notes on race & racism, definitions & conceptional framework, r.d. stanton-salazar

8/3/2019 Notes on Race & Racism, Definitions & Conceptional Framework, R.D. Stanton-Salazar

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Challenges in Urban Education: Deconstructing Diversity [Notes on Racism.doc] Stanton-Salazar 1

Challenges in Urban Education: Deconstructing Diversity Revised October, 2011

Ricardo D. Stanton-Salazar, Ph.D.

(Please inform author if you plan to you use any of this material in your

classroom teaching, dissertation, or in manuscripts intended for

publication. Thank you.) [email protected]

Multiple Dimensions of Race & Racism

I. Historical Institutional Racism:

A. Social Structural Dimension: bureaucratic/institutional policies, rules, procedures andnormative practices, codes, regulations, and laws, which were explicitly intended tosystematically exclude/discriminate a group identified principally by their racialized features[phenotype], culture, and/or national origin.

B. Ideological Dimension: an ideology (or doctrine) of social domination by which agroup, seen as inferior or different in alleged biological and/or characteristics, is exploited,controlled, and oppressed socially and psychically by a superordinate group; ideology functionsto justify and legitimate the exclusion, discrimination, and/or exploitation of the racializedgroup; racism as an ideology has a "reproductive function"--serves to reproduce the socialstructure (within an institution or society).

C. Associated manifestations of racial hostility which are rooted in the two dimensionsabove:

1. racist propaganda: (a) functions to instill fear and apprehension in "middlegroups;" to "divide and conquer"; to get ingroup members to believe that their livelihood iscontinent on others being excluded or exploited; to make this exclusion or exploitation seem

necessary, appropriate and fair; (b) also functions to undermine a people's sense of self-respectand dignity, and thus, make it easier to exclude, exploit, and/or control them;

2. at the individual level--racial prejudice; an expression (attitude or action) of fear and hostility by a dominant group member, which is a product of either "racist propaganda"or the internalization of racist ideology (as defined above); (used to define a "racist" person)




II. Contemporary Institutional Racism [latter 20th

century to today]

A. Social Structural Dimension: bureaucratic/institutional policies, rules, procedures andnormative practices, codes, regulations, and laws,--although justified as fair, just, meritocratic,nondiscriminatory, and democratic--operate in [informal] ways that exclude or discriminate

members of racial/ethnic group; requires no mal-intent;

B. Ideological Dimension: [see page 5 below]

Examples of Contemporary "Institutionalized Racism" (currently debated)

1. residential segregation (by class--income, & occupation);--> by school (city vs. suburban attendance)

2. school funding schemes (via property taxes in many parts of the country);3. industrial policies: moving out into suburban communities4. labor market policies: primary and secondary labor markets5. the way voting districts were drawn for many years (before reapportionment)6. the ways politicians are elected;

7. university admissions criteria & procedures8. marginalization of faculty of color in Schools of Education that promote as their

mission the preparation of urban educators and of scholars who specialize in thecomplexities of urban education

9. curriculum tracking--lower tracks vs. college prep. tracks

Other Examples:

1. wages which permit a middle-class life-style; access to better paying labor markets2. political influence (money to elect representatives)3. access to quality schools (or adequate school funding), medical care4. fair or privileged treatment by the legal system5. good housing, nice neighborhoods (or ability to preserve neighborhood fromdeterioration)6. access to financial resources (e.g., bank loans)7. access to high quality cultural experiences (e.g., leisure travel, theater)

Structural Dimension applied to the School and Classroom:

Policies, procedures, normative practices, regulations, and tacit rules, which, whatever their official or explicit purpose, serve to regulate social behavior (i.e., to condition people to act inroutine ways—without much reflection; even when school personnel become aware of these

structural practices, there is often a sense of an unchangeable current):

School District LevelSchool Site LevelClassroom Level

[see attached (next) page with examples




[some] “Institutionalized” Forms of Social Inequality ( Structural Dimension)

School Organization

Racial and class segregation; concentration of students from low-resources [low-wage]families living in class, racially-segregated, and poorly served neighborhoods communities;Tracking & resegregation (Oakes)Over-crowded classrooms (too many students for one teacher, lack of assistance fromreliably-trained para-professionals)Over-burden teachers who worked in isolation; lack of collaboration with other teachers(Gallimore & Goldenberg)Administrative efforts geared toward discipline and behavior control; [authoritarian] ‘zerotolerance’ policies;Lack of broad ethnic representation in high-status extracurricular activities (ASB)

Organizational Culture

School culture that does not foster cooperative learning , nor pro-help-seeking

[and help giving] norms (Sarason)School culture that does not attend to the ‘cultural models’ of the student and parentcommunity, and that does not engineer collaborative work among teachers (Gallimoreand Goldenberg)

Institutional Resources

Lack of state-of-art science equipment (poor library, lack of high quality music equipmentand facilities—e.g., lack of microscopes in science lab) (Kozol)Decrepit or prison-like facilities (poorly maintained building, graffiti, peeling paint, old,outdated furniture, overuse of mobile bungalows, etc.) (Kozol, Stanton-Salazar)Lack of computer equipment, internet services

School-Community Relations

Distrust of school by parent community (Ogbu, Lareau, Noguera)Contempt of parent community by school personnel (Ogbu, Lareau, Noguera, Valenzuela)School-board unrepresentative of communityLack of ‘shared governance,’ involvement of parents in school and district decision-making;

Academic Climate

Low expectations of students; labeling (Rist)




Curriculum and Instruction

English-only curriculum; lack of ‘bilingual educational’ instruction;Racially-biased curriculum (Sleeter)Academically and intellectually watered-down curriculum in many middle-class and highschool classrooms serving low-status students (Oakes)Tendency toward “assimilationist” approaches to teaching and learning (Ladson-Billings;Gay); lack of incorporation of students’ cultural and linguistic resources;Pedagogy founded on Euro-American cultural values, language, time and space orientations,and epistemology (e.g., Boykin)Overuse of ‘standardized testing’, and teaching which revolves around basic skills and preparing for standardized [mandated] exams; (Valenzuela)

Teachers & Teacher Education

High proportion of uncredentialed teachersLow representation of African American, Asian, and Latino teachers and counselors in urbanschools (particularly middle and high schools) (Stanton-Salazar)

Monolingual teachersAbsence of training in multicultural education (Valencia)Burned-out, ineffective teachers assigned to inner-city schools

Other School Practices




Contemporary Institutionalized Racism:

B (1). Ideological Dimension: ideologies, institutional beliefs, and formalizedexplanations which are employed to account for and legitimate the social order or statusquo:

(i) the racial composition of those who hold positions of power and privilege and of those accorded access to resources and opportunities;

(ii) the racial composition of those who are excluded; to qualify as "racism," theseideologies and explanations must not only attempt to justify policies and proceduresas fair and meritocratic [conventional, “normal,” appropriate], but they must alsodeny or negate [at least downplay] any responsibility [by the dominant group] for the discriminatory treatment and exclusion of subordinate racialized group;legitimating ideologies and explanations do not rely on biologically-based racialarguments (i.e., biological racism).

Underlying Functions [or consequences] of Ideological Dimension [of Racism]:

1) to obscure how institutional structures, policies and procedures operate tosystematically exclude racial/ethnic group members;

2) to attribute the ‘source of the problem’ outside the institution, and to attribute thesource in the members of the outgroup, in their cultural environments, in other institutions;

3) unintended "reproductive" function: ideologies, institutional beliefs, and formalizedexplanations serve to reproduce the social structure/status quo (within an institution or society)

4) to make the status quo appear normal and inevitable;

5) to get subordinate groups to interpret the world in a way that insures legitimacy of thesocial order (Gramsci; Bourdieu); to instill a feeling in subordinate group members thatthey do not have the capacity to organize and control their own lives, to acquire power,and to determine future; to engender submissiveness, docility, lack of initiative, fatalism;

(6) to deny the opportunity for dominant group members to acquire self-understanding of how an existing institutional set of social relations (racism, classism, or sexism) impactsothers; to instill self-confidence, a sense of agency, efficacy, accomplishment, and moralrighteousness within the paradigm of RACE and ‘institutionalized racism.’




B (2). More on the Ideological Dimension: [“IDEOLOGICAL INDIVIDUALISM”]

(i) emphasizes the psycho-cultural & value attributes of INDIVIDUALS who hold positions of power and privilege and of those accorded access to resources andopportunities;

(ii) emphasizes the psycho-cultural & value attributes of those who are excluded [or who‘fail’ or do not ‘achieve’ within a fundamentally ‘fair’ social system];




More Examples [of Institutionalized Racism] taken from George Lipsitz' "The PossessiveInvestment in Whiteness..." American Quarterly, Vol. 47, No. 3 (September, 1995).

Problematic: economic and political policies and practices which gave racial groups unequalaccess to citizenship and property; effect: "united ethnically diverse European-Americanaudiences into an imagined community..."

A. Historically: "one called into being through inscribed appeals to the solidarity of whitesupremacy."

B. Contemporary: hidden appeals to white cultural superiority and entitlement; frequentattention to the cultural pathology[backwardness] of non-white groups;

1. New Deal (Wagner Act and the Social Security Act) "excluded farm workers and domesticsfrom coverage (denying minority sectors of the work force same protections routinely channeledto whites)

2. Federal Housing Administration--Housing Act of 1934 brought home ownership to millions;

loan money channeled toward whites and away from communities of color;3. Trade Unions (post WWII): "negotiated contract provisions giving private medical insurance, pensions, and job security to the mostly white workers in unionized mass-productionindustries..." rather than fighting for, among other things, "an end to discriminatory hiring and promotion practices by employers."

4. FHA (after WWII) channeling loans away from older inner-city neighborhoods--> increasedsegregation in the U.S. (leaving concentrations of African American and Latinos in the city);

5. Federal and State tax monies "routinely provided water supplies and sewage facilities for racially exclusive suburban communities in the 1940's and 1950's"

6. 1950's, 1960's: federally assisted “Urban Renewal” projects destroyed disproportionallymore central-city housing units occupied by Blacks and Latinos, when compared to whites.

7. Urban "Renewal" -- destroyed more housing than it created; 90% of the low-income unitsremoved for urban renewal were never replaced (commercial, industrial and municipal projectsin their place)

8. White Flight: 1960-1977 -- four million whites moved out of central cities; number of whitesliving in suburbs increased by twenty-two million;

9. Freeway projects: designed to connect suburban commuters with downtown places of employment "destroyed already scarce housing in minority communities and often disruptedneighhorhood life as well." (e.g., Freeway 5 through Barrio Logan, the Coronado Bridge)

10. 1973 Recession: disproportionate impact of layoffs on minority workers (U.S. Civil RightsCommission)

11. 1980's 1990's: Systematic disinvestment in education and social welfare; governmentalrefusal to challenge segregated schools, housing, and hiring;

Taken from George Lipsitz' "The Possessive Investment in Whiteness..." American Quarterly, Vol. 47, No. 3(September, 1995).




Social Structural Dimension (review)

1. New Deal (Wagner Act and the Social Security Act)

2. Federal Housing Administration--Housing Act of 1934--loan money channeled towardwhites and away from communities of color

3. Trade Unions (post WWII): Differential Protections

4. FHA (after WWII) channeling loans away from older inner-city neighborhoods

5. Federal and State tax monies to suburban communities in the 1940's and 1950's"

6 & 7. Urban "Renewal" -- destroyed more housing than it created

8. White Flight: 1960-1977 -- four million whites moved out of central cities; number of whitesliving in suburbs increased by twenty-two million;

9. Freeway Projects: destroyed already scarce housing in minority communities

10. 1973 Recession: disproportionate impact of layoffs on minority workers

11. 1980's 1990's: Systematic disinvestment in education and social welfare; governmentalrefusal to challenge segregated schools, housing, and hiring;




CLASSROOM ACTIVITY or EXTRA CREDIT

(Group Discussion or Written Reactions)

Racial & Ethnic Privilege

1. Systems of privilege, whether they be class-, race-, or gender-based, becomeinstitutionalized in society when they become "normal" and expected ways of carrying out of

one's responsibilities or duties within an institution or organization (e.g, the home, the office,

at school, in class, at work, at church, etc.). For those who are "privileged" by such systems,

these normative behaviors, rituals, rules and procedures, seem normal, common-sensical,

unproblematic, even comfortable and "right." Which is why it often seems so annoying

when a woman, or a non-White person (or a person of some other oppressed group) alleges

that a particular practice is discriminatory or injurious. Today, the reproduction of racial,

gender, and class inequalities is carried out, not through official "hate doctrines," but rather

through "normal" bureaucratic policies and everyday mainstream culture. This culture

teachers us to recognize "racism" and "sexism" only in terms of individual acts of meanness,

discrimination, and cruelty by members of the dominant group. This culture teaches that the

problem is one of backward "racist" or "sexist" attitudes, resulting from improper

socialization. When blatantly racist, sexist, and classist attitudes are no longer publicly and

widely heard, we are taught that democracy and meritocracy are now in place. Systems of

privilege are reproduced in society by making privilege invisible--both to those who enjoy

and benefit from it, and to those who spirit is slowly crushed by it.

TASK: Come up with at least two solid examples of institutionalized racism operating today

(or in recent history). One example should deal with some bureaucratic policy, the other

example who deal with some aspect of mainstream culture, defined in the broadest sense.




2. The following is a "what comes first, the chicken or the egg" sort of problem, but one

which can be cracked with a sociological frame of mind. Alright, what comes first,

ideological racism, or the subordinate role of racial minorities in the economy, the political

realm, and in social life? What comes first, ideological and cultural sexism, or the

subordinate role of women in society (in the economy, politics, and social life)? What comes

first, classism--hostility toward working class and poor people, or their subordinate role in

society? Trace the historical origins of women's rightful place, the proper place for Blacks,

the proper place for Chicanos, the proper place for working class, lower-income people.

What conditions (benefits) arose from the structure responsible for determining each group's

place ? How does one group devise a method of keeping another group in its place ? What

function does it serve (from the perspective of the dominant group) to have another stay in its

place ? Come up with a new definition of "oppression" which makes use of the notion of "place." Be prepared to share this new definition with the class. Also be prepared to talk

about how certain groups are forced to be in more than one place at a time--or how such

"places" overlap, or become subsumed within each other. What might be the

psychological/emotional consequences of being forced to stay in one's "place"? Is everyone

automatically conscious of what "place" they are in (whether superordinate or subordinate),

and why? How does our education insure that we don't think too much about each other's

place?

Ground Rules for Group Discussion [next page]




Ground Rules for Group Discussion

Group discussion is intended to encourage active listening and learning, stimulate studentinterest, and provide the opportunity for students to gain insights from their classmates. Insuringthat discussion groups are productive requires patience, empathy, commitment to the process andcooperative learning skills; working cooperatively isn't always easy, since it goes counter to the"banking mode of education," which we are most comfortable with (the kind of education which"domesticates" us, rather than transforms us into critical thinking intellectuals).

Some basic ground rules:

(1) Everyone should be given a chance to participate and speak. Task: pick a formal"facilitator," someone in charge of giving everyone an opportunity to speak; no one should beforced to speak if they do not want to.

(2) The challenge is not to "show off" what you know, but to elicit and share varyinginsights and perspectives; the goal is group learning, not individualistic (selfish) learning.Task: be respective and appreciative of each person's commentary; respectively disagree if you

need to, but do not put any one down for what they think;

(3) Task: Once discussion groups are formed in class, pick a "spokesperson" (Reporter)who will convey the highlights of the group's discussion.




Ricardo D. Stanton-Salazar, Ph.D.

Stanton-Salazar is a nationally-recognized expert and author on urban education and

urban minority students. He is an educator, social theorist, and student advocate with 30years experience, and began his career as a bilingual elementary school teacher. His most

current work on a more theoretically-rigorous conceptualization of “mentorship” has

been in collaboration with researchers at the Center for Urban Education (CUE), at the

University of Southern California.

BIOGRAPHY

Ricardo D. Stanton-Salazar grew up in a working-class family in San Diego,

California—19 miles north of the U.S.-Mexican border. His mother was an immigrant

from the state of Durango, México, and his father, a native-born San Diegan—the son of

turn-of-the-century immigrants, his mother from Tepic, Nayarit, México, and his father

from County Cork, Ireland. Stanton-Salazar grew up in a predominantly Black, urban,

high-poverty neighborhood in the 1960s, and at an early age, became deeply affected by

Black music, culture, and sociolinguistics, the deployment of young Black men to




Vietnam, the rancorous racial politics that had swept the nation, and the visceral brutality

of the police against young Black men on his street. As a teen, he was an avid reader, and

read the biographies of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Angela Davis, Paul Robeson, and

Malcolm X; his reading of Black history continued throughout his life. Given his father’s

bi-racial background, Stanton-Salazar also grew up with assimilated white kin, and spent

his grammar school years in a Catholic school that catered mainly to white students from

several semi-urban middle-class neighborhoods. With his mother’s closest kin in Tijuana

and in Mexicali, México, he grew up criss-crossing national borders and culturally

distinct societies; as a teen, he became socially integrated in a youth club associated with

his church, located in the heart of San Diego’s historic Chicano barrio.

Scholastically, although a successful athlete on the track team, and well-liked by

teachers, counselors, and his college-going peers, it was clear to him that he was not

perceived by school personnel as a viable candidate for admission to a university; SATscores did not help. San Diego Community College, the campus across the street, became

his inevitable destination after graduation—a campus that served predominantly working

adults returning to school part time. Even as late as 1994, only 10.5% of community

college students in California were eligible for transfer to a UC campus; 32.2% were

eligible for transfer to a CSU campus. In the mid 1970s, formal transfer programs had yet

to be put in place. Historically, for the majority of working-class youth, community

college is the place where dreams are slowly disassembled; the causes behind this

shameful societal quandary are many and complex. For Stanton-Salazar, it appeared for a

time that he, too, would suffer the inevitable, but there were mitigating factors—first and

foremost, a friend from the barrio attending UC San Diego, a friend who stretched out

his hand. At his thirtieth high school class reunion in 2004, to the puzzlement of many,

Stanton-Salazar was formally recognized as the alum who had attained the highest

academic degree in his class, having earned his Ph.D. at Stanford University in 1990.

As an undergraduate at UC San Diego in the latter 70s, Stanton-Salazar became

deeply affected by Chicana/o and Latin American history, and became an active staffer of

a socialist campus newspaper that regularly reported on the Nicaraguan Revolution.

Although graduating in 1979 with a preliminary elementary school teaching credential,

Stanton-Salazar was determined to spend the following year living, working, and

traveling in México (1979-80). Abruptly returning to the U.S. to care for his terminally-

ill father, in the fall of 1980, he began his professional career as a bilingual elementary

school teacher in a working-class, racially-mixed community. Eleven years after




graduating from UC San Diego, following his graduate studies at Stanford University, he

returned to UC San Diego as an Assistant Professor of Sociology (1990-2000). As a UC

President’s Fellow (1990-92), and with funding from several foundations, Stanton-

Salazar returned to his community of origin, and began conducting the research on

Mexicano families and youth that eventually culminated in his award-winning book,

Manufacturing Hope & Despair: The School and Kin Support Networks of U.S. Mexican

Youth (2001), released by Teachers College Press (Columbia University). In 2000,

Stanton-Salazar was invited to the University of Southern California, as a Visiting

Professor of Education in the Rossier School of Education; in July of 2001, he was

granted tenure as Associate Professor.

Stanton-Salazar has spent a lifetime crossing cultural borders and participating in

disparate cultural spaces; he strongly believes that his training as a sociologist began the

day he stepped onto the streets of his neighborhood to play. Indeed, the geography of hisneighborhood appears to have had much to do with his personal and culturally-complex

development, given that his home stood near the top of a steep residential street, and just

beyond, a hill that today still provides one of the most magnificent panoramic views

found in San Diego. In one broad sweeping gaze, a great and complex world laid before

the youthful eyes of many: the purple and brown hues of the coastal mountains to the

east, the U.S.-Mexican border to the far south, the blue and vast Pacific Ocean extending

out into the southwestern horizon, the downtown buildings and financial district to the

west, and just below, the neighborhood, el barrio, “the ghetto” to many others.

Stanton-Salazar’s latest published work elaborates on the concept of institutional

agents —specifically, high-status, non-kin, agents who occupy relatively high positions in

the multiple dimensional stratification system, and who are well positioned to provide

key forms of social and institutional support. Drawing from empowerment theory in

critical social work, the article provides a discussion about manifesting one’s capacity as

an “empowerment agent” in ways that not only entails providing key resources, but that

also enables the authentic empowerment of the student or young person. Influenced by

Freirean philosophy, the article makes a critical distinction between “widening the

pipeline” and “changing the world.”




PUBLICATIONS _________________________________________________________________________________

Book: Manufacturing hope and despair: The school and kin support networks of U.S.-Mexican youth. New York: Teachers College Press, 2001. http://store.tcpress.com/0807741086.shtml __________________________

Unpublished Papers:

Stanton-Salazar, R. D., Macias, R. & Bensimon, E. M. (2010). The role of institutional agents increating Latinos’ pathways to majors in STEM fields. Unpublished manuscript. University of SouthernCalifornia. http://cue.usc.edu/tools/stem/institutional_agents.html

http://cue.usc.edu/tools/stem/the_study.html

Published Articles

Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (2010, December). A social capital framework for the study of institutionalagents and of the empowerment of low-status youth. Youth & Society, 42 (2).

Ream, R. K. & Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (2007) The mobility/social capital dynamic: UnderstandingLatino families and students.” In S. J. Paik & H. J. Walberg (Eds.), Minority children and youth:

Families, schools, communities, and learning . University of Illinois Series on Children and Youth. Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers.

Stanton-Salazar, R. D. & Spina, S. U. (2005). Adolescent peer networks as a context for social andemotional support. Youth & Society: A Quarterly Journal, 36 (4), 379-417.

Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (2004). Social capital among working-class minority students. In School Connections: U.S. Mexican Youth, Peers, and School Achievement. Edited by Margaret A.Gibson, Patricia Gándara, & Jill Peterson Koyama. New York: Teachers College Press, Columbia

University.

Stanton-Salazar, R. D. & Spina, S. U. (2003). Informal mentors and role models in the lives of urbanMexican-origin adolescents. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, Vol. 34, No. 2, (September), pp. 1-25.

Stanton-Salazar, R. D., Chávez, L. F., & Tai, R. H. (2001). The help-seeking orientations of Whiteand Latino high school students: A critical-sociological investigation. Social Psychology of

Education: An International Journal , 5, 49-82.

López , D. & Stanton-Salazar, R. D., (2001). The Mexican American second generation: Yesterday,today, and tomorrow.” In R. Rumbaut & A. Portes (Eds.), Ethnicities: Coming of age inimmigrant America. Berkeley and New York: University of California Press and Russell Sage

Foundation.

Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (2001). Defensive network orientations as internalized oppression: Howschools mediate the influence of social class on adolescent development. In B. Biddle (Ed.),Social class, poverty, & education. (Missouri Symposium on Research and Educational Policy)Vol. 3. New York: Routlege-Falmer.




Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (2001). (Book Review) Subtractive schooling: U.S.-Mexican youth and the politics of caring, by A. Valenzuela. New York: State University of New York Press, 1999.Contemporary Sociology, 30, 2.

Stanton-Salazar, R. D. & Spina, S. U. (2000). The network orientations of highly resilient urbanminority youth. The Urban Review: Issues and Ideas in Public Education, 32, 3.

Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (2000). The development of coping strategies among urban Latino youth: Afocus on network orientation and help-seeking behavior. " In M. Montero-Sieburth & F. A.Villaruel (Eds) , Making invisible Latino adolescents visible: A critical approach to Latinodiversity. New York: Falmer.

Stanton-Salazar, R. D., Vásquez, A. O., & Mehan, H. (2000). Engineering success throughinstitutional support." In S. T. Gregory (Ed.), The academic achievement of minority students:Comparative perspectives, practices, and prescriptions. New York: University Press of America.

Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (1997). A social capital framework for understanding the socialization of racialminority children and youth. Harvard Educational Review, 67(1), 1-40.

Stanton-Salazar, R. D. & Dornbusch, S. M. (1995). Social capital and the social reproduction of

inequality: The formation of informational networks among Mexican-origin high school students.Sociology of Education 68, 116-135.

Quotations about Racism [Next page]



Challenges in Urban Education: Deconstructing Diversity [Notes on Racism doc] Stanton-Salazar 17

Quotations about Racism “I got nothing against no Viet Cong. No Vietnamese ever called me a nigger.”

~Muhammad Ali, 1967, refusing to fight in Vietnam

The African race is a rubber ball. The harder you dash it to the ground, the higher it will rise.

~African Proverb

Racism is man's gravest threat to man - the maximum of hatred for a minimum of reason.

~Abraham Joshua Heschel

We did not hesitate to call our movement an army. But it was a special army, with no supplies

but its sincerity, no uniform but its determination, no arsenal except its faith, no currency but its

conscience.

~Martin Luther King, Jr., Why We Can't Wait , 1963

[E]very human life is a reflection of divinity, and... every act of injustice mars and defaces the

image of God in man.

~Martin Luther King, Jr., Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community?, 1967

http://www.quotegarden.com/racism.html

http://www.quotegarden.com/mlk-day.html

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