who faced miseries and hardships from the Hindu landlords. The other

major work in this field is that of K.M Pannikar- Against the Lord and the State:

Religion and the Peasants Uprisings in Malabar 1836-1921, in which he describes

that the peasants came together to chalk out their comman action or plan and to raise

their voices against their exploiters. Wood Cornad in- The Moplah Rebellion and its

Genisis,’ states that the nationalist agitation of 1920-21, had less impact on the

Mopallas of South Malabar but they picketed toddy shops which were welcomed by

the rest of Malabar.

As far as the industrial discontent was prevailing in India, Bombay was

suffering most acutely. Also marked by Postal Strikes. A Labour Settlement

Introduction

27

Committee was formed to negotiate between the workers and the owners. Sholapur

also witnessed the strikes involving about five mills and about ten thousand men.

The call for Non-Cooperation Movement resulted in the resurrection of the

working class from the year 1919-20. They started forming their own organizations

on the national level and the most important development was the formation of the All

India Trade Union Congress. On 31stOctober 1920, the First All India Trade Union

Congress was met. According to the Government reports, the attempts were made to

coordinate the organization in the region of Bombay, Madras and elsewhere into a

national movement which was scattered in unrelated sections. Protest and

demonstrations were witnessed throughout the country. During the visit of Prince of

Wales in November 1921, the workers observed the general countrywide strike on the

Congress call.

The Congress however did not receive much success in the boycott of schools

in the region of Bombay, but still the efforts were made by the nationalist to provoke

students. Mr. Gandhi chalked out a plan to establish a national university at Bombay.

According to the official reports, 35 students left their schools and three schools

decided to relinquish Government aid and affiliation. The Swarajya Sabha was

making extensive propaganda to dissuade the electors to not to go to the polls. In

Poona, voting was even below 10%.

In Madras Provincial Congress Committee, some of the nationalist under Mr.

Kasturiranga Ayangar resigned on the issue of the Non-Cooperation Movement. It

was now under the sole control of the Non-Cooperators. Here much of the propaganda

work was done by the Khilafat Committee, which alarmed the British authorities and

proposals were made to extern Mr. Shaukat Ali from the province two sparked much

enthusiasm among the masses.

In Malabar, the Home Rule League and the M.D.C.C, gave a new impetus to

the national activities. The Assistant Secretary of both these organizations Mapilla

P.A Kunhammed attracted large number of Mapillas to the struggle.

Khilafat Resolutions were passed by the Komu Menon, for the cause of the

Turkish question. In Malabar the Mapillas, the Muslim peasants rose against the

oppression of the landlords, which draw them into tenancy movement.

Introduction

28

Near, Kottakal, the tenants formed the Unions and adopted Non-Cooperation

Movement and socially boycotted the jenmies due to which the jenmies faced lot of

troubles.

The Manjeri Conference held an important place as there the resolutions were

passed for the adoption of the Non-Cooperation with ‘loud and prolonged applause,

shouts of ‘Bande Matarm’ and ‘Hindu-Muslim ki jai.’

During their visit to the region both Mr.Gandhi and Shaukat Ali made

objectionable speeches. Mr. E.F Thomas, the D.M was worried about the influence of

the Congress-Khilafat duo, into the interior of the districts.

The Nagpur Congress was attended by large number of delegates from

Malabar. In almost every area, the Khilafat Committees were organized. A Khilafist

and the member of M.L.C, Mr. Yakub Hasan was invited to address Mapillas. The

authorities were concerned with these activities, but despite their repressive measures

the non-cooperation gained momentum.

The most significant was the Ottapalam Conference which was attended by

4000 delegates. Its different sessions took up the issue of the Khilafat, students and

tenancy.

In South Malabar, where the majority was comprised of the peasantry class,

the Khilafat movement was amalgamated with the tenancy movement. The year 1920-

21, proved to be a ‘fusion of the anti-British and anti-feudal sentiments of the Mapilla

peasantry.’

On 20thAugust 1921, a revolt broke out at Tirurangadi, and was an integral

part of the anti-imperilist movement. The police forced entry into the mosque

inflamed the Mapillas and they broke into violence. Soon the revolt spread to the

entire region. The local leaders brought the area under their control and established

their administration. They established criminal courts, recruited their own police,

allowed the peasant to harvest their crops and remitted the taxes for a year.

The revolt was totally anti-British and anti-feudal. No harm was done to the

innocent landlord or to the poor Hindus. Therefore, it was totally free from the

communal colors. In the latter years both the Hindus and the Muslims were killed by

Introduction

29

the rebels. As the comman people became the informers of the authorities. So, in

retaliation they were killed by the rebels.

The Non-Cooperation Movement had affected both the peasants and the

laborers in the country. The city of Madras was struck with the tramway strikes on

26thJanuary 1920 and put their demands before the owners. The rumors afloat about

the strike to be held at Electric Power House. There were also possibilities of the

strike to be started at the Buckingham and Carnatic Mills. The Government was

worried about the developments and appointed a Labor Commission to enquire into

the matter.

It is very clear from the facts that the movement was whole-heartedly accepted

and adopted by the people of South India, irrespective of the fact that many leaders

there opposed to the scheme of the Non- Cooperation Movement.

Briefly analyzing the entire programme of the non-violent non-cooperation in

different regions of the country as per requirement of the topic of my research, it can

be suggested that every regions were struggling for their own cause as they were

faced with different challenges created by the British Rule. On a broader scale, if we

throw light on the political development of our country then the causes which became

a great threat to the entire nation were the – passage of the Rowlatt Bills, the

Jallianwalla Bagh Massacre, the unsatisfactory Government of India Act 1919 and the

deteriorating economy in the post war years. All this was a matter of great worry for

the national leaders, who finally launched a movement under the leadership of

Mahatma Gandhi, which was popularly came to be known as, the Non-Cooperation

Movement.

In addition, if we peep into the different regions of the country, of those years

we will find that the illiterate masses were limited in their own spheres and dealing

with their own issues. They were unaware of these developments such as the peasants

or the workers were facing the sorrows and hardships because of their rulers such as

zamindars/taluqadars or the owners of the mills respectively and fighting for their

rights. It was only with the efforts of the nationalist leaders that the masses were get

aware of their real enemy, that was, the British Rule. Then they continued their

struggle by incorporating themselves with the national movement.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

30

Chapter -1

SPROUTING OF THE NON COOPERATION MOVEMENT

“Now a word as to what may be done if the demands are not granted. The barbarous

method is warfare, open or secret…But my argument today against violence is based

upon pure expedience, i.e. its utter futility. Non-Cooperation is therefore the only

remedy left open to us. It is the cleanest remedy as it was most effective when it is

free from all violence…..Those who are holding offices of honor or emolument ought

to give them up. Those who belong to menial services under Government should do

likewise ….It is a voluntary withdrawal which is effective. For voluntary withdrawal

alone is a test of popular feeling and dissatisfaction…every step withdrawing

cooperation has to be taken with greatest deliberation. We must proceed slowly as to

ensure retention of self control under the fiercest heat.”1

Non-violence (Ahimsa) and Satyagraha* were the two Gandhian philosophies

which believed to be the nucleus of Indian politics and became a solid hindrance to

the colonial power.

Goal Krishna Gokhale, the political guru of Gandhiji gave him the idea of

‘Spritualizing Politics’. Gandhiji was much inspired by his ‘Servant of India Society’.

The application of such an idea was not limited to his ashrams but was expanded to

his politics.2 Gandhi stated in ‘Young India,’ January 1921- “If India adopted the

doctrine of love as an active part of her religion and in her politics, swaraj would

descend upon India from heaven.”3

Gokhale defined Gandhi’s passive resistance in South Africa in 1909 as

follows- “It is essentially defensive in its nature and its fight with moral and spiritual

1 Extract from “Independent”, Allahabad, dated 12th March, 1920. THE KHILAFAT, MR. GANDHI’S

MANIFESTO, APPENDIX-I , Home Poll-A , September 1920, p.18. Also see Bamford P.C, Histories of Non Cooperation and Khilafat Movement , Deep Publications , Delhi, 1974, pp. 150-51.

* ‘Satyagraha’ means literally ‘persistence in truth’. It has been translated variously as non-cooperation, passive resistance, civil disobedience, civil resistance. The satyagraha pledge was first taken at a public meeting in Johannesburg in South Africa, on September 11th, 1906, against the Asiatic Law Amendment Ordinance. According to Mr. Gandhi, satyagraha eschews the use of violence in every form and has not the remotest idea of injuring the opponent. Mr. Gandhi states in his preface to Satyagraha. In South Africa that before 1919 he had occasions to experiment with satyagraha five times in India. See Bose S.C, The Indian Struggle 1920-1942, Asia Publishing House, Calcutta, 1964, p.42.

2 Nanda B.R, Gandhi and His Critics, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1985, pp. 72-73. 3Young India, January-1921.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

31

weapon. A passive resister resist tyranny by undergoing sufferings in his own person.

He pits soul force against brute force; he pits divine in man against the brute in man,

he pits suffering against oppression; pits conscience against might, he pits faith

against injustice, right against wrong.”4

The breach of generous promises made by the British Government during

war time resulted in high discontentment in second decade of the twentieth century.

The new constitution popularly known as Government of India Act 1919,* in

spite of the hard opposition made by the Bengal leaders – B.C Pal, B.Chakarvarti and

C.R Das was passed.5 On 31st December 1919, Mr. Gandhi in his weekly paper

‘Young India’ wrote-“The Reform Act coupled with the proclamation is an earnest of

the intention of the British people to do justice to India and it ought to remove

suspicion on that score….Our duty therefore is not to subject the reform to carping

criticism but to settle down quietly to work so as to make them a success.”6

Suddenly, the circumstances had been drastically changed within the next

nine months. The Khilafat issue and the Punjab wrongs were the two most severe

problems which arose after the war and were supposed to be the major cause for the

existence of the non- cooperation movement.7

The situations which turned him against the British Government was

described by Mr. Gandhi himself in March 1922, when he was tried by Mr.

Broomfield, a British judge. He said –“The first shock came in the shape of Rowlatt

Act, a law designed to rob the people of all real freedom, I felt called upon to lead an

intensive agitation against it. Then followed the Punjab horrors beginning with the

massacre at Jallianwala Bagh (Amritsar) and culminating in crawling orders, public

floggings and other indescribable humiliations. I discovered too, that the plighted

words of the Prime Minister to the Mussalmans of India regarding the integrity of

Turkey and the holy places of Islam was not likely to be fulfilled.”8

4Bamford, Histories of Non cooperation & Khilafat Movement, p.1. * Government of India Act popularly known as Montague-Chelmsford Reform, came up with the

innovative idea of diarchy. The provincial governments were now composed of two subjects- Reserved and Transferred.

5 Bose, The Indian Struggle 1920-1942, p.37. 6 Young India-31st December 1919. 7Bamford, Histories of Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movement, p.3. 8 Bose, The Indian Struggle, pp.37-38

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

32

Further he explains that –“in spite of the foreboding and the grave warning of

friends , at the Amritsar Congress in 1919, I fought for cooperation and working the

Montague- Chelmsford Reforms, hoping the Prime Minister would redeem his

promises to the Indian Musalamans, that the Punjab wound would be healed and that

the reforms , inadequate and unsatisfactory though they were, marked a new era of

hope was shattered. The Khilafat promises was not to be redeemed. The Punjab crime

was white washed and most culprits were not only unpunished but remained in

service and some continued to draw pensions from the Indian revenue, and in some

cases were even rewarded…..”9

Rowlatt Bill was a malaise, and satyagraha, was the only remedy which

exhibited and justified the demands of Gandhiji in particular and Indians as a whole.

“The remedy was the satyagraha movement already launched in Bombay.

Satyagraha was a harmless, but unfailing remedy. A satyagrahi was ever ready in

endure suffering and even lays down his life to demonstrate to the world the integrity

of his purpose and justice of his demands. It is the only weapon with which India

could be rid of the Bills.”10 Gandhiji described this Bills to Srinivas Shastri as ‘a stray

example of lapse of righteousness and justice’ but ‘evidence of determined policy of

repression and consequently he was considering the possibility of passive resistance if

they became law.’11

Gandhiji further describing these Bills as a national ‘wrong’ and suggested

that it could only be righted by the methods and the way to gather the nation to attain

swaraj by the means of satyagraha.12

In the initial phase of opposition to these Bills, Gandhiji gave a call for

satyagraha which resulted in the establishment of a Satyagraha Sabha. Bombay city

was the centre of the movement, in particular Bombay city and Ahamadabad.13

9Ibid, p.38. 10AmritBaza Patrika, 13.3.1919. Speech on Rowallat Bills, Delhi , March 7, 1919; Collected works of

Mahatma Gandhi, (here after CWMG) vol.15, Ahamadabad,1965, pp.126-7. 11 Brown Judith, Gandhi’s Rise to Power: Indian Politics 1915-1920, Cambridge University Press,

1972, p.163. 12Ibid, p.164. 13 Ibid, p.165.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

33

From Ahmadabad were Vallabbhai Patel, ChanduLal Desai, K. Thakoor,

Anusuyia Sarabai other members who joined from Bombay were- Jamnadas Dwaraka

Das, Sarojni Naidu, B.G Horniman-editor of Bombay Chronical and Umar Subhani.14

At this juncture, a Satyagraha pledge was concluded-“ The Bills are unjust,

subversive of the principles of liberty and justice and destructive of elementary rights

of individuals on which the safety of the community as a whole and the state itself is

based with solemnly affirm that , in the event of these Bills, becoming laws and until

they are withdrawn, we shall refuse civilly to obey these laws as a committee to be

hereafter appointed may think fit and we may further affirm that in this struggle we

will faithfully follow truth and refrain from violence to life, person or property.15

Gandhi worked with great gusto to repeal the Rowlatt Bills by implementing

the policy of satyagraha therefore he informed Secretary of State E.S Montague-

“This retention of Rowlatt legislstion in the teeth of universal opposition is an affront

to the nation. Its repeal is necessary to appease national honor…….I think the

growing generation will not be satisfied with the petitions etc. we must give them

something effective. Satyagraha is the only way it seems to me to stop terrorism.”16

In the meantime the worst violent activities occurred in Punjab particularly in

Amritsar. The two Punjabi politicians Drs. Kitchlew and Satyapal were arrested

which again led to non-violence on 10thApril. Burning and looting was all around in

which four Europeans were killed martial law was enforced under General Dyre. 13th

April 1919 witnessed the most infamous Jallianwala Bagh tragedy. A crowd of

innocent people assembled in the ground of Jallianwala Bagh. General Dyre blocked

the exit points and opened fire, killing hundreds of innocent people.17

By the end of 18thcentuary, Turkey’s power and prestige was deteorating day

by day. According to Chirol, Turkey was magnified in the eyes of Indian Muslims by

England herself. Pan-Islamic movements were the danger realized by the British

during the period but ‘Russio-Phobia’ was something which was compelling them to

extend their support to Turkey.18

14Ibid, p.165. 15 New India-3-3.1919, Satyagraha Pledge, Ahmadabad, Feburary,24.1919, CWMG, pp,101-102. 16 Brown, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, p.164. 17 Ibid, p.175. 18Prasad Y.D, The Indian Muslims and the World War-I, JankiPrakashan, New Delhi, 1985, p.2.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

34

During the First World War, it was but obvious to suspect the intentions of

Britain as she was an ally of Russia, who was considered to be a traditional enemy of

Islam.19

Turkey was totally crushed in October. 1918, the Sublime Port was

confiscated. British armies comprised of soldiers particularly Muslims, occupied

Palestine, part of Syria and Mesopotamia. Soon after the outbreak of war with Turkey,

the viceroy declared ‘ that the holy places of Arabia, the holy shrines of Mesopotamia

and port of Jeddha would be “immune to attack or molestation by the British naval

and military forces so long there is no interference with pilgrims from India to the

holy places and the shrines, in question Lloyd George in his speech on January 5,

1918 said-“nor as we fighting …. To deprive Turkey of its Capitalor of rich or

renowned lands of Asia Minor and Thrace, which are predominantlyTurkish in race-

while we do not challenge the maintenance of the Turkish empire in the home lands

of Turkish race with its capital as Constantinople, Arabia, Armenia, Mesopotamia and

Palestine are in one judgment entitled to a recognition of their separate national

conditions.20 This was what the promises made by the British Government during

wartime. But soon the breach of promises was witnessed on part of the British

Government, which raised Indians in general and Musalmans in particular.

“The Khilafat question has now become a question of questions. It has become

an imperial question of the first magnitude……that the Sultan should control the Holy

places of Islam and should have suzerainty over Jazirat-ul- Arab,…..This was what

promise by Lloyd George and this was what Lord Harding had contemplated….. To

reduce the Turks to impotence would not only unjust: it would be a breach of solemn

declarations and promises.”21

The All India Khilafat Conference met at Allahabad on 2nd and 3rd June 1920.

Those who attended the conference were M.K Gandhi, Mr. Shaukat Ali, Mr. Chotani,

19 Ibid, p.46. 20 Neimeijer A.C, The Khilafat Movement in India 1919-1924, Hague- Nijeoff Publication, 1972,

pp.79-80. 21 Extract from ‘Independent’, Allahabad, dated 12thMarch 1920, The Khilafat, Mr.Gandhi’s Manifesto,

Appendix-I, Home Poll-A, Proceedings, September.1920, nos. 100-103, p.17.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

35

President Central Khilafat Committee, Maulana Abdul Bari, Mrs. Besant and

others.*22

Under the Presidentship of Mr.Chotani views were engaged freely and

frankly with each other and political and religious issues were fully considered.23

Hindu leaders* deeply sympathesized with their Muslim brethen and were of

view that an attack on Islam was totally politicized and thus supported non-

cooperation.24 The views and opinion differed regarding the remedy of ‘non-

cooperation movement’, Mrs. Besant was strongly opposed to it.25

Mahatma Gandhi said that –“he knew full well that the Muslim realized that

non-cooperation was the only remedy now left to India. He whole heartedly

sympathesised with them and was prepared to cooperate with them to get the peace

term revised.”26Ultimately, non-cooperation was adopted on 1stAugust observed by a

hartal.27

It was already decided, that withdrawal of cooperation with the Government

would be taken systematically as-

1-All titles and honors should be relinquished.

2- Resignations by members of Councils.

3- Private servants to give up their jobs.

*ChaudharaniSarladevi, Pt. Madan Mohan Malviya, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Pt. Motilal Nehru, Lala

Lajpat Rai, Dr. Tej Bahadur Sapru, Bipin Chander Pal, Maulana Hasarat Mohani, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, Dr. Ansari, Mr. Satyamrti, Haji Abdullaha Haroon, Mr.Rajgopalyacharaya, Mr. J.L. Nehru, Mr. Chintamani, Mr. Gonhardhan Das, Mr. Kitchlew, the Hon’ble Mr. Fazlul Haq, the Hon’ble Mr. Raza Ali, Mr. Yaqub Hasan, Maulvi Taj Mahmood Sindh, Mr. Zahoor Ahamad, Mr. Jairamdas, Mr. Jamnadas Dwarakadas, Mr. Kidwai, Mr.Jeevan, Mr. Mahmood Hussain, Mr. Kamaluddin Ahamad Jaffri, Maulvi Maulana Wilayat Hussain etc.

22 APPENDIX –IV, All India Khilafat Conference, Home Poll-A, Proceedings, September 1920, nos.100-103,p.23, “Pioneer”, Allahabad, 6th June 1920.

23 Ibid, p.23. * Pt. Malviya, Pt. Motilal Nehru, Dr. Sapru, Mr. Satyamurti, Mr. Bipin Chandra Pal, Mr.

Rajgopalacharaya, Lala Lajpat Rai and others. 24 Ibid, p.23. 25 Ibid, p.23. However she was deeply sympathezied with the Muslim sentiments and was ready to

help them in all ways. 26 Ibid, p.23. 27 Demi-Official letter from J.Crerar, Esq., to the Hon’ble Mr. McPherson, C.S.I, C.I.E., I.C.S, no. S.D-

1140, dated, Bombay, 2nd December 1920, Appendix-II, Home Poll-A, September 1920. Nos. 100-103, p.19.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

36

4- Resignation of subordinate Government servantsincluding the police.

5-Resignation of superior Government servants.

6- Withdrawal of Mussalmans from the army.

7- Refusal to pay taxes.28

The following resolution on non-cooperation was ultimately adopted- “This

meeting reaffirms the movement of the non-cooperation in accordance with the four

stages already approved by the Central Khilafat Committee and appoints a sub-

committee, consisting of the following gentlemen with powers to add their members

to give practical effect to the movement without further delay: Mahatma Gandhi,

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Maulavi Mohammad Ali, Mr. Ahamad Haji Siddiq

Khatri, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Dr. Kitchlew, andMaulana Hasarat Mohani.”29

In September, the Congress adopted non-cooperation in its programme.

Gandhiji in an article published in ‘Young India’, dated 28thJuly 1920 stated-“Non-

Cooperation in itself is more harmless than civil disobedience, but in its effect it is far

more dangerous for the Government than civil disobedience. Non-Cooperation is

intended so far to paralyze the Government as to compel justice from it. If it is carried

to its extreme point, it can bring the Government to a stand- still.”30

There was hurly-burly throughout the country regarding the non-

cooperation movement. “ Its principle exponents have frankly avowed that their

object is to destroy the present Government-‘ to dig up the foundations of the British

Government in India and they have promised their followers that if only their gospel

be generally accepted India shall be self governing and independent within one

year.”31

A meeting was held by Mr. Gandhi and Maulana Shaukat Ali, on the

evening of 23rd August 1920 at Bezwada in connection with the non-cooperation

28 Appendix IV, Home Poll-A, September 1920, nos. 100-103, p.24. 29 Appendix II, Home Poll-A, September 1920, nos. 100-103, p.19. 30 Extract from an article by Gandhi ‘Young India’, dated 28th July 1920, ‘Mr. Montague on the

Khilafat Agitation.’, Home Poll-A, Proceedings, December 1920, nos. 210-216 K.W, p.11. 31 Telegram no. 4475, dated Shimla, 4th November 1920, from Secretary to the Government of India ,

Home Dept., to the Private Secretary to His Excellency the Viceroy, Viceroy’s Camp., NOTES- Home Poll- A, November 1920, nos. 273-274, p.2.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

37

movement, and arousing the nation against the ‘satanic’32 British Government, where

Gandhiji declared- “India will commit suicide if we do not appreciate and understand

the forces that arrayed against us. We have got a mighty Government, with all the

powers, with all the forces of arms arrayed against us…… It is a government which

does not scruple to use means fair or foul in order to gain its ends……It resorts to

bribery in the shape of titles, honors and high offices. It administered opiates in the

form of reforms….It is a Government which represent a civilization which is purely

material and godless…..But we have to meet the godlessness by godliness. We shall

have to meet their untruth by truths. We have to meet their cunning and their craft by

openness and simplicity. We shall have to meet their terrorism, their frightfulness by

bravery, and it is an unbending bravery which is today demanded from every man,

woman and child.33

Khilafat movement and Gandhi’s leadership played a vital role in the Indian

National Congress, as well as for the country. For the first time mass movement was

launched which gave a new track in Indian politics which was beyond the range of

liberalism and extremism. Khilafat movement gave the golden opportunity to espouse

the Hindu-Muslim unity. For Gandhiji, Muslim participation and of course the other

communities was important in order to achieve freedom. The liberals attempt was in

vain as they were limited to the elite section of the society. Gandhi’s concept of

communal feeling depends on liberal interpretation of Hinduism.34

Gandhiji was strongly holding the cause of Hindu-Muslim unity. In

‘Independent’, Allahabad, dated 12th March 1920, he laid great emphasis on Hindu-

Muslim brotherhood by declaring that- “I will cooperate whole heartedly with the

Muslim friends in the prosecution of their just demands so long as they act with

sufficient restraint and so long as I feel sure that they do not wish to resort or

countenance violence. I should cease to cooperate and advice every Hindu and for that

matter everyone else to cease to cooperate the moment there was violence actually

32Gandhiji declared British Government as ‘Satanic’ in Young India, 3rdNovember , 1920. 33 Proceedings to the meeting held in connection with the visit of Mesers. M.K Gandhi and Maulana

Shaukat Ali, on the evening of 23rd August 1920 at Bezwada in the compound of the Municipal Traveller’s , Bungalow, Home Poll-A, December 1920, nos. 210-216 and K.W, p.12.

34 Khan Mohammad Afaque, Gandhian Approach to Communal Harmony, Ajanta Publication, Delhi, 1986, p.13.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

38

done, advised or countenance…..There is certainty of victory if firmness is combined

with gentleness.35

Opinion regarding the revision of the Congress Resolution on Non-

cooperation varies in educated and political circles. Some Congressmen found Mr.

Gandhi’s non-cooperation programme as impracticable and were of the opinion that it

should be radically revised before it could proved to be a failure. However, for some

Mr. Gandhi’s position was greatly strengthened among those who were bitterly anti-

Government.36

Referring to the political situation in India, His Excellency the viceroy in his

speech at Bikaner, condemned the method adopted by political agitators. Correctly

diagnosing the entire situation, he said that- “India lacked leaders possessed of

political sanity.”37

Lord Ronaldshay in speech at St. Andreo’s dinner in Calcutta said- “His

Excellency mercilessly dissected Mr. Gandhi’s political creed and exposed its

revolutionary character.”38

Sir Reginald Craddock in Rangoon spoke on non-cooperation and warned the

anti-British agitators that- “ though at present the velvet glove was more in evidence

and the iron hand lay concealed underneath the Government would not hesitate to

bring it out if the need arose.”39

These speeches made by the British Government on different occasions

annoyed the extremist group but it was welcomed by the moderate faction, as the bulk

of the moderate leaders were opposed to the gospel of non-cooperation and were of

the opinion that it was ‘ to be full of harm for the country’.40

According to the opinion of the Indians in general regarding the speeches

made by Lord Chelmsford in Bikaner , Lord Ronaldshey in Calcutta, Sir Regnald

Craddock in Rangoon and Lord Willingdon in Madras were to encourage the

35 Home Poll-A, September 1920, nos. 100-103, p.17. ‘Independent’, Allhabad, dated-12th March1920. 36 Notes in Intelligence Bureau, Copy of O.M’s report, dated, 6thDecember 1920, Home Poll Deposit,

December 1920, Reference no.48, pp.2-3. 37 Ibid, p.3 38 Ibid. 39 Ibid. 40 Ibid.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

39

moderate section to come into forefront and organize opposition to non-

cooperation.41

As far as the extremist wing was concerned, they were even much divided

among themselves over certain provisions of non-cooperation resolution particularly

withdrawal of students from school and colleges and abandonment of practice by

lawyers and some were against the boycott of foreign manufactured goods.42

Gandhiji counter these differences stating in ‘Young India’, Ahmadabad,

Wednesday, 5th May , 1920 that- “ it is easy enough to pass resolutions or write

articles condemning non-cooperation. It is no easy task to restrain the fury of people

incensed by a deep sense of wrong. I urged that those who talk and worked against

non-cooperation to descend from their chairs and go down to the people, learn their

feelings and write, if they have the heart against non-cooperation .They will find as I

have found, that the only way to avoid violence is to enable them to give such

expressions to their feelings as to compel redress….. It is logical and harmless. Non-

Cooperation as a voluntary movement can only succeed if the feeling is genuine and

strong enough to make people suffer to the utmost. If the religious sentiments of the

Muhammedans are deeply hurt and if the Hindus entertain neighborly regard towards

their Muslim brothers they will both count no cost too great for achieving the ends.

Non-Cooperation will also be an effective test of sincerity of the Muslim claim and

Hindu profession of friendship.”43

Congress in its annual session at Nagpur after overcoming all its obstacles

in its way, finally adopted the non-cooperation programme. The Resolution was

moved on by Mr. C.R.Das. The programme of non-cooperation which included the

four successive stages was followed up by the establishment of National schools and

colleges. Panchayats were established, Hindu-Muslim unity was maintained, hand

weaving and spinning was to be encouraged and to strictly follow up the gospel of

non-violence.44

41Ibid, pp.3-4. 42Ibid, p.4. 43 (n) C.I.D., Bombay Presidency, May 15th – The Young India has the following in its issue of the 5th

May 1920- Home Poll –A, September, 1920, nos. 100-103, p.21. 44 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle For Independence 1857-1947, Penguine Books, Delhi, 1989, p.186.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

40

The non-cooperation movement emerged because of the fundamental

political problems prevailing during those days. Congress leaders made serious efforts

to mobilize people on a broader platform against the British. The participants of the

movement were from all strata of society-professional and non-professionals, men

and women, businessmen, intellectuals, peasants and workers.45

During this period Gandhiji along with Ali Brothers toured extensively

throughout India to preach the theory of non-violence. In this context, he delivered a

speech in Aligarh in August 1921- “The attainment of swaraj means that the whole of

Hindustan should come under our control. Just as at present control can be established

all over the Indian empire by means of gun powder, shots and aero planes, so we

proclaim our non-violence by means of non-cooperation and there is no need to fear

the aero planes and machine guns of the government…….”46

The most striking feature of the movement was that every strata of society

whether peasants or workers to the capitalist class started joining the movement which

expands its social base.47

Reading, correctly points out that-Gandhi’s domination in the Congress is

based on three main aspects- newly emerged groups and areas, which did not

participate earlier in nationalism, an alliance with Muslim community, which provide

him with new thrust area of politics, an unwilling consent by some political leaders.48

People were generally perplexed with the programme on non-cooperation.

Gandhi in ‘Young India’ rightly explained that- “Government is an instrument of

service only in so far as it based upon the will and consent of the people. It is an

instrument of oppression when it enforces submission at the point of the bayonet.”49

The passing of this resolution was considered to be the personal victory for

Gandhi as most of the Congress leaders opposed him. All India Congress Committee,

an assembly of representatives elected by the members of the National Congress was

responsible to carry on the non-cooperation agitation; and the working committee, an

45 Bakshi S.R (ed.), Documents on the Non Cooperation Movement, Akash deep, Delhi, 1989, p.1. 46 Police Department, File no.16/15/1920. Uttar Pradesh State Archives (here after UPSA). Also see

Bamford, Histories of Non Cooperation & Khilafat Movement, pp.49-50. 47 Chandra Bipin, Nationalism And Colonialism in Modren India, Delhi, 1981, p.134. 48 Brown, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, p.307. 49 Young India, October, 22, 1919.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

41

executive body comprised of 15 Congress leaders, was responsible for the execution

of the policy adopted from time to time, under the supervision of AICC. Provincial

Congress activities in the province and working committee transmitted their policy to

the District Congress Committees to provide coordination in their work.50

The coming up of different sections of society against the British rule

serves as a wattle for the nationalists. The boycott of the titles was the most arduous

but at the same time most essential part of the non-cooperation programme. It is an

important item because this class must realize that they received gifts from an unjust

and unfair Government. And it was difficult enough as it was applied to that particular

group which was not a part of active public life.51

Proceedings with the Congress resolution, 23 nationalists of Bengal under C.R

Das were the first to withdraw their candidature from Reformed Council, which was

followed with more resignations from the council from different provinces such as-

from Bombay, under Mr.Baptista seventeen congressmen took the same action, Bihar

and Orrisa, eight nationalists headed by Mazahar-ul- Haq and Rajendra Prasad, from

Central Provinces eleven nationalist under Dr.B.B Moonje and N.B Khare followed

Bombay, from Punjab- Lala Lajpat Rai and Duni Chand would not stand for

election.52

On 21stSeptember under the Presidency of Mrs. Sarladebi Chaudharani, Mr.

J.N Banarjee made a strong speech. He remarked that “they could not cooperate with

the tyrants and that was a conclusive argument for non-cooperation.53

Eleven candidates for election to Assam Reformed Council withdrew their

candidature, thirteen members resigned their seats in the local boards and

municipalities, an Honorary Magistrate resigned and some students are reported to

have withdraw from the Government colleges at Sylhet.54

By 1921, hand spinning and hand weaving were revived at large scale, and the

Congress promoted the boycott of foreign cloth. For this purpose both men and

money was needed. For this, Mahatma Gandhi appealed for ten million members for 50 Bamford, Histories of Non Cooperation & Khilafat Movement, pp.18-21. 51 Bakshi S.R,(ed.) Documents on the Non Cooperation, p.279. 52 Home Poll Deposit, October. 1920. 53 Ibid, p.4. 54 Ibid, p.5.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

42

the congress and fund of ten million rupees.55 Two million charkas or spinning

wheels were introduced in order to keep up the pace of the movement.56 Graphs

shows a drastic decline in value of imported cloth from Rs. 102 crore in 1920-21 to

Rs. 57 crore in 1921-22.57

To carry forward the above task the student community played a vital role in

year 1921. Boycott of schools and colleges were made on extensive scale. The

educational boycott was more vigorous in the region of Bengal.58 Till April 1921 near

about 20 headmasters or teachers resigned per month and 11,157 out of 103,107

students departed from schools and colleges. Number of National schools emerged

during this period like Jamia Millia Islamia in Aligarh which later on shifted to Delhi,

the Kashi Vidya Pith at Benaras and Gujrat Vidhya Pith. Four hundred and forty four

institutions were established in Bihar and Orissa and one hundred and thirty seven in

United Province.59

Apart from educational institutions the other institution which were emerging

spontaneously throughout the country were the ‘Ashramas’, on the model of

hermitage of old, they became the homes for the political workers. Training to the

new recruits is provided there and local offices of the Congress were housed often in

these premises. Sometimes they became the centers of spinning and weaving from

where the cotton and yarn was supplied to the spinners and weavers. Several ashrams

were provided reading rooms and library to the congress workers and also for the

local people.60

Congress appeal for the boycott of law courts was fairly successful. Large

number of lawyers gave up their practices and tried to dissuade litigates to approach

law courts, resulting in the establishment of arbitration courts. This considerably

reduced the government’s revenue from litigation.61 By March 1921, over 180

lawyers resigned, 33 in Central Provinces, 43 in United Provinces, and 43 in Bihar

and Orissa. Even some great lawyers like Motilal Nehru and C.R. Das resigned from

55 Bose, The Indian struggle 1920-1942, p.51. 56Resolution I at Bezwada AICC meeting, 31stMarch 1921, The Hindu-1st, April 1921, CWMG, vol.19,

Ahmadabad,1965, p.496. 57 Brown Judith, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, p.313. 58Bose, The Indian Struggle, p.52. 59Sarkar Sumit, Modern India, Macmillan, Madras, 1983, pp.204-06. 60Bose, The Indian Struggle, p.52-53. 61Ibid, p.50

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

43

their practices. In Bihar and Orissa hundreds of cases were taken away from

government courts in a single day.62Bengal came up with 866 arbitration courts

between February 1921 and April 1922.63 In November 1920, Gandhiji delivered

speech in Jhansi in this context-“We must regard as impure the courts of the

Government which has become dominical and ‘satanic’ in its nature.”64

Gandhiji in his speech at Jhansi declared that-“I think in order to purify

ourselves, we should renounce our Rai Bahadurships and other titles given us by the

Government. As long as we are full of impurity of official titles, we are not fit to offer

ourselves in sacrifices…”65

Under this programme large number of men gave up their titles as compared

to those who resigned their jobs. Among the latter was S.C Bose, who in his book

‘The Indian Struggle 1920-1942,’ states that-“I resigned my post in May 1921, and

hurried back to India with a view to taking my place in national struggle that was then

in full swing.”66

Yet one another movement was popular among the masses that was the

temperance movement which served both the moral as well as the economical

purpose. It promoted temperance as well as intoxicants of all kinds, reducing one-

third of the Government’s excise revenue.67 According to Judith Brown it was a part

of ‘sanskratization,’ anticipated by orthodox Hindus and Muslims, taken up by Mr.

Gandhi.68 Sumit Sarkar rightly points out that Gandhi’s anti-liquor campaign

provided an opportunity to lower caste people for their social upliftment.69

The Resolution passed in the political conference held in Bilaspur stated that-

“people should give up excise able articles in order to cripple the Government

financially and paralyze the administration.”70

62 Brown, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, p.310. 63 Sarkar, Modren India, p.209. 64 Speech at Jhansi on 20th November 1920. Police Deptt. File No. 16/15/1920, UPSA. Also see

Bamford, p.49. 65 Ibid, 66 Bose, The Indian Struggle, p.53. 67 Ibid, p.50. 68 Brown, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, p.315. 69 Sarkar, Modern India, p.209. 70 Brown, Gandhi’s Rise To Power, p. 315.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

44

The campaign of Mr. Gandhi and Ali Brothers was heading towards Punjab

where they gained dangerous sympathy of the Sikhs.71 In Punjab the movement was

successfully launched by the students walk out encouraged by Lala Lajpat Rai in

January 1921. The Akali Movement led by Shrimoni Guruduwara Prabandhak

Committee, completely religious movement was identified with non-cooperation

movement. The Akalis were fighting against the corrupt mohants, who had an alliance

with the British Government. On refusal by the British Government to hand over the

keys of the Golden Temple, Akali’s made huge arrest in November 1921. During this

period non-cooperation was on its peak, resulting in release of Akali prisinors by mid-

January 1922. Later on ‘Babbar Akali’, under Krishna Singh and Mota Singh

switched to terrorism which made a shift from non-violent national movement.72

In Gujrat, the movement was more vigorous as compared to Bombay city, as

Maharastrians were more suspicious about Gandhian policy.73

The region of Andhra delta witnessed non-cooperation in its most vigorous

form. Under the leadership of Duggirala Goal Krishna inhabitants refused to pay taxes

in a small town of Chirala-Parala in Guntur district of Andhra. During 1921-22,

‘forest satyagraha’ was also started in Andhra by tribal and poor peasants.74

Unrest prevailed in Bengal when collies of Assam Tea Garden were assaulted

on 20-21 May at East Bengal port of Chandpur. There were hartals all over which

paralyzed the entire railway and steamer service which was led by J.M Sen Gupta in

Calcutta. Third successful hartal took place on 17thNovember on visit of Prince of

Wales.

United Provinces was proved to be one of the strong base of non-cooperation

movement. By 1922, ninety thousand volunteers were enrolled and 137 educational

institutions were established by July 1921, of which the most important was Kashi

Vidhya Pith.

71 Notes- ‘Issue Of A Resolution By The Government Of India, Explaining The Policy To Be Adopted In

Regard To The Non-Cooperation Movement’., by Mr. McPherson on 3.11.1920., Home Poll-A, November, 1920, Nos. 273-274.

72 Sarkar, Modern India, p.210. 73 Ibid, p. 211. 74 Ibid, p. 214-15.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

45

After Congress sessions filibustering, finally Non-Cooperation has been

passed in the Nagpur session. In its initial phase the British Government had took it as

a ‘foolish’ step on part of the national leaders and under-estimated it and thought it to

be a facile programme. The general policy of the Government towards the non-

cooperation, as the Viceroy opined-“ the non-cooperation scheme is so intrinsically

foolish that Government have every confidence that the common sense of India will

reject it……….To all outward appearance it is doomed to failure and it seems

unlikely that there will be any turning of the popular tide in its favor, unless some

unexpected developments occurs.”75 The Government of India was of the opinion and

believes that the sanity of the classes and masses would jointly reject the non-

cooperation programme as a ‘visionary and chimerical scheme’, which successful led

to disorder and political chaos and ruin all those who have any stake in the country.

The appeal of the non-cooperation is devoid of any constructive genius.76

According to Government of India the policy of non interference was

the wisest policy at this juncture because if they proceed against them under the

ordinary criminal law then it would result in making them martyrs which may gain lot

of attention and large number of adherents.77 The Government of India makes it clear

that the violent utterances cannot be tolerated and conferred no immunity from

prosecution for those who are working under the banner of Mr. Gandhi’s non-violent

programme. Their policy is- “they seeks to prosecute any individual who by violence

of language directly provokes or incite to disorder and they hope that vigorous action

would be taken to give effect to this policy. They believe that a few successful

prosecutions will have a very beneficial effect both in rallying moderate opinion and

in discouraging those who think that they can break the law with impunity because

they are ranged under the banner of Mr. Gandhi.”78

75 Home Department, Poll-A, Proceedings, September 1920, nos. 100-103, p.11. 76 ‘Resolution, Government of India’, No.4484, Home Department, Political , Simla , 6th November,

1920, Prog. Nos.-274, p.6. 77 Ibid, p.11. 78 Ibid, p.12.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

46

The moderate’s opinion was like fulcrum for the Government as they

were among some of the loyal Indians who were totally against the policy of non-

cooperation programme and find it to be a harmful for the entire country.79

Lord Selbourne’s*remarks in House of Lords shows his desirability of actions

by Government of India to counteract the effects of the anti- British campaign. In the

country, in the political circle it was taken as indication that authorities in England

had realized the importance and significance of campaign in India and they were

ready to give their full support to the Government of India to put down ‘disloyalty,

sedition, revolution and anarchy, in the country.’80

According to the Government of India, by November 1920, the leaders of the

movement were indulged in violent appeal to the masses and enroll them under the

banner of the non-cooperation movement by gaining the sympathy of immature

school boys and college students.81

The other thing which the British Government taking in great consideration

was the appeal made to the ‘ignorant and illiterate masses’ which would result in

grave danger. The leaders wandering from one place to another inciting excitement

among the massesthrough inflammatory speeches and constantly making false

statements may result in serious outbreaks and disorders.82

In May 1921, Government made attempts to create a wedge between Gandhiji

and the Khilafat leaders, by continuously persuading Gandhiji to ask Ali Brothers to

remove all violent passages from their speeches , but it all proved abortive a Gandhiji

did not pay any heed to it. In the meanwhile announcement were made on the arrival

of Prince of Wales in Bombay on 17th of November .the Congress Committees

immediately issued notices to boycott the visit of Prince. Hartal was observed

throughout the country. In Bombay it was not a success as it resulted in a clash

79 Copy of O.M’S report, dated 6th December 1920, Home Poll Deposit , December 1920, Reference

no. 48.; p.4. * Lord Selbourne was one of the most highly respected and influential British Statesman and can have

the Viceroyalty for the India. In Indian political circles he mentioned as future Secretary of State for India. Home Poll Deposit, December 1920, Ref. 48, p. 4-5.

80 Ibid, p.4. 81 Telegram no. 4475, dated Simla, the 4th November, 1920, from- The Secretary to the Government of

India , Home Department, to- The Private Secretary to His Excellency the Viceroy, Viceroy’s Camp, Notes, Home Poll-A, November 1920. Nos, 273-274, p.1.

82 Ibid, p.2-3.

Sprouting of the Non Cooperation Movement

47

between the supports of the Government and Congress volunteers. In Calcutta it was a

great success. Even the Anglo-Indian papers like ‘Statesman’ and ‘Englishman,’

wrote that-“Congress volunteers had taken possession of the city”.83 By December,

the Government declared the Volunteer Corps illegal and arrested its members.84

In Bengal large number of youths made court arrest as C.R Das was the first to

be arrested, followed by his wife Basanti Debi.85Accompanied by her sister-in-law,

Mrs. Urmila Devi and another associate, Miss.Suniti Devi.86 From all over the

country 30,000 arrests were made. Negotiations were forwarded to Mr. Gandhi, in

mid- December, initiated by Malviya, offering the sacrifice of the Khilafat leaders

which was not acceptable to Gandhiji, and hence all in vain. Finally, Home

Government withdrew from the negotiations. Repressive measures were continued by

the British Government, newspapers gagged, public meetings and assemblies were

banned, raids on Congress and Khilafat offices became comman.87

Gandhiji under great pressure from the congress rank and files was to start the

phase of civil disobedience movement. Government on the other hand declined all the

demands put forwarded by the congress leaders and Gandhiji related to the release of

political prisoners and ban on civil liberties. Finally, Gandhiji was left with no other

choice and announced mass civil disobedience movement in Bardoli taluka of Surat

District. Unfortunately, Chauri-Chaura incident took place in which violent mob ,

irritated by the behavior of policemen, attacked police and ablaze the building,

resulting in the death of 22 policemen. Movement was immediately withdrawn by

Gandhiji and thus on 22ndFeburary1922, Non-Cooperation movement came to an

end.88

83 Bose ,The Indian Struggle, p.63. 84 Chandra B, India’s Struggle For Independence, p.190. 85 Ibid, p.190-191. 86 Bose S.C, The Indian Struggle, p.65. 87 Chandra B, India’s Struggle For Independence, p.191. 88Ibid, p.191.

Non-Cooperation In United Provinces

48

Chapter-II

NON-COOPERATION IN UNITED PROVINCES

The resolution of Non-Cooperation movement which came up at special

Calcutta Congress was considered at the annual session of the Congress held at

Nagpur in December 1920 under the presidency of veteran congress leader

Mr.Vijayraghavachariar1, and completely changed the cult of the entire national

struggle. It is one of the significant episode in the history of Indian national

movement. The Rowlatt Bills, the Punjab wrongs, the announcement of the

Montague-Chelmsford Reforms had crushed all promises made by British

Government2 during the war and shattered the hopes of Indians in general and

political leaders in particular.

These circumstances created restlessness among the leaders of Indian National

Congress. The Government’s attitude became clearer regarding the Punjab wrongs,

Khilafat issue and reforms which worsened the political situations in India. Now the

time had arrived to move ahead with a rigorous action against the British

Government. Therefore, at the special session of the congress held in Calcutta, passed

a resolution on Non-Cooperation Movement.3 According to Gandhi, if the programme

of the non-cooperation is fully implemented in the right direction then, swaraj would

descend on India within a year.4

Gandhi, an exponent of the non-violent non-cooperation movement explicitly

defined the concept of ‘swaraj within a year’, in ‘Young India,’ dated 15th October,

1920 as- “Swaraj means a state such that we can maintain our separate existence

without the presence of the English. If it is to be a partnership, it must be a partnership

at will. There can be no swaraj without our feeling and being the equals of

Englishmen. Today we feel that we are dependent upon them for our internal and

external security, for an armed peace between the Hindus and the Mussalmans, for

our education and for the supply of our daily wants, nay, even for settlement of our

religious squabbles. The Rajas are dependent upon the British for their powers and

1 Bose, The Indian Struggle 1920-1942, p.44. 2 Chandra B, India’s Struggle For Independence,p.186. 3 Trivedi Rehkha (ed.), Gandhi Speaks on Non-Cooperation in U.P, Department of Culture, U.P.S.A,

Lucknow, 1998, p.vi-vii. 4 Chandra B, India’s Struggle For Independence, p.186.

Non-Cooperation In United Provinces

49

millionaires for their millions. The British know our helplessness and Sir Thomas

Holland crack jokes quite legitimately at the expense of Non-Cooperationists. To get

swaraj then is to get rid of our helplessness….”5 He further defines the movement as-

“The movement of Non-Cooperation is nothing but an attempt to isolate the brute

force of the British from all trappings under which it is hidden and to show that brute

force by itself cannot for one single moment hold India .”6

Soon after the Calcutta session, the rising tide of the non-cooperation

movement advanced throughout the country, and United Provinces became one of the

main center of the movement. In such an atmosphere, Gandhi, accompanied by Ali

Brothers and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, toured throughout the country and also the

region of United Provinces propagating the cult of the non-cooperation. Huge crowd

gathered at Lucknow, Kanpur, Bareilly, Moradabad, Shajahanpur, Agra, Allahabad

etc. to listen them. They addressed the students, the women, the kisans and tried to

persuade them and convince them for the need of the movement.7

“The visit of Gandhi, Shaukat Ali and Motilal has considerable effect on the

elections of this district…… The Raja of Manda was supporting Mohammad Yusuf

and Babu Damodar Das, I hear they took some voters to poll but when they got inside,

they insisted that they were voting for Gandhi and nothing would move them.”8

Jawaharlal Nehru witnessed this phenomenal change and quote C.F Andrews

in his Autobiography- “Therefore it was with intense joy of mental and spiritual

deliverance from an intolerable burden that I watched the actual outbreak of such an

inner explosive force as that which actually occurred when Mahatma Gandhi spoke to

the heart of India -‘Be free, be slaves no more’ and the heart of India responded. In a

sudden movement her fatter began to be loosened and the pathway of freedom was

opened.”9

Gandhian movement was so intense that M.R Jaykar, one of the liberal

leaders from Maharashtra wrote in his book ‘The Story of My Life’ as such- “His

whirlwind campaign none could withstand, while weaker men stumbled and tottered

5 Young India, dated 15th October, 1920. Home Poll Deposit, January 1920,Ref. no. 49, p.130. 6 Ibid, p.132. 7 Trivedi Rekha (ed.), Gandhi Speaks on Non Cooperation in U.P, p.vii. 8 Police Department, File No. 16/14/1920, U.P S.A. 9 Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund, New Delhi, 1988, p.67.

Non-Cooperation In United Provinces

50

he took himself from one conquest to another and his increasing boldness in

proclaiming his doctrines staggered not a few.”10

Touring throughout India, Gandhi realized that the Indians lacked organizing

skills and in his speeches at Cawnpore on 14th October he said that-“….All of you

should bear in mind that if we want to carry on the administration of India ourselves

we should develop as much capacity and administrative ability as the English

possess.” Further explaining the non-cooperation he said –“….the first thing is

opposition with swords, but at present I am not going to oppose with the sword; rather

I want to get this work done through non-cooperation.”11 He laid much emphasis on

non-violent means to achieve swaraj he said-“Therefore, we have decided that we do

not possess the power of the sword. Therefore we have also issued a manifesto and

the Central Khilafat Committee, the Muslim-League and the Congress have decided;

we do not want the murder of a single Englishmen; we do not want Government

buildings to be burnt. If we want to burn anything it is our own heart; it is our own

body. If we want to sacrifice anything, it is our heart. When we acquire the power of

sacrifice, we will be able to remove this Government. We have also decided this and

all of you brethren know, the Congress, the Muslim-League, the Khilafat Committee

have all come to the conclusion and all have said that we should cease helping

Government. This is our heritage.”12

Hindu-Muslim unity had been constantly preached by Gandhi in his speeches

while propagating non-cooperation movement. In one of his speeches delivered in the

premises of Swaraj Sabha* on 28th November 1920 he remarks that-“ One lac of

‘Goras’ are ruling over 30 crore of Indians. Such has not been the case elsewhere in

the world. The chief cause of this lies in the fact that the Hindus and the

Mohammedans have considered themselves to be enemies of each other. The heart of

Hindus and Mohammedans had not yet been clean……. I ask both Hindus and

Mohammedans if they have any confidence in British Government…… if there be

10 Jayakar M.R, The Story of My Life, vol.I, Asia Publishing House, New Delhi, 1958, p.375. 11 Police Department , File No.16/9/1920, U.P S.A, Lucknow. 12 Ibid. * Swaraj Sabha is a place in Allahabad associated with non-cooperation movement. Attended by 25000

persons including 1000 villagers and number of students. The speakers were Gandhi, Abul Kalam, Shaukat Ali, Wedgewood and Motilal Nehru. Gandhi talked about Satanic Government, and the duty of non-cooperation; he repeated his promise of swarajya within year if all would accept his proposal. Report, K.W Knox, Chief Secretary, dated 28.11.1920. Police Department File No, 16/14/1920.U.P.S.A.

Non-Cooperation In United Provinces

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any difference between Hindus and Mohammedans we should understand that even

then it is our duty to consider them as our brethren, with a view to ruin or ameliorate

Government which is compelling us. Moreover words will not do but we have to

clean our hearts.”13

Congress under the leadership of Gandhi, boycotted the foreign cloth and laid

much emphasis on hand spinning and hand weaving and to wear khaddi. Gandhiji

said-“…if you want swaraj, wish to settle the Khilafat question and want to get justice

for Punjab, this year, we should have complete boycott of foreign cloth by 30th of

September , 1921.”14This is one of the most successful item of the movement. The

import of foreign cloth fell by Rs.102 crore to Rs.57 crore in 1921-22.15

Regarding the boycott of foreign cloth and picketing of foreign cloth shops

Jawaharlal Nehru made a statement that-“….. In my correspondence with the cloth

merchants I was acquitted by only one desire and that was to bring about a complete

boycott of foreign cloth with the whole hearted cooperation and sympathy. I told them

plainly that their shops will be picketed only in the events of their refusal to abide by

their pledge that they had taken………picketing that by which I always understood a

perfectly legitimate appeal to the good sense of patriotism of the consumers of India

and of her hungry millions demanded the use of the charkha and the wearing of

Khaddar and they would cast out all foreign clothes and consume them to the flames

or the dustbin. I pray that the cloth merchants of Allahabad will adhere to their sacred

pledges, twice taken, and to this utmost to bring about a complete boycott of foreign

cloth in this ancient and holy city….. and I would appeal to the public of the city and

province and earnestly request them to do this much for their country-wear khaddar

and ply the charkha.”16

The ongoing national struggle through the medium of non-violent non-

cooperation programme had a drastic effect on the movements which were limited in

the particular area of the United Provinces. Such as the peasant discontent which was

a familiar 13 Speech of Mahatma Gandhi in the premises of Swaraj Sabha, dated 28th November,1920, Police

Department, File No. 16/01/1920, U.P.S.A. 14 Speech by Gandhi at the Railway Station of Pilibhit , dated 7th August 1921, Police Department, File

No.16/15/1920, U.P.S.A. 15 Chandra B, India Struggle For Independence, p.188. 16 Statement by Jawaharlal Nehru, dated 17th May, 1922, D.M Office, Allahabad, File No.I, pp.9-11,

Regional State Archive, Allahabad.

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52

feature of the nineteenth century, had drastic impact on the national struggle and vice-

versa.17 In the same manner the boycott of school and colleges had a great impact on

the Aligarh college and it played a significant role in national struggle in the region of

the United Provinces. In this chapter I’ll going to deal with both these issues largely

affected by the non-cooperation movement, under the following sub headings- (a)

Oudh Peasants and the non-cooperation movement and (b) Aligarh college and the

national struggle.

A- Oudh Peasants And The Non Cooperation Movement-

“Agriculture is one great occupation of the people .In normal times a highly

industrialized country like England gives 58 persons out of every, 100 to industry, and

only 8 to agriculture. .But India gives out of every hundred 71 to agriculture or

pasture………In the whole of India the soil supports226 out of 315 millions, and 208

millions of them get their living directly by, or depend directly upon , the cultivation

of their own or others fields."

A classic statement made by Montague-Chelmsford Report of 1918 on

“Conditions in India”.18

The facts are very true in nature , but what exactly has been omitted in this

imperialist approach is the fact that this improper dependence on agriculture as the

only occupation of the people is not part of primitive Indian society but a direct

impact of the British rule.19“The soil in India belonged to the tribe or its sub-

division—the village community, the clan or the brotherhood settled in the village-

and never was considered as the property of the king”.20With the expulsion of the

Mongul Empire and establishment of British domination , the traditional land

revenue was taken over by them but in a complete transformed character resulting in

complete transformation of land system of India.21“A complete change came after the

British conquest, when in 1823 an almost unheard of revenue of Rs. 2,121 was

collected and village expenses went down to half what they had been in 1817.”22

17 Chandra B, India Struggle For Independence, p.197. 18 Dutt Palme R., India To-Day, Manisha Granthayala (p) Ltd., Calcutta,1992, p.202. 19 Ibid, p.202 20 Ibid. 21 Ibid, p.223. 22 Ibid.

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This was a second survey conducted by Dr .Harold Mann, in 1921, comparing

the land revenue of pre-British and post-British days. The level of land revenue

assessment was to be raised at each revision was very evident in the modern period,

resulting in over burdening of the peasantry class, leading towards revolt.23 “In

Madras, Bombay and the United Provinces, in particular, assessments have gone up

by leaps and bounds.”24 Further he found that land revenue rose from 240 million

rupees to 330 million rupees between the years 1890-91 and 1918-1919.and stated

that: “while the agricultural income during three decades increased roughly by 30, 60,

and 23 per cent, the land revenue increased by 57,22.6 and 15.5 per cent in the United

Province , Madras and Bombay respectively. Such a large increase of land revenue

coupled with its commutation in cash and its collection at harvest time has worked

very unfavorably on the economic position of the cultivators of uneconomic holdings,

who form the majority in these Provinces.”25

Previously king’s share was constituted of annual production, completely

dependent on year’s production, paid in form of tributes and tax by village community

or peasants in joint ownership .This system has now been completely transformed and

now payments were made in cash at fixed prices on assessed lands .Completely

ignoring the fact of good or bad harvest, irrespective of more or less cultivated land

not depending on year’s production . For this the state was responsible to appoint the

cultivators or land lords on which this settlement was fixed. This mode of payment

was commonly termed as “rent” by the official documents and by the administrators,

which clearly reveals that the peasantry was treated as mere tenants, of the state or of

the landlords appointed by the state, who even holds some traditional and proprietary

rights .The real possession was now in the hands of the British conquerors, and the

class of peasantry who were now reduced to the level of tenants, were in danger of

ejections from their lands for non-payment of taxes.26

23 Ibid, p.227. 24 Ibid, p.206. 25 Ibid, p.345. 26 Ibid, p.228.

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54

The province of Oudh was comprised of 12 districts in the Gangetic Basin.

Before and after the fall of the Mughal empire landed aristocracy was of utmost

importance because of semi-feudal structure prevailing in the region of Oudh.27

The class of ‘taluqadars’ were considered by the British as most reactionary

and oppressive and thus the land settlement was chalked out in such a manner that it

aimed at weakening of this class. Soon after the revolt of 1857, they became the

‘natural leaders’ of the people who in return extended their full support to the British

Government.28 The ‘Tenancy Act of 1901’, passed by the UP Legislative Council,

with an intention to prevent agrarian discontent, enabled a tenant to hold an

occupancy right for the land held continuously for time period of 12 years.29 “In Oudh

there were no occupancy tenants or even life tenants in 1920. There were only short

term tenants who were continually being ejected.”30

Occupancy tenants comprised of small number forming only 2.02% and the

bulk of the tenants were denied of such rights and had to face evictions and illegal

exactions, rack-renting by landlords. The conditions of the peasants were pathetic, and

the relationship between the tenants and landlords were embittered, during the first

two decades of 20th centenary as evictions were increased by 100% in U.P.31 There

was an increase of 7.5% in revenue demands and the rental demands rose by 12%and

26% for secured and ordinary tenants respectively, which left only a marginal profit

for the land holders. Between, 1906-1921, the phenomenal price hike brought good

amount of returns to the cultivating owners and secured tenants with large land

holdings as they enter the markets by bringing a part of land under cash crops. On the

other hand small land holders were worst affected due to rise in rent and of price hike

as they had to depend on markets for basic needs for their families. There was more

economic distress in Oudh district as compared to the province of Agra.32

The Act of 1919, bring under its orbit large number of people as it extended

the right of franchise and obstruct the governments interference at the provincial

level. The different political groups reacted differently regarding the reforms of 1919, 27 Dhanagare D.N, Peasants Movement in India 1920-1950, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1983,

p.111. 28 Ibid, p.113. 29 Misra B.R, Land Revenue Policy in the United Provinces, Banaras, 1942, pp122-66. 30 Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography; Oxford University Press, New Delhi , 1991(Reprint), p.54. 31 Ibid, p.142. 32 Dhanagre D.N, Peasants Movement in India, pp.115-16.

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some of them were favoring with the new system and the others decided not to

cooperate with it. These changes marked a great changes on the agrarian scene as the

government took two important initiatives regarding landlord –tenant relationships.

The Oudh Rent Act of 1886 was put under consideration for the amendment.33

The British Government was of the opinion that the general grant of the

occupancy rights are more valuable as compared to those of tenants –at-will, and

probably would met with great opposition from landlords as they seems to have little

chance of relief. According to the British Government, the existing occupancy rights

would eliminate the ‘true economic rents’, due to which land revenue suffers and state

was unable to receive its proper share of incremental values.34

The declaration of the First World War and the landlord’s strong opposition

led to the drop of the proposal. Large number of British officials including the

Governor favored the traditional Oudh policy. Secondly the British Government was

wished to confine the participation of the Indians in the provincial Government.

Landlords were more concerned to protect their rights and status in land holdings so

they were united to prevent any such legislation which would affect their status. The

British Government rightly analyze the landlord’s political significance so they tried

to collect their views on the bills to be put forwarded in the legislative council.35

The pathetic masses lacked their definite aim. At present, they generally

reflect their disaffection against the landlords and not against the British Government.

The landlords appoints ‘sujawals, karindas’, as their middlemen who were the real

cause of oppression of the tenetary. On the other hand it was really difficult for the

Indian peasantry to understand the impact of the war, as how it resulted in the

shortage of commodities and how the value of currency had fallen. The general idea

of the Indian peasantry about the war was that they had supplied ‘the men and

money’, and the credit goes to the zamindars.*36

33 Srivastav Sushil; Conflits In Agrarian Society- Awadh 1920-1939, Renaissance Publishing House,

Delhi, 1995, p.254. 34 NOTES- Proposals made by Mr. O’Donnell’s on occupancy rights , dated 24th January 1921, Home

Poll Deposit, Feburary 1921, Ref. No. 31,p.3. 35 Srivastav Sushil; Conflicts in Agrarian Society, Awadh 1920-1939. Renaissance Publishing House,

Delhi 1995, p.254. * Zamindars-the village proprietary communities generally elected a representatives, who negotiated

terms of payment with the royal collector and also defended the rights of the communities in land.

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Social tensions started emerging between the landholders and cultivating

tenants because of the agrarian structure of the Oudh accompanied by ineffective rent

law and increasing demands of lands among the tenants cultivators. The peasant

discontent was because of two most important causes- the ‘nazrana* and bedakhali’.

Without a premium of nazrana had not been paid the holdings were not handed to the

cultivators and on refusal and if the peasant is unable to pay the sum it led to

bedakhali or eviction. Sometimes, the taluqadar was himself unaware of the atrocities

made by their karindas. The other worst activity which was fairly comman and

practiced was that of begar.37

There were many reasons for levying of nazranas- (1) it helps landed tenants

to maintain their social status. (2) the another important reason was there was no other

option of livelihood apart from agriculture to which the tenant could look after being

ejected and their ejection made them a landless laborer.38“ Congress seemed largely

indifferently to rural conditions until towards the middle of the First World War.”39

By the end of the First World War, the Indian National Congress was dominated by

the urban middle class, professional and landed gentry. Legislative Councils of Oudh

were filled with taluqadars, professional class and businessmen. Thus it had hardly

any support base amongst the peasants.40

Now the peasants realized the need for their emancipation from taluqadar’s

tyranny, and then in 1917 some peasants thought of organizing themselves to fight for

These representatives were called ‘the zamindars, and their estates, the zamindaris’. Srivastava Sushil, Conflicts in an Agrarian Society-Awadh 1920-1939, Introduction, p.ii.

36 C.I.D; Memo No. 1052, dated, Allahabad, 7th January, 1921, Home Poll Deposit, Feburary 1921,Ref No. 31,pp-10-11.

* Nazrana was another name given to the inflated rent, the landlords make several other exactions which combined to make the oppression of the Oudh peasants unbearable. There were other types of taxes levied on the peasants such as Ugauhi, in this the peasants had to left a portion of grain itself or bundles of the straw from a particular crop. Sometimes they had to gave up their bhusa as attribute which they had to use as fodder for their live stocks. Pagahni was yet another form of tribute , paid by those tenants who grew sanai on their lands with which they wove ropes, sometimes even land lords took the cost of rope in cash. Different kinds of tributes were paid by different cultivating caste such as-Muraos and Kurmis had to supply vegetables to the lords at cheaper rate than the market rates. Ahirs , Koreshis and Gadarias had to supply milk and ghee and sometimes their goats on certain occasions. Sugarcane juice, sugarcane leaves garlic, corrinder, gur, blankets, wool and several other items were taken as tribute. For details- See Siddique M.H, Agrarian Unrest in North India , The United Provinces 1918-22, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi ,pp.105-06.

37 Siddique M.H, The Agrarian Unrest in North India, The United Provinces, 1918-22, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, pp. 105-06.

38 Kumar Kapil, Peasants in Revolt- Tenants, Landlords, Congress and Raj in Oudh, Manohar Publications, New Delhi, p.78.

39 Dhanagre D.N, Peasant Movement in India, p.117. 40 Ibid, pp.116-117.

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their class demands. The initiative was taken by two- Jhinguri Singh and Sahdev

Singh at a small village of Rure in Patti tehsil of Pratapgarh* district.41 A band of

nationalist who were participating in the Home Rule League organized U.P Kisan

Sabha at Allahabad in the same year.42 The two organizations were very different to

each other. In order to secure the cooperation of the peasantry class, the U.P Kisan

Sabha was formed by the efforts of Gauri Shankar Misra and Indra Narayan Dwivedi

with the help of Madan Mohan Malviya. It became active in 1919 and emerged with

450 branches in 173 tehsils of the province.43 Unlike the Congress, the U.P Kisan

Sabha, felt the need to enter the legislative council and demostrated their eagerness

for the upcoming elections.44

Jhinguri Singh and Sahdev Singh, sincere in their efforts, turned towards Baba

Ramchandra*, as they were not so dynamic to extract concessions from taluqadars

and the British Government.45 Ramchandra took an active part for the emancipation

of the indentured laborers during his stay in Fiji in 1905-1916.46 Through the medium

of Sabha, Baba Ramchandra tried to promote a union between zamindars, kisans and

mazdoors.47

Baba Ramchander came into contact with the peasants of Jaunpur and

Pratapgarh and became familiar with their grievances and pathetic conditions while

preaching his religious discourses during the period of 1917-18. Firstly, he tried to

settle down the problem through peaceful means but found the taluqadars with their

rigid tyrannical practices. Then he utilized the ‘tradition of Rambhakti’ for the

upliftment of the peasants. Through this means he tried to attain the socio-cultural

* Pratapgarh was a taluqadari district. There were 52 taluqas who held 33 taluqas. They were mostly

indebted because of their mismanagement, extravagance and reliance on their agents. Pratapgarh Gazetteer; Allahabad, 1904, Appendix-IX, p. 78.

41 Kumar Kapil, Peasants in Revolt,p.71. 42 Home Poll Deposit, File No. 75, Feburary 1920, N.A.I. 43 Home Poll Deposit, File No.49, 1920, N.A.I. Also mentioned in Chandra Bipin; India Struggle For

Independence, p.197. 44 Leader, dated-18-6-1920. * Baba Ramchander’s real name was Shridhar Balwant Jodhpurkar, a Brahmin from Maharashtra. He

left for Fiji as an indentured labor in1905, before that he worked as a laborer on daily wages, coolie and a vendor. Baba Ramchandra Papers, (Here after BRP). Cited in Kumar K, Peasants in Revolt, p.72.

45 Kumar Kapil, Peasants in Revolt, p.82. 46 Ibid, p.82. 47 Mehta Report; p.12, U.P.S.A. Mehta was deputed as Deputy Commissioner of Pratapgarh Distt. &

was sympathetic towards the cause of peasants.

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unity for political action.48 Nehru remarks that-“The slogan ( Sita Ram) not only

created a bond of unity among different villages but it also deterred the taluqadari

agents from practicing tyranny and forcing evictions.”49 Jawaharlal Nehru bring into

notice the significance of this slogan, in his Autobiography and state that-“Sita Ram

was an old comman cry but he gave it as an almost war like significance and made it a

signal for emergencies as well as bond between different villages.”50

Soon Rure became a theatre of Kisan Sabha activities, by June 1920, all about

50 branches of sabha started functioning in district. Initially, Baba Ramchandra tried

to gain the support of the zamindars to improve the agricultural conditions, but all in

vain. Jhinguri Singh and Sahdev Singh marched with one thousand men and women

on the instructions of Baba Ramchandra to Deputy Commissioner’s office to put the

grievances before him, but he tried to stop Ramchander of all the activities. But

peasantry’s propaganda continued under the Kisan Sabha.51 Further he urged them to

with hold all kind of cesses, begar and asked them to only pay nominal rent. He

worked for the upliftment of peasant and started a programme under which following

programme were included-advanced payment of rent at a fixed time, jungle tracts

should be reserved for grazing of cattles, digging wells, planting of orchards, half of

the area used for grain crops and rest provided with cotton mills, female education

was promoted through updeshikas (women teachers)etc.52

According to Abhudya, a mouth piece of the U.P Kisan Sabha, dated

12/6/1920, in order to broaden the movement, Ramchandra tried to gain the support of

Mahatma Gandhi and other urban leaders. With this aim he marched along with 500

peasants on foot from Pratapgarh to Allahabad in early June 1920.53 A meeting was

held at Balwaghat on 7th of June which was attended by number of delegates such as-

Jawaharlal Nehru, Gauri Shankar Misra, P.D.Tandon and others and asked them to

form a commission through the medium of Kisan Sabha or the Provincial Congress

Committee to probe the miserable conditions of the peasantry.54J.L Nehru,

48 Ibid, pp.83-4. 49 Ibid, p.52. 50 Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, p53. 51 Baba Ramchandr’s Paper, Part-I, No.2A, 52 Mehta report, p.2, U.P.S.A. Mehta was the Deputy Commissioner of Pratapgarh, who promised to

investigate the complaints made by the poor kisans. 53Abhudaya, dated,12.6.1920. 54 Ibid, 12.6.1920.

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59

P.D.Tandon, G.S Misra and K.K Malviya assured the peasants to make visit to their

villages and make an assessment on the spot.55

On reaching Pratapgarh, politicians were warmly welcomed by the peasantry

class. Nehru was really delighted to see the ‘orginizational skills of the peasantry, as

well as emotionally touched to see the miserable conditions of the Indian peasantry.

Through ‘Independent’, the leading newspaper of Allahabad, J.L Nehru started the

vigorous campaign in putting forward the problems of Indian peasantry.56

Congress thus gained popularity in the countryside and peasants were

convinced that the congress was opposed to the prevailing corrupt land tenure system.

J.L.Nehru in his Autobiography wrote that-“Looking at them and their misery and

overflowing gratitude, I was filled with shame and sorrow, shame at my own easy

going and comfortable life and our petty politics of the city which ignored this vast

multitude of semi-naked sons and daughters of India, sorrow at the degradation and

overwhelming poverty of India.57

After the adoption of non-cooperation movement in 1920, the AICC asked

Jawaharlal Nehru to spread the message of non-cooperation movement in the

villages.58 Oudh Kisan Sabha was formed with the efforts of Jawaharlal Nehru along

with Mata Badal Pandey, G.S Mishra, and Baba Ramchandra on 17th October, 1920 at

Pratapgarh. The pledges under taken by the members, published in the edition of

‘Independent’, dated 27.10.1920 were-(i) not to cultivate the land from which a tenant

had been ejected.(ii) not to pay nazrana or any other illegal exactions except rent and

not to undertake begar and hari without full wages.(iii) to social boycott of offenders

of the above affirmations and (iv)to resolve all disputes only through the village

panchayat. Soon the organization gained popularity and about more than 330

branches sprang up in the villages of Pratapgarh, Sultanpur, Fyzabad,and Rai

Barellie.59

Taking up the cause of the Kisans of U.P, Gandhi in his speech at Pratapgarh

said-“…At present dispute is going on between Kisans and between kisans and

55 Ibid, 12.6.1920, Mehta Report, p.3. 56 Independent , dated,14-9-1920. 57 Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, p.52. 58 C.I.D Report on Pratapgarh disturbances, 4.9.1920, File No.358/1922, Police Department, U.P.S.A. 59 Independent, dated-27.10.1920.

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taluqadars and zamindars. I gather that my brother Jawaharlal is helping you in this

difficulty…. I have told you that I myself had become a kisan….. I understand your

hearts quite well. Let me tell you that no one can remove you from the occupation of

the land on which you have done work; you are to get whatever you produce from

it….. the kisans ought not to quarrel with the zamindars…. If you want to serve the

zamindars, you should serve them, but there is condition precedent that we shall not

serve that zamindar who does not pay any wages in return for the work done…. I do

not desire to be slaves in your zamindar’s service. I do not wish you to work for

zamindar for nothing. We wish to remove the sarkar from the whole country… I am

impressing this fact on you that you should forget the Haq or the dues of the

zamindars… it is not our duty to withhold the payment of rents. But many zamindars

levy extra cesses (abwabs)….. there should be no abwabs or cesses levied on you.

Just as an owner of house is entitled to rent, so is a zamindar entitled to rent of the

land and nothing more……. I have seen that some zamindars levy a motor cess, an

elephant cess, levy a marriage cess. This is illegal and oppressive. There is no such

law that compels us to pay such cesses.”60 Taluqadars and zamindars activites of

illegal exactions were highly criticized and opposed by Gandhi. He asked the kisans

to move against this injustice.

The charismatic personality of Gandhi and call for non-violent non-

cooperation movement with the slogan of ‘swaraj within a year’ draw large number

of peasants. They were quite surprised as for the first time they were told to with hold

their land revenues, which they thought to be their religious duty. Swaraj for them

means to get rid of land revenue. For them Mahatmaji’s name and the slogan of ‘Non

payment of taxes’ was very near to their hearts. Millions of peasants believed that the

end of the British Raj freed them from paying their rents and revenues.61

Late 1920’s witnesses the peasant disturbances in the region of Oudh, which

soon spread to the regions of Bareilly, Faizabad, and Unnao. It was marked by looting

of bazaars, mainly the targets were the notorious merchants, landlords houses and

grain stores were raided. The entire situation was out of control from the Congress

and the Kisan Sabhas formed under the presidency of Motilal Nehru. Local leaders 60 Speech of Mahatma Gandhi on 29 /11/ 1902, Pratapgarh, Police Department, File No. 16/11/1920.,

U.P.S.A. 61 N.G Ranga and Swami Sahajanand Saraswati (ed.) ‘Agrarian Revolts,’ in Desai A.R., (ed.),

Peasants Struggle in India, Oxford University Press, 1982, p. 56-7.

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61

were mainly from the lower castes from the villages. Police opened fire killing about

dozen of peasants and thousands of them were arrested. Hindu- Muslim unity can be

witnessed in the entire operation.62

Their were several incidents of clashes which took place during this period.

The first upsurge took place on 2nd January 1921, when Nehal Singh’s, a taluqadar,

crops were destroyed by a massive crowd at Aundu, a village under Jagatpur police

station.63 Several other incidents of the same manner took place, some of them were

reported by the ‘Independent’, such as on 5th January, Ram Gulam Pasi, along with 40

other men looted a cloth merchant shop as he was requested to sell the cloth at 4

annas, but he refused to do so.64 In one another incident of 6th January, police opened

fire on peasants at Fursatganj Bazar. The crowd over there protested against it, and

raised the slogans of –‘Ramchandra Maharaj ki Jai, Mahatma Gandhi ki Jai,

Mohammad Ali-Shaukat Ali ki Jai.’ The Majistrate asked the crowd to disperse but it

soon swelled to 8000 to 10000 men. The crowd was aroused at the banias for

extracting heavy profits at the cost of peasantry and warned him to sell the cloth at 4

annas and flour at 8 seers per rupee. The guards as per order opened fire in the air but

failed to terrorize the peasantry. Some people tried to loot the shops and for this act

firing was ordered.65

The landlords were conveyed that the uprising is political in nature and

accused the congress and the Bolsheviks of inciting rebellion among the peasants. So

they urged the Government to take strict measures to deal with the situation. Earlier

‘Hitkari Sabahas’, formed as the counter organizations for the Kisan Sabhas proved

to be unsatisfactory, and thus Hartcout Butler tried to organize the moderate opinion

into anti-revolutionary leagues or ‘Aman Sabhas’. The landholders started joining

these organizations and started criticizing the congress, and Gandhi’s activity.66

The allegations on the congress to incite violence among the peasantry

disturbed the congress and with the result it completely breaks away with the peasant

62 Lahari Abani; The Peasant and the India’s Freedom Movement, Manak Publications, New Delhi,

2001, pp.103-04. 63 Kumar Kapil; Peasants in Revolt, p.124. 64 Independent, dated-14.1.1921. 65 Ibid, dated-11.1.1921. 66 Srivastav Sushil; Conflicts in Agrarian Society, p.264.

Non-Cooperation In United Provinces

62

movement.67 The leaders of the congress criticized the kisans to indulge in the violent

activities. Gandhiji, completely condemned the violence at Faizabad and insisted to

adopt non violent means and completely refrain from the brute force.68 He declared

that if the peasants continued with their violent means then the congress withdrew its

support from the movement.69

The Government started suppressing the movement by oppressive measures.

Many of their leaders were arrested and the Kisan Sabha movement lost its intensity

by May 1921.70

The Peasants uprising came into being because of their unorganized forms and

because they were closely related with the congress. For the first time in the history

the organization has expanded its base- “new classes, communities, caste and

professions, groups entered an arena that had been more or less the preserve of a new

administrators, landlords, bankers and lawyers linking up only in the rare cases with

groups in the middle and lower rank of society.” This was something, which closely

associate the peasants and the congress.71

Gandhi along with the congress became the champions of the cause of the

peasantry in the year 1920. There was a strong bond between the peasants and

Gandhi, all because of the intense faith in him that large numbers of the peasants

marched from Pratapgarh to Allahabad in order to present their grievances before

him. “The unique feature of the march was that it was not an isolated event, but it

reflects a change in the response of the peasantry to its proximate social and economic

conditions.”72

The Kisan movement and the Kisan Sabhas had been gathering storms since

1918 and the non-cooperation propaganda by the congress workers and particularly

by Jawaharlal Nehru boost the existing ferment and it really became difficult to

distinguish between Non-Cooperation meetings and the Kisan Sabhas meetings.73

67 Independent,dated-6.2.1921. 68 Speeches of Mr. Gandhi at Benaras and Fiazabad on 9.2.1921 and 11.2.1921 respectively. Police

Department File Nos. 16/15/1920.Also in File No.87, Home poll Deptt., U.P.S.A. 69 Ibid. 70 Srivastav Sushil; Conflicts in Agrarian Society, p.265. 71 Ibid, p.253. 72 Ibid, p.254. 73 Chandra Bipin, India Struggle For Independence, pp.189-90. Also in CWMG, vol.XXXVI, p.73.

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Once again the region of Awadh witnessed the peasants discontent under the

name of Eka (unity) movement, in the northern part of the province centered in the

district of Hardoi, Sitapur and Bahraich.74 Kisan Sabha movement and the Eka

movement were different in many ways. Apart from their geographical positions and

their timings there were dissimilarities between the two such as the Kisan Sabha

movement was raised against the illegal cesses such as abwabs, nazranas, and

bedakhali and gained impetus because of the non-cooperation movement. It was

launched before the introduction of the bill of the amendment of the Oudh Rent Act

1886, but as far as the Eka movement was concerned it was started after the

amendment of the Oudh Rent Act. It reflect the peasants dissatisfaction regarding the

amended act.75 According to the Faunthrope Report, Eka movement was more

political in nature as it was initiated by the peasants to show their dissatisfaction with

the Oudh Amendment Act.76

Because of its emerging political tone, the Eka shifted its focus from local to

larger issues. In its meetings it decalred to form Eka to gain swaraj, encourage khadi

cloth and charkha, boycott government courts and decided criminal cases in the

village panchayats.77 The Congress gave their full support to the Eka movement. It

was directed against not only against the landlords but also against the real oppressors

, the British Raj.78

By March 1922, the Eka movement was suppressed by the authorities and

bring the movement to its end.79

The Kisan Sabha movement or later on the Eka movement was however the

peasants discontent but in some way or the other they were inspired and influenced by

the non-cooperation movement launched by the congress under the leadership of

Mahatma Gandhi.

74 Ibid, p.200. 75 “Report on the Eka Movement”, by Lt. Col. J.C Faunthrope submitted to Chief Secretary to

Government, dated-8.4.1922. Also see Srivasatav Sushil, Conflicts in Agrarian Society, pp.265-266. 76 Ibid. 77 Ibid , point no.91. 78 Srivastav Sushil, Conflicts in Agrarian Society , pp.268-269. 79 Chandra Bipin, India Struggle For Independence, p.201.

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The Aligarh College and the Non-Cooperation Movement

“It is widely known, that large sects of Indian Muslims intelligentsia have

been greatly conscious of their fraternal links with their co-religionist in other

countries, following their history with interest, driving comfort in their

accomplishments, and lamenting their slow but steady decline.”80 It was indeed a

heavy pain on part of the Muslim’s loyalty to support the British Government against

their co-religionist, and provide them with arms and armies in Mesopotamia. The

storm burst after the signing of the peace treaty with Turkey.81

On 14th May, 1920 Lord Chelmsford tried his best to overcome Muslim fears

in his message to the Muslims of India, published in ‘The Times’ on 18th May, 1920.

He said“….they include terms which I fear must be painful to all Muslims ……I

desire to send you a message of encouragement and sympathy which I trust will up

hold you…..I am confident that with the conclusion of this new treaty that friendship

will quickly take life again and that a Turkey, regenerate and full of hope and

strength, will stand forth, in the future as in the past, a pillar of Islamic faith. This

thought will, I trust, strengthen you to accept the peace terms with resignation,

courage and fortitude, and keep your loyalty to the Crown bright and untarnished as it

has been for many generations.”82

The political developments in India during 1919-20 such as the Jallianwala

Bagh Massacre, the passage of the Black laws (the Rowlatt bills), price hike of the

food grains , Gandhi’s decision to start a satyagraha for the attainment of swaraj and

Muslim’s reaction over the fate of Turkey resulted in the general unrest in India.83 All

these developments adversely affected the Muslim University. The post war years

witnessed the cementing of the relations among the Congress, the Muslim League,

and the Khilafat Committee. This was a serious threat faced by the British

80 Hasan Muhiral (ed.), Communal and Pan-Islamic Trends in Colonial India, Manohar Publications,

New Delhi, 1981.p.1. 81 Aziz K.K, Britain and Muslim India, Heninngam, London, 1963,p.97. 82 The Times, dated 18th May, 1920. 83 Bamford, Histories of Non-Coopertaion and Khilafat Movements, Reprint (ed.), Deep Publications,

Delhi, 1974, pp.136-63.

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65

Government, and therefore they thought to fulfill the demands of the loyalist lobby by

providing them with the annual aid of one lakh of rupees.84

The real challenge faced by the British was the coming together of the Hindus

and Muslims. The only way left open to them was to appease the loyal Aligarians,

was to pass the Act of Aligarh Muslim University (Act NO. XL of 1920), which was

passed by the Imperial Legislative Council on 9th September 1920.85

The treatment meted out to Turkey after the world war-I, caused much

resentment among the Muslim throughout the country. The Mussalmans of India

wanted an assurance to protect the holy places of Arabia from the clutches of the

Allied Powers.86 Ulemas also join with the Muslim political leaders for the cause of

Khilafat.87 The Sultan of Turkey badly lost his position, and the Indian Muslims stand

by and large to protect the Khilafat. In June 1920, Gandhiji put forward the Non-

Cooperation programme, in the meeting of Central Khilafat Committee.88 The loyalist

group led by Syed Raza Ali opposed the proposal. But they could not stand against

the nationalist group which was more dominant.89 Maulana Shaukat Ali was

supported by Maulana Abdul Bari and it was decided in the next Khilafat Committee

meeting to include the renunciation of titles, it was also decided to establish contacts

with the Ulemas of Darul-Uloom of Deoband, Farangi Mahal and Nadwatul Ulema

of Lucknow.90 Aligarh was much affected with these political developments and the

division of opinion regarding the Khilafat issue.91 Gandhiji and his associates visit to

the Aligarh college seriously affected the college. Mohammad Ali and Shaukat Ali

backed by maulavis and the other Muslim agitators from outside, stirred up large

number of students against the British rule. According to the reports Mohammad Ali

84 Aligarh Institute Gazettee, dated 15th September 1920. Also see Ahamad Aijaz; Aligarh Muslim

University: An Educational and Political History 1920-47,p.22. 85 Shah S.Y, Higher Education And Politics In India- A Study Of Aligarh Muslim University (1857-

1920), Renaissance Publishing House, Delhi,1996. 86 Neimejer A.C, Khilafat Movement In India 1919-1924, p.89. 87 Ibid. 88 Ahamad Aijaz, Aligarh Muslim University: An Educational and Political History 1920-1947, p.94. 89 Ibid, p.95. 90 Ibid. 91 Ibid.

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got signature of 200 hundred students who promised to extend their support for the

national cause.92

The news of the visit of Messers. Shaukat Ali and Gandhiji to Aligarh college

to persuade the students to adopt the non-cooperation movement alarmed the British

Government. Mr. Shaukat Ali was even taunted by Madras Law College on the

preaching of the non-cooperation cult to them as their own college was doing nothing

in this regard.93 The visit of Mr. Gandhi and Maulana Shaukat Ali was a matter of

great concern for the British Government as it may create an awkward situation in the

province.94

On 11th October, Gandhiji reached Aligarh accompanied by Jan Mohammad

,Swami Satyadev, and Maulana Azad Subhani and others.95 Gandhi and his associates

were invited by Ali brothers in order to persuade the Trustees and to appeal the

students to boycott the British and to take part in non-cooperation programme.96

The most ‘mischievous attack’ made on the youth of the country who were to

be sacrificed for the political campaign was a matter of great concern for the British

Government.97 According to the British Government, the best weapon to combat this

danger lies in gaining the support of the ‘sober minded’ people. The Government

appreciated the move of the liberals and moderate minds throughout the country to

show their displeasure concerning to the mischievous attack made on the system of

education. The opposition at Aligarh was generally led by the Trustees of the M.A.O

College, by majority of teachers and even by large number of the students

themselves.98 Gandhiji ‘s direct appeal to the students without the consent of the

teachers, Trustees and the Principal was objected by Dr.Ziauddin, but Gandhi replied

that his opinion has been greatly influenced by the Hunter Committee Report and the

terms of treaty with Turkey.99

92 Note- “On the effect produced in Aligarh by the visit of Mr.Gandhi,” by W.E.M Campbell. Home

Poll –A, Proceedings December , 1920,nos. 210-216 K.W.p.4. 93 Notes- in the Central Intellegence Department by Tasaduq Hussain, Home Poll Deposit, September

1920, Ref. No. 36, p.1. 94 Home Poll Deposit, September 1920, Ref No.36, p.2. 95 Bombay Chronicle, date 16th October 1920. 96 Ziauddin to S.H Butler, Lt. Governer U.P,11th September 1920, Aligarh, No.6, File No. 46 of 1918,

U.P Education Department, December 1920, U.P.S.A. 97 Notes-Political-A., November 1920, Nos. 273-274.p.7. 98 Ibid. 99 Ahamad Aijaz, Aligarh Muslim University, p.98.

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In Aligarh, the anti-British feelings were gaining momentum as generated by

the Ali brothers and Hasrat Mohani. Even in the atmosphere of great displeasure of

Trustees of M.A.O College, large number of students joined the Khilafat and Non-

Cooperation movement.100 Sheikh Abdullha was so much worried with these

developments as he himself admits that majority of the students joined the non-

cooperation programme and felt that-“joining the Gandhian way would ruin the

college and in turn harm the community.”101

On 12th October 1920 made a speech in the premises of the Aligarh college

that-“….. We are taught the lesson of slavery in the Aligarh college.* We should

boycott this slavish education. This is my first lesson. If we want to give up friendly

relations with government, if we want to non-cooperate with it, if we realize that we

cannot save Islam from the danger into which it has fallen by cutting the throats of

Englishmen, the roads before us is clear and open. Thirty crore of men cannot remain

under the leadership of a handful-one lakh of Englishmen……for this we should give

up the favors received from Government. We should boycott Government educational

institutions. It is a shame for us that we have not as yet left them as the non-

cooperation movement has been in existence for some months…..Non-Cooperation is

nothing more than sacrifice for our betterment and religion. The sacrifices we have to

make in the first stage are very significant. If we do not have the strength to make

even such a sacrifice, how can we become free.”102

The speeches delivered by Gandhiji, Maulana Shaukat Ali and the firm stand

taken by Swami Satya Dev stirred the students and teachers. A letter was sent to

Secretary of the college by Maulana Mohammad Ali and his associates including 9

Trustees regarding the termination of the affiliation of the college from the Allahabad

University by 29th of October and to transform it into a ‘national university’ under the

Central Khilafat Committee.103 The demand for an independent college was first

made by Zakir Hussain, and was the first person to renounce the scholarship.104 To

100 Ibid, p.97. 101 Ibid, p.97. * Aligarh College- Mohammadan Anglo Oriental College established by Sir Syed Ahamad Khan,

became Aligarh Muslim Univeristy in 1920. 102 Speech delivered by Mahatma Gandhi at Aligarh on 12th October, 1920, Police Department File

No.16/3/1920. U.P.S.A. 103 Reddy Munni M, The Students Movement in India, R.K.S Acharya, Lucknow,1947, pp.80-81. 104 Aligarh Magzine, year-1953-54, 1954-55, p.72.

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chalk out future action and to deprive the nationalist of the student’s support the

college decided the closure of the college (sine-die). According to Gandhiji, it was “a

sin” for a nation to receive education in schools financed and controlled by a

Government that has robbed Indians of their honor and put Islam in “peril”.105

Gandhiji tried to convince the Trustees of the college and assure them to build

up a “larger, nobler and purer Aligarh that would carry out the inner most wishes of

its founder without destroying its soul but by changing its form.106 The Board of

Trustees rejected the nationalist demands by 2/3rd majority, and to run the institution

on the principles of Sir Syed Ahamad Khan, the founder.107 The Liberals even do not

give up the hope and continue their fight for the control of the institution and they

managed to gain the support of about 1/3rd of the students and started an ‘independent

Muslim National University’ under the nomenclature of Jamia Millai Islamia, at

Aligarh on 29th October 1920.108

Gandhi addressing the parents of the Aligarh college said-“….the time has

come for every young men and young women in this country to make their choice

between duty to God and duty to others……… I have myself appealed to thousands

of parents at scores of meetings at which hardly a parent has objected to the

proposition of leaving Government-controlled schools. Indeed they have with

wonderful unanimity passed resolutions on non-cooperation including the item on

schools. I therefore take leave to think that the parents of the Aligarh boys are no less

convinced than the others of necessity of withdrawing their children from schools and

colleges supported or controlled by a Government that has participated in betraying

the Mussalmans in India and has want only humiliated the nation through its

barbarous treatment of the Punjab.”109 Worried about the fate of the University, the

Trustees wrote to Hon’ble Secretary to protect the funds.110 To counter the influence

of the nationalist, the Government speeded up the implementation of the AMU Act

and finally on December 1st 1920, the Act XL of AMU came into existence.111

105 Young India, dated 27th October 1920. 106 Ibid. 107 Shah S.Y, Higher Polities and Education in India, p.258. 108 Ibid. 109 Home Poll –A, Proceedings, December 1920, nos.-210-216 KW, p.13. 110 Shah S.Y, Higher Polities and Education in India, p.259. 111 Government of India notification, 1stDecember, 1920, Education ‘B’ Proceedings, April 1921,

Nos.7, NAI.

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Despite so many hurdles in the way of non-cooperation movement, the

students of Aligarh College played a vital role in the progress of the national

movement.

West And The Non-Cooperation Movement

70

CHAPTER-III

WEST AND THE NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT

The mass movement launched under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, in

1920 generated nationalism among the masses, which shook the mighty British

Empire. The very special character of this movement was that it had not only took up

the particular way of struggle and the particular grievances of the people but touched

every aspect and deal with every problem of the society weather social, economic,

religious or political. It played a vital role in bringing each class and community on a

single platform against the unjust British rule. The local movements, which were

sprouting in different regions of the country because of their own local problems

irrespective of their religious, social, economical tendencies, gained momentum and

were deeply inspired by the movement launched under the leadership of Gandhi.

This entire chapter is divided into sub chapters related with the three regions

as per my chapterization. Taking into account the western zone of the country- Punjab

and Rajasthan are the regions which I am dealing with.

(A) PUNJAB AND THE NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT.

The First World War gave a new character to the Punjab politics. The Congress was

of the opinion that the victory of the allies would result in the betterment of the

Indians. Even the Punjab Congress was of the same opinion. Fazal-i-Hussain argued

that-“it was a struggle between freedom and slavery.” On the other side Lala Lajpat

Rai popularly known as ‘Lion of Punjab’ totally opposed this attitude.1 Home Rule

Movement started by Tilak and Annie Besant was an immediate effect of the war.

Tilak was invited by the people of Punjab to deliver lectures to enhance the activities

in the province.2

In the mean time on the recommendations of the Committee under the

chairmanship of Justice Rowlatt, two bills were introduced in the Imperial Legislative

Council in February 1919, which popularly came to be known as The Rowlatt Bill or

the Black Bills. It was a direct attempt to crush the civil liberties of the people as

1 Ralhan O.P, Indian National Movement: Punjabi Martyrs of Freedom, Vol. I, Anmol Publications

Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 1994. p. x. 2 Ibid. p.x.

West And The Non-Cooperation Movement

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under this the Government could arrest any person without a warrant and detain

without any trial.3

“Any person found in possession of a seditious document or intending to

publish or circulate such documents, will unless he proves that it was his possession

for a lawful purpose, be punishable with imprisonment extending to a period of 2

years of with fine or with both.”4

Gandhi’s view vented by Mahadev Desai reckoned the Rowlatt Bills as

malaise, and satyagraha, as its only remedy which exhibited how much justified are

the demands of Gandhi in particular and Indians as a whole.

“The remedy was the satyagraha movement already launched in Bombay.

Satyagraha was a harmless, but unfailing remedy. A satyagrahi was ever ready in

endure sufferings and even lays down his life to demonstrate to the world the

intergrity of his purpose and justice of his demands. It is the only weapon with which

India could be rid of the Bills.”5

Sir Surendernath Banarjee rightly points out that-‘the Rowlatt Act was the

parent of the Non-Cooperation Movement.’6

In Amritsar, two champions rose into prominence- one Hindu and the other

one Muslim. They were Dr. Siafuddin Kitchlew, a Kashmri Muslim and the other was

Dr. Satyapal, who belongs to the Khatri family. Both of them raised their voices

against the Rowlatt Act due to which they came under surveillance of the C.I.D. With

the consequence, they were ‘deported, arrested and removed from Amritsar.’7

In the last session of the Congress at Delhi, which was held in December

1918, the delegates from Amritsar, headed by Dr. Saifudin Kitchlew* invited the next

session to be held in Amritsar. The local Congress Committees, founded in 1917 were

invited to promote Hindu-Muslim Unity in political action, into prominence. On

reports of disorder in Multan, meetings were conducted which were addressed by

3 Ibid, p. 148. 4 Summary of Rowlatt Bills, CWMG, Vol. XV, Ahmadabad, 1965,p.116. 5 Speech on the Rowlatt Bills, Delhi, March 7, 1919, Amrit Bazar Patrika, dated 13.3.1919, CWMG,

voL.XV, Ahmadabad, 1965, pp. 126-7. 6 Bose, Indian Struggle 1920-1942, p.38. 7 Ralhan O.P; Indian national Movement, pp.147-148. * Dr. Kitchlew was now under sentence of transportation for life.

West And The Non-Cooperation Movement

72

Messrs. Duni Chand and Kitchlew, where there were use of the violent speeches. The

aims of these meetings were to solidify the opposition to the Rowlett Bill and roused

national and political feeling.8

Gandhi in his telegram to Private Secretary to Viceroy dated February 24,

1919; Ahmadabad regarded these bills as-“The symptom of deep seeded disease

among the ruling class.”9

Different newspapers came up with different types of remarks regarding this

Bill. “The Bombay Chronicle called it as ‘repression in excelsis’. The Hindu wrote….

The Indian public would read the proposed provisions with shame, indignation and

disgust. The Amrit Bazar Patrika called it a gigantic blunder which, would arose the

worst passive of a peaceful law abiding people. The Punjabi regarded it as a bare

faced attempt on the part of a bureaucracy which has been demoralized by the

excersie of un restrained power to interfere with liberty. The ‘New India’ described it

as ‘monstrous.’”10

Finally, 6thApril was observed as a day of humiliation and prayers.

Demonstrations were lamed with certain admirers such as- 24 hours fast by all adults

and not regarded in any form of a hunger strike, suspension of all kinds of works,

except those in public interest was proclaimed. Markets and other ventures were

closed; public meetings took place in every part of the country including villages.11

Promotion of Satyagraha was started by Gandhi in Delhi and Amritsar, after

leaving Bombay on 8th April. The worst violent scene occurred in Punjab particularly

in Amritsar. The two Punjabi politicians Dr. Kitchlew and Dr. Satyapal were arrested

which again led to mob violence on 10thApril. Burning and looting was all around in

which four Europeans were killed. Martial law was enforced under General Dyre. 13th

of April 1919 witnessed the most infamous Jallianwala bagh massacre in history. A

crowd of innocent villagers assembled in the ground of Jallianwala Bagh. General

Dyre blocked the exit points and opened fire, killing hundreds of innocent people.12

8 Notes- Home Political Deposit (secret)- January 1920, No.77, N.A.I. 9 Telegram to Private Secretary to viceroy, Feb 24, 1919, C.W.M.G, vol.xv, p.102. 10 Rahalan O.P; Indian National Movement, p140. 11 CWMG, pp.145-6. 12 Brown J, Gandhi’s Rise to Power: Indian Politics 1915-1920, p.175.

West And The Non-Cooperation Movement

73

Gandhi was held responsible for such tragedies that occurred in Punjab, by

General Dyre and even by some of the Punjabi Indians.13 For majority of Indians,

Amritsar event provoked the vigorous feeling of Indian against colonialism.14 The

Amritsar massacre was as ‘important as mutiny as it created a new situation in ‘Indo-

British Relations.’15

In his reports on the recent disturbances, Mr. Kitchen, Commissioner of the

Lahore Division remarked-“The whole organization of the Congress got to work to

stir up the educated classes all over India and especially in the Punjab, which was to

be the scene of the next Congress and where the educated and the commercial classes

had their special grievances. Up to a point the agitation was very successful. A

campaign lies began which was very ingenious and was successful beyond

belief………… the spread of the rumors was the most successful. The Rowlatt Act

became the Black Act, so black that it was impious even to read it. None of the lower

classes and very few of the educated had ever read the Act and had the least idea of its

provisions. Any attempt at instruction was resented. Copies distributed to the public

were burned as unclean. The city women in their houses were more moved than I

have ever known them before. It was in short, a Hindu congress movement of bitter

misrepresentation, and the Muhammadans were gathered in by means of the racial

mistrust which is always dormant.”16

Undoubtedly, Rowlatt satyagraha was a widespread movement, but was

limited to cities and towns. Gandhi was in a need to launch a much broad-based

movement. The Congress took an initiative to inquire into Punjab atrocities, there was

the time when Gandhi was incited for joint conference of Hindus and Mussalmans to

be held at Delhi to look into the Khilafat issue.17

The Khiafat agitation became intense in the province of Punjab. The word

‘Khilafat’ was misinterpreted by the rural population of Punjab as for them the word

means “opposed to” that is to oppose the British Government.18 The treatment meted

out to the Ottomon Empire at the end of the First World War drastically affected the 13 Gandhi M.K, My Experiments with Truth, (trans. Mahadev Desai), Ahmadabad, 1927, p.575. 14 Neijemeir A.C, The Khilafat in India, 1919-1924, p.73. 15 Ibid, p.73. 16 Home Political Deposit (secret) 1920, Jan 1920, No.77, N.A.I. 17 Gandhi M.K, An Autobiography, p.586 18 Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, London, 1958, p.69. Also Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in

Punjab, 1905-1929, p.183.

West And The Non-Cooperation Movement

74

Indian Muslim sentiments. Immediately after the declaration of the war Lloyd

George made a speech on January 5th 1918, in which he said: “Nor we are fighting

…….to deprive Turkey of its rich or renouned lands of Asia Minor and Thrace, which

are predominantly Turkish in race……while we do not challenge the maintenance of

Turkish Empire in the home lands of the Turkish race with its capital at

Constantinople….Arabia, Armenia, Mesopotamia and Palestine are in our judgment

entitled to a recognition of their separate national conditions.”19

Resolutions were passed against the dismemberment of Turkey and the

proposal were made for international isolation of Constantinople and uniting Thrace

to Greece was considered as violation of pledge made by Lloyd George .20 On 10th

August, 1920, The Treaty of Serves was signed which ‘inflamed the Muslim mind in

India.’21

Local Khilafat Committees came into formation and Lucknow Committee

immediately send a telegram to Secretary of State for India and Islamic Bureau,

charging the British Government to crush the religious sentiments and disavow their

pledges made in years of war.22

In November 1919, a Khilafat Committee was established at Amritsar with

Maulvi Daud Ghazanavi as its Secretary.23 The most prominent leaders in Punjab

were- Dr. Siafuddin KItchlew of Amritsar, Lal Khan of Gujranwala, Zafar Ali Khan

of Lahore, Syed Habib Shah of Lahore, Aga Mohammed Safdar of Sialkot.24 The

Khilafat Deputation at Amritsar addressed a memorial to the Viceroy, in 1921, in

which Khalifa was proclaimed to be the “Warden of the Holy Places.”25

Gandhi was transformed from a ‘cooperator to a non cooperator’ after the

Jallianwala Bagh Massacre and the Martial law imposed on the people of Punjab and

the redress of the Punjab wrongs also became one of the main objectives of this

19 Neimeijer A.C, The Khilafat Movement in India, p.17. 20 Hasan Mushirul, Regionalizing Pan-Islamism, Documents on the Khilafat Movement (ed.), Hasan

Mushirul and Prenan Margrit, Manohar Publication, 2005, p.57. 21 Tendulkar D.G, Mahatma (Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi), Delhi, 1961, Vol.II, p.10. 22 Ibid. 23 Home Political Deposit, Proceedings, File No.5, January 1920. 24 Home Political Deposit, Proceedings, File No. 110, August 1920. 25 Home Political Deposit, Proceedings, File No.60, February, 1921.

West And The Non-Cooperation Movement

75

movement.26 Gandhiji as a mark of protest surrendered his titles of Kaiser-i-Hind,

The Boer war Medal and the Zullu war Medal.27

According to Lala Lajpat Rai, different communities of Punjab shared a

comman platform in this movement as people were divided and devoid of nationalism

before Mahatma Gandhi arrived on the political scene of India.28

This Congress is of the opinion that there can be no contentment in India

without the redress of the two wrongs, and to prevent a repetition of the similar

wrongs in future is the establishment of the Swarajya. This Congress is further of the

opinion that there is no course left open to the people of India but to approve of and

adopt the policy of progressive non-violent non-cooperation inaugurated by Mr.

Gandhi.29`

After the end of the First World War, there was no guarantee left for

constitutional reforms, the Indian National Congress was encountering with serious

repercussions of the Rowlett Bills, the Jillianwala Bagh Massacre and the Khilafat

issue. Programme of boycott was laid down along with the promise of ‘swaraj in one

year.’ Congress leaders made serious efforts to mobilize people on a broader platform

against British.30

Throughout the country there was an enthusiastic response to the non-

cooperation programme. It comprised of surrender of titles and honorary offices,

resignation of nominated members in the local bodies, boycott of Government aided

educational institutions, boycott of foreign goods and adoption of swadeshi, boycott

of legislature and law courts, revival of hand spinning and hand weaving. Now the

Congress aim was the attainment of Swaraj by all peaceful and legitimate means.31

Hunter Committee was, appointed after six months of the Jallian wala Bagh

massacre, but its aim was to whitewash the crime of the British officer. “This council

expresses deep sorrow, keen disappointment and strong resentment over the arrogant

and ignorant speeches and the vote of the House of Lords on the Punjab Tragedy and 26 S.L Malhotra (ed.), ‘A study of the Non Cooperation Movement in the Punjab Politics,’ Punjab

Journal of Politics, vol.7, 1983, pp.93-98. 27 Tendulkar D.G, Mahatma, p.1 28 Vijay Chandra Joshi (ed.), Lala Lajpat Rai: Speeches and Writings, vol.2, p.144. 29 Bamford P.C; Histories of the Non cooperation and Khilafat Movement, p.16. 30 Bakshi S.R(ed.), Documents of the Non- Cooperation Movement, p.1. 31 Dr. P.N Chopra, (ed.), The Gazetter of India, vol.2, pp.517-72.

West And The Non-Cooperation Movement

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is one of the opinion that the majority report of the Hunter Committee, the dispatches

of the Government of India and the Secretary for the State for India clearly disclose a

deliberate attempt to white wash an official crime and to minimize official misdeeds,

and consider that nothing about of full carrying into effect of the Congress sub-

committees recommendations contained in its report will satisfy Indian opinion.”32

After such a horrible massacre, Punjab was still administered under martial

law. ‘Shoot at sight orders were maintained in Amritsar. People were living

completely under reign of terror. Some of the renouned personalities raised their

voices against such barbaric acts such as Sir Sankaran Nair resigned from Viceroy’s

Executive Council and famous poet Rabindra Nath Tagore renounced his

Knighthood.33

The Committee convinced Mahatma Gandhi that-“British rule needed to be

ended not mended.” Gandhiji finally adopted the policy of non-violent non-

cooperation and raged war against the British rule.34

The British Government was highly alarmed with the growing campaign of

Mr.Gandhi and the Ali Brothers who were making headway, especially in the region

of Punjab where they gained the dangerous sympathy of the Sikhs.35 This was the

period when Punjab was developing the Akali Movement, which was however

entirely a religious movement but formed an important part of Indian Freedom

struggle.36 The Akalis made great contribution in the Indian struggle against the

British Government and the non-cooperation movement was largely supported by

them.37

Witnessing the integration of the two movements that of the Akali and the

national movement, the Government had changed its policy. In order to appease the

Moderates, they started chalking out the legislations to satisfy them, and on the other

hand decided to crush the extremist Akali’s for the sake of maintaining law and

order.38 On the other side the Akali’s were also determined to eradicate the

32 Bombay Chronicle, dated-31st July 1920. 33 Ralhan O.P, Indian National Movement, pp.152-53. 34 Ibid, p154. 35 Home Political File-A., November 1920, Nos.273-274, N.A.I. 36 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Independence, p.225. 37 Singh Raghbir, Akali Movement 1926-47, Omsons Publication, 1997, p.16. 38 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Indepndence, p.227.

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Government’s intrusion in their religious affairs. The non-cooperators within the

SGPC took control of the movement and passed a resolution for the boycott of foreign

goods and liquor and established panchayats in place of British law courts. The

leaders of the Akali Dal were also arrested for breach of law.39

Akali movement played a vital role in the political development of the Punjab

and aroused the peasants of Punjab. According to Mohender Singh: “It was during the

Akali Movement that the pro British feudal leadership of the Sikhs was replaced by

educated middle class nationalists and the rural and the urban classes united on a

comman platform during the two pronged Akali struggle.” The unique feature of the

movement was that the movement was completely based on the religious issues but

purely based on non-communal lines.40

The British Government was really worried about the Jat Sikhs. As in the

official letter prepared by the H.D Craik which states that-“Apart from the city, the

district round Amritsar (Amritsar itself, Lahore, Gurdaspur ad Ferozpur) contain a

potentially turbulent rural population who are largely Jat Sikhs. If the Congress tries

to attract a large number of peasant delegates as they did at Delhi last Christmas, and

succeeded in interesting the peasantry in their ideas, the results might be extremely

serious. The entire district named is great recruiting centers and practically every

village contains a number of old soldiers. Any political views that ‘caught on’ in these

districts would be very quickly reflected in the Army.”41

Akali Movement was considered to be more dangerous by the British

Government as compared to the Civil Disobedience Movement of Mr. Gandhi. The

Assistant Director of C.I.D, D.Petrie signed a memorandum in 1921 in which he

states-“Gandhi’s propaganda makes its appeal mainly to the urban classes, which lack

both the stamina and physical courage to oppose successfully even small bodies of

police, the Akali campaign is essentially a rural movement, and its followers are men

39 Ibid, p.227. 40 Singh Mohinder, The Akali Movement, Permanent Black, Delhi, 1978, pp.149-50. Also see Bipin

Chandra, India’s Struggle For Independence, p.229. 41 Notes- Home Political Deposits, Reference No.77, January 1920.

West And The Non-Cooperation Movement

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of fine physique with a national history of which the martial characteristics have been

purposely kept alive both by the Government and the Sikh themselves.”42

The wave of enthusiasm and excitement could be seen throughout the

province as M.K Gandhi, Mohammaed Ali and Shaukat Ali, Maulana Abul Kalam

Azad, Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya, Pandit Motilal Nehru and other prominent

agitators visited Punjab in October 1920.43

Non-Cooperation Movement made a headway with remarkable progress.

Large number of students left Government schools and colleges and in its place

national education institutions were established, many lawyers gave up their practices

Pandit Motilal Nehru and C.R Das were among well known lawyers who gave up

their practices.44

Drastic impact of the decision taken by the Sikh League can be witnessed on

the students and Professors of the Khalsa College, Amritsar. Gandhiji’s visit to

Amritsar resulted in the resignation of many Professors as a protest against the British

control over the college and there was a possibility that the students took the

possession of the machinery of the college. Gandhi during his stay in Lahore twice

addressed the students to boycott all connections with the British Government in

matter of university affiliations and Government grants. All these had a great impact

on the Lahore Isalamia School and Muslim High school as both the institutions had

been temporarily closed. The Punjab Provincial Muslim League also passed a

resolution in favor of the non-cooperation.45

At the annual session the Sikh League adopted the policy of non-cooperation

in its entirety. Much anxiety can be seen in the recent developments of the Sikh

politics as extremist leaders of the Sikhs are very fanatical and expected to follow

active non-cooperation in future. According to the reports of Commissioner of the

Jullendur Division- “the Jats are everywhere becoming involved and are taking non-

42 Mazumdar Ranjit K., The Indian Army and the Making of the Punjab, Permanent Black, New Delhi,

2003. 43 Fortnightly Report (here after FR) on the Political and Economical situation in Punjab ending 31st

October 1920. Home Political Deposit, Part-B, December 1920, File No.76. 44 Dr. P.N Chopra (ed.), The Gazetter of India, vol.2, pp517-72. 45 FR, Home Political Deposit, Part-B,Dec.1920.File No.76.

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payment of revenue.” In many places the Private Arbitration courts are also reported

to have been formed.46

The extremist politicians to have made the best efforts to carry on the policy

chalked out by the National Congress and to involve people at large in the political

agitation. The cry had begun all over ‘Montague must go’ on the facts that the

Secretary of State had hidden the facts about the Jalianwala Bagh incident from the

British public.47

Non-Cooperation Committee was set up in Punjab with Lalalajpat Rai as its

President, and Chaudhary Rambhaj Singh as its Vice-President, Bhai Sardul Singh

and Dr. Kitchlew as its Secretary and Lala Dundi Chand as Treasurer. Mahatma

Gandhi deputed Dr. Kitchlew to arrange and organize Non Cooperation programmed

in Punjab. There was a great enthusiasm throughout the province. Dr. Kitchlew and

Aga Safdar made propaganda work during their visit in several places. In Lahore,

people offered their gold jewellery and even their proprieties for the sake of the

national work. Several Volunteer Corps had been established under the leadership of

Aga Safdar which was joined by many young nationalist. Many local committees

were established in the district areas.48

Non-Cooperation propaganda was going all around. Dr.Satayapal spoke to the

boys to the boys at Atichision Park that- “they should form the volunteer corp which

should try to dissuade school boys from attending their respective schools…..Dr.

Kitchlew told the professors that their next move would be to take sword in hands

when Mr. Gandhi was chucked out to jungles and that in that case all the hopes

centere in the strudy brave Khalsas.” After returning from Lahore, Mr. Kitchlew

spoke to some of the boys at the Aitchison Park that-“they should leave the present

school if they would do not comply with their demands of refusing affiliation and

grant. He said they were contemplating to open a National School very soon.”49

Secretaries of the Non-Cooperation movement Dr. Siafuddin Kitchlew and

Sardul Singh Caveeshar sent a letter to the Khilafat Committee, Moslem League, Sikh

46 Ibid. 47 FR- On the Political and Economical situation in the Punjab at the end of 31st January, 1920.Notes-

Political Deposit , January 1920, No.79. 48 Rahaln O.P, Indian National Movement, p.220. The Tribune, October 14, 1920, p.5, Col.3. 49 FR, Ref.79. NAI

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League, District Congress Committees, the Home Rule Leagues and the Indian

Association as follows-: “…….. the work before us is the attainment of swaraj by

non-violent non-cooperation with Government, and thus get wrongs done to India is

the matter of the Khilafat and the Punjab atrocities righted. For this purpose, we

would request you soon to form a representative Committee of Non Cooperators in

your district.

……….. we may inform you that the first work before the Committee is the

boycott of Councils. For this purpose Protest Forms have been printed for securing

signatures from the voters……… we shall be glad to send you as many Protest Forms

in Urdu, Hindi or Gurmukhi as you may desire. Kindly note that it is not sufficient

that the propaganda work be carried on only in your town; for the success of the

movement it is absolutely necessary that the movement be carried into the furthest

corners of your district.

……. The next thing of immediate importance is the collection of Funds. A

large amount is required for the propaganda work. Donations here and there would

not do; what is required is house and house collections. Kindly form a strong

deputation for the purposed and begin the work at once………”50

Regarding the Punjab’s response regarding the programme of khadi, Gandhi

said-“No part of India can beat the Punjab for spinning wheels.” On 8th March 1921,

at Ambala, Gandhi said, Punjab was most progressive in the matter of Swadeshi and

the spinning wheel gained more popularity in Punjab as compared to the other

provinces. As far as the Tilak Swaraj Fund was considered, the efforts of Punjab was

heading the list.51 At Gujranwala, people were switch over to khaddar turbans in

place of foreign cloth turbans.52 Khaddar became a unique feature of their social

gatherings and dowries in the marriages were mainly consisted of the indigenous

articles.53

Mahatmaji, appealed to the people and especially the ladies of Hoshiarpur, to

spin, weave and wear khaddar and to offer everything to Tilak Swaraj fund. The

50 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement, pp.220-222. The Tribune, October 30th, 1920. P.5., Col.1. 51 CWMG, XIV, pp11-13. 52 A.I.C.C Papers: ‘Reports of Congress work in Punjab in 1922’, Press communiqué and messages by

SGPC. Part-II., p.27. 53 Ibid, p.145.

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response was fantastic. Mother of Shri Harkrishan Das presented local made box to

Shrimati Kasturba Gandhi which she transferred to Swaraj Fund.54

In a letter by viceroy to Edwin Samuel Montague, Hon’ble Secretary of State

for India dated 28th December 1920, draws attention to the situation related to the

students who were fascinated by the Gandhi’s non-cooperation. In his letter he states

that-“……unfortunately at the present time it is the student who is the object of

alienation of Gandhi and co. and the real peril of the situation lies in the fact that these

students are being bought up to believe the most outrageous things said about the

British rule.”55

On 18th November 1920, Sri Krishna High School, Haryana transformed itself

into a national school. It refused the grants and abandoned the affiliation. It reduces

the salary of the present staff. Technical classes formed the curriculum. These

changes were happily accepted by the present staff and the students. The opening

ceremony was done by Mr.Gandhi and the work was taken up very enthusiastically.56

Editor of ‘Syast’, Syed Habib was very impressed after witnessing the patriotic

spirit of the students and the staff. He along with the founder of the institution, Pandit

Harcharn Das and Lal Krishna Lal, the Headmaster delivered speeches throughout the

town. The masses were overwhelmed and were quite enthusiastic.57

The latest developments in the Khalsa college was that meetings were held by

the professors and the students where the professors decided to give the control of the

college to the Sikhs. No decision was taken by them on disaffiliation but at the same

time some of the students want the disaffiliation and discontinuance of the grants.58

In the beginning of 18thOctober, number of attempts had been made to bring

the schools and Khalsa college to non-cooperation. Professor of Khalsa college sent

an ultimatum expiring November 6, and ‘today school and colleges have gone out,

and attended meeting addressed by Kitchlew and Sarla Devi.’ A considerable

54 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement, p.230. 55 Extract from a letter the viceroy to the Right Hon’ble Edwin Samuel Montague, Secretary of State

for India, dated 28th December 1920. Home Political Deposit, January 1921, Reference No. 36.NAI 56 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement,p.229. The Tribune , No.20,1920,p.5, Col.3. 57 Ibid, pp.229-230. The Tribune, Dec.21, 1920, p.2, Col.4. 58 FR, Ref. no.79.

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influence of Sikh League can be seen on the students as-“To many students it speaks

with authority of the Panth.”59

A meeting of Khalsa college council and the Managing Committee was held

on 4th December to consider sub-committee’s report, signed by the Chairman of the

sub-committee, the Hon’ble Sardar Bahudur Sunder Singh Majithia, C.I.E, and

countersigned by the Hon’ble Captain Gopal Singh O. B,E; Honorary Secretary of the

Khalsa college, to consider all those rules the Managing Committee decided to delete,

to remove all Government control from the management of the institution, and thus

after a 3 long hour session it was accepted in its entirety.60

A grand success had been achieved by the Khalsa college as the Government

control had been withdrawn and 13 Professors* had been asked to resume their work

and the students were requested to take to their studies61.

A meeting was held at Islamia college building by Shaukat Ali and co. with a

large number of students gathering. Mohammaed Ali was the first to deliver the

speech in which he laid emphasis on ‘the hostile attitude of the British Government

towards the Turkey in the Peace Conference and held the whole blame on our

Government for the results.’ He was followed by Abul Kalam Azad who appealed to

the Mohammedans to refuse the grants and disaffiliation of the Islamia College.62

A Public meeting was held at National Islamia College, on 8th March 1921

which was attended by Mahatma Gandhi along with Kasturba Gandhi, Ferozuddin

and Syed Habib after they reached Hoshiarpur. He was welcomed there by Jan

Mohammed. He was very much impressed with the handmade cloth factory at

Hoshiarpur but still regret the use of the foreign cloth. There he laid much emphasis

on the non-violent non-cooperation in order to win swaraj and to righted the Khilafat

and the Punjab wrongs. He said-“it is our duty to stop pensions of O’Dwyer and Dyre,

59 Copy of ‘Report received by Education Department from Punjab Government’. Home Department –

Political-A, Proceedings, December 1920, nos.210-216 and K-W.p.6.NAI 60 ‘The Press communiqué issued by The Commissioner’, Lahore Division. Notes in Intellegence

Bureau. Home Political Deposit, December, 1920, Reference NO. 48.NAI * Teja Singh, Shivcharan Singh, Bawa Har Krishan Singh, B.R. Chatterjee, Tara Singh, Charan Singh,

Kundanlal Bhatia, Kashmira Singh, Rajendra Singh, Jogendra Singh, Narain Singh were the Professors who resumed their work at Khalsa College , Amritsar.

61 Ibid.Ref. no.48. 62 Demi-official from the Hon’ble Khan Bhadur Mian Md. Shafi to Hon’ble Sir W.H.Vincent, K.C.I.S.,

Dated Lahore, 25th October 1920. Home Department-Political-A, Proceedings, December 1920, nos.210-216 and K-W.p.7.NAI

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which can only be done by attaining Swaraj. To win that are must stand united

adhering to our religion. Non-Cooperation with Government and adopt swadeshi.

Pleaders should leave practice and schools should be nationalized.”63

The another important feature of the non-cooperation movement was the

picketing of the liquor shops which was witnessed at different places in the province,

such as Dera Ismail Khan at the time of annual auction.64 At Jallunder, Lahore and

Ambala the picketers were abused by the police.65 At Hissar, they were badly beaten

up as they did’nt allow the auction.66

Gurudwaras had a special place among the Sikh community not only because

it is a place of worship but also served as the centers of political and social activities.

In 1849, with the establishment of the British rule in Punjab, the Darbar Sahib

(Golden Temple) administration was not considered to be satisfactory by the Sikhs.

The Deputy Commissioner of the Amritsar appointed a manager who was responsible

to hold the sole authority and converted the sacred place of worship into bower of

ignonimity and misdownment. The Singh Sabha was the very first to criticize the

corruption prevailing within the premises of the shrines.67 In the early 20th century, in

British India the Sikh Gurudwara were controlled by the Udasi Mahants who were

appointed by the Governors.68 The Akali Movements aim and objective was to release

the Sikh Gurudwaras from the clutches of the traditional clergy, which was so

‘powerful and ritualized.’69

The term ‘Akali’ is used in the Sikh scriptures, derives from the word ‘Akal,’

which means ‘timeless’ or ‘immortal.’70

In 1920, the movement was started by Singh Sabha’s political wing which

later on came to be known as Akali Dal. The volunteer group known as jathas under

the leadership of Kartar Singh Jabbar played a vital role in the movement. Bade Di

63 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement, p.230. 64 A.I.C.C Papers, Part-I, p.9.NMML 65 Ibid, pp.9,13. 66 Ibid, p.9. 67 Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in Punjab, 1905-1929, Concept Publication, New Delhi, 1997

pp.148-49. 68 Singha H.S, The Encyclopedia of Sikhism, Hemkunt press, 2000, p.13. 69 Mazumdar Rangit K; The Indian Army and The Making of the Punjab, Permanent Black, New Delhi,

2003, p.213. 70 Singha H.S, The Encyclopedia of Sikhism, p.13.

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Ber Gurudwara in Sialkot was the first shrine chosen for the reform. The widow of

Mahant Harman Singh was in-charge of the Gurudwara. As it was the only source of

income to her, she resisted it in the beginning but as she was offered a pension she

surrendered.71

Gurudwaras were under the control of the corrupt and ignorant mahants, the

movement aimed at freeing these Gurudwaras from the clutches of these corrupt

mahants. Maharaja Ranjit Singh endowed the revenue free lands to these Gurudwaras,

during 18th and 19th centuries. They were (the mahants) getting full support from the

Government. Its aim was to keep the Sikhs out of the rising tide of nationalism and to

be loyal to the British government. On the other hand, reformations of the Gurudwara

was the target of the Sikh reformers. The two incidents horrified nationalist-(A)

issuing of Hukumnama by the priest of the Golden Temple at Amritsar against the

Ghadarities and (B) then honored General Dyer.72

In November 1920, Shromoni Gurudara Prabhandak Committee was elected

to sort out the religious issue, which was concentrated during 1920’s political

turmoil.73 Mahatma Gandhi’s and Ali Brother’s visit to Amritsar in October 1920

provoke the excitement of the locality and resulted the merger with the non-

cooperation movement.74It was the committee of 175 members elected by 10,000

reformers to control and manage the affairs of the Golden Temple, Akal Takhat and

the other Gurudwaras. A Central Committee came to be known as the Shriromani

Akali Dal was formed in December, which was the chief organizer of the Akali

Jathas* to organize struggle in the more systematic manner. It was mainly comprised

of the Jat peasantry under the leadership of the nationalist leaders. The Akali

movement was deeply influenced with the non-cooperation movement, as it was

adhere to the creed of complete non-violence.75 They won easy victories in the course

71 Singh Mohinder; The Aklai Struggle: A Retrospect (vol.1), Atlantic Publishers, New Delhi, 1988,

p.20. 72 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Independence, p.225. 73 Home Political Department, File No. 942, 1922. 74 Ibid. * “The establishment of the Akali Jathas was not an innovation. During the time of Ahmad Shah

Duranni’s invasion (1747-1780) the Sikhs worked under a system of conscription introduced by Tussa Singh Kullal by which all the able bodied Sikhs in a village were organized into a jathas- a permanent body under its own leader. This system was not promulgated under some orders or ordinances, but had come to be accepted universally among the Sikhs within a short time.” Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in Punjab,p.152.

75 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle For Independence,p.226.

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of the year as ten of the Gurudwara were freed from the control of the corrupt

mahants. The Sikh reformers organized public meetings to put forward their demand

to place the Golden Temple and Akal Takhat the ‘foremost seat of the Sikh faith in the

hands of the representative body of the Sikhs.’ In order to appease the popular

sentiment, the Government managers resigned and the control of the Temple passed

into the hands of the Sikh reformers.76

Akalis adopted the non-cooperation movement formally on 11th May, with two

aims and objectives-(i) to reform the gurudwaras and (ii) and to launch non-

cooperation movement against the British Government.77 The Government was more

bewildered with the blending of the two movements. It believed that however the

Akalis had joined the non-cooperation ‘the Sikh movement remained a thing apart

from, though possessing many points of contact with, the general national movement

which was agitating the whole of India.’78 This confusion renewed the agitation

against the Government over the ‘keys affair’. Even under the SGPC’s management

the keys of the treasury of the Golden temple were held by the managers appointed by

the Government. The SGPC passed the resolution on 28th October 1921, asking to

hand over the keys to its president, but the Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar sent an

official to under the police custody to collect the keys from the manager.79

The nature of the agitation was completely transformed after the Nankana

massacre in February 1920, which resulted in about killing of 130 people. Thereafter

the movement was intensified and numbers of Sikh shrines were hastily held in

custody.80

The birthplace of Guru Nanak, the Nankana Sahib, occupies the most

significant position among the religious places of the Sikhs. It was under the control

of Mahant Sadhu Ram, who belongs to the Udasi sect of the Sikhs and emerged as the

wealthy feudal landlords. Under their rule poor peasantry were deprived of their

rights.81

76 Ibid, p.225. 77 Singh Mohender; Akali Movement, p.42. and Singh ;Retrospect, pp. 45, 212. 78 Mazumdar, The Indian Army and the Making of Punjab, p.216. 79 Singh Mohinder, The Akali Movement, p.43. 80 Mazumdar, The Indian Army and the Making of Punjab, p.214 81 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement, p192.

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Mahant Narain Das succeeded Mahant Sadhu Ram, who followed the

footsteps of his predecessor who had the support of the British authorities. The Sikh

reformers were highly alarmed with the Nankana Sahib affairs. In October 1920, a

resolution was held at Dharowal in which Mahant Narain Das was warned to sanitize

the administration of the temple from the disease of corruption. On the other hand,

Mahant Narain Das recruited a strong force to crush the Akali Movement. Apart from

that, Narain Das, at Nankana, arranged a meeting, with the approval of Mr.C.M King,

the Commissioner of Lahore and in consultation with Baba Kartar Singh Badi and

other Mahants. The Committee was of the opinion that not to acknowledge the

authority of Shriromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee and formed a parallel

committee with Mahant Narain and Mahant Basant Das as its President and Secretary

respectively. ‘Sant Sevak’, a newspaper was started from Lahore with the aim of

propagating against the Akali Movement.82

Mahant Narain Das collected 400 mercenaries and provided them with arms

and ammunitions. In the meanwhile, Shriomani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee

was chalking out a plan to get hold of the Golden Temple and the Akal Takhat under

their control. A resolution was passed on 24t January 1921, in order to compel the

Mahant for reforms.83

The Mahant was frightened with the SGPC’s decision and of the rumors of the

forcible occupation of the Gurudwara by Kartar Singh Jhabbar. He was agreed upon

to a compromise and arranged the meeting with Kartar Singh Jhabbar. Soon his mind

changed and he started preparations for the murder of the Akali leaders.84

Taking into an account of the entire situation SGPC instructed the Akali Dal

leaders not to proceed to the Janam Asthan. Bhai Lachman Singh agreed but the other

members convinced him only to pay homage and to returned back peacefully. On 20th

February 1921, under the leadership of Lachman Singh Dharvolia about 130 Sikhs

entered the courtyard of the shrine. The exit points were closed and they were

82 Ibid, pp193-4. 83 Ibid, p.194. 84 Ibid,pp.194-5.

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massacred brutally.85 After killing all the members of the jathas they burnt the

bodies.86

Soon the news spread like wild fire and the Mahant Narain Singh and two of

his henchmen and 26 pathans were arrested and sent to Lahore.87

The native Press made a unanimous attack on the Mahant and express their

deep sorrow and sympathised with the families of the martyrs.88 National leaders like

Mahatma Gandhi, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Lala Dundi Chand, Lala Lajpat Rai, Dr.

Kitchlew all expressed their sympathy with the Akalis. Kartar Singh Jhabbar declared

that ‘the happening had awakened the Sikhs from their slumber and the march

towards swaraj had been quickened.’89

At the Nankana massacre the Government’s perception was quite complicated

as it took place at the time when Khilafat and the Non-Cooperation movement were

also progressing. At a Shaidi Diwan at Nankana, Gandhi compared the Nankana

massacre to Jallianwala Bagh Tragedy and asked the Sikhs to join the Non-

Cooperation movement.90

Regarding the Nankana Tragedy the Punjab Government was criticized by

both the Viceroy and the Secretary of State for India, for not consulting the

Government of India regarding this matter, but nothing could be done against any

official.91 The Punjab Government passed an Ordinance on 21stMarch under which a

judicial commission was appointed to consider the Gurudwara disputes.

Consequently, the Punjab Government introduced the ‘Gurudwara Bill’ in the

Legislative Council. On 5thApril but it proved ineffective as the management

committee was consisted of the non-Sikhs.92

There was a constant effort made by the Government to keep the keys of the

Toshakhana of the Golden Temple under their custody. Immediately Akali’s

organized protest meetings and ten of the Akali jathas reached Amritsar and won

85 Home Political Department, File NO.942, 1922. 86 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement, pp.195-6. 87 Ibid, p.196. 88 Ibid, p.197 89 Ibid, p.197 and Chandra Bipin, Indian National Movement, p.226. 90 Singh Mohinder, Akali Movement,pp.35-6, Singh Mohinder, Retrospect, p. 212. 91 Ibid, pp.39-41, Singh Mohinder, Retrospect, pp.42-3. 92 Ibid,p.216.

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victory in the ‘Keys Affair’ in October 1921. The Sikhs joined hartals to protest the

visit of Prince of Wales on the advice of the SGPC. The Government in retaliation

arrested Baba Kharak Singh and Master Tara Singh, the militant leaders of the SGPC,

resulting in the expansion of the movement to the remotest areas of the country. This

was the period when the non-cooperation was on its peak. The Government decided

not to interfere in the religious affair of the Sikhs and surrendered the keys of the

Toshakhana to Baba Kharak Singh.93 In a telegram sent by Mahatma Gandhi to Baba

stated: ‘First battle for India’s freedom won. Congratulations.’94

A non-violent struggle culminated at Guru-ka-Bagh Gurudrwara, which was a

movement to liberate the Gurudwara. The Government got the opportunity to teach

the lesson to the Akalis as the non-cooperation movement has been withdrawn in

February 1922. The event took place at Gokewale a small village about 20 km away

from Amritsar. The Gurudwara was handed over to SGPC by the mahant in August

1921 but he claimed personal possession of the land attached to the Gurudwara. One

day a dry kikkar tree was cut down by an Akali, the mahant soon complained to the

police of the theft. The official grabbed the opportunity and arrested five Akalis and

put on trial. In reaction to his Akali Jathas began to cut trees from the disputed land.

The Government held charges of theft against them and started arresting all of them.95

In the initial stage the Government stayed away from the religious matter but

later on its involvement can be witnessed as it was treated as a property dispute or

‘law and order’ problem. The mahants were always supported by the authorities and

the Akalis who were responsible for their forcible ejection were ‘liable to punishment,

and the mahants could demand their rights through the courts.’96

The Government was stick to the policy of ‘prevention’, based on protection

of property rights as it was unable to tackle the Akalis during the Guru-Ka-Bagh

agitation. The mahants seized the opportunity and lodged a case of theft against the

Akails.97

93 Chandra Bipin, Indian National Movement, p.227. 94 Ibid, p.227. 95 Ibid, pp.227-8. 96 Singh Mohinder, The Akali Movement, p.26. 97 Mazumdar, The Indian Army and Making of Punjab, pp.218-20.

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The Akalis reacted to this and send jathas of five men daily to cut wood from

premises and made arrest in non-violent non-cooperation movement. Suppression

continued by but this did not prevent them from agitation. Public sympathy was much

aroused by the use of force against the non-violent struggle.98

Now the authorities, instead of arresting them, began to beat the Akali

volunteers mercilessly with their lathis. The Akalis on the other hand faced them with

courage and bravery. C.F Andrews describe it as ‘inhuman, brutal, foul, cowardly and

incredible to an Englishman and a moral defeat of England.’ Throughout Punjab,

massive protest meetings were organized and on 10thSeptember it was attended by

Hakim Ajmal Khan, Swami Shardanand and Kumari Lajwanti of Jullunder.99 A

Committee was appointed by the Congress Working Committee to investigate the

matter. Once again, the Government failed and had to allow the Akalis to cut the

trees.100

Under the Presidentship of Madan Mohan Maalviya, a public meeting was

held at Jallian wala Bagh, where in his speech he criticized the authorities for their

illegal actions and to use the force. He further says that the Government policy and

attitude was both in human and uncivilized.101 Kumara Lajwanti states that –

“……swaraj had been brought nearer by the passive attitude of the Akalis and the

foundation of the swaraj had been strengthend by the lathi blows which the Akalis

have endured.”102

The Indian National Congress appointed, the Civil Disobedience Enquiring

Committee which concluded that the movement in Punjab was non-violent and

congratulated the martial people of Punjab for their grand success.103

The Sikh leaders passed a resolution on 1stMay 1921, for launching passive

resistance movement and the SGPC insisted the British Government to release the

protestors and to legalize the control of the Gurudwaras. During the Punjab Provincial

Congress at Rawalpindi, a Sikh-Hindu Conference was organized. The Hindus joined

98 Ibid,p.220. 99 Home Political Department, File No.949, 1922. 100 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Independence, p.228. 101 Home Political Department, File No. 949. 102 Ibid. 103 Rahalan O.P, Indian National Movement, p.217.

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the Sikhs in their struggle on request of the Jagat Guru Shankaracharya. On 11thMay

large number of Akalis jathas proceeded to take control over the Gurudwaras.104

‘Gurudwara Bill’ was introduced by the Government to settle the

Gurudwara disputes under which Board of Commissioners was set up to look after the

Gurudwara management. But it was rejected by the SGPC and it was postponed and

then the ‘Sikh Gurudwaras and Shrine Bills’ (Bill No.11 of 1922) was introduced in

the Punjab Legislative Assembly on 17thNovember 1922. It was opposed by the Sikh

and Hindu members but passed by 41 votes to 31 votes.105 The arrest of 80 a day

seems to be quite impossible to continue, as the viceroy was also much troubled with

the Guru-Ka-Bagh agitation. It was then decided to reach a permanent solution

through legislation.106 On 7thNovember 1922, second Gurudwara Bill was passed with

the help of Muslims and the official members, however the Sikh and the Hindus

maintained their opposition.107

The Akalis in 1923 decided to take control of the Gurudwara Gangsar at Jaito

in the Nabha State. There, Ripudanman Singh, the Maharaja of Nabha was

sympathetic towards the Akali Movement and the Indian National Movement but the

British Government deposed him.108 An agitation was launched by SGPC where their

leaders were arrested on charge of sedition. At the Special session of the Congress in

Delhi, the Indian National Congress declared its support for Akali Movement . J.L

Nehru and Kasturiranga Santhanam joined the Akalis.109

Finally the Government of Punjab transferred the control of the Gurudwaras to

Akalis.“Sikh Gurudwara Bill” was introduced in the Punjab Legislative Assembly in

1925 after the demands put forwarded by SGPC. It came into force on 1st November

1925. The movement filled the Sikhs with anti-British feelings and also anti-Hindu

sentiments as the mahants were identified as pro-Udaisi mahants such as Naraian

Das.110

104 Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in Punjab, pp.176-77. 105 Ibid, pp.177-8. 106 Chief Secretary , Punjab to Home Member, Government of India, 5th October 1922, enclosing

proceedings of a conference held in the Vicegeral lodge on 2nd October 1922, in GoI, Home (Political), 1922, File NO. 914. Also Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in Punjab ,pp.177-8.

107 Singh Mohindra; Akali Movement, pp.129-30. 108 Singh Johar Surendra; Holy Sikh Shrines, M.D Publications, 1998, p.64. 109 Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in Punjab. 110 Ibid.

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As Mohinder Singh quotes that: “it was the idea of liberation of the country

from a foreign government that united all the sections of the Sikh community and

brought the Hindus, the Muslims and the Sikhs of the province into the fold of the

Akali movement.” However in the later stages it took to communal lines.111

The Government of India really bothered about the unrest prevailed in

the Sikh Districts, which affected the morale of the Sikh regiment, and to counter the

non-cooperation movement it ordered the Punjab Government to prosecute their

leaders. The SGPC was annoyed over the arrest of the two leaders under the Seditious

Meeting Act. A resolution was passed to encourage the Sikhs to hold meeting

everywhere, explaining the facts about the keys affair and to ask the Sikh soldiers and

pensioners to boycott the visit of the Prince of Wales. There was all over the anti-

British propaganda as the Sikhs were united to achieve their religious and political

deliverance. Suppression continued and the top leaders of the Prabhandak Committee

were arrested.112

The arrest added fuel to fire resulting participation in large numbers. The

Government was highly alarmed as according to the CID report, ‘the agitation was

widespread in the rural areas of the Central Punjab’ where ‘ the illiterate Jat Sikhs

were easily misled by heated talk of a tyrannical encroachment of his cherished

religious rights’, Sikhs recognized as the ‘martial race, formed the ‘backbone of many

of the Punjab battalions.’ According to the official report ‘the army had not yet been

affected’, but ‘there were ample corroborative evidence that soldiers on leave are

vigorously assailed by propagandists who wish to shake their attachment to their

regiments and their loyalty to the Raj.’ There were many good reasons to believe that

the Prabandhak Committee dispatched posters and printed statements related to key

affairs and the actions taken against the British Government to the different

regiments.113 The army had been informed that the troops had been greatly affected

and that ‘the country was full of thousands of disbanded and disgruntled soldiers’, and

111 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Independence, p.229. 112 Singh Mohinder, Akali Movement,pp.44-5, Singh Mohinder; Retrospect, p.48. 113 Mazumdar R.K. The Indian Army and Making The Punjab, pp.217-18.

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the agitation was ‘affecting a community which supplies so large a fraction of the

Indian army, the necessity of finding an early issue was urgent.’114

The Government being alarmed by the situation, they negotiated with the

leaders and reached a compromise and they had to release the arrested leaders and

handed over the keys to the Prabhandak Committee. The Government remained much

confused as the religious matter of the Golden Temple had been largely affected by

the non-cooperation movement. However according to the Prabhandak Committee,

the Akali Movement was completely a religious one but many of its members were

supporting the non-cooperation movement being the leaders of the Central Sikh

League.115

The Government was much worried as the attempts had been made to instigate

the army and quite good number of ex-soldiers was joining the jathas as the signs of

growing solidarity with the Akalis within the neighboring villages of the Amritsar

district.116 The British were highly alarmed with the growing excitement among the

Sikh units of the Indian army as the number of ex-soldiers were proceeding to Guru-

Ka-Bagh in jathas.117

The Ambala Division Conference, the Divisional Khilafat Conference and the

Punjab ‘Begar’ Conference all held together at Bhiwani in the Hissar District from

22nd to 24th October and were attended by 20,000 to 30,000 people. There Gandhi,

Mohammed Ali and Shaukat Ali deliverd highly seditious speeches. The other

prominent agitators who attended the conference were Abul Kalam Azad, Dr. M.A

Ansari, Neki Ram Sharma and Swami Satyadev.118

Government’s suppression continued as many leaders like Zafar Ali Khan

editor and proprietor of the ‘Zamindar’, Maulvi Laqaulha and Sufi Iqbal have been

convicted and sentenced to five years transportation. The Khilafat party demonstrated

against the trials and raised subscriptions for the families of convicts.

114 Ibid, p.218. 115 Ibid,p.218. 116. Singh Mohinder; Akali Movement, pp.49-54. Singh Mohinder; Retrospect, pp.52-6. 117 Home Political Department, File No.949, 1922. 118 FR, Ref. No. 79. NAI

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Government took repressive measures to crush the Non-Cooperation

movement and implied the Seditious Meeting Act in Lahore, Sheikpura and Amritsar

districts.119

Secondly, the prosecution of the newspaper was the other means to crush the

movement. Two newspapers and the leaflet have been proscribed. Islamia Steam

Press has been warned for printing objectionable matter. The Sikh newspaper the

‘Akali’ being the worst offender. Non-Cooperation formed the chief topic of

discussion. The press at large critized the ‘Esher Committee’s” report.120 ‘Zamindar’

published some of the very objectionable articles on the administration of the North

West Frointier Province. The ‘Siyasat.’ does not approve of the Duke of Connaught,s

intended to visit India and suggest that the Lahore Municipal Committee should not

present an address of welcome.121

Under the Press Act, The Prakashan Steam Press in Lahore had to furnish the

security of Rs.2000, for publishing the ‘Ittifaq,’ newspaper which had the

objectionable tone. The other one was the ‘Pratap,’ which is well known in Punjab

for greater mischief done in connection with the non-cooperation and anti-British

propaganda.122 The security of ‘Kesari’ and ‘Bande Matarm’ was forfeited and the

‘Kesari,’ had to pay fresh fine of Rs.10,000.123

The success of the Non-Cooperation movement in Punjab lies in the fact that it

created the hostility among the masses against the British rule.

(b) RAJASTHAN AND THE NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT

According to the Wilkinson’s Rajputana Agency Report of 1921 Mewar-“was

becoming a hotbed of lawlessness. Seditious emissaries are teaching the people that

all men are equal. The land belongs to the peasants and not to the States or the

landlords. It is significant that the people are being urged to use the vernacular

119 Mittal S.C, Freedom Movement in Punjab, p.193. The Tribune, 25.1.1921. 120 FR, Ref.no. 79, NAI. 121 Ibid. 122 Copy of O.M’S Report, Punjab, dated 7th December 1920. Home Political Deposit, December 1920,

Ref No.48.NAI 123 A.I.C.C PAPERS: Reports of the Congress work in Punjab, Press communiqué and messages issued

by S.G.P.C. NMML

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equivalent of the word ‘comrade’. The movement is mainly anti-Maharana but it

might soon become anti-British and spread to the adjoining British area.124

The state of Rajasthan, with an area of 1,32,300 sq. miles stands as the second

largest state of India. It was divided into 20 Princely states before independence, all

under the rule of their rulers accept the province of Ajmer-Mewar which was under

the direct rule of the British Empire.125

Rajasthani states from time to time were linked with the central authorities,

they never remained independent. From 1206-1526 it remained under the domination

of the Delhi Sultanate and in the beginning of the sixteenth century it revived under

Rana Sanga, but it was short lived as he was defeated by Babur in the battle of

Khanuwa in 1527. Under Akbar’s regime, Rajasthan remained peaceful and made

considerable progress. But the decline of the Mughal Empire, the state faced anarchy

and disorder. This was the time when Marathas penetrated into Rajasthan and became

the real masters. They join hands with the British East India Company to get rid from

the clutches of the Marathas. Slowly and gradually the state of Rajasthan came under

the complete control of the Britishers.126

In the state of Udaipur, 87% of the land was non-khalsa land that is it was

under the Jagirdars. Only 13% of the land was under the khalsa system which

resulted in the bad conditions of the peasants.127 The peasants were fed up with the

feudal oppression which resulted in the first uprising of the peasants in the state of

Bijolia feudatory* of the state of Udaipur. It is one of the ‘most longest and most

organized’ agrarian movement of modern India.128The Bijoilia movement was the

pioneering movement in the state of Rajasthan which had a deep impact and

influenced not only the peasant movement but also the other mass movements.129

124 Rajputana Agency Report, List-I., No.69., N.A.I. 1921. Singh C.S.K., ‘Bhils Participation in

Politics in Rajasthan in the 1920’, Social Scientist, Vol. VIII, No. 4 April 1985. 125 Sharma B.K; Peasants Movement in Rajasthan, Pointer Publisher Jaipur, 1990.p.1. 126 Ibid, pp.6-9. 127 Ibid,p.71. * Situated on the south-eastern tip of Mewar, the 256 sq.mile pleatue known as Uparmal was held in

Jagir by the Parmar Rajputs as feudatories of the Shishodias of Mewar.; Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C; Political, Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan, Panchsheel Prakashan, Jaipur, 1993, p.227.

128 Ibid . 129 Sharma B.K; Peasant Movement In Rajastjan, p.71.

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The root cause of this movement was the land assessment and the land

revenue collection. Lata and Kunta* was the method prevalent during those days,

which was plundering the peasants and deprived them of their earned produce.

Secondly there was a fear of the ejectment of the peasants on grounds of non-payment

of land revenues. Land revenue was half of gross produce and there was no provision

of remissions in the years of famines. The condition of the peasants was worsening as

they were forced to borrow money from the money-lender on high interests.130 Money

lenders on the other hand provided the loans to the peasants at very high rates and

exploit them through inhuman practices. The Jagirdars always sided with the

moneylenders in the case of dispute. Miserable conditions, exploitation of the

peasants, indebtedness were the major issues of the peasants movement of Bijolia.131

Begar* was also another cause of the peasant movement.132

Bijolia became the first victim of the Maratha invasion, and completely

shattered the life of the peasants. Jagirdars and the peasants formed a united front to

fight their enemies and lived like a family during those days. The things had

drastically changed as soon as the treaty was concluded between the Udaipur state and

the Britishers in 1818 in which Maharana was assured of any external invasion.133

Now the jagirdars became loyal towards the British and started extracting money in

the form of lag-bags from the peasants. According to an estimate, peasants were

deprived of their 87% of their produce which made their life miserable resulting in a

revolt against the jagirdars.134

* In this system land was assessed by the Kamdar and other feudatory’s revenue official. The share of

the feudatory was fixed on account of the total produce which was roughly calculated. Under this system peasants were deprived of their earned produce. Sharma B.K,Peasants Movement in Rajasthan p.72.

130 Ibid,p.72. 131 Ibid, pp.73-4. * Peasants had to supply the land revenue to the Jagirdars place without payment, food and fodder.

They had to serve the authorities at any place and had to carry their luggage on bullock carts, cattle or on his own head.

132 Ibid, p.74. 133 Ibid; p.73. 134 Ibid, p.73.

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Apart from land revenue, Lagbags (other cesses) were also payed by the

peasants which were almost doubled then the land revenue and exploited the peasants

at large. There was about 86 types of cesses which peasants had to pay.135

Peasants also challenged the arbitrary powers of the Jagirdars and also aimed

at securing the educational and medical facilities which was totally absent from the

Bijolia feudatory.136

Bijolia movement may be divided into three phases- the first phase sprang up

between 1897-1915, which grew under the local leadership. The second phase fall

between the year 1915-1923 and was led by matured and trained national leaders. The

third phase covers the period upto 1941.137

The movement was led by Sadhu Sita ram Das in 1913-14. Bijolia movement

took a radical turn during the year 1915.138 In Ajmer, Rao Gopal Singh of Kharwa

played an active role and Vijay Singh Pathik was his right hand.139 According to the

report of the Director of Criminal Intelligence, Rao had secret contacts with Ras

Behari Bose and other revolutionaries. In his report he stated-“…… the British

Government took a serious view of the Rao’s activities and the A.G.G in Rajasthan

warned him but he did not pay any heed to it. During this time of the First World War,

the Rao with the help of other colleagues, planned for an armed revolt in Rajasthan to

finally get rid of the British.”140 In 1916, Vijay Singh Pathak* assumed the leadership

of the movement on invitation of Sadhu Sitaram Das.141

135 Sarkar Sumit, Modern India, 1885-1947, New Delhi, 1984, p.155. Also Sharma B.K, Peasant

Movement in Rajasthan, p.72. 136 Sharma B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p.74. 137 Ibid, p.72. 138 Ibid, p.80. 139 Chaudhary Ram Narayain; Hamara Vartman Rajasthan, pp.27-29. 140 Foreign and Political Department, Secret., I, March 1917, Nos. 1-29, NAI. * Vijay Singh Pathik real name was Bhoop Singh and was an ex-revolutionary connected with Ras

Bihari Bose’s revolutionary group. He was basically a Gujar from Bulandshar District of Uttar Pradesh. His family background was that of the freedom fighters. He was sent by his party to Rajasthan to organize revolutionary activities. In 1914, Ras Behari Bose had to flee to Japan and Sachin Sanyal was arrested as their plan of military revolt failed. Vijay Pathik was also arrested on ground of suspicion of his connection with the revolutionary group and was sent to Tatgarh prision, where he managed to escape and assumed the name of Vijay Singh Pathik and dressed himself as a Rajasthani Rajput. Sharma B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p. 80.

141 Ibid.

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He started a library, a school and akhara under Vidhya Pracharni Sabha,

which became centers of political activities.142 Pathik moved from one village to the

other in order to organize the peasants and was assisted by Sadhu Sitaram Das,

Maniklal Verma Prem Chand Bhil and Bhawarlal Swarnakar.143 Manik Lal Verma*

also joined Pathik and started services among the peasants. On the advice of Pathik

and under the guidance of Vidhya Pracharni Sabha he opened schools at Barisal and

Umaji ka Khera, to comoflouge his political activities.144

Due to failure of monsoon, the year 1916 proved to be a bad for the Bijolia.145

In spite of the fact the authorities were collecting the revenues along with the war

funds. Pathik ask the peasants not to pay the revenue and taxes and to send the

petitions to the Mahakma Khas of Mewar against the oppressive taxes and revenue.146

Bijolia Kisan Panchayat, a peasant organization was organized by Patkhik in

1916. Central Committee of the Kisan panchayat was also established under the name

of Kisan Panchayat Board with its branches in each village.147 Panchayat fund was

also established in form of subscription from its members.148 To carry on the

movement a committee of 13 members was constituted, under Manna Lal Patel as

sarpanch.149

Land revenue, cesses, begar were the major issues taken up within this

movement and simultaneously some new issues were also came to the forefront such

as of the ‘war fund’ which was imposed by the Bijolia thikana on the instance of the

Udaipur state. The another issue was the class of exploiters, the money-lenders, who

worked under the umbrella of the jagirdars.150

142 Ibid. 143 Panagariya B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, Political, Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan,

p.229. * Manik Lal Verma was a Jagir employee, who resigned from his services to work among the peasants.

SaxenaS.S, Jo Desh ke Liye Jiya (Yashogatha Lok Nayak Shri Manik Lal Verma), Bikaner, 1974, p.19.

144 Ibid, p.229. 145 Chaudhary P.S.,Rajasthan Between Two World Wars (1919-1939), Agra, 1968.p.205. 146 The Hindustan Times, 25th June, 1927. 147 Chaudhary R.N, Beesavi Sadi Ka Rajasthan, Ajmer, 1980, p.48. 148 Ibid. 149 Saxsena S.S and Sharma P, Bijolia Kisan Andolan ka Itihas, Bikaner, 1972, p.81. Also see Sharma

B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p.81 and Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, Political Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan, pp.229-30.

150Chaudhary R.N, Adhunik Rajasthan Ka Utthan, p.49. Sharma B.K, op.cit, p.81.

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The Board demanded to abolish the lag-bags and begar and to stop the

contribution of the war funds.151Anti-feudal campaign was launched under the

guidance of Kisan Panchayat Board which holds meetings from village to village.

Several petitions were sent to thikana and Udaipur state regarding the peasant’s

grievances and the torture of the peasants, but all in vain. ‘No Rent’ campaign was

launched by the Pancahyat Board.152 It was started with the non cooperation

movement in August 1918.153 Peasants decided to boycott police and courts and to

stop shopping from towns and decided to stop marriage and death feast.154

In July 1921, the then Agent to Governor General Mr. Robert Holland on

behalf of Viceroy wrote to Maharana about the Kisan Movement which was taking a

serious and dangerous turn not only for the Mewar and others but also for the British

Government.155 The British Government asked him to quit the throne in favor of his

son Bhupal Singh but Maharana refused it out rightly. When the whole matter was

highlighted people and the press oppose the decision of the Viceroy. However, they

were not successful to dethrone him but Maharana was forced to surrendered most of

his power in favor to his son.156 Due to the British intervention Bhupal Singh started

ruling the region and arrested Pathik to please the British Government .157

The kisans decided under the instructions of the Board to not to pay the land

revenue, lag-bags and the war loans throughout the Uparmal. Now the Thikanas

decided to prosecute the leaders on charges of inciting the kisans against the

authorities. Verma and Sadhu were deprived of their leadership and arrested about 51

of the kisans. Not only this but they destroyed their crops and harassed them in many

other ways, but they were failed to break their spirit. The Commission was then

appointed under Bindulal Bhattcharya, by the Maharana. The Commission

recommended the relief to the kisans and released Verma and Sadhu.158 The

151 Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia, Political Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan, p.230. 152 Saxena S.S and Sharma P,Bijolia Kisan Andolan ka Itihas, pp.86-87. 153 Ibid, p.79. 154 Chaudhary R.N, Adhunik Rajasthan ka Utthan, Ajmer,1974, p.48. 155 Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, Political Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan,

p.226. 156 Ibid . 157 Ibid, pp.226-227. 158 Ibid,p.230.

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commission appointed by the Udaipur Government arrived in Bijolia in April 1919.159

Release of their leaders and activist were ordered by the commission which was one

of the main demands put forwarded by the peasants. The release of the prisoners was

considered as a great success by the peasants and they found themselves more

confident.160

The authorities continuously tried to crush the movement but they did not

succeed in suppressing the movement.161 The leaders of the Bijolia movement

integrate the Bhils in their movement which was particularly the matter of the Dhakar

caste.162They tried to break the unity but it acquired the wider social base. According

to an official document half of the population was involved in the agitation numbering

about 9000, out of which Dhakars were about 6000 and rest were from the other

caste.163

Rajasthan Sewa Sangh was established in 1919 with its headquarter at Ajmer

by Vijay Singh Pathik. From there he guided the movement and came into contact

with Ganesh Shankar Vidharthi. Bijolia movement came into national scene through

the Vidhyathi’s paper ‘Pratap.’164

Madhaya Bharat Sabha* and the Rajatsthan Seva Sangh supported the

movement. On December 29, 1919,Rajputana-Madhya Bharat Sabha was established

at Delhi. It was first of its kind which aims of establishing responsible Governments

in the states and enroll subjects within the congress.165 In the Nagpur session of the

congress the sabha got associated with the congress. ‘Rajasthan Keshri’ a daily

159 Sharma B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p.82. Also see Saxena S.S and Sharma P., Bijolia

Kisan Andolan Ke Itihas, p.91. 160 Ibid, p.82. 161 Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, Political Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Rajasthan,

p.230. 162 Singh C.S.K, “Bhils’ Participation in Politics in Rajasthan in the 1920’s,” Social Scientist, vol.

XIII, No.4, April, 1985. 163 Udaipur Confidential Records, File No. 144, Basta No.15. Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner, 164 Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, Political Socio-Economic and Cultural History, pp.230-231.. * Madhya Bharat Sabha was established on December 29th, 1919 at Delhi in Marwari Pustakalya

inside Chandni-Chowk. The Sabha aimed at establishing responsible Governments in the states and to enroll the subjects of States in the Congress.

165 Singh Laxman, Political and Constitutional Developments in the Princely States of Rajasthan (1920-1949), Jain Brothers, 1970, p.40.

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newspaper was an organ of this sabha and also helped ‘Tarun Rajasthan’ and

Rajasthan Seva Sangh.166

Vijay Singh Pathik tried to put the Bijolia matter before the National leaders

in the Congress Session of December 1919. Tilak forwarded the resolution which was

seconded by Kelkar, but opposed by Gandhi and Madan Mohan Malviya. Pt. Motilal

Nehru in his address to Rajputana Central India and Ajmer-Mewar Political

Conference said-“ Let me take this opportunity of assuring all Indian Ruling Chiefs

that there is no reason for them to be alarmed at the non-cooperation movement,

which is directed against the British Government only, and not against them. I cannot

too strongly impress upon those delegates who come from these states that the true

happiness of both the rulers and the ruled lies in a hearty cooperation between them,

and that nothing can lead to more disastrous results than the application of our

programmed of non cooperation to the Indian States.”167 Undoubtedly, the Princely

States were aloof from the purview of non cooperation programmed launched by the

Indian National Congress led by Gandhiji.168 The doctrine of non-cooperation

movement made a sense of great alarm to the Rulers of Indian States, and the called it

as a “futile and dangerous one”.169

However, the Congress did not take it up officially but gained the attention of

the leaders.170 Maharana of Udaipur was forced by Madan Mohan Malviya to appoint

the second enquiry commission in 1920 headed by Ramakant Malviya, Thakur Raj

Singh Chauhan and Takhat Singh to enquire the grievances of the kisans.171 Mahadeo

Desai was deputed by Gandhiji to enquire into the matter and promised Pathik that if

the kisans are the real suffers then he himself lead the satyagraha.172Peasants

welcomed it but the Kisan Panchayat Board decided to continue the agitation till it

received its decision.173

166 Ibid, p.40. 167 Ibid, p.39. 168 Ibid. 169 Ibid. \ 170 Saxena S.S and Sharma P., Bijlia Kisan Andolan Ka Itihas, p.106. 171 The Bombay Chronicle, dated 5.11.1924. Also see Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, Political

Socio-Economic and Cultural History, p.231. 172 Ibid. 173 Sharma B.K, Peasants Movement in Rajasthan, p.84.

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Under the Chairmanship of Thakur Raj Singh of Bedla, Kisan panchayat

proceeded its matter before the commission. A deputation of 15 members under the

leadership of Manik Lal Verma reached Udaipur and forwarded their memorandum

into two parts namely- (i) causes of agitation and (ii) demands of the peasants.174

Causes of the agitation were –land revenue had been doubled, increment in

cesses by 75 times, cruel method of begar, illegal means to extract money from the

peasants, thikana courts were full of favoritism and were very expensive, educational

and medical facilities were totally absent. The demands of the peasants were that land

revenue, begar and extraction of illegal cesses should be stopped. Arrangement

should be made to provide educational and medical facilities. Autocracy of the

thikana should be abolished, etc.175 Bijolia kisans arose against the their exploitation

due to so many illegal cesses and begar in1918 which gained momentum in 1921.176

Maharana of Udaipur was forced to introduced reforms by the British Government in

1921,177but all in vain. This led to agitation by the peasants of Bijolia. The Panchyats

were recognized and permanent settlement was adopted.178

The enquiry commission on investigations found it genuine and

recommendations were made for the redressal of the peasant’s grievances. But the

Government was not in favor of the Commission.179

On Gandhiji’s advice Madan Mohan Malviya tried to persuade Maharana.180

However, all efforts failed as the state was against any agreement and tried to crush

the movement on insistence of the Government as it thought the movement was

following the pattern of the Bolsheviks. The Government compared the Kisan

Panchayat with the Bolshevik communes.181 One of the international event, the

October Revolution, also affected the peasant’s movement. The establishment of

peasants and workers rule in Russia made peasants enthusiastic.182 After returning

from the Congress session at Amritsar some people spoke violently against the

174 Ibid, p. 84. 175 Ibid, pp.84-85. 176 Singh Laxman, Political and Constitutional Development in Princely State of Rajasthan, p.40. 177 The Bombay Chronicle, July 30, 1924. 178 Singh Laxman, Political and Constitutional Development ,p.40. 179 Sharma B.K, Peasants Movement in Rajasthan, p.85. 180 Saxena S.S and Sharma P, Bijolia Andolan Ka Itihas, pp. 106-109. 181 Ibid, p.107. 182 Sarkar Sumit, Modern India, pp.200-201.

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Government and it was decided to hold a Provincial Congress in Ajmer during the Urs

fair and stated that Gandhi, Mohammed Ali and Shaukat Ali and Tilak had promised

to come.183 Public meeting took place at Idgah attended by seven or eight thousand

people. After several speeches Mr.Shankarlal , Director Delhi Swadeshi store and

Professor Indra, Editor of the Hindu Daily ‘Vijya,’ gave lectures. Mr.Shankarlal in his

speech made comparison between the former wealth and present poverty of India and

gave a call for agitation against the existing form of Government in India. Professor

Indira compared the awakening of India with the Russian Revolution. He said-“

Russia**** slept long and the Czar did what he liked but when it woke it left no

traces of Czar or any other tyrant.” He out rightly denounced the inequalities among

the Indians.184 This attitude of the Indians in the real sense alarmed the British

Government as R.E Holland commented-“this tendency to flirt the Bolshevism will

require to be closely watched.”185

Also the feudal were not in favor to concede demands of the peasants. Thus

the movement continued as no compromise was made regarding the miseries of the

peasants.186

By 1920, Kisan Panchayat began to run their own parallel government187 and

decided that the peasants would not deal directly with the thikana authorities but deal

through the Panchayats only. The panchayats appointed by the Kisans organized

charkha movement, piled kargahs, looked after their crops, build small industries and

became self-reliant.188 The peasants boycotted courts and police and refused to pay

land revenues and other illegal cesses imposed on them. In defiance of ‘Lata-Kunta’,

Kisans cultivated their lands in 1921, and removed their produce to their homes,

against the orders of the Thikana. The entire source of revenue was dried up which

resulted in heavy indebtness of the Thikana.189 Vijay Singh Pathik along with his

followers attended the Congress session of Nagpur which came up with the

programme of the non-cooperation movement. There he exhibits the miseries and

183 Memorendum (No.12) on the internal situation in Rajputana and Ajmer-Mewar during the month of

January 1920 by R.E Holland, Agent to Governor General in Rajputana and Chief Commissioner of Ajmer-Merwar, Foreign and Political Department, 5th Feburary,1920. N.A.I, Delhi.

184 Ibid. 185 Ibid. 186 Sharma B.K, Peasants Movement in Rajasthan, p.86. 187 Rajputana Agency Records, 1921, No.69,List –I; N.A.I. 188 The Bombay Chronicle, 18th June, 1927. 189 Panagaria B.L and Dr. Paharia N.C, History of Rajasthan, pp.231-232.

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sufferings of the peasants and attracted the attention of the leaders and also convened

a separate meeting with the residents of other princely states. They condemned the

tyrannies of jagirdars and sympathesied with the peasants.190 Vijay Singh Pathak

efforts was to include Bijolia Movement within the ambit of the national struggle .191

The Congress in the Nagpur session, decided not to intervene in the matter of

the Princely states.192 Mahatma Gandhi, was however very much impressed by the

Bijolia Movement and Vijay Singh Pathik but believed that-“……Congress should

not conduct or advise a satyagraha campaign in Indian states. This is only correct.

The main aim of the Congress is swaraj for British India. If therefore, it associates

itself with satyagraha in other area, it would be transcending its self-imposed limits.

When the congress has won its goal, the problem of states will have been

automatically solved. On the other hand, if people win swaraj in any other Indian

states, this will have any little effect on British India.” He was of the opinion that the

tyranny made by some rulers was the outcome of the British system as he stated that-

“….. This state of affairs is one of the results of the British system.”193

There had been a difference of opinion on the working, between Gandhi and

Pathik. Gandhiji showed concern over the matter and send Mahadev Desai to enquire

into the matter but nothing was done in this regard.194 By 1920, Gandhi became much

popular among the peasants of Bijolia, and were of the opinion that they were fighting

against the tyrannies on the call of Mahatma Gandhi. The movement took a strong

spirit in the year 1921 as they were very much inspired by the non-cooperation

movement.195

British along with the thikana authorities made all possible ways to crush the

movement. But the Kisan Panchayats counter it. With the efforts of Vijay Singh

Pathik, the movement was spread to other parts of the Udaipur state, through the

190 Saxena S.S and Sharma P., Bijolia Andolan Ka Itihas, pp.113-114. 191 Sharma B.K, Peasants Movement in Rajasthan, p.86. 192 CWMG, vol. XXI, P.443.CWMG 193 CWMG, vol.XXIII, p.471 and vol.XXIV, pp.205-206. 194 Sharma B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p.89. Also Saxena S.S and Sharma P, Bijolia

Andolan ka Itihaas, pp.108-109. 195 Ibid, p.89.

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medium of Rajasthan Seva Sangh. By 1921, the movement spread to the thikanas of

Begun, Parsoli, Bhinder, Basi and some parts of Khalsa of the Udaipur state.196

According to one of the reports of the Resident of Udaipur in December 1921

was that-“the unrest is now spreading to Bhinder, an estate under the Darkar

management, where the cultivators are refusing to pay revenue. The situation in

Bijolia and in the neighboring thikanas of Parsoli, Begun, and Basi has distinctly

deteriorated. There is a general refusal to pay revenue. There is a threat of violence if

any attempt is made to collect the revenue or to enforce official orders. Panchayats

have been formed in each village and over them as a general committee for taking

decision on civil, criminal and revenue cases. They meet on fixed days and refuse to

admit the authority of the jagirdars. They established the complete system of boycott

and excommunication and impose fines on those who refuse to obey their summons.

Large weekly meetings of cultivators armed with lathis are held in every thikana.

Volunteers wearing belts and badges have for the last three months been posted in

each village. They disseminate notices of meetings and refuse to admit officials to the

villages. An atmosphere of discontent is being created and the movement is

spreading.”197

By 1921, the movement took a militant turn, more under the influence of

Bolsheviks of Russia rather than Gandhain techniques.198 However, it was carried in

the name of Gandhi. In the meantime, during 1921-22 Motilal Tejawat* started a tribal

movements of Bhils of Mewar, Sunth-Rampur, Danta, Marwar, Sirohi, Palanpur,

Dungarpur and Idar against the exaction of the taxes under the influence of Bijolia

movement.199 Bhils disciples treated Motilal as a “holy emissary of Gandhi”, which

created a panic among the British rulers. Even they considered him as the ‘disciple of

Gandhi.’ He emerged as a messianic personality among the masses. Those who don’t

follow his instructions and defy him were considered as sinner against the religion.

Punishments were awarded to them by imposing penalties on the villages or by out

casting the individuals.200 Hundreds of the Jats peasants assembled at Udaipur in

196 Ibid, pp.89-90. 197 Foreign and Political Department., File No.428-p.(secret) of 1923, National Archives of India, New

Delhi. 198 Sharma B.K, Peasants Movement in Rajasthan, p.90. 199 Foreign and Political Department, File No. 276-P of 1929. NAI. 200 Foreign and Political Department, File No. 428-p.(secret) of 1923, Nos.1-126,A.G.G Rajasthan,

R.E Holland to Political Secretary, Johnwood,No.701, P dated 29th September, 1921., N.A.I.

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April 1921, to present their demands before the Maharana which were related to high

land revenue, begar, illegal cesses, land rights. Peasants also warned the state

authorities not to cultivate their lands until and unless they reached a satisfactory

answer.201 Motilal further aroused Bhils in the name of Gandhi, telling him that if

Gandhi emerged victorious then it would end all exactions imposed on Bhils.202

Now it became a great threat to the British Empire and it decided to crush the

movement completely.203 A committee was appointed by the Government of India,

which reached Bijolia on 4th Feburary, 1922, and hold talks with the sarpanch of

Bijolia Kisan Panchayat Board, Moti Chand, Secretary of Rajasthan Seva Sangh,

Ram Narain Chaudhary, and Manik lal Verma. After a long discussion they reached

an agreement.204 The meeting was also attended by Holland (Agent To The Governor

–General) and Wilkinson (Political Resident).Prabhat Chander Chatterji, the Diwan

of State and Pandit Brijlal Kaushik represtent the State. Kanwar Harilal, Faujdar Tej

Singh and Master Zalim Singh represented the Thikana.205

The agreement touched the various aspects of the peasants. Medical and

educational provisions were made. Kisan Panchayat was recognized as an important

representative body of the peasants. The abolition of begar and other illegal cesses

paved way to the economic progress. The judicial, police and jail reforms were also

looked after. Bijolia movement was the first movement of its kind in Rajasthan which

encouraged the peasants against the feudal lords.206

The non-cooperation movement had a great impact in the state of Sirohi.

There the Bhils refused to pay the taxes and stood against the authorities. The

nationalist took active part in mobilizing the Bhils as the non-cooperation movement

was gaining the popularity among the Bhils and so the state adopted counter

measures. With this the Pandit Rama Kant Malviya was appointed by the Sirohi state

as the Chief Minister as to exercise certain control over the nationalist who were

201 Foreign and Political Deptt. File No.428, Political (Secret) 1923. NAI, New Delhi. Also Sharma

B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p.96. 202 Ibid. 203 Ibid. 204 Ibid,p.91. 205 Pande Ram, Agrarian Movement In Rajasthan, University Publishers, Delhi, 1976,p.29. 206 Sharma B.K, Peasant Movement in Rajasthan, p.95.

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promoting the non-cooperation movement among the masses of Sirohi state.207

However the Chief Minister failed in his task to prevent the nationalist from

inculcating the spirit of non-cooperation movement among the masses.208 No rent

campaign was particularly appealing to the masses. Even the women folk participated

in large numbers and placed their offerings at the feet of Motilal who told them not to

pay the revenues at the prevailing rate.209

In Sirohi the movement took the violent turn and in order to pacify the Bhils

the Vijay Singh Pathik was invited and with the result the Bhils were agreed to hold a

conference and to cooperate with the State.210 Gandhi was unhappy with the entire

violent struggle and he sent Manilal Kothari to persuade Motilal Teajwat to stick to

non-violent means of struggle. The British authorities were determined to crush the

movement and so they tried to arrest Motilal. Gandhi, favored him and stated that –

“…..Motilal had been at fault 211in some matters, both the rulers and the subjects are

likely to benefit if this is overlooked and the state takes advantage of the good effect

of his work among the Bhils and pay attention to improving their conditions. But the

Rajputana Agency was determined for the repressive measures and proposals were

made to prosecute Vijay Singh Pathaik.212 After the Chauri-Chaura incident the non-

cooperation movement has been called off but Motilal Tejawat continued his

activities.213

Gandhi became a great inspiration for the tribal world and the non-cooperation

movement had played a vital role in arousing the spirit of the peasants against their

exploitation from the state authorities or from the British rulers. The coming up of the

different section of the society enlarge the social base of movement. However, on

certain occasions the deviation of tribal is from the non-violent path did not isolate

them from the ongoing political struggle based on the non-violent theme.

207 Foreign and Political Department, confidential File No.428, Political (secret), 1923, Government of

India. N.A.I., New Delhi. 208 Ibid. 209 Ibid. 210 Pandey Ram, Agrarian Movement in Rajasthan, p.50. 211 CWMG, Vol. XXII, 1921-22 (1966).p.476. 212 Foreign and Political Department, File No.428 –P (secret) 1922-23. 213 Singh C.S.K, Social Scientist, Vol. XIII, No. 4 (April,1985),p.35.

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CHAPTER-IV

THE WHIRLPOOL OF NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT IN

EAST

This chapter covers the three regions of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. These

regions as like other regions were deeply affected with the Non-Cooperation

Movement, which was launched under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi.

“As between Gandhiji and Bihar, it was a matter of ‘he came, he saw, he

conquered.’1Mahatma Gandhi had already sown the seeds of non-violent struggle in

the region of Bihar during the Champaran satyagraha in 1917. The struggle was raged

against the British planters who followed the Tin-Kathia system. This system includes

a method under which a tenant, cultivate indigo on three kathas per bigha of land for

a long duration as far as 20,25 or 30 years and entitled for an award as per the written

agreement. Conversion of lands into indigo fields, forced labor, poor payments and

heavy fines were inflicted on peasants for the failure to grow indigo, were some of the

worst oppressive features of this system.2

Gandhi, in his Autobiography confessed that he did not heard the name of

Champaran and not even knew its geographical position. He never dreamed that

indigo was produced in Champaran under a great oppression.3

“Gandhi in his ‘Hind Swaraj’ had intimated that it was the peasants, untainted

by Western Civilization, who would be natural converts to his ideal of Satyagraha.”4

So, Champaran gave the first opportunity to Gandhi, to implement practically

his two novel methods of non-violence and satyagraha.

Large number of raiyats agitated in 1911 and were collected at Natrajgang

railway station in order to put their grievances before King George V. Even in 1912,

representative of the raiyats were sent to Calcutta to present their memorandum,

1 Diwakar R.R, Bihar Through the Ages, Orient Longmans, New Delhi, 1958, p.658. 2 Ibid, pp.655-66. 3 Gandhi M.K, An Autobiography, p. 494. 4 Copley Antony, Gandhi Against the Tide, Oxford University Press Delhi, 1987, pp.56-7.

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which narrate their story of oppression by the planters. Even they did not enjoy any

relief from planters side.5

The matter was then put before the Bihar Council in 1916, and was

highlighted in public. Soon during the Lucknow Session of the Congress, Babu Brij

Kishore Prasad, introduced Gandhi with Sukul.6

Gandhi, received some information of the Champaran raiyats from Babu Brij

Kishore Prasad, but couldn’t put any remark over the matter. He replied-“I can give

no opinion without seeing the condition with my own eyes you will please move the

Resolution in the Congress, but leave me free for the present.”7

In early 1917, Gandhi left for Champaran and reached Patna where he met

with Maulana Mazhar-ul-Haq who suggested him to visit Muzaffarpur. On reaching

there he was warmly welcomed by Professor Kripalani along with the group of

students.8

Next morning Babu Brij Kishore Prasad, presented the entire case in detail

before Gandhi. After studying the case, Gandhi stated in his Autobiography that-“ I

have come to the conclusion that we should stop going to the law courts. Taking such

cases to the courts does little good where the ryots are so crushed and fear sticking,

law courts are useless. The real relief for them is to be free from fear. We cannot sit

still until we have driven Tin-Kathia out of Bihar.”9

The above decisions made by Gandhi, visualizes his personality that he was a

staunch supporter of ‘Truth’ and he had no fear of its ill effects for the sake of ryots.

All such bold stands on part of Gandhi naturally mobilizes the peasantry against the

British Government in general and British planters in particular.

Gandhi’s intervention was so much condemned and disliked by the authorities

that –“Erwin, a British manager of indigo plantation only one name available in the

5 Shukla P.K- Indigo And The Raj, Peasants Protest in Bihar 1780-1917, South Asia Book Delhi,1993, p.145.

6 Ghosal Hari Rajan- ‘Indigo in North Bihar and Mahatma Gandhi’, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 15th Session, Gwalior, 1952, p.328.

7 Gandhi M.K, An Autobiography, pp.494-5. 8 Ibid, p.497. 9 Ibid, p.499.

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book ‘Champaran ke Swatantrata Senani’, invited Gandhi to dinner and directed his

cook, Biatak Mian, to serve him poisoned milk. Baitak Mian revealed the plot to

Gandhi and was saved. Biatak Mian was the resident of Siswa Ajgani village in

Motihari district.”10

The Champaran Satyagraha was not an ordinary event, as it had telling effects

on the peasants and all they came under a united banner of Satyagraha against

planters. It was an event remembered by Dr. Rajendra Prasad in 1949-“what happened

in Champaran has been repeated, as I had hoped, on a vast scale in a country as a

whole. Champaran became from planters tyranny. Gandhi’s advent imbued the people

of this area with a consciousness and moral faith in the righteousness of their cause,

which are supremely important factor for the progress and successful consummation

of a creature and constructive resolution.”11

Finally, the year 1920 saw the dawn of Non-Cooperation movement. In July,

an announcement was made by Gandhi regarding the inauguration of the Non-

Cooperation movement on 1stAugust. And in the special session of the Congress in

Calcutta, Lala Lajpat Rai delivered the Presidential address which was most

remarkable in its text. It includes extensively the political situations prevailing in

India, particularly in Punjab, because of Jallianwala Bagh Tragedy and imposition of

martial law, the Muslim agitation for Khilafat, deteorating economic and social

condition, due to British rule in India, the efforts made by the Indian leaders to gain

political aims, and finally the modus oprendi adopted by the Indian masses during the

establishment of the movement.12

The entire country was under the sway of the non-cooperation movement. The

Government of India was also worried about the growing unrest prevailed throughout

the country. The anti-British feeling was gaining momentum among the Muslim

masses in the middle of 1920. The All-India Khilafat Committee was established to

restore the ‘Khalifa’ of Islam, who enjoyed as Sultan of Turkey before the war.13 The

10 Murthy Vijay B., Hindustan Times,22nd January, 2010. Cited in Zaidi Sakina Abbas., ‘Mobilization of Masses by Gandhi in the National Movement 1917-1922.,’M.Phil., submitted to Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 2010.

11 Diwakar R.R, Bihar Through The Ages, op.cit, p.654. 12 Bakshi S.R ( ed.), Documents of the Non-Cooperation Movement, pp.3-4. 13 Bose, The Indian Struggle 1920-1942, p.41.

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Khilafat movement was led by Ali Brothers- Maulana Mohammed Ali and Maulana

Shaukat Ali.* Both of them became prominent during their agitation against the

Government of India, supporting the Turks.14 Mahatma Gandhi gave much emphasis

on Hindu-Muslim unity during the entire episode of the Non-Cooperation movement.

He said-“I will co-operate whole heartedly with the Muslim friends in the prosecution

of their just demands so long as they act with sufficient restraint and so long as I feel

sure that they do not wish to restore to or countenance violence. I should cease to co-

operate and advice every Hindu and for that matter everyone else to cease to co-

operate the moment there was violence actually done, advised or

countenanced……….My goal is friendship with the world and I can combine the

greatest love with the greatest opposition to wrong.15

The spirit of Hindu-Muslim unity was welcomed throughout India. Maulana

Shaukat Ali said-“that Muslims all over India were fully prepared to carry on Non-

Cooperation under the guidance of Mahatma Gandhi, and efforts would be made by

Hindu and Muslim leaders to avoid violence. God taught them patience and tolerance,

and they would suffer but make the movement successful.”16

Great enthusiasm could be seen throughout the region of Bihar where these

great leaders were welcomed warmly by the public to move on the agitation. Syed

Hasan Imam, Sachidananda Sinha and other senior members of BPCC, strongly

opposed these resolutions expressing their doubts over it.17 On 31stJuly 1920, a

meeting was held in the office of Searchlight*, Patna where the BPCC approved the

policy of non-cooperation in order to redress the national wrongs and decided to

support the Khilafat issue.18 A Committee was formed with Mazharul Haq, Rajendra

Prasad and Shah Mohammed Zubair as its members to gave practical effects to the

* Maulana Mohammed Ali was the younger one but more influential and Maulana Shaukat Ali was the elder one. Both of them were Oxford Graduates. Maulana Mohammed Ali had been a journalist and Maulana Shaukat Ali a highly paid officer in the Excise Department of the Government of India. Ibid.

14 Ibid. 15 ‘Mr. Gandhi’s Manifesto’, Appendix-I, Extract from ‘Independent,’Allahabad, dated, 12th March

1920. Home Political Department, Political-A, Proceedings September, 1920, nos.100-103. p.18. 16 The Pioneer, Allahabad, 6th June 1920. 17 Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of August 1920, Home Department Political,

File No. 111/1920, N.A.I; AICC Papers, Part-II, 1920. * Searchlight- a local newspaper of Bihar. 18 Searchlight, dated 4th August 1920.

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Non-Cooperation movement in this region.19 Long before the Nagpur session where

the Congress met to ratify the resolution on the Non-Cooperation, the local leaders of

Bihar toured the whole province, organized meetings to propagate the Non-

Cooperation.20 As soon as Maulana Shaukat Ali arrived in Patna, the news spread

over the whole town and the large numbers of people gathered from every corner and

from different communities. Prominent persons present on the station were-Sheik

Abdur Rehman, Maulvi Mubarak Ali Khan,Babu Murari Prasad, Mr. Natai Chander

Ghosh, Maulavi Hafiz Rehmatullah, Dr. Mahmood, Pandit Bal Govind Malviya, Mr.

Kamaldhari Lal, Dr. Rohatji, Mr. A.M Khawaja, Mr. S.M Sami etc. Maulana Shaukat

Ali was garlanded profusely and procession was formed and taken out through the

city with the deafening shouts of “Allaha O Akbar,” “ Bande Matarm,” “ Maulana

Shaukat Ali ki Jai,” and “Hindu-Musalman ki jai.”21

A public meeting was arranged in Mr. Mazharul Haq compound in the

evening. People began to pour from all sides. The feature of this meeting was that the

people gathered from moffussil, who rushed to Patna at very short notice. All about

ten thousand people were collected to attend the meeting.*

Vice-President of the Provincial Khilafat Committee, Mr. Syed Wasi

Ahamad presided over the meeting and said-“…………that Behar was not behind any

other province in the matter and he was further glad to say that their Hindu brothers in

Behar were not behind either in extending their hand of fellowship and sympathy to

them…….. it was no ordinary thing that the Hindus were co-operating with their

Mussalman fellow countrymen, sharing their weal and woe and demonstrating that

Hindus and Mussalmans were brothers. The speaker believed that Hindu- Muslim

19 Searchlight, 15th October 1920. 20 Dutta K.K, History of Freedom Movement in Bihar, pp.306-309. 21 Extarct from “Searchlight,” Patna, dated the 29th April 1920. Home Political Department, Political-

A, Proceedings, September, 1920, nos.100-103. * Ibid, Prominent among those were- Mr. Mazharul Haq, Mr. Wasi Ahamad, Babu Ganesh Dutta

Singh, Shaiek Abdur Rehman, Babu Rajender Prasad, Babu Shivanand Ray, the Hon’ble Mr. Nurul Hasan, Mr. Bashiruddin, Mr. Atul Krishna Ray, Dr. Syed Mahmood, Mr. A.M Khawaja, Maulavi Mubarak Ali Khan, Mr. Abdul Rehman, Mr. Hafiz, Mr. HUssain, Babu Sant Prasad, Mr. Ranga Iyer, Mr. Chanderabansi Sahay, Babu Harnarayan Prasad, Babu Harandan Sahay, Mr. H.L Nandkeolyar, Mr. R.K.L Nandkeolyar, Mr. Akhoary Parmeshwar Dayal, Mr. Barannasi Prasad Jhunjhunwala, Mr. Shambhu Saran, Babu Baldev Sahay, Mr. Laksmikauta Jha, babu Murari Prasad, Maulvi Syed Hasan Arzoo, Mr. S.A Sami, etc. Beside these there were- Babu Chander Deo Narayan, Bbu Shiva nandan Prasad, Maulavi Ismail, and Babu Narmadeshwar Prasad of Chapra; Babu Durga Prasad, Maulavi Sajjad, Mr. Hasan Imam and Mr. Krishna Prakash Sen of Gaya and Maulvi Hafiz Rehmatullaha and Maulavi Mohammed Shafi of Muzaffarpur.

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unity they witnessed before them was full of immense potentialities for the future and

the Government could ill afford to ignore the significance of the matter…………that

the action of the Allies in regard to the Khilafat had pained them beyond measure and

unless that attitude changed for the better the Government could not expect them to

continue loyally.”22

Several Resolutions were passed on that day. Mohammed Shafi’s Resolution

stated that-“ This conference records its emphatic protest against the reply given to

the Indian Khilafat Deputation by Mr. Lloyd George in the House of Commons, as

they betoken an intention on the part of His Majesty’s Government to break the

solemn pledges and undertakings, on the faith of which India was called upon to put

forth its utmost efforts in winning the war. This conference considers that unless

Mr.Lloyd George and His Majesty’s Government take immediate steps to assure the

people of India that the Turkish settlement will be in accordance with the demands,

based on the religious faith of Indian Muslims and the declaration already made

situation will be created the responsibility for which will be entirely on the shoulders

of His Majesty’s Government.”23

Mr. Hasan Imam supported the resolution and said that24 -“they in India

looked upon solemn pledges as absolutely binding and he who failed to act upon his

pledge was regarded as a man without honor.”

The resolution of the day was moved by Hon’ble Mr. Nurul Hasan, who paved

the way and gave the call for the non-cooperation movement, which ran as follows-

“In consonance with the spirit of the resolution adopted by the All-India Committee,

this conference in the event of the present agitation proving futile and ineffective,

calls upon all Indians to resort to progressive abstention from co-operation with

Government.” He further says that-“…….. they were all familiar with the manner in

which the British statesmen had broken pledge after pledge. Promises had been made

to the ear but broken to the heart and they could not possibly have any more faith in

the pledges of that kind…………. Their Khalifa was for all practical purposes a

prisoner in the hands of the Allies, who were professing to help him, and Mr. Lloyd

22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid.

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George had practically declined to listen to their representation. Therefore as they

could not and would not rebel they had no recourse but to resort to this policy of non-

cooperation.”25

Mr. Rajender Prasad supported the resolution and feel proud to do so. Mr.

Krishan Prakash Sen Sinha also supported the resolution and determined to sacrifice

their lifes for the sake of truth. He said-“If the Mussalmans were attacked to-day there

was no guarantee that the religion of the Hindus would not be similarly threatened in

time to come. He was no title holder but he had a certificate of honor which he now

considered as one of dishonor.”26

After receiving grand ovation by the pubic Maualana Shaukat Ali delivered a

speech regarding the Khilafat issue. He provoked and incited the people of Bihar

against the unjust rule of the British Government, laid much emphasis on the Hindu-

Muslim unity. He felt happy after witnessing the large crowd in the region of Bihar.

He showed his gratitude toward Mahatma Gandhi as he regarded himself as ‘the

humble follower of Mahatma and he was proud to say that he was loved and trusted

by him.’ He said that- “Their great leader- that God’s true creature Mahatma Gandhi-

to whom every India paid his unflattering homage- having considered the situation

and having realized the righteousness of their cause and being inspired with the sacred

zeal of laying, deep and abiding, the foundation of Hindu-Muslim combination, had

blessed them and called upon every Indian to work for it in union and co-operation.”27

He also mentioned one difference between Gandhi and himself to the public

and it was that the Mahatma was truly and absolutely committed to Ahimsa and never

deviates from it. But he was of the opinion that the Mussalmans could not bind

themselves to that extent. According to their religion ‘to kill and to be killed in the

name of God were alike Satyagraha.’28 But also he showed his confidence in the

masses and said-“….. that if 31 crores people worked, heart and soul together, in just

and righteous cause, they were sure to win.”

25 Ibid. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 Ibid.

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On 25th, April another meeting took place in the Patna city. The leaders-

Maulana Shaukat Ali, Mazharul Haq, Dr. Syed Mahmood and Mr. Sami drove to the

city and were escorted by volunteer corps with naked swords in their hands. Maulana

Shaukat Ali was warmly welcomed by both the Hindus and the Musalmans. Even the

Hindus put tika marks and presented him with flowers and the women showered

flowers from their balconies. Those who were present in the meeting were- Mr.

Mazharul Haq, Mr. Wasi Ahamad, Maulana Habibul Haq, Mr. Mahboob Asharaf, Dr.

Sayed Mahmud, Babu Murari Prasad, Pandit Balgobind Malviya, Mr. S. Ranga Iyer,

Mr. A.M Khawaja, Mr. S.A Sami, Mr. Kamla Prasad Verma, etc.29

The meeting was commenced with the recitation of Dr. Iqbal’s song by Mr.

Manzar Akhtar. Maulana Habibul Haq addressed the gathering and prayed to God for

the unity of the two communities.30 The Conference congratulated Hakim Ajmal

Khan of Delhi of renouncing his title of Hazikul Mulk and returning back the Kaiser-

i-Hind Gold Medal to the Government as a first step toward the non-cooperation

movement. Balgovind Malviya favored the resolution and laid emphasis on the

Hindu-Muslim unity. This Conference also demanded for the establishment of the

Khilafat Committees in all the district, sub-divisions and important villages to carry

on their non-cooperation propaganda and subscription for All India Central Khilafat

Committee.31

Another person from Bihar who came forward to renounced his title conferred

on him by the Government was Maulana Shah Badruddin Saheb. He discarded the

title of Shams-ul-ulema.32

Another meeting was held at Monghyr, which was attended by fifteen

thousand people. Resolutions were passed in support of the non-cooperation

movement, collection for funds and the Hindu- Muslim unity. Maulana Aziz proposed

for the immediate release of Shaikul-Hind and Maulana Mahmood-ul-Hasan Saheb.

29 Home Department Political-A, Proceedings, September 1920.p.23. 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid. 32 Ibid.

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Maulana Shaukat Ali delivered a speech taking up the cause of the Khilafat. And in

the night he left for Gaya.33

Mr. Gandhi visited Patna in the month of December in connection with the

non-cooperation propaganda and stayed there with Mr. Haque. He was given a grand

reception at the station. A mammoth meeting took place regarding the non-

cooperation and the Hindu-Muslim agenda was taken up.34

Non-Cooperation movement was making a progress in the province as it can

be witnessed from the election of the Provincial Councils, in which a ‘very small

percentage of voters excercised the franchise,’ which was only possible because of

Mr. Gandhi’s movement. His personality had a deep impact on the minds of people.

According to the official reports-“in every village one or two persons can read Hindi

Journals and they were the great admirers of Mr. Gandhi and it is they who popularize

the movement. Mr. Gandhi’s name has become almost like a charm with the villagers

and anything said in his name easily finds response.”35 Rajendra Prasad and others

holds meetings in the different parts of the province to boost up the election boycott

campaign. The BPCC was also making efforts to convince all election candidates to

withdraw their names and gave a call to refrain from voting.36

The campaign was succeeded to a great extent. In urban areas only 27.3% of

the Hindus and 12% of the Muslims castes their votes and in the rural area the

percentage of votes was much higher that is 41.8% of the Hindus and the Muslims

28.3% caste their votes.37 The Tirhut Division had the lowest turnout with only 13%

of the turn out and the Chottanagpur had the highest turn out of electors.38

Despite the fact that the Congress had conveyed to the candidates that not to

recognize them as to be their representatives, the large number of candidates filed

33 Appendix-VIII., Extract from The “Searchlight,” dated Patna, 2nd May, 1920. Home Department Political-A, Proceedings, September 1920, nos.100-103.

34 ‘The Behar Letter’, Bankipore, dated,3.12.20. Home Political Deposit, December 1920, Ref. No. 48. P.23.

35 Notes in Intelligence Bureau. Home Political Deposit, December 1920, Ref No. 48. p. 26. 36 Prasad Rajendra, An Autobiography, National Book Trust, Bombay, 1957, p.120. 37 FR of Bihar and Orissa for Feburary 1921, Home Political Department, File Nos. 35 and 77 of

Feburary 1921. N.A.I. 38 FR of Bihar and Orissa for second half of December. 1920, Home Political Department, File No. 77

of 1921. N.A.I. Also Ojha P.N., History of Indian National Congress in Bihar 1885-1985, K.P Jyasmal Institute, 1985, pp.207-8.

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their nominations. The non-cooperators failed to dissuade candidates to withdraw

their nominations.39

Claiming themselves to be the strong supporters of Gandhi, some of the

peasant leaders like Swami Vidhyanand stood for the election from north Dharbanga

and Bhagalpur as they believed that their entry in the Council would help to eradicate

the peasant grievances.40 One of the significant aspect of the entire episode was that

despite a sturdy split among the peasant leaders and Gandhi over the entry of the

council election these candidates declare themselves to be the staunch supports of the

non-cooperation movement.41

Mahatma Gandhi short visit to Bihar in December 1920, was accompanied by

Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Maulana Shaukat Ali42 greatly influenced the region

as at the dawn of the year 1921, some national schools emerged and some existing

ones were nationalized as they denied to get affiliation from the university and

rejected government grants.43 Gandhiji during his visit to Patna laid the foundation of

a national college and Bihar Vidhyapeeth which played very significant role to train

the young national workers.44

Gandhiji also extended his support by providing the fund of seven or eight

thousand rupees he collected in Bihar.45

This means that the Gandhiji’s personality and his non-cooperation movement

had a deep impact on the minds of the ignorant people who were only the real

sufferers from the hands of the British authorities or from the zamindars and

jagirdars. They waged a war against them. It was nothing new to the people of a

Bihar as the land had already witnessed the isolated peasants unrest in the nineteenth

39 FR of Bihar and Orissa for the First half of October 1920, Home Political Department, File NO.59 of 1920. N.A.I.Prasad Rajendra, An Autobiography, Bombay 1957, p.120.

40 Hennigham Stephen, Peasant Movement in Colonial India, ANU, Delhi, 1982, p. 40. 41 Das Arvind N., ‘Peasant and the Peasant Organizations: The Kisan Sabha in Bihar,’ in Arvind

N.Das (ed.), Agrarian Movements in India; Studies on 20th centuarary Bihar, p.53. 42 FR of Bihar and Orissa of the first half of December 1920, Home Political Department, File NO. 35

of 1921.N.A.I. 43 FR of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of December, 1920, Home Political Department, File No.35

of 1921, N.A.I. Kumar Ran Vijoy, Role of the Middle Class in Nationalist Movement, Janki Prakashan, New Delhi, 1989,p.114. Prasad Rajender, Mahatma Gandhi and Bihar, Delhi, 1957. p.43.

44 Diwakar R.R., Bihar Through The Ages, p.659. 45 Kumar Ran Vijoy, Role of Middle Class,p.114.

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and twentieth century. It could only be possible after the intervention of Mahatma

Gandhi and the Champaran Satyagraha that it assumed more ‘sustained and

continuing form.’46

The movement started gaining momentum both in urban and rural areas by

January 1921. The movement gained support not only from the professionals, students

and others in the towns but it was also supported by wide range of society which

belongs to the countryside. The educational boycott succeeded to some extent but the

boycott of the law courts made great success as compared to call for surrendering

titles and resignations from honorary posts. Panchayats were established in many

places.47 The large number of Panchayats were established in Saran district.48

Despite the fact that it was not the part of the Congress programme, the anti-

liquor movement was in a full swing throughout the entire province by January

1921.49 The liquor boycott was most successful among the other boycotts.50 It was on

13th of November, a public meeting was held at Dumraon in Shahabad district where

for the first time boycott of liquor was advocated.51 In a meeting of the laborers held

at Barakar on 17th January 1921, Mr. Dip Narayan Sinha tried to explain the

importance of the political freedom to the laborers. He said that-“…..a new light had

entered the minds of the laborers, who had woke up to recognize the fact that the

freedom was of great importance to them. He further said that-“the old idea of ‘mai

baap raj’ should disappear. The employers should not think that they were the

masters of laborers bodies as well as their work.” He also tried to persuade the

laborers to abandoned the liquor and explain the ill effects of its consumption. He said

that-“it was nothing else but the waste of their hard earnings. If they did not drink

they would be able to save something which would be of use to them when they went

46 Sharma Kaushal Kishore, Agararian Movements And Congress Politics in Bihar, Anamika Prakashan, Delhi,1989. p.51. Chaudhary B.B, ‘Agrarian Movements in Bengal and Bihar,’ in B.R Nanda (ed.), ‘Socialism In India’, Delhi, 1975, reproduced in A.R Desai (ed.), Peasants Struggle in India, Delhi, 1979,p.81.

47 FR of Bihar and Orissa for January 1921, Home Political Department, File Nos. 41 and 42 of 1921. 48 Searchlight, dated 28th January 1921. 49 FR of Bihar and Orissa for January 1921, Home Political DEpartmant, File Nos. 41 and 41 of 1921. 50 FR of Bihar and Orissa for second half of Feburary 1921, Home Political Department, File No. 43 of

1921. N.A.I. 51 Dutta K.K, History of Freedom Movement in Bihar, p.308.

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on strike so that they would not have to depend upon any one’s charity. They should

therefore give up the use of intoxicants of all kinds.”52

The movement was penetrated in the Tirhut division by January 1921,53 and

gained strength from different organizations. In Muzaffarpur, Champaran and

Dharbanga districts the Sabhas and Seva Samities were formed which played

important role to spread the movement in the village areas.54

The Government of Bihar and Orissa in 1921 suggested the Government of

India to extend the Seditious Meetings Act in the Muzaffarpur district of the Tirhut

Division as hat lootings were witnessed on large scale. The Government of India do

not found it useful and applied only ordinary criminal law.55

Once again the anti-planters agitation was witnessed on the scene and the

factory managers had to face problems created by their servants and the laborers

which worsened the relations between them.56

Nationalist leaders propagate the creed of the non-cooperation through

extensive tours and organized meetings on large scales. Around 56 meetings were

organized between 25th January and 5th February 1921 in Muzaffarpur district alone.57

The Non-Cooperation movement declined by May 1921. There was a decline

in number of meetings even those which were arranged were not attended. Sale of

liquor increased and the agitation against it sale was also declined. Functioning of the

national schools were also declined.58

The Congress was making constant efforts to revive the movement. For this

the AICC discussed its policies for its next phase in July at its Bombay session. And it

decided to concentrate on the boycott of foreign cloth.59

52 Report by J.Christensen, dated 18thJanuary 1921.Home Political Deposit, February 1921, Ref. No. 5, Part-B.pp.2-3.

53 Home Political Department, File No.49/1921. 54 Searchlight, dated 4th February, 1921. 55 From Chief Secretary Govt. of B &O to Secretary of India., Home Department, 10th December 1921 56 Searchlight, dated 28th January 1921. 57 Dutta K.K, History of Freedom Movement in Bihar, p.329. 58 FR of B&O for June and July, 1921, Home Department File No.64 of 1921. 59 Bamford P.C, History of Non-Cooperation and the Khilafat Movements, p.32.

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The Post- World War years led to the enhancement of the consumer goods

along with the successive bad season, which resulted not only in the scarcity of the

food grains but also inflation. The peasants were worst affected with all this.60

The first organized struggle against the greatest landlord of Bihar, that was the

Dharbanga Raj started under the leadership of Swami Vidhyanand* in 1919-20. The

zamindari covered 12 per cent of the total permanently covered area of north Bihar

which included Dharbanga, a part of Muzaffarpur, Purnia, Sharsa and part of North

Bhagalpur districts.61

The Swami was highly inspired with the Gandhi’s personality and the

techniques he adopted during the Champaran Satyagraha in 1917-18. He had the

ability to organize the political protest and his religious appeal publicized his cause.62

He took up the cause of the tenants of the north Bihar and the special feature of this

movement was that it was the movement of the downtrodden tenants as they very

badly affected by the price hike during those years.63

Vidhyanand’s movement during 1919 and 1920 was comprised of two set of

grievances. Firstly it was against the behavior of the amlas who were known for their

‘dishonesty and oppressiveness’ and secondly it was directed against the management

of the Dharbanga Raj which denied the peasants of their rights and privileges.64

These small tenants gave militant support to the movement. On 2nd October

1919, at Narar in Madhubani, under the leadership of Anirudh Singh, one of

Vidhyanand associate, a meeting was organized in which about 5000 people gathered

and sent a telegram to the Lt. Governor to set up an enquiry commission.65

60 Brown Judith, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, pp.61-62. * Swami Vidhyanand’s original name was Bishu Bharan Prasad. He belongs to Pachhima Kayastha jati

who was from the village of Sughar in Saran. He was born in a well-known family as his father was an occupancy tenant of 30 bighas of land and sat on the local chaukidari panchayat. Henningham Stephen, Peasant Movement in Colonial India, p.74.

61 Henningham Stephen, ‘Agararian Relations in North Bihar: Peasants Protest and the Dharbanga Raj, 1919-20,’ IESHR, Vol. XVI, No.1. January- March, 1979. Henningham Stephen, Peasants Movement in Colonial India, pp.70-89.

62 Ibid, p.75. 63 Sharma Kaushal Kishore, Agararian Movement and Congress Policies, p.55. 64 Hennigham Stephen., Peasant Movement in Colonial India, pp.78-9. 65 Ibid, p.75.

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Vidhayanand, attended the annual session of the Congress in December 1919

but the Congress delegates paid no heed to his campaign.66

On 5th February people collected from Supaul area and forwarded their

demands such as- not to increase the rents in the permanently settled area, providing

comman grazing lands in the villages, unrestricted rights to sell trees and right to

build houses and dig wells in the area without the permission of the landlords.67

Again in April 1920, he attended the meeting of the Provincial Congress and

put forward his demand to set up an enquiry committee to take up the sufferings of the

tenants of the Dharbanga Raj, but all in vain.68 The Congress did nothing and this

attitude of the Congress was supposed to be the important cause of disintegration

from the Vidhyanand’s movement.69 Once again Swami tried to gain the support of

the Bihar Congress, but his hopes and expectations were shattered when Bihar

Provincial Conference put forward his demand of an enquiry committee on command

of Babu Rajendra Prasad, who described ‘Swami as fraud with hidden motives.’70

Vidhyanand in his speeches had a militant tone. According to the Government

officials, the demonstrations held in the Dharbanga district were designed to excite

feeling against zamindars and planters which can lead to serious rioting.71 Under an

umbrella of his agrarian campaign, Swami Vidhyanand attacked the management of

Bhawara factory and announced a meeting to held on 22nd June at Kothia Durmi less

than half mile from the factory which raised the excitement among the ryots and can

lead to the breach of peace between the Swami’s supporter and the Bhawara factory.72

The Commissioner of Tirhut Division forwarded a notice to the Government

on 16thJuly informing about a meeting to be held at Kothia Durmi on 31st July and 1st

August. Raiyats were invited from all over the countryside and the district altogether.

It was also stated that the meeting was to be presided by Mr. Mazahar-ul-Haqq and

66 Sharma Kaushal Kishore, Agararian Movement and Congress Policies, p.56. 67 Ibid. 68 Ibdi. 69 Ibdi. 70 Ibdi, p.57. 71 D.O No. 2249-C, Ranchi 7th August 1920 to Mc Pherson, Secretary of State for India, Home

Political Deposit, Proceedings September, 1920, Nos. 50. NAI 72 Extract from the confidential diary of the Superindent of Police, Dharbanga for the week ending the

23rd June 1920, Home Political Deposit, Part-B, September,File no.50. of 1920.

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would be attended by Babu Rajendra Prasad and Swami Vidhyanand. The object of

the meeting was to take up the grievances of the raiyats against the indigo planters

and the zamindars, but the wording of the notice indicates that the intention of the

meeting was “to be demonstration in force, of the nature of a counter-check

quarrelsome, to the action of the factory supporters on the 22nd June.”73

The Corbett’s note on the ‘Agrarian Unrest’ seems to be absolutely politically

motivated. As it has to do with the coming elections, an attempt has been made to

create ill feelings against the great landlords to prevent them for elections.74 In the

region of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa the peasants were out rightly against the

Permanent Settlement and demanding to return back to the Ryotwari settlement and

that the zamindars* should be ousted.75

Vidhyanand attracted large number of villagers as it was evident from the fact

that about 15,000 to 20,000 people attended the meeting held at Supaul Sub-division

of Bhagalpur, the region where communication was very poor.76

According to the Dharbanga Police Suprentendent, “ there is no doubt that this

man is following the footsteps of Gandhi and inflaming the minds of Ryots against the

Dharbanga Raj as Gandhi did in Champaran against the planters.” Again he reported

after few days that –“the movement was developing rapidly and that Vidhyanand’s

influence over both Hindus and Muslims was ‘increasing steadily.’”77

The last two National Congresses met at Delhi and Amritsar played a very

special role in arousing political activity among the peasants by admitting ‘kisan’

delegates ‘free and everything found.’78

Under the Presidentship of Rajendra Prasad, on 28th and 29th August the 12th

session of the Bihar Provincial Congress was held at Bhagalpur, which was attended

by significant number of peasants for the first time apart from the professional class.79

73 D.O No. 2249-C, Ranchi, the 7th August 1920 to Mc Pherson, Secretary of State for India, Home Political Deposit, Part-B, September, File No. 50 of 1920.

74 * Zamindars were originally given a title to the lands of which they were not owners, but for which

they were only rent collectors. Home Political Deposit, Part-B, September, File No. 50 of 1920. 75 Ibid. 76 Henningham Stephen, Agararian Movement and Congress Policies, p.79. 77 Ibdi. 78 Shamar Kaushal Kishore, Agararian Movement and Congress Policies,p.57.

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The authorities were really worried about the excitement generated by

Vidhyanand. The administration up to some extent secretly supported the Dharbanga

Raj to suppress the movement but most of the time it stayed aloof from the matter.80

The Congress opposition to the Vidhyanand’s movement was because of its

limited and conservative politics in Bihar.81 The movement was attacking the

zamindari system and purely a reformist one which took up the sufferings of the

peasants at large. Congress on the other side was under a fear that it will not be

limited to the zamindari of the north Bihar but it magnetized the entire zamindari

system, which would led to the ill-effects on their interests.82 The Congress leaders do

not want to loose their privileged position in rural Bihar and so it was natural to them

to discourage the anti-landlord movement.83

The Congress tried to manipulate the whole situation by providing the tenants

with the lip service to convince them for the movement launched by the Congress.

“This mobilization of the peasantry was done for the political reasons, that is, to help

consolidate the position of the Congress vis-à-vis British imperialism.” For this they

had to show that they were also concerned with the economic problem as well.84

The clause of the ‘no-rent campaign’ in the non-cooperation agenda took an

effective response throughout country particularly the rural India. The Non-

Cooperation Programme launched under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi attracted

large number of kisans, primarily because of the scheme of non-payment of taxes.85

The Congress attempt was to organize the peasantry on the political grounds and for

the peasants ‘swaraj’ meant struggle against heavy land tax.86

In some parts of Bihar, with the growing spirit of the non-cooperation

movement peasants combined themselves in order to oppose the payment of rent to

79 Ojha P.N., History of Indian National Congress in Bihar, 1885-1985, p.201. Also see Brown Judith, Gandhi’s Rise To Power, p.259.

80 Hennigham Stephen, Peasant Movement and Colonial India, p.78. 81 Sharma Kaushal Kishore, Agrarian Movements and Congress Policies, p.57 82 Ibid. 83 Ibid. 84 Ibid. 85 Ibid, p.58. Also Crane Robert I., ‘The Indian National Congress and the Indian Agrarian Problems,

1919-1939: A Historical Study,’ thesis submitted to the University of Pensylvania (unpublished), NMML, New Delhi.

86 Ibid.

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the landlords.87 The situation was aggravated in the Saran district due to the non-

cooperation call, and landlords on the other hand were “proceeding with their

enhancement suits in right earnest.”88

Large number of peasants participated in the meetings arranged by the non-

cooperators and the Kisan Sabha.89 A mammoth meeting was held at Madhuban, on

13th and 14th Feb, 1921, which was attended by six to eight thousand cultivators from

all parts of Purnia. Even the Government had to acknowledge its success in terms of

its number and representation.90 However, it was quite disappointing for the gathering

as it seldom touched the economic issues and was more based on the political

grounds. The Congress leaders like Dip Narayan Sinha, Hasan Arzu, Rajendra Prasad

all of them propagate the non-cooperation programme. And in the agrarian matters

they suggested to avoid confrontation with the landlords.91

Kisan Sabha leaders also organized a meeting at Nawabakhar in Saupaul

subdivision of Bhagalpur, which was attended by seven thousand peasants.

Raghubans Thakur, Sheoshanker Jha, Arikhar Singh, Swami Vidhyanand spoke at

the meeting. The Resolutions were passed which are as follows-“ that the raiyats

should have a proprietary over the trees in their Nakadi lands, in every village a

portion of land should be set aside for grazing purposes; that money order receipts

should be treated as authorized documents and genuine receipts; that raiyats should be

allowed to remit their rents for the whole year by money order either in one

installment or in ‘kist;’ that the raiyats should refrain from quarrelling with zamindars

and zamindars in return should not treat raiyats unjustly; that panchayats should be

established to decide and settle all disputes arising between zamindars and the

raiyats; and that the zamindars and the raiyats should be treated on the same

footing.”92 After the resolution was passed two of the non-cooperation leaders

propagate the non-cooperation at the session.93

87 Ibid. Gupta P.N, Saran Survey and Settlement Report, Patna, 1923, p.12. 88 Ibid. 89 Ibid. Also File No. 84 of 1921, ‘Report of the Activities of Kisan Sabhas and Mahasabhas,’ BSA,

Bihar. 90 Ibid, pp.58-9. Also File No.84 of 1921. 91 Ibid, p.59. Also File No. 84. of 1921. 92 Ibid, p.59. ‘Notes of the Kisan Conference held at Bhagalpur,’ File No.89 of 1921, BSA, Patna. 93 Ibid, p.59. ‘Notes of Kisan Conference held at Bhagalpur’, File No. 89 of 1921, BSA, Patna.

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The Congress in Bihar tried to mobilize the peasants on the political grounds

and tried to divert their attention from the economic issues. As the bulk of the

population was engaged in agriculture the congress attempted to draw their support in

order to make it a successful mass movement.94

The peasants on the other hand were however not capable to completely stick

themselves to the creed of non-violence preached by Mahatma Gandhi.95 And thus

violent scene occurred at various places. Chaturwa factory at Champaran was looted

and burnt on 2ndNovember 1921 by a mob of five thousands persons. All of them

shouted the slogans “Gandhi ji ki jai.”96 Such cases were also witnessed in other

areas. In Muzaffarpur two factories were burnt down.97 The tension shoots up over

the grazing rights between the planters and the tenants. The planters accused the

peasants that they grazed their cattles over their reserved grass.98 There was no fear

left for the European community and grazing on the factory land became comman.99

Nationalism was accepted throughout Bihar in the form of non-payment of

rents especially in north Bihar where the rents were with held on large scale. All over

Bihar the tenants were awakened and stood against, even those who were pro-

British.100 In Purnia, the crops were looted in presence of a sub-Inspector and local

police.101 In Forbesganj, pond of a landlord was attacked and demolished by hundreds

of people.102 In Pupri, plam tress were damaged of Nanpur estate.103 In district of

Purnia, the tenants of Muhammadia zamindars refused to pay rents in some of the

villages.104

94 Ibid, p.60. 95 Ibid. 96 Home Poitical Department, Govt. of India, File No. 357/1921. N.A.I. Also ‘Searchlight,’ 9th

November, 1921. 97 Sharma K.K, Agararian Movement and Congress Policies, p.60. File No.18 of 1922. D.O No.1547-

C, 18th September 1921. 98 Ibid. ‘Extension of Seditious Meeting Act to Tirhut Division’. “From Chief Secretary, Bihar and

Orissa, to the Secretary of Government of India, dated 10th December, 1921. Bihar and Orissa Special Political File No. 538/1921.

99 Sharma K.K, Agrarian Movement and Congress Policies, p.60. 100 Ibid, pp.60-61. 101 Ibid, p.61. 102 Ibid. 103 Ibid. 104 Ibid.

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“The agrarian movement in Bihar was deeply influenced by the spirit of the

non-cooperation. Although the background of the agrarian movement had already

been prepared by Swami Vidhyanand and other peasant leaders, who in some cases

tried to, and even exploited the movement for their election purposes.105 The Peasants

continued their struggle throughout 1922, and they were advised by Rajendra Prasad

and the other Congress leaders to sort out their differences amicably with the

landlords.106

‘Militancy’ was something which was not accepted by the Congress leaders

which was very clear with the abrupt withdrawal of the non-cooperation movement.

The peasants showed that they were not completely adhered to the non-violent

scheme.

It was very difficult for the Congress leaders in Bihar to continue their fight

for peasantry for their socio-economic conditions, not they restrict themselves from

their movement. This can be seen even after the suspension of the non-cooperation

movement as the Congress made an enquiry into the peasants grievances of the Patna

Division where there was a clash between the biggest zamindar of Bihar, the Raja of

Amawan and his tenants.107

The other movement which shoot up during the non-cooperation movement in

Bihar was that of the caste movement for the upliftment of the middle caste

agriculturist. Kurmis, Banias, Koeries,Goalas, the Kurmi Mahatos in Chottanagpur

stood for the upliftment of their castes.108 Goalas were the only one of them who

improved them educationally and secured representation in local bodies.109 Their

dispute was with the zamindars regarding the restrictions imposed on free grazing and

providing labor and produce at the privileged rates.110 The Goalas retaliate and

restrict their womenfolk to provide outdoor employment and checked their

supplies.111 The refusal of begari was strongly resented by the class of zamindars and

105 Ibid, p.61. File NO. 84 of 1921. 106 Ibid, p.62. 107 Ibid, pp.62-63. 108 Ibid, p.63. 109 Ibid. 110 Ibid. 111 Ibid.

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they instruct social boycott of the Goalas.112 In some cases even the high caste tenants

helped the zamindars because of the wrong perception of the superiority.113

Most of the Goalas were tenants on the landlord’s land. Apart from the social

boycott, the landlords implied economic sanctions on them. Such as they were not

allowed to use the comman grazing lands, they were turned out of their cultivated area

and many of them were forced to leave their houses which stood on the land of the

landlord.114

The Congress failed to gain the support of the lower caste tenants in Bihar as

the Congress has not extended their support to their movement. At the same time the

peasants were aroused by the Congress leaders with false hopes which led to the quick

enrollment of tenants particularly in the region of Champaran and Saran.115

Peasants meetings were organized by the Kisan Sabha leaders under the

leadership of Vidhyanand during the first half of 1920’s. Their struggle was based on

the two levels. Firstly, they raised their problems in the Legislative Council so that the

Government enacted the legislation to eliminate their grievances. And secondly

resolutions were passed regarding the peasants problems asking for the help from the

Government, zamindars and the local boards.116 Free and compulsory education for

the peasants children, suspension of rents in the times of natural calamities and

provision of agricultural loans were some of the demands put forwarded by the

peasants in their resolutions.117

By 1920, the movement was not well organized as it was by 1930’s but it was

successful in keeping the peasants question alive. The peasants however tried their

best to hinder the enactment of the amended Bengal Tenancy Act in the Legislative

Council as it was quite injurious to the Bihar tenantry.118

112 Ibid. 113 Ibid, p.64. 114 Ibid. 115 Ibid, pp.64-5. 116 Ibid, p.65. 117 Ibid. 118 Ibid, pp.65-6.

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Viceroy, however adviced both the parties to sort out the matter with trust and

mutual understanding. But this not proved to be successful as “no amicable settlement

of the differences between the landlords and the tenants could be arrived at.”119

The inadequate electoral politics was soon realized by the peasants which led

to violent acts. In Shahabad district serious riots took place between the estate

servants of the Maharaja of Dumraon and the tenants of the Diara village in which

the Assistant Manager, Duff was killed.120 The peasants anger could be witnessed in

Gaya district when Tekari Raj Kutcherry was attacked in front of the police and

resulted in murder and injuries of some of the tenants.121

The issues related to the amount and the mode of collection of the rents,

begar, abwabs, the problem of the baksht land really proved to be explosive by the

end of 1920’s. A great Sanskrit scholar and the renowned crusader Swami Sahajanand

Saraswati, founded his ashram at Bihta and founded the Kisan Sabha to settle the

peasants disputes amicably. He was a staunch Gandhain and had a strong believe in

the Congress creed. His work was limited to the western part of the Patna district as

the landlords in this area practiced much oppression on their tenants and the other

reason apart from this was to send a raiyat representatives to the Council from west

Patna district.122

Thus, the activities throughout the region of Bihar witnessed the culmination

of the Non-Cooperation programmed with great energy and vigor. It is really

noteworthy that the masses were involved with true spirit of non violence against such

a sinner government.

Orissa was yet another region where the spirit of non-cooperation was

observed with great gusto, however it was short lived but it made remarkable progress

in the region. Cuttak, Balasor and Puri* comprised the Orissa Province when it was

119 Ibid, p.66. 120 Ibid. 121 Ibid, pp.66-7. 122 Sharma K.K, Agrarian Movements, p.67. Saraswati Sahajanand, Mera Jeevan Sangharsh, (Hindi),

(The Struggle of my Life), Patna, 1952.pp.317-322. * Cuttak, Balsore and Puri had a comman civil and revenue administration rather different from other

parts which is now known as Orissa. The Feudatory States of Orissa, the areas which comprised of the Central Province and the Madras Presidency had a different set up of administration and agrarian

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occupied by the British in 1803. Later on it became the 19thdivision of the Bengal

province. In 1905 Sambhalpur became the part of Orissa as it was transferred by the

Central Province. A new province of Bihar and Orissa emerged on 1stApril 1912 as it

had been separated from the Province of Bengal. After a long debate in the

Legislative Assembly, the Orissa Tenancy Act was passed by the Government of

Bihar and Orissa in the year 1913, ‘providing self contained code for Orissa.’ This

was the period when Utkal Provincial Congress Committee, Utkal Kisan Sangh,

Gandhi’s non-cooperation and Civil Disobedience movement were witnessed.123

The entire country was under the sway of the peasants movements and Orissa

was not an exception. Here also the agrarian unrest was the due to the shortcomings of

the colonial agrarian structure. The peasants in Orissa raised their grievances against

the colonial rule which also provide the strength to the national struggle.124

The people became hostile towards the Government due to large scale deaths

and scarcity because of the drought and famine and spread of epidemics. The

nationalist not only stood against the authorities through the medium of press and

public meetings but also provided relief for the victims. This approach resulted in the

emergence of the spirit of nationalism.125 As the Orissa was worst affected with the

famine Mahatma Gandhi appealed to the Indians to provide relief to the people

affected by it and said-“…..some people die of hunger, others have no right to eat in

peace.”126

In Orissa, during the nineteenth century, the colonial rule was resisted through

the local revolts commonly known as “meli” or “bidroha.”127 This region witnessed

the national awakening in the late nineteenth century. The Khas system* which was

introduced in 1893, had broaden the base of the peasant’s struggle of year 1921-22.128

relations under the British rule. Sahoo Rajib Lochan, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest in India: Orissa 1912-1939, Manak Publications, New Delhi, 2004, p.xxiv.

123 Ibid, pp.xxiii-xxv. 124 Ibid. 125 Acharya Pritish., Nationalist Movement and Politics in Orissa, 1920-29, Sage Publications, New

Delhi, p.xxiii. 126 CWMG, vol.xviii, Ahmadabad, 1966, p.420. 127 Sahoo R.L., Agararian change and Peasant Unrest, pp.219-20. * The Khas system was introduced in 1893, according to which the incomes of the mustagirs were cut

down and their privileges were curtailed, with the result they were reduced to the ranks of the

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After the announcement of the Montague-Chlemsford Reform in 1919, the

nationalist discontent grew rapidly. Gopalbandhu Das propagated the non-cooperation

with the Government until and unless their demands were not considered and offered

to resign from the Bihar and Orissa Legislative Council for which he was elected in

1917.129

‘Nationalist Intelligentsia,’ a class of intellectuals came into existence to

create national awakening in the region through the medium of newspapers and by

imparting modern education and highlighting social evils prevailing in the society.130

Gopabandhu, in Ganjam done lot of work to mobilize people for the Non-Cooperation

Movement. Daily Newspaper was established and people from educated sections were

recruited as volunteer to incite the feeling of nationalism and to propagate the policy

of the Non-Cooperation Movement. The emergence of the no-rent campaign was also

on the brink of this region.131

The emergence of Utkal Union Conference in 1903 was the first to inculcate

the spirit of nationalism in Orissa. 132 The unification of the Oriya speaking tracts and

the general awakening throughout the country instill the germ of ‘comman

nationality,’ through the Oriya speaking region.133

Due to certain factors, Sammilani was identified with the Congress by 1920.

Such as the formation of Provincial Congress Committees on linguistic basis and the

failure to achieve the relief from the Government during the famine of 1919-20, make

realized the people like Gopabandhu Das to inculcate nationalism among the Oriya

speaking people, which could only be achieved through the unification of the Oriya

speaking regions. In December 1921, at the Chakradharpur session of the Sammilani

slogans such as ‘Bande Mataram’ and ‘Bharat Mata Ki Jai’ were raised.134 Mahatma

cultivators. However during the 19th cen. they were considered as the ‘traditional leaders’ as they had led number of melis. As they were now identified as peasantry.

128 Pati Biswamoy, ‘Peasants, Tribals and the National Movement in Orissa (1921-1936),’Social Scientist, vol.11. No.7 (July 1983), p.26.

129 Acharya Pritish, National Movement & Policies in Orissa, p.52. 130 Sahoo R.L., Agararian change and Peasant Unrest, pp.219-220. 131 Home Political Department, Govt. Of India, File No.18.2.1922.N.A.I. 132 Sahoo R.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest, p.220. 133 Ibid. 134 Patti Biswamoy, Resisting Domination; Peasants, Tribals and the National Movement in Orissa

1920-50., Manohar Publications, New Delhi, p. 68, 1993.

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Gandhi’s view over the division of Orissa was such that he considered it as

“unreasonable” and asked the people to look “Oriya Movement with sympathetic care

and attention.”135

By the end of 1920’s, the peasantry was getting involved in the national

struggle on the broader platform providing the strength to the movement, however the

leadership was in the hands of the urban educated classes.136 With the beginning of

the non-cooperation movement the peasants in Orissa started expressing their

grievances in more organized form. The Nagpur Session of the Congress pleaded for

the involvement of the students, youth, and the agrarian masses to join the national

struggle.137

Between 6th to 13th April 1921, the Satyagraha week was observed throughout

the district. Public meetings were organized and emphasis was laid on the collection

of funds and to drive people for the membership. A small number of activist gave a

call for the hartal with the result the shops were closed, students boycott was

witnessed and processions and public meetings were organized at Blasore. The local

party office worked as swarajya panchayat, at Bhadrak, to settle the disputes of the

local people.138

Satyagraha week was also witnessed with great enthusiasm in Cuttack region.

Mass ‘fasting’ was observed by the congress workers on 6th April. Congress workers

organized meetings in the area and collected about Rs.40 from the small village of

Joranda.139

The agitation by the people of Kanika plays a vital role in the history of

peasants movement in Orissa. The agitation was started in Chhamukha, one of the

three elakas in Cuttack region of the Kanika estate in 1921-22*, however for a very

short span of time but very significant. Leading political and public figures were

involved in the agitation and had great impact on the press, Oriya literature and the

135 CWMG, vol.xvii, p.36. 136 Sahoo R.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest In Colonial India, p.220. 137 Ibdi, pp.221. 138 Acharya Pritish, National Movement And Policies Orissa, p.63. 139 Ibdi, p.65. Also FRBO , Home Political Deposit, File No. 51of 1921, June. * The another agitation which followed the Chhamukha agitation of 1921-22, one of the three elakas in

the Cuttack region of the Kanika Estate was that of the Panchmukha elaka in Balasore region of the estate until he abolition of the Kanika zamindari in 1952.

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nationalist politics of first half of 20th century. Gopabandhu’s school, “Satyabadi,”

played a very significant role during this period. It characterized the Oriya literature

being ‘natioanlist.’ Gopalbandhu and his school Satyabadi had a great impact on the

minds of the urban people as they explains the necessity of primary and scientific

education, laid emphasis on women education and efforts were made to reform the

Brahmin society. 140

The Satyavadi school came up with two journals-Satyavadi (1913) and Samaj

(1919), which was established at Sakhigopal at Puri. It was led by Nilkanth Das,

Gopabandhu Das, Acharya Harihar Das, Kripasindhu Mishra and Godavarish Mishra

who incite the feeling of nationalism among the people of Orissa.141The alliance of

imperialism with feudalism was also exposed during the agitation.142

The main issues which were responsible for the agitation was the enhancement

of the rents and the cesses. In some areas, the enhancement crossed the legal limits.143

Zamindars took full advantage of the Bengal Tenancy Act of 1885, which gave rights

to the zamindars to make enhancement in the rents after every 15 years.144 In the

zamindari areas when the government settlement is not concluded, the zamindars

raised their rents through estate settlements.145

In February 1922, Rai Bahadur Bajendranath Ray, the Collector of Cuttack

made an enquiry, according to which three kinds of changes had been made in the

estate’s taxation structure between the years 1893-94 and 1922. Such as:- in the estate

of Cuttack the rent had been enhanced by two annas to rupee in the year 1916.

Secondly, the life of the tribals and other low castes had become hard and difficult

with the enhancement of the forest cesses, as the Baukar (forest cess) had been raised

to eight annas three pies from four annas per holding in October 1910. And even then

also they were not allowed to enter the jungles. And last but not the least the

introduction of the pasturage tax on buffalos at eight annas per head had badly hit the

140 Pati Biswamoy, “Peasants, Tribals and the National Movement in Orissa (1921-1936), Social Scientist, vol.11, No.7 (July 1983), p.25.

141 Acharya Pritish., National Movement and Policies Orissa, p.55. 142 Sahoo R.L, Agararian change and Peasant Unrest, pp.221-222. 143 Ibid, p.223. 144 Ibid. 145 Ibid, p.223. Patnaik G.C, Famine and Some Aspects of the British Economic Policy in Orissa,

Cuttack, 1980, p.99.

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pastoral castes.146 Apart from these hardships they had to bear the other forms of

exploitation as well. Such as they were deprived of their own harvest and even they

were not allowed to sell their produce in the market. Many times they were used as

labors for constructing roads and bridges and that too without any pay.147

The pastoral caste and the ex-mustagirs also protested against the

enhancement as they were also the victims of the new pastoral cesses and the had to

pay the high rents and cesses for their large land holdings respectively. Their demand

was the withdrawal of 1916 enhancement and the Government Survey and Settlement.

They asked the people not to pay rent.148

The Raja was pro-British and was opposed to the non-cooperation movement.

The newspaper attacked his attitude and also highlighted the agrarian matters such as

illegal exactions, oppressions, physical torture, bethi (forced labor) etc. Sometimes

due to the natural calamities the people were worst affected by it which was also

highlighted by the media. At the times of crisis the Raja purchased rice at low prices

and sold it at high prices. He also grant the taqavi loans to the poor at high interest

rates of 12.5% and when the people failed to repay it led to punishment and illegal

confiscation of their properties.149

The non-cooperation movement had greatly influenced the Kanika’s affair and

with Gandhiji’s visit to Orissa in March 1921, it gained momentum. On reaching the

province he was deeply concerned with the poverty prevailing in the province and in

Young India he wrote: “…. I was prepared to see the skeletons in Orissa but not to the

extent I did. I had seen terrible pictures but the reality was too terrible.”150 Gandhi

146 Pati Biswamony. Peasant tribal and national movement in Orissa, p.27. 147 Ibid. 148 Sahoo R.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest, p.223. Government of Bihar and Orissa, Revenue

Department, File No. 19-20, 1927, Confidential District Note Book of February 1923; Proceedings of the Legislative Council of Bihar and Orissa, vol. I, 1913, pp 9-13.

149 Ibdi. p.224. H.K Mahatab (ed.), History of the Freedom Movement in Orissa, vol.III, 1911-30, Cuttack, 1957, pp.66-67.

150 Young India, dated 13th April 1921, “Extracts from Young India and Harijan,”. Private papers Section, NMML, New Delhi.

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knew well about the strength of the growing peasant nationalism as a means to

achieve the independence from the British rule.151

Ramdas Babaji*, a saintly figure began agitation in Kanika. He appealed to

the people to implement non-cooperation and refused payment of rent. Many

Congress leaders visited Kanika to propagate the non-cooperation such as- Attal

Bihari Acharya, Laxminarayan Sahu,Jadumani Mangraj, Sarala Das, Bachhanidhi

Das, Ekram Rasul,the Vice-President of UPCC and Bhagarithi Mohapatra, the

Secretary of UPCC.152 The students of the Kanika High School left the school153,

Swaraj Ashram was set up and swaraj flag was hoisted on a tree which was known as

Gandhibrata.154

The Non-Cooperation Movement started penetrating in the region of Kanika

and Aul in the month of July or August 1921. The Raja was out rightly opposed to the

movement and “congratulated his peasants for remaining uninfluenced by the

agitators.” The PCC on the other hand were making efforts to bring the region of

Kanika into the ambit of the movement and its ‘no rent’ angle largely appealed the

peasantry section which was now full with anti-feudal spirit.155

Ram Das Babaji in his speech delivered on 15th August 1921 at Aul

condemned and criticized the Raja of Kanika and described him as the “creature of

the Satanic Sarkar opposed to the non-cooperation movement in the interest of the

Sarkar.”156

Some of the people also provided great strength to the PCC’s organization and

to the movement as whole. Among them were- Joyram Rai, Anand Chander Jena,

151 Sahoo R.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest In Colonial India, p.221. Brown Judith M, Gandhi’s Rise to Power, pp.289-304; Mahatab H.K, Gandhi: The Political Leader, Cuttack Students Store, Cuttack, 1973, pp.4-5.

* Ram Das Babaji was a saintly figure and due to his appearance he had great impact on the masses. And lot of resemblance had been found between him and Baba Ramchandra who carried out his work in the region of Oudh during these years.

152 SahooR.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest in Colonial India, p.224. 153 Home Political Department, Government of India, File No. 303 of 1921. Also cited in Patti.B,

Resisting Domination, p.63. 154 Acharya Pritish, National Movement and Policies in Orissa, p.28. 155 Ibid. 156 Ibid.

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Bisuni Madhual, Basu Sethi, Upendra Subudhira, Dinabandhu Khandaitrai,* who

worked actively along with Madhusudan Pattnaik and established several sabhas in

different areas. Grama Sabhas and Circle Sabhas had been set up by January 1922

and a Mahasabha had been set up at Ayetan.157

The people in Khurda resented against the chaukidari tax, forest laws and the

Union Board tax which gained the support of the Congress but it took a violent turn.

Along with the other leaders Gopalbandhu organized meetings at Khurda and Banki

village and lay stress on the matter in May. With the result, there was strike in the

Khurda High School and some of the sabarkars resigned. The quarter of the Union

Board and the school building were set on fire.158

In two of the Princely states, of Keonjhar and Dhenkanal the peasants and the

tribals rose against the feudal aspiration which was noteworthy. In May 1921, a

meeting was held at Keonjhar to resist against the resad(forced supplies) and

bethi(forced labor). A bandh was organized on 17th May along with the sankirtans in

order to fascinate the people. It was also supported by local shopkeepers. The

government tried to crush it by arresting the protestors under Section 144. The

Bhuyan tribals agitated against it and demanded the release of the prisoners. However

the authorities did not pay heed to the their demands, and the arrested people were

imprisoned after trial.159

At Dhenkanal, peasants agitated over the revision of the rents. There also the

authorities responded very sharply and arrested their four leaders, oppressing their

movement.160

* Joyram Ria and Anand Chandra Jena both were teachers who were dismissed from their jobs, Jena was also a cultivator who payed a rent of Rs. 2 a year. Bisuni Madhual was a small khandayat cultivator who had a piece of land but also worked on the land of Dinabandhu Khandaitrai, Basu Sethi was a landless person and by profession he was a washermen. Upendra Subhudhira was a podar under the Raja who resigned his post to participate in the movement and Dina Bandhu Khandatari was associated with the movement as he was reduced to the rank of peasantry after the application of the Khas system.

157 Ibid. 158 FR of Bihar and Orissa, Home Political Deposit, File No.46 of 1921,June. 159 Patti B., Resisting Domination, p.68. 160 Ibid, pp.68-9. Also see Radhanath Rath, The History of Freedom Movement in Orissa States,

Cuttack, 1964., p.17.

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After the withdrawal of the non-cooperation movement the leadership was

now in the hands of Dinabandhu Khandayat Rai who turned the movement on the

militant lines.161 Under his leadership, the people violated law, established arbitration

sabhas, attacked the loyalist and the rent payers.162 In Puri, during the period of the

Non-Cooperation Movement, a police station was burnt down.163 There were reports

of haat looting, hartals, demonstrations and boycott of foreign goods were also

witnessed in the region of Puri, Cuttack and Jagatsinghpur.164The Congress workers

were directed by the UPCC not to interfere in the Kanika issues and asked the people

to accelerate the payment of rent.165

The fact cannot be ignored that the peasants played significant role in the

national struggle despite their busy schedule in earning their own subsistence. This

can be proved from the evidence as they held and participate in large political

meetings, they refused to pay illegal cesses, participated in ‘no rent’ campaign, they

fight for their rights etc.166

The socialist and the leftist ideology the agrarian issue formed the core of the

agenda to transform the Indian society and economy. The very first step was their

mobilization, then collectively they put forward their demands to the Government and

when they were ignored they break the laws in which their leaders supported them.167

In Orissa, the Congress and the peasant leaders in their speeches always raised their

problems. They also discussed their future prospects in free India. They promised to

provide impartial treatment to the kisans of the independent India, to provide their

children with education, equal rights and better opportunities.168

The peasants were mobilized on two levels, that are- the village or the regional

level and the other one is the provincial level. The leaders made provocative speeches

on the different occasions to incite anti –British feelings among them. The spirit of

161 Sahoo R.L, Agararian Change and Peasant Unrest, p.224. 162Ibid. 163 Home Political File, Govt. of India, File No.18.2 .1922. N.A.I. Patti.B., Resisiting Domination, p.68. 164 Home Political Department, Govt.of India, File NO. 441 of 1922. N.A.I. 165 Searchlight, 19.2.1922. 166 SahooR.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest, p.225. 167 Ibid. 168 Ibid.

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patriotism was aroused by chanting national songs and the Congress creed was

propagated on these occasions . 169

As the Non-Cooperation Movement speed up in the region the British

authorities tried to suppress it. The Congress organized the meeting on 3rdFeb. 1922

near the Khurda town which was addressed by Gopabandhu Das. The British

authorities alert the people to not to attend the meeting but they were failed as it was

attended by two thousand people.170

The peasant protest movements nor the satyagraha experiments was failed in

eliminating the ‘exploitation and the oppression’ done to the peasants but got success

in inculcating the nationalistic fervor by making the peasants anti-British and anti-

landlord.171

The Rampa rebellion led by Alluri Sitaram Raju was quite active in the region

of Koraput. The movement was against the oppressive system of beti and the harsh

forest rules. The Koyas actively participated in this rebellion.

Bengal was equally affected region, which witnessed great enthusiasm for the

Non-Cooperation Movement despite the fact that in its initial phase many of the

Bengal leaders were not interested in the policy of the non-violent struggle which was

incorporated in the Non-Cooperation Movement. Soon the gospel preached by

Mahatma Gandhi magnetize the nationalist leaders to his side and Bengal was drawn

into a non-violent struggle against the British Raj.

The year 1920, is remarkable in the Indian history as it witnessed the

launching of the Non-Cooperation Movement under the leadership of Mahatma

Gandhi. He emphasized about this non-cooperation programme in his famous book

‘Hind Swaraj’ as far back as in 1909 in which he states that the British empire got

established in India on account of the cooperation of the India people and had

survived till this date. He says in case the Indian people refused to cooperate the

British rule in India will fall down within a short span of a year and swaraj would

169 Ibid. 170 Searchlight, dated 22.2. 1922. 171 Sahoo R.L, Agrarian Change and Peasant Unrest, p.221. Arvind N.Das, ‘Peasants and Peasant

Organizations: The Kisan Sabha in Bihar,’ Journal of Peasant Studies, vol.9, No.3, April 1982, p.53.

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come into our hands.172 For some of the Congressmen ‘swaraj’ means independence

but at the end of 1920’s, opposed the resolutions for the self-government and Gandhiji

described the term in a very blurred manner.173

The Rowlatt Bills, the Punjab brutalities, the Khilafat issue and the worst

economic condition of the country because of the First World War all lead to

inauguration of the Non-Cooperation Movement by Gandhiji.

In Calcutta, also, firing took place and about eight people lost their lives. The

Extremist like C.R.Das and B. Chakravarti led the agitation against the Rowlatt Act in

Calcutta while the Moderates on the other hand tried to crush the movement to

maintain “law and order.”174

As soon as the report of the Congress Enquiry Committee was published in

March 1920, it touched the public sentiments and soon the special session of the

Congress was summoned in Calcutta in September 1920. The account of this session

of the Congress is as follows- “In the meantime the political situation had become

clearer in regard to the Punjab, the Khilafat and the Reforms, and the Punjab debates

in both Houses of Parliament had destroyed the last vestige of faith in the

Government. It was generally agreed that the time had come for vigorous action. The

Special Congress which met at Calcutta in September 1920 was called upon to

consider the programmed as well as the policy of the Non-Cooperation.”175

Almost all the Muslim leaders voted with Gandhi except Jinnaha and many

non-Muslim leaders sided with C.R. Das who was opposing Gandhi.176

Many from Bengal were against his gospel of non-violent non-cooperation

but, Gandhi with his abilities was able to convert his opponents to his side. As Mr.

M.R.Jayakar explains- “……..In each Province, there were in those days, one or two

leading men who would have like to oppose the advance of the new ideas, but they

were all isolated…….Gandhi was becoming popular too rapidly to meet together and

consider a comman course of action. His whirlwind campaign none could

172 Zaidi Sakina Abbas, ‘Mobilization Of Masses by Gandhi in The National Movement,’ p.x. 173 Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, p.65. 174 Kumar Ravinder (Ed.): Essays on Gandhian Politics, Oxford, Delhi, 1971, pp.328-340. 175 Bamford P.C., Histories of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movement, p.14-16. 176 Zaidi Sakina Abbas., ‘ Mobilization of Masses By Gandhi in the National Movement 1917-22.’p.x.

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withstand….. In this welter of ideas, some of the thoughtful leaders of Bengal saw the

great danger of letting an outsider like Gandhi have an unhampered hold over the

youth of their province. Das saw this danger perhaps more clearly than any other

leader. It is certain that, for along time, his virile mind rebelled against the puerilities

of the new doctrines, but their sacrifice and renunciation appealed to him…….. He

soon saw that it was a glorious opportunity to lead and direct the young men of his

province in seeming accord with the new doctrine, but with freedom later to modify it

to suit his conception of a popular movement. After some hesitation , he placed

himself at the crest of this wave.”177

Mr. Ramanand Chatterjee, Editor of ‘Modern Review’ and ‘Prabastu,’ in an

issue of April of ‘Prabasti,’ recommended that “Congress should not dominate by the

one section of people only” and that “every lac of men should return one

representative to the Congress.” He was further of the opinion that it would be

difficult to paralyze the Government through the non-violent non-cooperation scheme.

He pointed Mr. Gandhi that how he could be able to boycott of foreign articles “when

the paper, ink and types (for print) for his paper-‘Young India’- were imported from

the foreign country.178

The Mohemmedan public was showing great sense of interest in the Turkish

matter. The release of Ali Brothers had been an occasion of rejoicing in Calcutta. On

31stDecember a meeting was arranged which was attended by 700 Mohammedans.

The newspapers were making great efforts to represent the situation purely religious

and there were chances of an outbreak of fanaticism.179

The response was amazing regarding the refusal to contest elections. Almost

all the nationalist withdrew their candidature and about 80% of the voters refrained

from voting. The Muslims were advised by the Jamiat-ul-Ulema to boycott the

177 Jayakar M.R, The Story of My Life, vol.1, Bombay, 1958, p.374-75. 178 Home Political Deposit, October 1920, Ref No. 51, p.2. 179 Report on the Political situation for Bengal by the first half of January, from Mr. H.L.Stephenson,

Chief Secretary to the Government of Bengal to Mr. McPherson, Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department Ref. no.79.

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elections for the sake of Islam. It is worthy to be noted that about 20% of the

delegates attended the Nagpur Congress were Muslims.180

With regard to the Congress resolution, 23 nationalist from the region of

Bengal under the leadership of C.R Das were the first to withdraw their candidature

from the Reformed Council.181 Suggestions and attempts had been made to dissuade

the voters to visit the polling booths and the private papers refused to print the

electoral rolls on behalf of the Government.182

There were many nationalist of Bengal who were propagating the Gandhi’s

Non- Cooperation Programme. They were- Mr. Jitendra Lal Banerjee (vakil), Shayam

Sunder Chakaraburti, an ex-detenus, Lalit Mohan Ghosal, an agent of an Insurance

Company, Maulvi Shamsuddin (vakil) and Nirmal Chandra, Attorney.183

Under the presidency of Sarla Debi Chaudhurani, a meeting was held at the

College Square, Calcutta. There a strong speech was made by Mr. J.N Banerjee. He

said-‘ they could not cooperate with the tyrants and that that was a conclusive

argument for non-cooperation.’184 Mrs. Sarla Debi in her letter to the people of

Bengal asked for a support for the work of the non-cooperation.185

The Muslim newspapers had warned England over the Khilafat question. The

words like ‘unjust’ and ‘unrighteous’ were appearing regarding the Turkish

settlement. Regarding the Turkish problem England was warned that-“unless she

insist on a just and generous solution of the Turkish problem the fires already

smouldering in Bolshevism will envelop the world. The Islamic faith makes rebellion

against a peaceful administration a great sin, but transgression cannot be avoided

when the entire nation feels the necessity for it. The extremist are looked upon as

favourable to Mohammedanism and the Hon’ble Dr. Suhrrawardy is arraigned for his

alleged moderate views on the question of the Khilafat.”186

180 Gopal Ram., Indian Muslims, Asia Publishing House, 1964,pp. 147-8. 181 Home Political Deposit, October 1920, Ref No.51, p.3. 182 Ibid. 183 Ibid. 184 Ibid. 185 Ibid. 186 Ibid.

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The Mohemmedan Papers, which shows and discusses intense vigor and

excitement against the Great Britain over the Turkish question and the editors of

‘Muhammadi’ and ‘Moslem Hitaishi’ were warned for using languages which incite

feeling of hatred and racial feeling. At the command of the Government of India a

book entitled “The True Verdict of India” was proscribed under the Indian Press Act

and the orders were issued also to proscribe two leaflets, in English and in Urdu,

circulated throughout Bengal urging people to kill Englishmen, to cut telegraphic

communication and to pave way for revolution.187

On 13thJanuary Maulana Abul Kalam Azad arrived in Calcutta and met about

1000 people at Howra station. He gave a speech at Nakhoda Mosque where he was

brought in procession and was garlanded. Few of the Bengali Hindus were also

engaged in reception of Ali Brothers and Dr. Satyapal and Kitchlew who were

expected to visit Calcutta shortly.188

The non-Mohammedan papers were showing sympathy towards the Moslem

wishes regarding the Turkish issue. Lord Hunter’s decision to not to take the evidence

of the released Punjab leaders was attacked and further they demanded for the release

of the other political prisoners and convicts.189

There had been expressions of industrial unrest in Bengal. There was strike by

the coolies of four jute mills and seven jute presses who were demanding an increase

in their wages. There was a report of snatching things from the shops and molestation

of the passer-by by some boys armed with sticks but no reports of the serious

disturbances have been made, however the adults shown unusual restraint. In Calcutta

there had been strikes by the Rajmistries demanding for increase in their wages which

had severely affected the building and contracting firms.190 The industrial strikes have

occurred throughout the region but there were no reports of the disturbances.191

187 Ibid. 188 Reports on the political situation of Bengal for the second-half of January 1920, Home Political

Deposit, Ref.no.79, January 1920. 189 Ibid, p.176. 190 Report on the Political situation in Bengal by the first half of January, from Mr. H.L.Stephenson,

Chief Secretary to the Government for Bengal to Mr. McPharson, Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department ref. no. 79.

191 Telegram P., no. 691-P., Dated 16th January 1920, from Chief Secretary to the Government of Bengal to the Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department.

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A strike occurred in the Tea Gardens in Assam in which 5 European Officers

including Mr. Furze, the S. Police were assaulted. The Hon’ble Mr. Akhil Ch. Dutt

resigned from the membership of Commila Municipal Board. Mr. Gauesh Ch.

Chandra resigned from the office of Honorary Presidency Magistrateship of Calcutta

and Maulvi Shamsuddin an old vakil expressing their views to discard this practice.192

During the Non-cooperation programmed in the region of Bengal large efforts

had been made to enroll students in the movement. For this Subash Chander Bose

wrote-“Students responded to the appeal in large numbers and the response was the

greatest in Bengal…. It was these student workers who carried the message of the

congress to all corners of the country, who collected funds, enlisted members, held

meetings and demonstrations, preached temperance, established arbitration boards,

taught spinning and weaving and encouraged the revival of home industries.”193

Mr. P.N Mukherjee and H.N Dutt called a meeting of National Council of

Education in Bengal with the aim of expansion of national education. Mr. B.C Pal and

Sisir Chatterjee urged the people to start the national schools and the Arbitration

Courts.194

A large number of the non-cooperating students, during the examination

period entered and tried to stop Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee from entering the senate

house and requested him to nationalize the Calcutta University, which was, declined

by him. He further, demanded the students and their leaders to raise crore of rupees to

nationalize the institution. According to the Police reports, a sum of three lakhs and

fifty six thousand had been raised for the national university including the

contribution of annual forty thousand rupees. To this Sukhlal Chandmal Karnani was

reported to contribute rupees ten thousand annually for a duration of five years.195

During late 1920’s, Gandhiji visited Bengal and appealed to the students not

only to be trained themselves in spinning and speak only Hindustani but also to

collect funds. In edition of ‘Young India’ of January 1921, Gandhiji in his message

192 Home Political Deposit, pp.5-6. Ref. no.51. 193 Bose Subash Chandra, Indian Struggle, p.78. 194 Home Political Deposit, p.6 Ref no.51. 195 Telegram to the Secretary of State regarding the Non-Cooperation among the students in Calcutta

University., Home Poll. Deposit., Feb. 1921, Ref.no. 31.pp1-2.

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“To Young Bengal,” he wrote- “I have just read an account of your response to the

nation’s call. It does not credit to you and to Bengal. I had expected no less. I

certainly expect still more. Bengal has great intelligence. It has a greater heart, it has

more than its share of the spiritual heritage for which our country is especially noted.

You have more imagination, more faith and more emotion than the rest of India. You

have falsified the calumny of cowardice on more occasions than one. There is

therefore, no reason why Bengal should not lead now as it has done before now.196

After an announcement of Prince of Wales visit to India, was made who was

supposed to be landed in Bombay on November 17th. The CWC issued instructions to

boycott his visit. A call for hartal or complete suspension of business was announced

throughout the country. The demonstrations was very successful in Calcutta because

of the enthusiastic support of the Khilafat organizations. According to the Anglo-

Indian papers like Statesman and the Englishman, the possession of the city was under

taken by the Congress volunteers and the government had abandoned and took drastic

steps against them.197 The Congress Volunteer were meted out with brutalities but

they could not break the hartal. The Congress Corps were declared illegal and public

rallies and meetings were banned.198

Aftermath of the First World War was that, the efforts were made to give

organized expression to the peasants demands, as much of the estrangement was

caused due to the worst effects of the war. Markets and grain stores were looted and

rural traders and moneylenders were attacked from time to time. This lead to the

emergence of peasants political associations at the grass-root level.199

The Krishak and Praja Samitis (peasants/ tenants associations) started

demanding economic and social rights. Soon mass meetings were held by these

Krishaks and prajas in the region of east-Bengal.200

196 Gandhi, ‘Swaraj in One Year,’ p.43. Also cited in Gordan Leonardo A., Bengal: The Nationalist Movement 1876-1940, Manohar Book Service, 1974., p.178.

197 Bose Subhash Chandra., Indian Struggle, p.63. 198 Chattopadhaya Gautam., Bengal Electoral Politics And Freedom Struggle 1862-1947. Peoples

Publishing House, New Delhi, 1984,p.67. 199 Bose Sugata., Agrarian Bengal: Economy, Social Structure and Politics, 1919-1947., Cambridge

University Press, London, 1986.,p. 185. 200 Ibid, pp.185-6.

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A district Krishak Samiti was formed at Tippera with its headquartes in

Comilla in April 1919. In its very early phase it was only taking up the demands and

the issues of the peasants but soon with the emergence of the Non-Cooperation

Movement in 1920-22 it was drag into a more widespread agitation. The decline of

jute prices in 1920-21 lead to jute boycott campaign. The other ways to upset the

economic resources of the Government was to establish the arbitration courts and the

boycott of the law courts. Agitations were also raised against the Union Boards. In

few places village unions were formed to regulate the export of rice.201

In many parts of Tipprea, the chaukidars (village police) and daffadars(rural

police) stopped working by the end of 1921. No taxes were paid nor agricultural rents

were collected by the Government nor by the landlords. However the agitation was

made by purely Mohemmedan peasants, but it did not took ‘religious colour.’202

It was during the times of economic difficulties that the Government

introduced the institution of the local-self government. During the Non-Cooperation

Movement in 1921, in Midnapur the masses revolted against the government as an

increase of 50% has been made in the chaukidari(village watch and ward) tax. The

aim was to extract more and more from the local taxation to overcome their financial

crisis. According to the report of the Jt. Majistrate, Midnapur ‘the people had not had

good crops for years…….. and could hardly pay for their food and clothing.’203

The Movement was under the leadership of Contai lawyer, Birendra Nath

Sasmal. By October 1921, the refusal to pay taxes became the common phenomenon.

A huge number of union board members and the chaukidars resigned. In the Santhal

parganas the government was compelled to retreat. And the Village Self-Government

Act was withdrawn from Midnapur. It was a great triumph for the peasantry in

Midnapur.204

It was however for a very short span that the non-cooperation movement in

Midnapur and other parts of west Bengal lived. After the union board victory in

March 1922, the internal conflicts came to forefront. The bhagchshis (sharecroppers)

201 Ibid, p. 186. 202 Ibid, p.187. 203 Ibid, p. 235-6. 204 Ibid.

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of Contai demanded the landlords to reduce their customary half share of the produce.

It was declined by them as little concessions were made by the zamindars. The

bhagchshis were dissatisfied with all this and objected that the landlord were not stick

to the policy of the Mahatma Gandhi.205

According to Wheeler-“ The preaching of the non-cooperation has had

considerable effect throughout the Province, the Districts most severely affected so far

being Rangpur, Chittagaon, Noakhali, Dacca, Faridpur, Bakherganj, Howra, Pabna

and Birbhum.” He further stated that-“Difficulty has been experienced in realizing

Union Rates in Midnapur, Hoogly and Birbhum and in realizing Chaukidari tax in

parts of Rangpur, Rajsahi, Noakhali, Tippera, Mymensingh, Midnapur and Birbhum.

This must be attributed very largely to the constant preaching of non-

cooperation……”206

The political movements by the peasants was primarily against the colonial

government. As in Midnapur and Burdwan the issue was raised against the increased

taxes due to the set up of the Union Boards in Midnapur or opening of the Damodar

cannal in Burdwan. The movement was under the leadership of the rich peasants –the

Jotdar. For them it was a matter taking the political colour as they considered it as an

interference in their local power. It was not a case to be raised against the zamindari

class but it was an attempt to check the encroachment by the colonial government in

the village society. The two main aspects of the entire campaign were- the people

were turned down to pay the increased taxes and secondly to restrain the intrusion of

the colonial government into the village areas where they attacked the autonomy of

the peasant community.207

In this entire episode, the Gandhian Programme and ideology played a vital

role. In this struggle between the colonial state and the rich peasantry the old class of

zamindari was totally outmoded in the region. In its early stage they made attempts to

crush the mass movement but all in vain. The leaders of the mass movement were

205 Ibid, pp236-37. 206 Chattopadhyay Gautam., Bengal Electoral Politics and Freedom Struggle 1862-1947., People’s

Publishing House, New Delhi, 1984,p.66. (Proceedings of Bengal Legislative Council 20and 23 February 1922).

207 Chatterjee Partha., The Present History of West Bengal: Essays in Political Criticism, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1997,p.55.

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united throughout the province and overpower the zamindars. And now they were

ready to operate the profits of the state system.208

The Congress was able to draw larger support from the various class of the

‘owner peasantry.’ The Congress movement from 1920’s onwards “became for many

people in the region successor to those earlier movements of mass mobilization on

social issues.”209

During 1920-21, as a consequence of the Non-Cooperation Movement, a great

upsurge occurred among the peasantry. After the partition of Bengal (1905), for the

first time the nationalist were able to draw masses into the national struggle. The Non-

Cooperation provide favorable conditions for the growth of the ‘independent peasant

movement.’ The movement had a broader base as at a one time it includes the non-

payment of the choukidari tax (village police tax) and land revenue.210

Further more the non-payment of land revenue to the Government paved wave

for the eviction of rent payment to the zamindars.211

On 20th September, the fifth Surma Valley Conference was held at Sylhet

which was attended by Babu Bipin Chandra Pal, D. Sundari Mohan Das, Sorish Ch.

Chatterjee and Hon’ble Mr. Akhil Ch. Dutt. In this meeting the word ‘gradual’ had

been omitted from the Congress resolution such as the gradual withdrawal of children

from Government schools and Colleges and the gradual boycott of law courts.212

This conference also decided to non-cooperate the Assam administration and

condemned Sir Nicholas Beatson Bell as a mark of protest against the official

rejection of the prayers of people for the re-union of Sylhet with Bengal.213

It oppose Imperial preference and encourage trade in Indian Raw material with

friendly countries outside the British Empire. It further recommended to set up Trade

Unions and organizing the Indian Labor. Further, more this Conference along with the

208 Ibid, pp.55-6. 209 Ibid, pp.76-7. 210 Chaudhary Binay Bhushan, ‘ Agrarian Movements in Bengal and Bihar, 1919-39,’ In Desai A.R

(ed.)., Peasants Struggle in India., Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1979,pp. 341-42. 211 Ibid, p. 342. 212 Home Political Deposit, Oct 1920., Ref no.51, p.5 213 Ibid.

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Assam Mohemmedan Conferrence decided to refuse to vote and to participate in any

demonstration in honor of the Viceroy in Silchar and Sylhet.214

Despite the lot of differences and difficulties the creed of non-violent struggle

initiated by the Mr. Gandhi work wonders in the entire eastern region. The wave of

the Non-Cooperation Movement was blown throughout the region with great

enthusiasm and zeal and touched all sections and class of people whether peasants,

students or the working class.

214 Ibid.

Wave Of Non-Cooperation In South India

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Chapter -5

WAVE OF NON-COOPERATION IN SOUTH INDIA

“The Nationalist Party in Poona is not favorably disposed towards Mr.

Gandhi’s non-cooperation movement. Personally I have got regard for Mr. Gandhi;

but I view his movement will end in people’s self deception and disappointment……

Mr. Gandhi, it appears, wants to create an agitation, which, of course would not

necessitate the calling in of the military in India before the visit of the Prince of

Wales, but Government should be in readiness to keep the order through their civil

authorities……… I think that under the present circumstances, there should be no

restraint to speeches, or holding big meetings, or advising swadeshi propaganda, or

instructing people to give up titles or honorary posts or dissuading persons from

standing from the election…………. As for our party, we will wait till the decision of

the special Congress be out, and if the special Congress will enjoin upon us to stick to

the non-cooperation movement, myself and my partywill not stand for election. But

we will not be able to correct Government by remaining outside the Council………

the best way to be see that the Nationalist join in a body, and send a large number of

their party to the council, so that such elected men might prevent Government from

passing any measures unpalatable to the Nationalist party and force Government’s

hand to pass certain resolutions for which they have been agitating. 1st August, the

declared Hartal Day- we will hold meetings, and many shops will be closed at Poona,

but we have no heart in this movement, and Government should not misunderstand

our action. We have to keep up some appearances to please Mr. Gandhi, and his

Muhammedan friends………….. My personal belief is that this is a Pan- Isamic

question and the Hindus have no right to join the Mohemmedans, and as long as the

Indian Muhammadans have one eye towards Turkey and other to the British

Government, their loyalty towards the latter is shaky and they are not fit to be the

friends of the Hindus.”1

1 An interview with Mr.N.CKelkar, the Editor of ‘Kesari’ at Poona by Sd/- G.Madurkar S.IC.I, Simla

on 22nd July 1920. Home police department, 1920.

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The Nationalist of Poona were furious with Mr.Gandhi and tried to upset him

at Nagpur. He had pushed away a considerable section of the Home Rule League with

his ‘frankly anti-British attitude.’2

Mr.Baptista was eager to form a Nationalist Party and Mr. Tilak had formed

National Democratic Company with the capital of Rs. 10 lakh. Its aims and objectives

were-(i) to demand self-determination for India, (2) to bring India in line socially

with civilized nations of the world; (3) to support just rights of the workers and bring

about equitable divisions of wealth. Its organ and its first venture was the evening

English daily paper –‘The Democrat,’ of which Baptista wants Horiman to be its

Editor.3

According to a Bombay correspondent, who writes on September17-“The

beginning of September witnessed great enthusiasm but an equal amount of anxiety in

Indian political circles. The Maharatta politicians bereft of their great leader, the

Lokmanya, found themselves for a time unable to wield their great customary

influence in Indian politics, but efforts have been made not to allow the sense of unity

created in the Maharatta speaking parts of India to be frittered away for want of the

towering personality which had inspired and consolidate it………….”4

After the sad demise of LokmanyaTilak, in August 1920, Mr. N.C Kelkar and

Mr. Joseph Baptista were recognized as the leaders of the party. As far as the Deccan

Nationalists were concerned over the policy of the non-cooperation they were agreed

to the principle of the Non-Cooperation but ‘No to the boycott of the Councils.’ The

entire country had whole heartedly accepted the non-cooperation movement led by

Mahatma Gandhi and his lieutenants. Only the Deccan Natioanalist and their allies in

Central Provinces and Berar suggest that it was a ‘mistaken policyto stand out from

the councils and not to go to the electrotate.’5

2 Demi- Official letter from A.Montgomerie, to Hon’ble Mr. McPherson, S.D no.-982, dated 28th

October 1920, Poona, Home Department Political-A, GOI, Proceedings December 1920, nos. 210-216 K-W.,p.5.

3 Telegram P., no.68, dated 29thJanuary 1920, from His Excellency The Viceroy to His Majesty’s Secretary of State for India. Home Political Deposit.

4Notes and News, Bombay September 17th, 1920, Home Political Deposit, January 1921, Ref. No. 49, p.127.

5Notes and News, Bombay September 17th 1920, Home Political Deposit, January 1921, Ref. No. 49, p.127.

Wave Of Non-Cooperation In South India

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Mr. Kelkar’s views over the no-cooperation policy was perfectly matched with

those of Mr. Tilak. All the leaders, both the moderates and the extremists were

waiting for the decision of the special congress over this issue. Mr. Malviya, even

warned his audience at Khandwa to not ‘to be impatient in this connection.’6

According to a Telegram from the Exchange Bombay correspondent

published in London regarding the industrial discontent prevailing in India, which can

be witnessed in every large city. Being the largest industrial centre, Bombay was

suffering most acutely. Business there was carried on “with greatest difficulty.” There

was all over the Postal strikes, and “daily thousands of dissatisfied workers may be

seen gathering in the principal park of the city, giving voice to their grievances.”7

According to the Times, Bombay correspondent, mournfully reports that “the

Bombay strike epidemic persists.” Not only the postal employees were out but it

appears that “all the tramway drivers, conductors, and workshop operatives” have

come out. The allegations made by the Times correspondent was that-“ the loyal

drivers and conductors” are being “intimidated by the intransigent minority.”8

In a Telegram from the Viceroy to the Secretary of State for India on

23rdJanuary, it had been reported that the strike situation in Bombay was growing

rapidly marked by the tendency of sabotage. A Labor Settlement Committee was

formed under the Presidentship of Sir Chandravarkar, with its vice-president Mr.

Baptista, to take up the grievances of the workers and to elect the delegates of the

Committee to work out negotiations between the workers and the owners. Along list

of the demands were read out which concentrated on ‘the essentials, increased wages,

month’s bonus and strike pay.’ Initially the proposals made by the men were rejected

by the owners but later the intervention of Governer of Bombay resulted in the

negotiations between the two that is the Millowner’s Assosiation and the Settlement

Committee. A Settlement was reached out according to which 55% of the extra

allowance was provided instead of the previous which was fixed at the rate of 35%

and from the 1stFebruary, the work hours were reduced to 10 hours a day. But all this

6 Report submitted to Deputy Director for perusal by Sd/- H.V.B.Hare-Scott, dated 27.7.20.Home

Political Deposit, Proceedings, August 1920, Ref. No.35. 7 “India at the Present time is seething with industrial discontent,” Telegram from the Exchange

Bombay correspondent published in London. Notes and News, Home Political Deposit, January 1921, Reference No. 49.p.126.

8The Times, Bombay, October 1920, Home Political Deposit, January 1921, Ref No. 49.p.126.

Wave Of Non-Cooperation In South India

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met with great disappointment caused by failure of men to respond. The result was a

complete deadlock.9Sholapur also witnessed strikes involving about five mills and

about ten thousand men.10

The Rowlatt Satyagraha and then the call for the Non-Cooperation Movement

and the Khilafat Movement all this resulted in the resurrection of the working class

from the year 1919-20. This was the period when the working class now started

forming their own organizations on the national level in order to protect their class

rights. During this period the most important development was the formation All-

India Trade union Congress. On 31st October 1920, the First All India Trade Union

Congress was met. The attempts were made, to co-ordinate the organization in the

region of Bombay, Madras and elsewhere into a National movement which was

scattered in unrelated sections.11

By 1920, about 125 labor unions with a membership of 250,000 were formed.

The workers played a significant role in the National Struggle. Protest and

demonstrations were witnessed throughout the country which was very acute in

Bombay and Calcutta.12

During the visit of Prince of Wales in November 1921, the workers started a

general countrywide strike on the call of the Congress for boycott. In Bombay, the

textile factories were shut down and about 1,40,000 workers were involved in rioting .

Europeans and Parsis were attacked as they welcomed the Prince.13

Arjun Atmaram Awle, a worker in a textile mill in Bombay, described these

eventful years as-“While our struggle ……..was going on this manner, the drum of

political agitation was being beaten I the country. The Congress started a great

agitation demanding rights for India to conduct her own administration. At that time

we workers understood the meaning of this demand for Swaraj to be only this, that

our indebtedness would disappear, the oppression of the moneylenders would stop,

our wages would increase, and the oppression of the owner on the worker, the kicks

9 Telegram P., no.68., dated 29th January 1920. From His Excellency the Viceroy to His Majesty’s

Secretary of State for India, Home Political File, p.34. 10 Telegram P., no. S.D 95, dated 31st January 1920. From the Chief Secretary to the Government of

Bombay to the Secretary to the Government of India., Home Political Deposit., Ref no.79, p. 3 11Home Political Deposit, January 1921, Ref. No.49, p.127. 12 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Independence: 1857-1947, p.217. 13 Ibid.

Wave Of Non-Cooperation In South India

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and blows with which they belabor us, would stop by legislation, and that as a result

of it, the persecution of us workers would come to an end. These and other thoughts

came into the mind of us, and I myself, enlist ourselves as volunteers in the Non-

Cooperation Movement.”14

Tendency of violence among the workers had been witnessed as reports of

looting and stone throwing had been reported. Several people were arrested for such

acts.15

On 12thMay, a meeting of All-India Khilafat Committee in Bombay was held.

Gandhi, Ali Brothers and other appointed a sub-committee to organize non-

cooperation programmed.16

The Turkish question was a heated topic among the Muslim Press. According

to Bombay Chronicle it was not a matter to be surprised over the growth of the anti-

British feelings as the Great Britain was not seemed to be ‘just and righteous,’ over

the solution of the question. Mufid-e-Rozgar expressed its pleasure over the

sentiments of the Turkish who decided not be enslaved. The Akhbar-i-Islam was of

the opinion that-“the recent pronouncement of the Prime Minister had added insult to

the injury done to the feelings of both Muhammadans and the Hindus.”17 Over the

Turkish Peace terms there was a growing truculence was noticed in the tone of the

press.18

According to Mufid-e- Rozgar an inter allied control could only be established

at Constantinople only when “ the last of the Ottoman race would have shed his blood

and the Khalifa of Islam would have tasted his martyrdom at the gate of Stamboul”

and warned Great Britain of its serious repercussions. The Bombay Chronicle

declared the proposal to be “outrageous” almost declaring the war on Khilafat. 14Ravinder Kumar, ‘From Swaraj to Purna Swaraj: Nationalist Politics in the city of Bombay, 1920-

32,’ in Low D.A (ed.), Congress and the Raj, Facets of Indian Struggle 1917-47, London, 1977,p.88. Also cited in Chandra Bipin., India’s Struggle For Independence,pp.217-218.

15Telegram P.No. 30 S.D., Dated and received 10th January 1920, from Secretary to the Government of Bombay, Judicial Department, to The Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department.

16Copy of opinion of Advocate General, Bombay, no.47, dated 19th November 1920, Home Political Department, Political-A, December 1920, nos. 210-216.

17 Fortnightly Report of Bombay ending 16th January 1920, submitted by J. Crerar, Secretary to the Government of Bombay, Special Department, to Mr. H.McPherson, Secretary of State of India, Home Department Jan. 1920.

18 Telegram P., no. S.D. 95, dated 31st January 1920, From the Chief Secretary to the Government of Bombay to the Secretary to the Government of India. Home Political Deposit, January 1920, Ref no.79,p.3.

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Whereas the PrajaMitra, Parsi and the Hindustan were of the opinion that all these

circumstances drive the Islamic nations into the arms of Bolshevists. In the opinion of

Kesari the growing Bolshevik threat would result in ultimate preservation of

Constantinople as a seat of the Turkish government.19

On 4th and 5th of January 1920, the Sind Provincial Khilafat Conference was

held at Hyderabad which was attended by about two thousand daily, standing from all

parts of the province all representing the Mohemmedans. Highly provoking speeches

were made by the Maulavis, including couple of songs. Maulvi Haji Ahamad of

Larkana said that- “he was surprised the Ulemas had not yet declared jehad.” Another

Maulavi from the same place said that –“if the terms of the Turkey were

unsatisfactory they would be compelled to follow the dictates of the Koran and

declared a Jehad Nafis.”20

As far as the Reform Act was concerned the Moderate Press represented by

the Indian Social Reformer, condemned the resolution and declared that the Congress

had “utterly discredited itself as the mouthpiece of responsible opinionin the country,”

and condemned Mr. Tilak for the role he played in this issue and for “his egoistic and

unprincipled opportunism.” On the other hand, the Extremist Press, Marattha

declared that-“a clear lead” had been given in the matter of the Reform Act and “the

lines of further agitation for the political advancement of India were laid on the solid

foundations.”21

However, the non-cooperators were failed to achieve success in other fields

and now they were making efforts to provoke students against the British government.

Some of the Professors resigned from the Poona college but still Gandhiji was not

satisfied and hoped for the better results.22In Bombay, Mr. Gandhi chalked out a plan

to establish a ‘national university.’ According to the reports 35 students withdrew

from schools and 3 schools decided to relinquish Government aid and affiliation.

19Ibid, Ref no. 79, p.5. 20Demi-Official no. S.D. 26, dated the 31st January/ 2nd February, 1920. From J.I. Crerar, Secretary to

the Government of Bombay to Mr. McPherson, Secretary to the Government of India. Home Political Deposit., Ref.no.79.

21 FR of Bombay ending 16th January 1920, submitted by J.Crerar, Secretary to the Government of Bombay, Special Department, to Mr. H.McPherson, Secretary of State for India, Home Department.

22 Bombay letter, dated 30.11.1920 . Home Political Deposit, December 1920, Ref no. 48, p.32.

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Godbole and Athavale, the two Professors of Gujarat Government College resigned

from their services.23

The ‘Swarajya Sabha’ was making a rigorous propaganda work and dissuade

the electors to not to go to the polls.24 Following Bengal, 17 of the Congress

democrats from Bombay headed by Mr. Baptista announce their withdrawal of their

candidature for the Reformed Council.25 In Poona, the voting was very poor, even

below 10 per cent, but in Bombay it appears to have been between 35 and 40 per

cent.26

The critical approach of the Deccan was a great hurdle in the way of

Mahatma. Mr. Gandhi was much disappointed with his tour in the Deccan and the

Karnatak. Even those who were enrolled in the ranks of extremist would not gave up

their practice. And the most comman feature of the extremist was the disturbances

created by them. In Bombay, Sir Chamanlal Setalvad addressed large audences.On the

other hand, the Liberals were busy to resist Gandhism. The propaganda work done by

Mr. Altekar and Mr. Ambekar* in the Northern Division and made fortnight tour in

the districts of Deccan and the Karnatak was the most successful.27

Some of the stalwarts who were elected and their qualification are beyond the

shadow of a doubt were the Principal Paranjapye* and there were several others.*28

The Madras Provincial Congress Committee, lost its old position and prestige

in the city after the Calcutta Special Congress. All the nationalist under Mr.

KasturirangaAyangar resigned in a body on the issue of the passing of the Non-

Cooperation movement. These people were had no faith in it. Earlier it had been

deserted by the Moderates and then by the nationalist it remained only a shadow of

23 Home Political Deposit, October 1920, Ref no. 51, p. 7. 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid, p. 3. 26Bombay letter, dated 30.11.20, Home Political Deposit, December 1920, Ref no. 48, p.31. * Both Poona Liberals and the latter was from the Servants of India Society. 27Bombay letter, dated 30.11.20. Home Political Deposit, December 1920, Ref no. 48, p. 32. * Mr. Pranjapye was one of the most independent men India possesses. He was a giant in intellect,

simple and self sacrificing in life, a thorough gentleman and a great patriot. * The others who may be trusted to look after the interest of the people without fear and favor were Mr.

V.R Gupte of Poona, RaiBahadur Kale of Satara, DiwanBahadurGodbole, Dr. FernandesSardarMutalik and several others.

28 Bombay letter, p.32.

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the past exesitence.29 It (MPCC) had now remained under the sole control of the Non-

Cooperators like- Mr. Yakub Hasan, Mr. C. Rajagopalachari, Mr. T.V .Venkatrama

Aiyer and few others.30

Due to the change in creed and the constitution of the MPCC, its last meeting

was attended by only ten persons. The attainment of ‘swarajya’ was adopted and

accepted unanimously but there were differences regarding the other issues such as

‘the number of the delegates to the congress from each district should be calculated on

the basis of population,’ this was not approved in the region.31

Here much of the propaganda work was done by the Khilafat committee. The

Khilafat Committee distributed the literature and placards on the non-cooperation

both in the city and the moffusil. They moved throughout the city distributing the

handbills and asked the voters to not to vote for any candidate.32

Proposals were made by the British authorities to extern Mr. Sahukat Ali from

the province as he sparked immense enthusiasm among his audience through his

speeches and incite hatred against the British Government. He asked his audience to

take some action against the British authorities as the peace with Turkey had not

actually been done. He had made impunity speeches inciting the troops to mutiny in

the region and appealed to Mohemmedans ‘for deeds instead of words.’33

In Malabar, the Home Rule Movement of 1916, gave a new thrust to the

nationalist activities. Its branches emerged in different parts of the state. The most

famous propagator for the cause was Ponmadath Moideen Koya, who was popularly

known as ‘Home Rule’ Moideen Koya. The Home Rule League and the

reorganization of the MDCC,(Malabar District Congress Committee) gave a impetus

to the national activities in Malabar. The Assistant Secretary of both these

organizations Mappila P.A. Kunhammed attaracted number of Mapillas on large scale

to the cause of the National Movement.34

29 Madras letter, dated 29.11.1920., Home Political Deposit, 1920, Ref no.48., p. 34. 30Ibid., p.34. 31 Ibid.,P.35. 32Ibid., p.35 33Proceedings., Home Political Department, Part-B., File no. 172-76, May 1920. 34Salahuddin O.P., ‘Political Ferment in Malabar.,’ Social Scientist, vol.35., No.11/12 (Nov-Dec.,

2007)., p.30.

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Khilafat resolution was passed by KomuMenon, appealing the British

authorities to “settle the Turkish question in accordance with the just and legitimate

sentiments of the Indian Muslims and the solemn pledge of His Majesty’s ministers.”

In case of its failure, “to adopt a policy of progressive non-cooperation with the

Government.” When both the issues of tenancy and the non-cooperation were taken

up at the conference a large scale boycott was executed against the jenmies (big land

owners) and secondly “the resolutions on tenancy and the Khilafat brought the

Moplaha masses to the Congress fold.”35

In Malabar district of Kerala the Mappila (Muslim) peasants rose against the

oppressive landlords in August 1921. There issues were renewal fees, high rents, lack

of security of tenure and other oppressions and exactions made by the big

landowners.36

According to the Government records-“A very large proportion of the

community in Ernaad, as well as neighbouring Walloowanaad, depend, for their very

existence, upon agriculture, but for various reasons, the tenurial system most of all,

this industry is at best very precarious and uncertain. Rack renting, exorbitant renewal

fees and so called benevolences, capricious evictions, the pernicious melcharth system

under which a landlord is free to lease over the head of the occupying tenant, unjust

and arbitrary exactions by agents of absentee landlords, vexations and humiliating

social tyranny on part of the landlords, these and many other hardships are the

comman experience of the tenantry, a large proportion of whom are mere tenants at

will, liable to be capriciously evicted at the landlord’s or middleman’s mere whim and

pleasure………. The most painful hardship lies in the tenant’s everpresent dread of

being turned out of his homestead even after it had been in his family for generations

and had acquired sanctity in his eyes…….”37

Against the eviction and imposition of the illegal cesses or to say ‘anti-

landlord character,’ draw the Mappila peasantry into the tenancy movement. The

Tenancy Association was more active in the region of Ernad and Walluvanadtaluks.

They organized meetings in different areas of Ernad and Wallunvand such as 35Ibid.p.30. 36 Chandra Bipin, India’s Struggle for Independence: 1857-1947. 37 To His Excellency The Right Honourable Lord Willingdon, G.C.S.I., G.B.E. Governor of Fort St.

George., Judicial Department, G.O. No. 2296, dated 8th October 1919. Cited in ‘Peasant Protest and revolts in Malabar,’(ed.) Pannikar K.N., People ‘s Publishing House., New Delhi., 1990,p.301.

Wave Of Non-Cooperation In South India

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Kottakkal, Ponmala, Kuruva, Koddur, Pukkottur and in other places, to highlight the

oppression of the janmies. The two important aspects which came out of these

meetings were- (1) peasants now shared their comman sufferings and possibilities

were raised to chalked out their comman action or plan, (2) now the peasants openly

raised their voices against their exploiters and came together on a comman platform.38

With the efforts of the two leaders M.P Narayan Menon and Kattilasseri

Mohammed Musaliar, the movement gained popularity in these two talukas. However

it was only with the initiative of the Moppilas tenants that they organized themselves

against the landlord’s oppression. Near Kottakkal the tenants formed Union for the

Redress of Grievances of the Tenants of Samuthiri’s Estate. Here the tenants adopted

non-cooperation and socially boycotted the janmies. On an eviction of a tenant of

Samuthiri estate, Union gave a call for the non-cooperation. This had a great impact

as the estate was unable to obtain services of laborers for agricultural tasks. In Kodur

and Kuruva, due to the non-cooperation janmies faced lot of difficulties to meet their

daily needs. The speeches of these local Moppilas were more authentic and ardent

than compared to the intelligentia.39

The Manjeri conference was attended by large number of the Mopillas, and

the only issue which was discussed was the Khilafat question. The other important

element of the conference was the Hindu-Muslim unity. It was the beginning of the

Khilafat and the Non-Cooperation propaganda work in Malabar. There were also

establishment of local Khilafat Committees in different parts of Malabar* which done

lot of propaganda work for the cause of the Khilafat and the Non-Cooperation.40

The issues which were taken up at the Manjeri Conference were the Punjab

atrocities, the Khilafat question and the constitutional reforms. In the Conference, a

leaflet was distributed which advocated ‘non-cooperation if the Khilafat question was

settled in a manner unacceptable to Muslim opinion.’ Some of the delegates under the

leadership of K. Madhavan Nair and K.P.Keshava Menon were in favor of adopting

the non-violent non-cooperation movement where as some others like Annie Besant,

38Pannikar K.N., Against the Lord and the State: Religion and Peasant Uprisings in Malabar 1836-

1921, Oxford University Press., New Delhi., 1989, p.121. 39Ibid. *ManjeriConferernce was followed by the establishment of tenants’ association at Kozhikode. Chandra

Bipin, India Struggle for Independence, p.201. 40 Ibid,pp.30-31.

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Manjeri Rama Iyer and their followers opposed this non-cooperation and welcomed

the constitutional reforms. At this conference, a resolution was passed which

supported the non-cooperation with “loud and prolonged applauses, shouts of

BandeMataram and Hindu-Muslim Ki Jai.”41

Number of the translated pamphlets and the fatwas were distributed in the

mosques and at the Khilafat meetings, especially ‘Tarke-e-Muwalat,’ by Abul Kalam

Azad.42

Mr. Gandhi and Sahukat Ali toured Madras Presidency in August and both of

them made objectionable speeches. As the Advocate General of Madras adviced that

the speech delivered by Shaukat Ali at Calicut on 18th August and Gandhi’s speech

at Bezwada on 23rd August were most objectionable.43

Shaukat Ali in his speech at Calicut on 18th August 1920 said that- “I need not

tell you, you all know, that our state was never in great danger, our faith was never so

in the world as is to-day, and I tell you, partly you know it yourself, that it is all due to

your own exertions in your own Government because we trusted, we believed

Government, we offered them assistance and I think through that assistance that we

gave them they brought our own faith in this position…………..

If you are strong and capable then it is our bounden duty so long as there is

one Mussalman breathing to fight the unjust King, the unjust Government that have

paved to be an enemy to your faith and to your God, or if you are weak and could not

cope physically with your opponents, then it is incumbent for you to go, migrate to

another country and leave that unjust kingdom and that unjust tyrant and King………

It is your duty to help those who are in the right path of virtue and fear of God

and do not help those who are in the path of sin and enmity to God…………. So you

will withdraw your children from schools, Government schools and aided schools

41Ibid. 42Ibid, p.31. 43 Copy of opinion of Advocate General, Bombay, no. 47, dated 19th November 1920, Home Political

Department 1920, Political-A, December 1920, nos. 210-216 K-W,PP.9-11.

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because they receive their taint of education that will do more harm to yourself and to

your sons than good.”44

The speeches of the Ali Brothers were interpreted by the Mopillas as a fight

against the British and this was further carried on with great enthusiasm by the local

Khilafat leaders. Such as E. Moidu Maulavi conveyed audience at Cannanore that

“the Indian Muslims ought to have fought a war in revenge for the wrongs doe to

Islam,” and he ‘deplored the want of arms,’ to undertake such a struggle.45The

Khilafat Deputation was considered disappointing in the city (Madras). The Viceroy

urged the Mohemmedans to remain staunch in their allegiance and loyalty, despite the

fact about the wrongs done to the fate of Turkey. The Editor of ‘Qaumi Report,’ wrote

number of articles to incite Mohemmedans and to rage them against the injustice done

to the Turkey and to preserve the Turkish Empire and the Khilafat.46The vernacular

papers bitterly criticized the Viceroy’s attitude towards the Khilafat deputation.47

From the very inception of the Khilafat agitation, the Congress was well aware

of its violent tendency. Despite the fact that in every meeting of the Khilafat

propaganda the Congress laid much emphasis on the importance of non-violence.

Even the district administration was concerned with the Mopilla militancy due to the

growing popularity of the Khilafat and Non-Cooperation Movement. E.F Thomas, the

District Majistrate was worried about the influence of the Congress-Khilafat duo, into

the interior of the districts. Therefore, his efforts was to isolate Moppilas from the

main stream political developments.48

The arrest of the Congress leaders and the prohibition of the Congress-

Khilafat meetings faced severe repercussions by the Mopillas who had a militant

mindset and tradition of revolt. The most influential Congress-Khilafat leaders were

excluded from the Mopilla zone, which was really tough to shape the course of events

in the rural areas.49

44 Speech deliver by Shaukat Ali at Calicut, dated 18th August 1920. Home Political Department,

Political-A, December 1920,nos. 210-216 K-W., p.11. 45 Home Political Department., Part-1-A, File NO. 241., 1921, N.A.I, Also quoted in Pannikar K.N.,

Against the Lord: Religion and Peasant Uprising 1836-1921, p.128. 46 Reports on the internal political situation in India for second half of January 1920., Home Political

Deposits, January 1920, Ref no. 79.p.1 47Ibid, p.2. Ref no.79. 48Pannikar K.K, Against the Lords, pp.128-9. 49AICC Papers, Part-III, File No.3, 1921.

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A mass meeting of the Mohemmedans were held on the Beach, under the

Presidentship of Hon’ble Mr. Yakub Hasan, which was attended by 20,000 people

and among them large numbers were Mopillas,50 where he (Editor of Quami Report)

further explains the triple significance of jehad- that were ‘ jehad by pen and brain,’

‘jehad by contributing money’ and ‘jehad by the swords.’ His speech made a great

impact on the audiences which appears from the fact that many of them offered their

watches, fountain pens and the similar articles which were auctioned on the spot.

Even one man subscribed Rs. 1000 in cash.51

Mappilas, as compared to the Hindus had much strong reason to join

the Congress and the Khilafat. As the nationalist leaders raised the slogans of ‘hands

off-the Turkish Khalif,’ which was very close to the hearts of every Muslim and

secondly it was to freed themselves from the clutches of the British authorities and

jenmis.52

In Malabar, the Khilafat and its activities spread widely by the end of 1920. A

Khilafat Committee was established at Calicut under the Presidentship of M.

Khunikhoya Thangal and T. Hassan Koya Mulla, U. Gopala Menon and Melekandi

Moidu as Secretaries. With the efforts of Chekku Molla Sahib of Kondotti, about 200

Khilafat Committees were formed by 30thJune 1921 in the areas like Tanur, Kondotti,

Tirur, Manjeri, Kottakal, Tirurangadi, Mallapuram, Ponnani and Ottappalam. Under

the Presidentship of P.M. Pookaya Thangal, K.M. Maulavi, Ali Musliyar as Vice-

President and K.P. Kunhi Pokker, Haji Pottayil Kunhammed as Secretaries, a fifty

member permanent Khilafat committee was formed at Tirurangadi.53

The leaders at the district level such as K. Madhavan Nair, U. Gopala Menon,

M.P Narayan Menon, K.P KeshavaMenon and Kattilasseri Muhammed Musaliar

viewed Khilafat agitation as part of broader struggle and laid emphasis on the non-

violent non-cooperation struggle. But the religious leaders took it up as a religious

movement, and played a significant role in mobilizing the Mopillas. The leader of the

movement at Tanur, Kunhi Qadar, believes and took it the cause of the Khilafat as

50Salahuddin O.P., Ferment in Malabar, Social Scientist, vol.35., No.11/12 (Nov-Dec., 2007).,p.31 51Ibid. 52 Chandra Bipin., India’s Struggle for Independence, 1857-1947, p.201. 53Salahuddin O.P, Ferment in Malabar, p.32.

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purely religious, and ‘was against mixing it up with with all ridiculous Hindu

propaganda.’54

The Khilafat Movement fully supported the tenancy agitation as well,

in Ernad and Walluvanad. M.P Narayana Menon fought for the tenancy rights and

resigned from the Perinthalmanna.55

The Nagpur Congress was attended by large number of delegates from

Malabar. In almost every area the Khilafat committees were organized. And after

every few days meetings were conducted throughout the district and even violent

speeches were made. K. Madahvan Nair, U. Gopala Menon, M.P. Narayana Menon,

K.P. Keshava Menon and Kattilasseri Muhammed Musaliyar were some of the

leaders engaged in the agitation. According to the reports about 20,000 people

attended the Kalpakanchery meeting.56

A Khilafatist and the member MLC (MADRAS LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL),

Mr. Yakub Hassan was invited to Malabar to deliver speeches and to advice Mapillas

to not to adhere non-violence. On his arrival Mr.Yakub Hassan along with U.

GopalaMenon, K. Madhvan Nair, Ponmadath Moideen Koyawere arrested. In

retaliation a hartal was observed in Calicut on 17th February. The authorities were

concerned with these developments, but despite their repressive measures the non-

cooperation movement gained momentum and drew great support from all sections of

society.57

The most significant in the history of the freedom movement in Malabar was

the Ottappalam conference held from 23 to 26 April 1921. It was the first AKPC

(ALL KERELA PROVINCIAL CONFERENCE), and was attended by 4000

delegates and was presided over by T. Prakasham. Its different session took up the

issues of the Khilafat, Students and Tenancy. K.P Raman Menon, George Joseph,

Editor of Independent, and Syed Murtaza Sahib presided over its sessions. The

54Pannikar K.N., Against Lord and State, p.126. 55Ibid. Salahuddin, Ferment in Malabar, p33. 56Ibid, pp.32-3. 57 Ibid, p.33.

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participation and the involvement of the masses with such an enthusiasm alarmed the

masses and they took to repressive measures.58

His (YakubHasan), speeches and his arrest proved to be turning point in the

Khilafat movement as it induced ‘a decidedly hostile and aggressive,’ attitude among

the Khilafat activist.59

A Khilafat meeting was held at Calicut on 29thJuly, where Abdurahiman Sahib

read out the Malayalam translation of the resolutions of All India Khilafat

Conference. It laid stress on ‘the integrity of the holy places according to the shariat’

and stated that unless this be securedthe Indian Muslims will not rest and will rise

against the enemies of Islam and the Khilafat.’ In an another meeting which was held

at Cannanore E. MoiduMaulvi, urged the people to fight against the British

Government who had done wrong to Islam. He moved a resolution and asked the

people to follow the instructions of the INC, over the issue of the Turkey. About 101

meeting were conducted throughout the region which carried the call for the non-

payment of taxes and Civil Disobedience. Even during the Friday congregational

prayers message of the Non-Cooperation was deliverd among the public.60

In South Malabar, where the majority was comprised of the peasantry class,

the Khilafat Movement was amalgamated with the tenancy movement. However, the

tenancy movement was mainly concerned with the issues of intermediary rent

receiving rent paying Kanakkar (one who holds land on kanam [land tenure based on

mortgage or lease] tenure) and its leaders were mainly belong to this class. In South

Malabar, the poor Mopilla tenants were also engaged in the Khilafat acivities, also

played active role in the tenanacy movement.61

Leaders like Kalatingal Muhammed and P. Kunhikadar, were not only

involved in the tenancy movement but they played a vital role in the Khilafat

agitation. The Khilafat movement provided for the first time a comman platform for

the Mopilla peasantry to express their religious sentiments along with the pursuit of

58Ibid, pp.33-4. 59Menon Gangadhar M., ‘The YakubHasan Episode’, Journal of Kerala Studies, vol.I, No.2, pp.311-27. 60 Appendix-II, ‘Madras Weekly Report on Non-Cooperation Movement,’ dated 6th and 13th August,

Home Political Department, GoI., Ref No. 241/ 1-A, 1921, NAI, New Delhi. 61Pannikar K.N., Peasants Protest and Revolts in Malabar, People’s Publishing House, New Delhi.,

1990., p.xix.

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justice and salvation.62 In 1920-21, the political developments provide as a ‘fusion of

the anti-British and anti-feudal sentiments of the Mopilla peasantry.’63

Indeed, there was a little appeal of the nationalist agitation of 1920-21 on the

Mopllas of South Malabar. But still in few areas, like Tirurangadi which was one of

the ‘fanatic zone,’, the Ernad Mopallas boycotted those ‘respected’ Mopllas who were

against the Khilafat agitation and picketed toddy shops which was welcomed by the

rest of Malabar.64

On 20thAugust, 1921, a revolt broke out at Tirurangadi soon swallow up the

entire region of the South Malabar and was an integral part of anti-imperialist

movement. On 20th August 1921, the District Majistrate, E.F. Thomas ordered to

arrest the most well known and respected priest of the Mopillas, Ali Musaliar from

the Mamburam mosque. The police entry into the mosque was quite outrageous in

itself, but the rumor that the Mamburam mosque which was the most oldest and most

important religious center was fired and destroyed inflamed the Mopillas who had

already the impression of destroying the Turkish territory by the British Government.

The unarmed mob which was assembled at Tirurangadi to conform the entire situation

was firedeventually leading to violence. Many army and police personnel were

attacked and killed, the Government offices and records were destroyed and burnt and

treasuries were looted.65

Soon the revolt spread like wild fire throughout the region of Walluvanad,

Ernad and Ponnanitaluks. According to the Government announcement-‘The whole

interior of the South Malabar, except Palghattaluk is in the hands of the

rebels……situation from the point of view of civil administration is that local

machinery of the Government has broken down. Throughout the affected area the

Government offices have been wrecked and looted and records destroyed.

Communications have been obstructed……All government offices and courts have

ceased to function and ordinary business is at stand still.”66

62Ibid., pp. xix-xx. 63 Ibid. 64 Wood Conrad., The Moplah Rebellion and Its Genesis, People’s Publishing House, 1987,New

Delhi.,p.146. 65Pannikar K.N., Peasants Protest And Revolts., op.cit., p.xx 66 Home Political Department, Part I-A., File No. 241, 1921, N.A.I.

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Till, the rebel came under the control, some of the leaders brought the area

under their control and establish their administration. Like, Variamkunnath

Kunhammad Haji, declared himself as the Raja of the Hindus, the Amir of the

Muslims and the colonel of the Khilafat army, and in Walluvanad Sithi KoyaTangal

was mounted as the governor of the Khilafat province. They delivered fatwas to

liberate the country from the clutches of the British and in their place to establish the

government of the people. They establish criminal courts, recruited their own police,

allowed the peasants to harvest their crops and remitted taxes for a year. Those found

guilty were meted out with severe punishments and all subjects irrespective of their

religion were treated equally. For instance, those persons who molested the women

their hands were cut off, those involved in harassment and plunder of the innocent

were publicly flogged and the plundered articles were hand over to their owners.67

In the initial stage the revolt was totally anti-British and anti- feudal. In many

places like Titru, Tirurangadi, Manjeri, Perintalmanna, Mallapuram and Mannarkkad,

the British treasuries, government offices, courts and police stations were attacked,

looted and demolished. The British officers, European Planters and the Hindu Janmis

were attacked and killed. The notorious landlord were not spared. Nothing wrong was

done to the innocent or lienent landlords and the poor hindus. Therefore, the revolt

was totally free from the communal feature. In fact it was a mark of communal

cooperation.68

On the same day of the Tirurangadi, the peasants of Pukkottur rose in revolt.

They were well organized under the leadership of KalathingalMuhammed and took up

the issues of Khilafat and tenancy. Instead of going to Tirurangadi, they marched

towards Nilambur, 32 k.m away where the Raja of Nilambur, resides. On their way

they only attacked the police station. After a stongresisitance by the guards, seventeen

people were killed.69In retaliation, they entered kovilakam( palace), burnt all account

books and records were scorched and destroyed. No harm was done to the family

members.70

67Pannikar K.N., Peasant Protest and revolt in Malabar, p.xxi. 68 Ibid. 69 Ibid. 70 Home Political Department, File No. 23., 1922, NAI.

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The landlord was actually held responsible for the problems and miseries of

the peasants and not the family members. All the symbols of their miseries like

account books and records were thus destroyed. Their anger was directed mainly

against their Hindu landlords in particular and not against the Hindus in general.71

In the last stage of the struggle, considerably a large number of both the

Hindus and the Muslims were killed by the rebels. As after the arrival of the British

army both the rebels and the inhabitants both found themselves in the most critical

situation as the local people were used as the informers of the army as their guides in

the hilly tract. So, these people, both the Hindus and the Mopillas who helped the

army were captured and killed in large numbers. Some of the Mopillas who were

punished or killed were-Ithru Haji, a popular physician of Ernad, Khan Bahudur

Chekutty, Kammunni Haji, A.Momoo, KayisseriMoideen, Kareth Kunni Koya,

Kunhayammu and M.Attan.72

Thirty eight Hindus were awarded capital punishment by Imbichi KoyaTangal

and the three Hindus were sentenced to death penalty by Chembrasseri Tangal, who

were accused for the same offence.73 The others who met with the same fate were-

Kandapadi Raman and Raman Nair of Oorangattiri, Govindan of Nilambur,

Padinjarare Kundil Unikelu, Kizillath Kesavan Nair, K. Achuthanof Muthavallur,

Kumar Pannikar of Tirur, Arimbra Chekku and Nellikotan Choyi of Kalikavu and

Narayan Nair of Nenmini.74

As far as the relationship of the nationalist and Mr. Gandhi was concerned the

nationalist remained silent over the non-cooperation and played dubious role. The

‘Hindu’ came out openly with its view over the Gandhian policy and did not approved

it. However, it did not create any hurdle in his way. The ‘New India,’ and its Editor,

on the other hand attacked and exposed Gandhi everyday.75

Regarding the Non-Cooperation movement among the students in the city of

Madras, resolutions were passed in this pretext supporting the movement by the

71 Ibid. 72 Madras High Court Referred Trial Cases nos. 117/1922, 150/1922, 160/1922, 45/1922, 115/1922 and

44/1923. Quoted in Pannikar K.N., Peasants Protest and Revolts in Malabar p.xxvi. 73 Trial Case no. 22/1922., Ibid. 74 Criminal Appeal Cases nos. 1333/1922 and 359/ 1923 and Referred Trial Cases nos. 18/1922,

153/1922, 63/1923, 26/1923, 28/1923 and 20/1923. Ibid. 75 Ibid., p. 35., ‘Madras letter’, Home Political Deposit, Ref. No. 48, p 35.

Wave Of Non-Cooperation In South India

165

students but no body of the students left their colleges. In the city of Madras, the

student’s conference was held under the Presidentship of C. Rajagopalyacharya. The

resolution was accepted and adopted by the conference but was not put into practice.76

On 18th February, C. Rajagopalachari, visited Malabar and inaugurated a National

school at Valapattanam in Chirkkal Taluk. It was established and maintained with the

efforts of the Central Khilafat Committee.77

The Non-Cooperation Movement had affected the peasants and the laborers

throughout India. Now the strikes and revolts were taking place everywhere in the

country and the Kisans sabhas and the labor organizations emerged to look after the

affairs of these particular sections of the society.

In Madras, there was a tramway strike on 26th Of January 1920, a deputation,

waited for Mr. Symonds, a Director of the Company and demanded ‘an increase of 2

annas per day per head and in addition 25 per cent increase to compensate for the rise

in the cost of living, and also a bonus of one months of pay per annum to be given at

the end of five years.’78

The rumors afloat about the sympathetic strike at the Electric Power House.

There were also possibilities of the strike to be started at the Buckingham and

Carnatic Mills. A Labor Commission had been appointed by the Government to

inquire into the industrial conditions and to remain in the touch with the developments

of the labor unrest.79

Despite the fact that the nationalist leaders of South India were not whole

heartedly adopted the policy of the Non-Cooperation Movement but still the

movement was so intense and powerful that in some way or the other it had make

impressions on the mind of the people throughout the country. Consciously or

unconsciously, the people had some faith in the movement and its leaders and

believed that they were going to release them from the clutches of the oppressive

landlords in general and the British government in particular.

76 Madras letter, Home Political Deposit., Ref no.48,p.35. 77Salahuddin O.P., ‘Ferment in Malabar’ p.33. 78Notes- Political Deposits, January 1920, Ref no. 79. 79 Ibid. Ref no.79.

Wave Of Non-Cooperation In South India

166

However, the movement in Malabar or the workers strike in Bombay and

Madras adopted the violent tone, but the movements were inspired by the Gandhi’s

Non-Coperation Movement. It provided with the organized struggle of the workers

and the peasants and boot up their morale to fight against injustice and barbarism

which had never been witnessed before in the Indian history on such a large scale.

Very strata of society irrespective of class, creed, religion or sex participated in the

movement, no matter their problems and their grievances differ with each other, but

they fought for the same cause that is ‘Swaraj.’

Conclusion

167

CONCLUSION

In the year 1600 A.D, the British landed on the Indian soil to start trade with

the country. But slowly and gradually the circumstances created within the Indian

territories paved the way for the British to get hold of the administration of the

country. The disintegration of the Mughal Empire led to the emergence of the small

feudal state, which fought among them to establish their sovereignty. This was the

golden opportunity for the foreigners to establish their own Empire. And this was

what really happened.

It was now too late and too difficult for the Indians to oust the foreign rule

from their country. The first war waged against the British Rule was the ‘Revolt of

1857,’ something changed with that but was only the, ‘modus oprendi’ in the form of

Act of 1858. The exploitation continued which ruined the country’s economy and

worsened the condition of the people. They were now like a parasite.

Before 1915, there was all chaos and confusion and the kind of topsy-turvy

conditions with regard to the freedom of our country. The entire political system was

in the hands of the elite classes who were struggling very haphazardly to achieve

freedom. The Indian masses were not getting the proper guidance to streamline their

struggle to gain freedom. The appearance of Mahatma Gandhi on the political scene

of the country proved to be a boon for the entire nation. His ideologies went deep into

the hearts of the people of the country, which lead to the inauguration of the mass

mobilization.

Mahatma Gandhi’s theory of non-violence and satyagraha were the main

weapons which targeted the colonial rule. Both these tools proved to be a great

success in bringing down the British Empire on its knee. In Winston Churchill’s war

system, there was nothing to match this political mantra that is satyagraha.

Mahatma Gandhi’s pioneering struggle was to fight against the racial

discrimination, ‘Apartheid,’ in South Africa. His struggle became a matter of

discussion in India. He became, well known not only among the elite section of the

Indian masses but amongst the comman people as well. The initiative of non-violence

and satyagraha had already taken up in South Africa which later on applied in the

Indian territory to gain the swarajya. His preaching’s were not confined to words only

Conclusion

168

but he himself entered the life of the masses, lived with them, preached them and

himself practiced. With all these, he touched the sentiments of the poor masses and

went deep into the hearts of the masses, which resulted in large number of followers

behind him. He now proved to be a great danger to the colonial rule, which ultimately

had to bow down, and India was free from the clutches of the foreign rule.

The, ‘Moderates,’ and then the ‘Extremist,’ came to the forefront, but failed to

achieve their task as they were limited to their own areas of struggle. It was then in

1915, that the arrival of Mahatma Gandhi on the political scene of the country

completely changed the situations.

The First World War, totally wreck the backbone of the country. The breach

of promises by the British Government completely upset the Indians. The passage of

the Rowlatt Bills, the Jallin walla Bagh Tragedy, the unsatisfactory Government of

India Act 1919, the Khilafat issues all paved the way for a struggle on a broader scale.

This was the time when the masses were involved in the war against the injustice.

The brutalities of the Rowlatt Act, was an attempt through which the British

were trying to curb the civil and political liberties of the people. It was Mahatma

Gandhi who observed satyagraha and fast and stood all alone before the British

unjust laws and spoiled it in its spirit and letter.

In order to repeal the Rowlatt Bills, a Satyagraha pledge was concluded-“The

Bills are unjust subversive of the principles of liberty and justice and destructive of

elementary rights of individuals on which the safety of the community as a whole and

the state itself is based with solemly affirm that, in the event of these Bills, becoming

laws and until they are withdrawn, we shall refuse civially to obey these laws as

committee to be hereafter appointed may think fit and we may affirm that in this

struggle we will faith fully follow truth and refrain from violence to life, person or

property.”

On the other side the Khilafat issue was shooting out which was related to the

securing the seat of the Caliph in Turkey, and had affected the Indian Muslim masses

to a great extent. By the end of the 18th century, Turkey’s power and prestige was

deteorating day by day. Turkey was, magnified in the eyes of the Indian Muslims by

England herself. During this period, the Pan-Islamic Movements were the great

Conclusion

169

danger to the British but the ‘Russio-Phobia,’ was something, which forced them to

extend their support to Turkey.

Turkey was totally crushed in October 1918, and the Sublime Port was

confiscated. The promises made by the British, during the wartime that the Holy

Places of Arabia, and the Holy shrines of Mesopotamia were remain immune from the

attack or molestation by the British naval and military forces but soon these promises

were ignored on part of the British Government, which resulted in the resentment of

the Muslims masses.

In the Khilafat Conference, which held at Allahabad in June 1920, was

attended by many prominenet leaders both Hindus and Muslims. In addition, the best

part was that the Hindu leaders were deeply sympathesised with their Muslim

breathen and considered that an attack on Islam was much politicized and thus they

extended their support to the Non-cooperation movement.

Mahatma Gandhi found it as the great opportunity and associated himself with

the movement, to espouse the cause of Hindu-Muslim unity. This integration caused

mobilization of masses by Mahatma Gandhi irrespective of any caste, creed or

religion.

The Congress adopted the Non-Cooperation Movement in September, and in

an article published in ‘Young India,’ Mahatma Gandhi warned the British

Government of its grave consequences, of which it can paralyze the British

Government and can bring it to a standstill.

The intentions of Mahatma Gandhi was very clear that this policy would soon

dig up the foundations of the British Empire and that the swaraj would descend upon

India within a year. The Government was totally declared by Mahatma Gandhi and

his followers totally a ‘Satanic,’ government in its deed and tried to arouse the nation

against the mighty British Empire.

The Khilafat movement and Gandhiji leadership played a vital role in the

Indian National Congress, as well as for the country. This was for the very first time

that the mass movement was launched which provided a new track to the Indian

politics, which was beyond the range of liberalism and extremism. The liberal’s

attempts were in vain because they were limited to the elite section of the society.

Conclusion

170

Mahatma Gandhi’s concept of the communal feeling depends on the liberal

interpretation of Hinduism.

He had whole-heartedly supported the Hindu-Muslim brotherhood and

extended his full support to his Muslim brothers in prosecution of their just demands

so far that they do not involve themselves in violence.

However, there were great variations in the opinion in the educated and

political circles regarding the revision of the Congress Resolution on the Non-

Cooperation. Some of the Congressmen were of the opinion that entire programme

was totally impracticable and should be thoroughly revised before it proved to be a

failure. However, it was Mahatma Gandhi’s firm position among those who were

bitterly anti-Government.

On several occasions, the Non-Cooperation policy was not only criticized but

also warned by the British officials, which annoyed the extremist group. On the other

hand, the moderate faction warmly welcomed this attitude of the British Government.

As they were opposing the policy from its inception and were of the opinion that it

was to be full of harm to the country.

However, the extremist group was even much divided among themselves over

the certain provisions of the Non-Cooperation resolution such as withdrawal of the

students from school and colleges and abandonment of practice by lawyers and some

were against the boycott of foreign manufacturer goods.

But Mahatma Gandhi counter these differences and wrote in ‘Young India,’

“……..that I urged people to descend from their chairs and go down to the people,

learn their feelings and write, if they have the heart against the non-cooperation. They

will find as I have found, that the only way to avoid violence is to enable them to give

such expressions to their feelings as to compel redress…it is logical and harmless.

Non-Cooperation as a voluntary movement can only succeed if the feeling is genuine

and strong enough to take people suffer to the utmost…”

Finally, after so many hurdles in its way, Congress in its annual session at

Nagpur finally adopted the non-cooperation programme. It included the four

successive stages, which was followed up by the establishment of National schools

and colleges.

Conclusion

171

The Non-Cooperation Movement emerged because of the fundamental

political problems prevailing during those days. Congress leaders made serious efforts

to mobilize people on a broader platform against the British. The participants of the

movement were from all strata of society- professionals and non-professionals, men

and women, businesspersons, intellectuals, peasants and workers.

Reading, correctly points out that- Gandhi’s domination in the Congress is

based on three main aspects-newly emerged groups and areas which did not

participate earlier in nationalism, an alliance with the Muslim community, which

provide him with the new thrust area of politics, an unwilling consent by some

political leaders.

The passing of this resolution was considered the personal victory of Gandhi

as most of the Congress leaders opposed him. The All-India Congress Committee, an

assembly of representatives elected by the members of the National Congress was

responsible to carry on the propaganda work of the non-cooperation agitation, and the

working committee, an executive body comprised of 15 Congress leaders, was

responsible for the execution of the policy adopted from time to time, under the

supervision of AICC. Provincial Congress activities in the province. In addition, the

working committee transmitted their policy to the District Congress Committees to

provide coordination in their work.

The boycott of the titles were the most difficult task but at the as time the most

essential part of the non-cooperation movement. It is an important item because this

class must realized that they received gifts from an unjust and unfair Government. In

addition, it was difficult even because it was applied to those who were not a part of

active public life.

As far as the boycott of foreign cloth was concerned, the hand spinning and

hand weaving was revived at large scale by 1921. For this purpose both men and

money was needed. For this Mahatma Gandhi appealed to the people for ten million

members for the Congress and then million rupees for the fund. Two million charkhas

or spinning wheels were introduced in order to keep up the pace of the movement.

Conclusion

172

For this, the student community played an active role in the year 1921. There

were all over boycott of schools and colleges. The boycott was more vigorous in the

region of Bengal. Number of National schools emerged during this period.

The uniqueness of the movement took up by Mahatma Gandhi was that; it

was started up on broader issues to fight for a national cause but it involved the

regional issues within its domain. The leaders were unaware of the situations and the

distress of the people who were the real sufferers. It was made possible only because

of the leaders who were working on the grass root level that the issues of the comman

people came to the forefront. It was only possible with the efforts of the Nationalist

leaders that it was now not limited to the regions only but gained the national

character.

Different regions were confronting with the different problems; people had

their own grievances, sufferings, hardships but all because of the British Rule. They

had started their own struggle long back before the launching of the Non-Cooperation

Movement, but they were limited to their own territories. This was for the first time

with the launching of the Non-Cooperation Movement that their struggle merged with

the National struggle. All the regions and their people supported the National cause

and realized the need to free them from the foreign rule, under the banner of the Non-

Cooperation Movement.

The Non-Cooperation Movement was launched by the Congress under the

leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, which was totally based on the two principles of

Satyagraha and Ahimsa. Mahatma Gandhi proved to be a revolutionary who really

became a great threat to the mighty British Empire. Even Governor of Bombay, Lord

Willingdon described him a ‘Revolutionary.’

In his unique struggle he took up the different causes of the comman people

such as those of the peasants, the workers, the students and was able to join them in

his struggle. And each and every strata of society extend their full support and

cooperation to the movement. However, in the later years they do not stick themselves

to the creed of non-violence, and that was the reason that sometimes or the other the

Congress deviate itself from their struggle. It does not mean that it was not concerned

with the problems of the regions.

Conclusion

173

Taking into account of the very first chapter, it deals with causes of the

inauguration of the Non-cooperation Movement against the British Empire.

As far as the region of United Provinces is concerned, the movement had the

drastic effect on the region. As the peasants of this regions were the real sufferers and

they had already started the struggle against the zamindars and the taluqadars who

exploit them at their level best.

Touring throughout India, Gandhi realized that they lacked organizational

skills. He laid much emphasis on the non-violent struggle, Hindu-Muslim unity was

preached to bring the entire nation on a comman platform. The Movement was

popularized with great zeal and gusto by the nationalist leaders in the remotest areas

of the country. It had greatly affected the grass root struggles which amalgated with

the national struggle.

The peasants uprising came into being because of their unorganized forms and

because they were closely related with the Congress. It was for the first time that the

organization has expanded its base and every strata of society joined the struggle.

Gandhi along with the Congress became the champions of the peasantry in

1920. The peasants on the other hand, a strong faith in Gandhi and because of this

large number of peasants marched from Pratapgarh to Allahabad in order to present

their grievances before them. According to Sushil Shrivastav, ‘the march was unique

in the way that it was not an isolated event, but it reflects a change in the response of

peasantry.’

The Kisan Movement and the Kisan Sabhas, which were gathering storms

since 1918. The Non-Cooperation propaganda by the Congress workers and

particularly by Jawaharlal Nehru boosts the existing ferment and it really became

difficult to distinguish between Non-Cooperation meetings and the Kisan Sabha

meetings. This is sufficient to prove that the National struggle had a far reaching

effect on the regions.

The other area which affected the region of United Provinces was Aligarh,

where the students were deeply concerned with the political developments of the

times. The Khilafat issues had adversely affected the Muslim University. This was the

time when the relations were improving between the Congress, The Muslim League

Conclusion

174

and the the Khilafat Committees. In addition, it became a great threat to the British

Rule.

The Muslim Ulemas even joined the struggle. On the call of Maulana Shaukat

Ali, large number of students was drawn to the struggle. According to the reports,

Maulana Mohammed Ali got the signatures of around 200 students who extended

their support to the national cause. Government was highly alarmed with the growing

unrest among the students and that’s why they had implemented the AMU Act which

finally came into existence on 1st December 1920. This was an attempt to draw the

loyalist lobby to their side and to dwindle the spirit of the Non-Cooperation

Movement among the students.

Moving ahead in the region of Punjab, the issues were totally religious in

nature. The Non-Cooperation Movement launched under the leadership of Mahatma

Gandhi was dealing with the religious issue that was –‘The Khilafat Question.’

Therefore, the Congress did not take time to carry forward the demands of the Sikhs.

In fact, it was the demand of the time that every religion and community should come

forward to combat the British Rule in India. In addition, that why it gave a call for the

Hindu-Muslim Unity.

The Sikh shrines were under the corrupt mohants who were the puppets in the

hands of the British rulers who were enjoying the corrupt practices prevailing inside

the Holy Shrines. The comman people did not accept this and thus they revolted

against them. The Akalis formed the groups known as ‘jathas,’ to fight against their

enemies. The Congress provided them the full support and they on the other hand

joined the national struggle. They were deeply impressed by the way of struggle and

thus they followed the non- violent struggle.

The Akalis formally adopted the Non-Cooperation Movement on 11thMay,

with two aims and objectives.-(i) to reform the Gurudwara and (ii) to launch the non-

cooperation against the British. The British were really puzzled with the blending of

the two movements.

The Government being alarmed by the situation, they negotiated with their

leaders and reached the compromise. They were highly alarmed with the growing

Conclusion

175

excitement among the Sikh units of the Indian army as the numbers of the ex-soldiers

were proceeding toward the Guru-Ka-Bagh in jathas.

Apart from the religious sphere, the other areas in which the movement was

gaining momentum was on the schools and colleges. Large number of students left

Government run schools and colleges and in that place number of national institutions

emerged. Khalsa College had been greatly affected as large number of students and

Professors withdrew from the college. Lahore Islamia School and Muslim High

School were closed temporarily.

Many lawyers gave up their practices. Regarding the programme of Khadi,

the response was tremendous. As well as the Tilak Swaraj Fund was considered the

efforts of the Punjab was heading the list. Mahatma Gandhi himself, appealed to the

people to spin, weave and wear khaddar. And the response was fantastic.

In Rajasthan, with the efforts of Vijay Singh Pathik, the Bijolia matter was put

before the national leaders. However the Congress did not take it up officially but it

gained the attention of the leaders. Despite this fact, the Non-Cooperation Movement

had affected the regional movement of Rajasthan. Such as in 1920, Kisan Panchayat

began to run their own parallel governments and decided that the peasants would not

deal directly with the thikana authorities but deal through the panchayats only. The

panchayats appointed by the Kisans organized the charkha movement. The peasants

boycotted the courts and the police and refused to pay the land revenues and the other

illegal cesses.

Worried about the developments, British along with the thikana authorities

made all possible ways to crush the movement. The Kisan Panchayats, on the other

hand counter it. In the state of Sirohi, the Bhils refused to pay the taxes and stood

against the authorities. Both the sections of the society, the peasants and the tribals

revolted against the British authorities based on the non-cooperation.

The region of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa was evenly affected by the Non

Cooperation Movement. With the call of non-violent non-cooperation struggle great

enthusiasm could be witnessed in these regions. When the national leaders visited

these areas they were warmly welcomed. The leaders here provoked and incite the

people to raise their voices against the unjust rule. Hindu-Muslim unity was preached

Conclusion

176

at its greatest length. Some of the people denounce their titles as a first step in the

progress of the Non-Cooperation Movement. The schools and colleges were even

affected by it. As far as, the elections were concerned the region of Bihar made a great

success. National leaders hold meetings to boycott election campaigns. The anti liquor

movement was in a full swing throughout the entire province.

The peasants of these areas stood up against their rulers like in Bihar they raise

their voices against the Dharbanga Raj and in Orissa they were against the Kanika

ruler in order to remove their tyranny. Nationalism was accepted throughout the

region of Bihar in the form of non-payment of taxes. The people even stood against

those who were pro-British.

In the region of Orissa, with the beginning of the Non-Cooperation Movement

in Orissa, the peasants started expressing their grievances in more organized form.

The Nagpur session of the Congress pleaded for the involvement of the students,

youth and the agrarian masses to join the national struggle.

In Bengal region, the Krishak and Praja Samities started demanding their

economic and social rights. In the early phase it only took up the demand of the

peasants but soon with the emergence of the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1920-22,

it was dragged into a more widespread agitation. In the Midnapur region, the masses

revolted against high taxes issued by the Government in the name of introduction of

the institution of the local self Government. The Congress was able to draw larger

support from the various classes. Despite the lot of differences the creed of the non-

violent struggle initiated by Mr. Gandhi was accepted and supported by large number

of people.

The South India remained silent spectator of the growing mass movement.

The leaders of the Deccan and their allies in the Central Provinces and Berar,

disheartened Mahatma Gandhi as they suggested that it was a ‘mistaken policy to

stand out from the councils and not to go to the electrote.’ Still the circumstances

changed. Strikes were observed throughout the region. Bombay was suffering most

acutely.

The visit of Prince of Wales, the workers started a general wide strike on the

call of the Congress. The Turkish question was a heated topic among the Press. The

Conclusion

177

Swarajya Sabha was making a rigorous propaganda work and dissuade the electors to

not to go to the polls. In Madras, the M.P.C.C had now remained under the sole

control of the Non-Cooperation Movement here much of the propaganda work was

done by the Khilafat workers. Attempts were made to dissuade the students from the

Government schools and colleges. Attempts were also made to dissuade the people

from the voting and election campaigns.

In Malabar, the peasants of Kerala rose against the oppressive landlords in

August 1921. Their issues were renewal fees, high rents, lack of security of tenure and

other oppressions and exactions made by the land owners. This anti-landlord

character, draw the Mapilla peasantry into the tenancy movement. The Manjeri

Conference was the beginning of the propaganda work of the Non-Cooperation

Movement and the Khilafat issue. The other important element of the conference was

that it laid much emphasis on the Hindu-Muslim unity.

The Mapilla’s grievances were mainly against the Hindu landlords who were

known as jenmies. The Khilafatist made great efforts to bring these peasants under

their cult as they laid emphasis on the non-violent non-cooperation struggle.

The movement in Malabar or the workers strike in Bombay and Madras

adopted the violent tone, but the movements were inspired by Gandhian Non-

Cooperation Movement. It provided with the organized struggle of the workers and

the peasants and boost up their morale to fight against injustice and barbarism, which

had never been witnessed before in the Indian History on such a large scale. Every

strata of society irrespective of class, creed, religion or sex participated in the

movement, no matter their problems, their grievances differ with each other, but they

now fought for the same cause that is ‘Swaraj.’

The Non-Cooperation Movement of Mahatma Gandhi had done one great

thing that it had exposed many of the so called “leaders.” In the Calcutta Notes it had

been mentioned under the heading, “The Test of Leadership,” it writes- “The Non-

Cooperation Movement has at least done one great service to the country. It had

afforded an infallible test for winnowing the chaff from the grain. Leaders who have

been only too willing to take upon themselves the burden of piloting the political

activities of the country have had to come in their true colors. It is not possible to play

fast and loose for any length of time with a movement which is exclusively based on

Conclusion

178

truth and self-sacrifice. At the first summons to subordinate personal interest to those

of the country, the pseudo patriot stands unmasked. Those who joined the ranks of

politicians in order to advertise themselves as champion of the rights of the people

feel mortally disconcerted when the people feel actually come forward to claim their

due and demand that their views be given effect to………….We have been led to

these observations on seeing the fierce scramble that is about to take place for the

seats in the Legislative Council. The sweets of office, even honorary office, are far

too tempting for Indian character to resist………”

Bibliography

179

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NEWSPAPAERS:

Young India

Pioneer

Independent

The Hindu

Leader

Abhudya

The Times

Bombay Chronicle

The Hindustan Times

Searchlight.

AUTOBIOGRAPHIES:

Bose S.C, The India Struggle 1920-42, Asia Publishing House, Calcutta, 1964.

Gandhi M.K, My Experiments with Truth, (trans.), Mahadev Desai, Ahamadabad,

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