nyerere press covarage 1999

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Julius Nyerere

14th October 1999

Press Coverage from the Internet

By dateBy newspaper



Julius Nyerere ................................................................................................................................ 1

14 October 1999 ........................................................................................................................... 6ANC Statement On The Death Of Julius Kambarage "Mwalimu" Nyerere 6

African National Congress of South Africa 6PanAfrican News Agency 6

Tanzania's First President Dies In Britain 6

WorldBank 7James D. Wolfensohn Statement On The Death Of Julius Nyerere 7

15 October 1999 ........................................................................................................................... 8BBC 8

Tributes pour in for Nyerere 8Julius Nyerere: The conscience of Africa 8E-mails tell of Nyerere's honesty and humility 9Text of President Mkapa's address to the nation 10 Nyerere: A personal recollection 10Songs of grief for Tanzania's founder 12Tanzania prepares for Nyerere funeral 12

Independent 13Julius Nyerere, the elder statesman of post-colonial Africa, dies, aged 77 13Third World visionary who brought socialism to the villages 14

'I learnt at his feet ... he was our guru' 15The Nation (Nairobi) 15

A Symbol Of Africa's Hope 15

The Times Of Zambia (Lusaka) 17Tanzanians say goodbye to Mwalimu 17

The Times 18JULIUS NYERERE 18

Guardian 21Africans mourn death of the father of Tanzania 21

The Independent 23OBITUARY: JULIUS NYERERE 23

16 October 1999 ......................................................................................................................... 26Panafrican News Agency 26

President Clinton Pays Tribute To Nyerere 26

Nyerere To Be Laid To Rest At His Butiama Home 26The Times of Zambia (Lusaka) 26

We've been robbed of great leader-- Chiluba 26

Financial Times 27

Guardian 28Idealism in a cynical world 28

The Nation (Nairobi) 28Mwalimu Nyerere's bequest to Mkapa a tall order 28

17 October 1999 ......................................................................................................................... 31The Monitor (Kampala) 31

Kwa heri, Mtukufu Rais Julius K. Nyerere 31

Panafrican News Agency 32Tanzanians In UK Bid Farewell To Nyerere 32World Leaders Continue To Send Condolences 32

The Nation (Nairobi) 33Mwalimu's rise to power 33Mwalimu's enduring legacy 35

Independent on Sunday 38

18 October 1999 ......................................................................................................................... 39Guardian 39

Julius Nyerere 39Richard Gott writes: 39Simon Barley writes: 39Ronald Segal writes: 39



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Chandra Hardy writes: 39BBC 40

Email tributes 40

HYPE 47The Meaning Of "Mwalimu" 47

Panafrican News Agency 47Half A Million Tanzanians Welcome Nyerere's Body 47Museveni To Lead Delegation To Nyerere's Funeral 48


Nyerere's return 49The Times 49

Thousands flock to see Nyerere's coffin come home 49New Vision (Kampala) 50

Nyerere Body Arrives In Dar 50The Times of Zambia (Lusaka) 50

Chiluba declares four-day national mourning 50

20 October 1999 ......................................................................................................................... 52Independent 52

Tanzania weeps for father of the nation 52BBC 52

World leaders arrive to honour Nyerere 52Julius Nyerere: Political messiah or false prophet? 53

Panafrican News Agency 58 Nyerere's Daughter Denied Holy Communion 58Wrangle Over Nyerere's Final Resting Place Solved 5818 Heads Of State To Pay Respects To Nyerere 58

The Monitor (Kampala) 59Dreams that never died 59

21 October 1999 ......................................................................................................................... 62BBC 62

World leaders honour Nyerere 62Panafrican News Agency 62

Academician Revisits Nyerere's Development Vision 62Rwandan TV Airs Nyerere's Funeral Ceremony Live 63


The world turns out to honour Nyerere 64Independent 65

Nyerere, flawed fighter of colonialism, buried as hero 65

The Times 65Leaders pay their repects to Nyerere 65

New Vision (Kampala) 66World Pays Last Respects To Mwalimu Nyerere 66Museveni Joins World In Mourning Nyerere 67

The Monitor (Kampala) 68Big farewell for Nyerere 68

Business Day (Johannesburg) 69Tanzania And The World Say Their Farewells To Nyerere 69

The Times of Zambia (Lusaka) 69 Nyerere was a great African statesman - Chiluba 69

Panafrican News Agency 70Tanzanians Pay Homage To Nyerere On Eve Of Burial 70 Nyerere Provided Haven For Late Banda's Opponents 70Downpour, Wind, Mark Arrival Of Nyerere's Body 71

23 October 1999 ......................................................................................................................... 72Economist 72



Julius Nyerere 4

Julius Nyerere 72Guardian 73

Tanzania's unity weakens without Nyerere 73

Panafrican News Agency 73The Road Ends For One Of Africa's Greatest Sons 73

BBC 74 Nyerere laid to rest 74

24 October 1999 ......................................................................................................................... 75The Monitor - Kampala 75

Mandela to visit Nyerere's grave 75 Nyerere's not so sweet side 75

The Nation. 77

Remembering a great son of Africa [Analysis] 77Canto for hope 79

Panafrican News Agency 79The Road Ends For One Of Africa's Greatest Sons 79

26 October 1999 ......................................................................................................................... 81The East African 81

As 'Kingmaker' Dies, Whither Tanzania Politics and Society 81

Ever the Idealist, Nyerere's Legacy is Everlasting 82There Was Real Freedom in Mwalimu's Day 84Painful Loss of a Friend, Mentor and Nationalist Par Excellence 87Death Puts Nyerere Biography in Limbo 87Leaders Pay Tribute to Mwalimu 88Sporting Events Postponed in Honour of Nyerere 89

27 October 1999 ......................................................................................................................... 91Panafrican News Agency 91

Spirit Sends Soldiers Scampering For Safety 91

Business Day (Johannesburg) 91 Nyerere No Great Leader, But Ensured Poverty For Tanzania (Column) 91

28 October 1999 ......................................................................................................................... 93Southern African Research and Documentation Centre 93

Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere- A Remembrance 93

Southern African Research and Documentation Centre (SARDC)- 95Address To Members Of Parliament: By Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere 95

UN Integrated Regional Information Network 99

IRIN Focus on the union 99

29 October 1999 ....................................................................................................................... 101All Africa News Agency 101

Julius Nyerere: A Concrete Example Of Commitment 101Who Else Would Get The Credit For Peace And Unity? 101The Day The Villagers Lost Their Favourite Son 102

Panafrican News Agency 104Tanzanian Authorities Crackdown On Poachers 104

The East African 104He Did Not Think His Life Was in Danger 104South Africa Remembers Nyerere as One of Its Own 105

Balancing Relative Values at the Funeral (Opinion) 106A Legacy of Unity, But Not of Democracy (Opinion) 107Why Mwalimu Never Went Out of Fashion (Opinion) 108Coach Nyerere is Gone, the Team Must Play On 109

30 October 1999 ....................................................................................................................... 111Panafrican News Agency 111

Nyerere Mourning Regulations Relaxed 111

Miscellaneous ........................................................................................................................... 112Saints and Presidents: A Commentary on Julius Nyerere 112



Julius Nyerere 5



14 October 1999 6

14 October 1999

ANC Statement On The Death Of

Julius Kambarage "Mwalimu"Nyerere

African National Congress of SouthAfrica

October 14, 1999 Johannesburg - The following document wasreleased by African National Congress ofSouth Africa: The ANC is devastated at thenews of the death of Julius Nyerere earliertoday. The organisation weeps in memory ofthis giant amongst men.Julius Kambarage "Mwalimu" Nyerere was anoutstanding leader, a brilliant philosopher anda people's hero - a champion for the entire African continent. He shall always beremembered as one of Africa's greatest andmost respected sons and the father of theTanzanian nation.Throughout his long life he enjoyed respectand popularity that extended far beyond theborders of Tanzania. His wise counsel wassought from around the globe, even after heresigned from the presidency in 1985. A legacy in his own lifetime, he served as asymbol of inspiration for all African nations intheir liberation struggles to free themselves

from the shackles of oppression andcolonialism.Mwalimu will always occupy a very importantplace in the hearts and minds of South Africans in general and the supporters of the ANC in particular.The ANC is indebted to his memory for theunflinching support that he offered during ourdark days of struggle against racist apartheidrule and for freedom and democracy. Ourcelebration of these basic rights today is to nosmall degree as a result of the benevolence ofJulius Nyerere and the support, both moraland material, received from Tanzanian people

under his rule.The ANC pays homage to a true Africanlegend, a man deserving of great admiration,respect and affection.The ANC conveys its sincerest condolencesto his family, friends and the Tanzanianpeople during this painful period.Issued by Smuts Ngonyama African National Congress 51 Plein StreetJohannesburg 200014 October 1999

Issued by The African National Congress,Department of Information and Publicity, P.O.Box 61884, Marshalltown 2107,Johannesburg. Email: [email protected]

PanAfrican News Agency

Tanzania's First President Dies InBritain

October 14, 1999 by Nicodemus Odhiambo Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania (PANA) - The firstpresident of the United Republic of Tanzania,Julius Kambarage Nyerere, who diedThursday in London, was born in March 1922at Butiama, a village near the Lake shoretown of Musoma, to a Zanaki chief, NyerereBurite.

He received his early education at theMwisenge primary school in Musoma before joining a secondary school at Tabora, aformer slave town in the heart of Tanzania.From Tabora, Nyerere spent two years atMakerere College, Uganda, then returned toTabora to teach at St Mary's school. In 1949,he went to Edinburgh University, where hegraduated with a Master of Arts degree in1952.On his return, he taught at St. Francis, Pugu,in Dar Es Salaam. He later briefly served as aTemporary Nominated Member of the colonialTanganyika Legislative Council.

In 1954, Nyerere was a founder member ofthe Tanganyika African National Union(TANU), and was elected president of theparty. He accepted a further nomination to thelegislature in July 1957, having forfeited histeaching post, but resigned in protest inDecember the same year.In Tanganyika's first elections in 1958, he waselected a member of Parliament, and wasreturned unopposed in the second generalelection in 1960.In May 1961, he was sworn in as chiefminister and led the country to independenceon 9 December, 1961. After the decision to

make Tanganyika a republic, Nyerere wasnominated as a TANU candidate for the postof president.In 1962, he entered State House (formerlyGovernment House) as Tanganyika's firstpresident.In April 1964, Nyerere was signatory to theUnion of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, andbecame president of the new United Republic,later renamed Tanzania.On 30 September, 1965, he was declaredpresident for a second term of five years,



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having secured a massive mandate from thepeople.Nyerere ruled Tanzania for 22 years under asocialist regime. But of it he once said: "Wecannot go 'full-speed' into socialism. Where

are the leaders for 'full-speed' socialism?."During his life, he backed independencemovements in Mozambique, Angola,Zimbabwe (former Rhodesia) and the fetteringof apartheid in South Africa. He was also thechairman of the South-South Commission. And in recent years, he was mediator in anumber of peace talks especially in trying toend the civil war in Burundi. In Tanzania, he iscredited for uniting the over 120 tribes into acohesive society.Known as 'Mwalimu,' Kiswahili for ' teacher,'Nyerere was a darling to millions ofTanzanians. He is survived by his wife, Maria,

and six children.

WorldBank

James D. Wolfensohn StatementOn The Death Of Julius Nyerere

October 14, 1999 Washington - For the men and women whohave served the great cause of developmentin the world, one of the l ights of our lives wentout today. Mr. Julius Nyerere was one of thefounding fathers of modern Africa. He wasalso one of the few world leaders whose high

ideals, moral integrity, and personal modestyinspired people right around the globe.While world economists were debating theimportance of capital output ratios, PresidentNyerere was saying that nothing was moreimportant for people than being able to readand write and have access to clean water.He gave his compatriots a sense of hope andachievement early in their life as a country. And he gave them a sense of nation with fewparallels in Africa and the world-bound by acommon language (Kiswahili) and a historyalmost entirely free of internal divisions andconflict. His political ideals, his deep religious

convictions, his equally deep religioustolerance, and his belief that people of allethnic and regional origins should have equalaccess to knowledge and materialopportunities have marked his country-and Africa-forever.He was a leader in the liberation of Southern Africa. He looked after hundreds of thousandsof refugees forced to live in western Tanzaniaby political turmoil in central Africa. And he leftoffice peacefully at an age when he couldcertainly have continued. He was known as

"Mwalimu" (or "Teacher")-which was his firstprofession. Many of us still regard ourselvesas his students, and we feel very honored tohave known and worked with him in his life.To the people of Tanzania-and to his wider

family across Africa and around the world-Iwant to say how much we share your sadnessat his passing. However, the example he setand the ideals he represented will remain asource of inspiration and comfort for all of us.That is a legacy which even PresidentNyerere-modest as he was-would have beenproud of.James D. Wolfensohn, October 14, 1999Africa News Online



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15 October 1999

BBC

Tributes pour in for Nyerere

Tributes have been pouring in from aroundthe world for former Tanzanian PresidentJulius Nyerere who has died of cancer.The death of the 77-year-old statesman, wholed his country to independence, wasannounced on Tanzanian radio by the currentHead of State, Benjamin Mkapa.Dr Nyerere had been diagnosed withleukaemia in August and was admitted to StThomas' hospital in London three weeks ago.

In Tanzania, 30 days of mourning have beendeclared for the man known affectionately as"Mwalimu" - Kiswahili for "the teacher".Flags are flying at half-mast and many radioand television stations have been playingreligious music.President Mkapa said arrangements werebeing made for a state funeral.In New York, the United Nations General Assembly stood in silent tribute to Dr Nyerere.The President of the Assembly, NamibianForeign Minister Theo-Ben Gurirab, called him"a venerable world leader and one of Africa'smost charismatic and respected elder

statesmen".He recalled how Dr Nyerere had given refugeto the many black nationalist leaders who fledSouth Africa under apartheid. They wereallowed to set up training camps insideTanzania.In Addis Ababa, the Secretary-General of theOrganisation of African Unity, Salim AhmedSalim, called the former president's death "asevere and painful personal loss".Dr Nyerere was one of the founding membersof the OAU and a passionate believer in thecause of pan-Africanism.South African President Thabo Mbeki said DrNyerere "served as a source of greatinspiration to efforts towards Africa's rebirth"."He was one of the wise sons of Africa whoguided our journey towards placing Africa inher rightful place in the world," he said.The Zambian President, Frederick Chiluba,said it was a sad day for Africa."We have lost a champion and great leader,"he said.Revolutionary and visionary

In Kenya, President Moi said Dr Nyerere was"a good friend" and that Kenyan flags wouldfly at half-mast for four days in tribute.Robert Mugabe, president of Zimbabwe, saidDr Nyerere had been "the revolutionary, the

visionary, the principled, indomitable andunyielding support of the struggle for our ownand the region's independence".UK Prime Minister, Tony Blair, led tributesfrom Europe saying: "The fact that Tanzaniais today a country at peace with itself and itsneighbours is, in large part, a tribute toMwalimu."Julius Nyerere served as Tanzania's firstpresident from 1961 to 1985. Addressing the nation on television,Tanzanian President Mkapa said thechallenge now was for Tanzanians to build onthe important foundation which he laid for the

nation. An important opponent of colonialism andapartheid, Dr Nyerere stood out as an Africanleader who ignored the trappings of power.But while he united his nation and made majoradvances in the fields of health andeducation, his African socialist policy of"ujama" - community-based farmingcollectives - proved disastrous for Tanzania'seconomy. After stepping down as president, Dr Nyererebecame an influential figure on theinternational scene, becoming one of Africa'smost respected elder statesmen.

Most recently, he had been mediating talks innorthern Tanzania aimed at ending the ethnicand political conflict in Burundi.

Julius Nyerere: The conscience ofAfricaJulius Nyerere: A vision of self-reliance for Africa Dr Julius Nyerere, who has died aged 77, ledthe former British protectorate of Tanganyikato independence in 1961, becoming its firstprime Minister and later its f irst president.His country was withdrawn from British rulewithout violence and with comparatively littleracial bitterness. Dr Nyerere acquired in the

process the reputation of being a moderate,an idea that was encouraged by his personalmodesty and his preference for Westernvalues.In both Africa and the West his prestige, whenhe first became President, stood high. It wasseriously shaken, however, early in 1964, by amutiny of the Tanganyikan Army that spreadto other parts of East Africa and was only putdown with British help.Later, as President of Tanzania, formed bythe joining of Tanganyika and Zanzibar,



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Nyerere instituted a one-party system,together with other forms of government thatsmacked of a police state.Yet he always defended his position declaringthat Tanzanians had far more freedom under

his rule than they had ever had under theBritish, and that the one-party system wasvital for stability.Over the years, he became increasingly anti-British and anti-European, and entered intoclose relations with Beijing. He accepted largenumbers of Chinese military instructors andtechnicians, a development that angered theUnited States, which cut off aid.President Nyerere was outspoken in hiscriticism of British Prime Minister HaroldWilson's government for not taking militaryaction against the Ian Smith regime inRhodesia when it issued its unilateral

declaration of independence in 1965.In common with other African leaders, he wasgreatly concerned about the possibility of theUK resuming limited arms sales to South Africa. Nevertheless, by November 1975 hecame to London and was accorded the fullhonours of a state visit.He was then the longest serving head of aCommonwealth African state, and the UKgovernment regarded him as a majorstabilising force in an increasingly turbulentregion. As the crisis over Rhodesia worsened in thelate 1970s, President Nyerere played a

campaigning role in moves by the so-calledfrontline states - Tanzania, Zambia,Botswana, Mozambique and Angola - tohasten majority rule.He also came to have an important influencewith the nationalist guerrilla groups in whatwas to become Zimbabwe, and was a keyfigure in the formulation of the peace plan thatwas concluded at the Lancaster Houseconference in London in 1979.It was in that year that Tanzanian forcesinvaded Uganda forcing an end to themurderous regime of Idi Amin.In Tanzania itself, President Nyerere

attempted to achieve his goal of a socialistand self-supporting state. In 1967 this policyof self-reliance had been enshrined in the Arusha Declaration (named after the northernTanzanian town where it was announced). Itcame to be regarded as one of the mostimportant political documents to haveemerged in the developing world.Yet his policy of "ujama", community-basedfarming collectives, proved disastrous. Theidealism of the grand project was

overwhelmed by the lack of individualincentive.Ten years later, taking stock, PresidentNyerere issued a remarkably honest bookletwhich gave as much prominence to the

failures as well as the successes."There is a time for planting and a time forharvesting", he wrote."For us it is still a time for planting".It was his abject failure at home that will blightthe reputation of a man who had gainedrespect as one of the few African leaders ofhis time who stood for idealism and principle.

E-mails tell of Nyerere's honestyand humilityNyerere and Mandela - e-mails praise hisstatesmanship E-mails paying tribute to Julius Nyerere havebeen arriving from around the world to theBBC News Online website.The messages began appearing almost fromthe moment the death of Tanzania's formerpresident was announced. All express sorrow at the death of a greatstatesman - a man known as the father ofTanzania - and many references are made tohis honesty, humility and vision.Mziwakhe John Tsabedze, of Swaziland, saysJulius Nyerere was a true leader. He writes:"He taught us integrity and he taught us toserve our fellow citizens.Noble and edifying

"He taught us to know that the measure of aleader is not how many Mercedes Benz carshe has or how many wives he has. He taughtus that a leader can relinquish power and stillremain influential."There were many other words of praise for theformer president's frugal lifestyle and lack ofhypocrisy.Efosa Aruede, of Nigeria writes: "The simpleand ascetic lifestyle of Mwalimu was always areference point for Tanzanians."It is hoped that despite the embracing ofmarket economics by the present rulers ofTanzania, they will not jettison all that is noble

and edifying in the teachings of Mwalimu."He preached water and drank water Joshua Odeny, of Kenya, writes: "He was stillpopular 14 years since he left power, becausehe led by example."He preached Ujama and practised it. In otherwords he preached water and drank water. Heremains the most honest leader East Africahas ever produced."There are also many international tributes toJulius Nyerere's determination to pursue his



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ideals and his ability to admit when he hadmade mistakes."Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere hasgone down this day as a true and admirablecitizen of the world," writes George Were,

from Sudan."If he erred, that was only because he washuman, not because he meant any harm tohumanity."'A true humanist' Christian Sorenson, from Denmark, writes: "Atrue humanist, a great communicator andunifier. An African of the highest intellect."He made mistakes, but who doesn't? Iadmire him."Many of the electronic eulogies praise'Mwalimu' for knowing when to step down."He showed true leadership when he steppeddown to make way for Ali Hassan Mwinyi",

writes Hansel Ramathal, from India and theUSA."This was a single act of mature leadershipand it is something rarely seen in many of theworlds governments especially in Africa and Asia."Bobana Badisang, from Botswana, sums upthe affection and emotion many people felt forJulius Nyerere."In the desert wastelands of BotswanaMwalimu was an icon, a motivator andmentor. Farewell Mwalimu. Dusk hasapproached too soon."

Text of President Mkapa's addressto the nationPresident Benjamin Mkapa appeals for calm andunity A special and unscheduled address to thenation by President Benjamin Mkapa,broadcast by Tanzanian radio on 14thOctober 1999. Dear citizens, it is with great sadness that Iannounce to you that our beloved father of thenation, Comrade Julius Kambarage Nyerere,is dead.Mwalimu died this morning at 10.30

Tanzanian time at St Thomas's Hospital,London, where he had been undergoingtreatment for leukaemia since 24thSeptember. As our earlier statements have indicated, thecondition of the father of the nation changedsuddenly on Wednesday night, 30thSeptember, and all his organs began todeteriorate.This caused the doctors to transfer him to theintensive care unit, where he passed awaytoday.

Shock and anxiety I know that the death of the father of thenation will shock you and sadden allTanzanians. Many will feel anxiety.Mwalimu created the foundations of unity for

our nation and struggled for it with all hisstrength.Mwalimu and the late Mzee Abeid AmaniKarume created the United Republic ofTanzania, by uniting the Republic ofTanganyika and the People's Republic ofZanzibar.Mwalimu gave this country fame and respectby leading national and international strugglesto liberate the countries of southern Africa andmaking efforts to resolve political and militaryconflicts in independent neighbouring states.Unity and unionGiven this remarkable leadership record there

will be some citizens who will fear that theunity of the country will be jeopardised, thatour union will disintegrate and our relationswith neighbouring countries will be affected.I beg you, citizens, to believe that Mwalimusucceeded in building a firm and strongfoundation in all these areas. We, whoinherited that unity and union, took an oath tomake it everlasting and continuous.I beg you, citizens, to cooperate in payingdeserved respect to the father of the nation byremaining committed to the legacy of hiswork, his service and his love.Comrade citizens, as we await the body of the

father of the nation, I beg you to remain calmand to maintain our solidarity, brotherhoodand love at this heavy and unique moment ofgrief facing our country.The father of the nation will be accorded a fullstate funeral. The government will issuefurther statements later about the reception ofthe body of our beloved, and about the funeralarrangements.We pray to God to rest the soul of our belovedelder in heaven.God bless our country. God bless Africa.

Nyerere: A personal recollection

Everyone called him Mwalimu, a Swahili word forteacher Vicky Ntetema, a Tanzanian journalistworking for the BBC Swahili Service givesher personal recollections about the"father" of her country and assesses whyhe had such an important influence on hispeople. I have met Julius Nyerere many times.The last while he was critically ill in hospital inLondon.



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It was hard for me to believe that the greatstatesman was now lying in bed, speechlessand so helpless.He first began to make an impact on me whenI was small child in the Southern Highlands of

Tanzania.What puzzled me was the way everyonecalled him Mwalimu, a Swahili word forteacher. All my teachers at school were calledmwalimu too - but with a small 'm'.My mother told me that Nyerere could seeboth sides of a coin and make his argumentunderstood to both sides no matter what thesubject was.But he was also a hard nut to crack, whofeared nobody and who would always standby his word.Songs of praise

As I was getting older, I started listening tosongs on the radio.There was no single day which passedwithout hearing songs praising Mwalimu orBaba (Father) Nyerere.Tanzania Bands sang of how he fought for thecountry's independence "without spillingblood" and how he was still fighting for theliberation of those nations under colonial andapartheid regimes.One song was about his work as a leader ofthe then political and ruling party T.A.N.U. Thewords that I remember most were, "Nyerere,build more prisons to jail those who oppose

T.A.N.U.". Another said "Father Nyerere, build andspread socialism throughout the country andeliminate all parasites, capitalists and puppetsof imperialists".He preferred to call socialism "Ujamaa", whichmeans brotherhood.In school we were taught some of thosesongs and we would sing one or two at ourdaily assembly before and after classes.Sharpened teeth One day in Iringa, Southern Tanzania, I wasone of the few schoolgirls who carriedbouquets to welcome President Nyerere.

He was just an ordinary person with a greatpersonality and a big smile which revealed hisbaby-like small sharpened teeth.I remember him cracking jokes and laughingand the crowd echoed his laughter.He was a leader whose ideas, ideology,policies, decisions and directives wererespected and adhered to by all citizens.But some were not amused by theannouncement of his nationalisation policy.

They were going to lose their massive maizefarms to the state as Ujamaa farms wereestablished.It was the end of capitalism in practical terms.I can look back today and say that if it wasn't

for the Ujamaa ideology and policy, maybe Iwould have not had the chance to reachwhere I am today.Under free medical services I was able tohave a major operation 23 years ago.I went to school at a time when primaryeducation was compulsory and education wasfree up to degree level.I was one of a family of 10 and I know that myfather, a medical assistant then, would nothave managed to send all of his children toschool on his salary.Not 'one of them' I was sent to the Soviet Union on a

government's scholarship where I acquired aMasters of Arts Degree in Journalism.Many thought that Mwalimu was obsessedwith Marxism and Leninism and that is whymany students were sent to the U.S.S.R.In fact while some of us were sent to thecommunist countries many others went toEurope, the United States, Australia andIndia.The Soviets actually disliked Nyerere becausehe was not "one of them".Whenever we went to the History of theCommunist Party class I was attacked by mylecturer for being a Nyerere follower.

The lecturer did not like the idea of Tanzaniabeing a member of a Non-Aligned Movement."You are either a communist or a capitalist ...we do not like people in the grey areas ... theycan be easily swayed to the enemy side..."Donating blood Listening to Radio Tanzania we followed thestruggle of Mwalimu and other African leadersfor the liberation of the whole of the continent.Twice a year we donated blood and clothingto our brothers and sisters in the struggle inMozambique, Zimbabwe and Namibia.We had to welcome and accommodate exilesfrom South Africa. They became our half-

relatives and were given the best ofeverything, from education to health.It was when I was in a boarding school inMwanza that the war with Idi Amin's Ugandastarted.We had to be evacuated when a Russian Mig16 narrowly missed our dormitories along theshores of Lake Victoria.The previous week we were taught by thearmy, under the air raids how to buildtrenches and how to stock food and sleep inthe trenches.



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Two years after the war with Uganda, theTanzanian economy went down the drain.Shop display windows and shelves were filledwith dust and spiders' cobwebs.One language, many voices

Many were angry at the situation. ButTanzania had been attacked and Nyerere hadhad to defend his country.He was just as tough defending the Union ofmainland Tanzania with Zanzibar.Nyerere used the Kiswahili language to uniteTanzanians.He allowed Tanzanians to speak with manyvoices, but in one language. This was hisvision of a nation free of tribalism.The nation, especially my generation, willremember him for his smooth and voluntaryexit from government leadership in 1985 andparty leadership in 1990.

People were overwhelmed with grief at lifewithout his active politics and governance.They were pleading with him to reconsider.In fact he had made up his mind long beforethe war with Uganda that he would retire.But after the war he told Tanzanians that itwould be very unfair if he left the country witha dilapidated economy in the hands of a newleader.But the truth is that Tanzania nevercompletely recovered from that war.Living 'for others' Four years ago I met him in London.We spoke for more than two hours during

which he asked my opinion on the multipartysystem in Tanzania."Corruption has infested the country," he said"Would you like to go back to a single partystate?" he asked me.I was taken aback by his question. But I toldhim that Tanzania cannot live as an island inthe new world.I last saw him when he was critically ill at St.Thomas' Hospital.He had lived all his life for others, for thebetterment of his country, Africa and the restof the world.He will go down in history as one great African

leader and world statesman who knew theright time to make his exit both in politics andin life.

Songs of grief for Tanzania'sfounder

By Tira Shubart in Dar es Salaam Tanzania was plunged into national mourningtoday with the announcement of the death offormer President Julius Nyerere, known hereas the Father of the Nation.

The usual bustling streets of Dar es Salaamare almost silent as people gather around anyavailable radio listening to President BenjaminMkapa's tribute to Nyerere, which is repeatedevery few minutes.

Tanzania's foremost gospel singer CaptainJohn Komba and his choir had composed andrecorded a song of tribute and mourning,which was recorded earlier this week fortelevision and radio.The lyrics repeat the refrain:"The nation is weeping. The father of thenation is gone, he has left us in tears. We willremember him forever. The nation ismourning, the nation is weeping. He was asoldier of Tanzania, he was a soldier of Africa"Churches throughout Tanzania haveconvened special prayer services in memory

of the man who led his people fromcolonialism to independence.Some businesses have already begun toclose down for a period of mourning. Theofficial announcement for the funeralarrangements is expected shortly.The government has called upon Tanzaniansto remain calm and to respect the valuesembraced by the man they call 'Mwalimu' orTeacher, the first occupation of the nation'sfounder.The most striking thing throughout Dar esSalaam is the intense sense of personal lossfelt by virtually every Tanzanian.

Nyerere not only brought the country tofreedom but also dominated the political andemotional life of Tanzania for half a century.There is stunned disbelief that he is gonedespite a long decline into illness in London'sSt Thomas's Hospital. Although for many years he had no formalrole in politics, he played an integral positionbehind the scenes and his influence was feltby every politician.He was the last surviving giant of the days ofemerging African independence and until hisdeath certainly the best known and mostwidely respected East African leader.

Now, on the quayside, people have left theiroffices, gathering together under the tropicaltrees, singing along with the radio: 'Nearer myGod to Thee...'

Tanzania prepares for NyererefuneralFriday, October 15, 1999 Published at 12:56 GMT13:56 UK Government officials in Tanzania have beenmeeting to discuss funeral arrangements for



15 October 1999 13

the former Tanzanian president, JuliusNyerere, who died on Thursday.Dr Nyerere's body is to be flown back toTanzania, where it will lie in state in Dar EsSalaam before being buried in his home

village of Butiama, near Lake Victoria.Meanwhile, world leaders have continued topay tribute to the man who led his country toindependence and was known affectionatelyby his people as 'Mwalimu' - the teacher.Former South African president NelsonMandela recalled that he was among the firstmembers of the African National Congress(ANC) to be received in Tanzania by DrNyerere during the long struggle againstapartheid."The freedom of his country, the liberation ofother oppressed peoples and the unity anddecolonisation of the African continent were

part of a single struggle for a better world," hesaid. Another tributes came from PresidentMuseveni of Uganda, who praised the role ofTanzanian forces in helping to overthrow thedictatorship of Idi Amin in 1979."By helping us to overthrow the Idi Amindictatorship, Mwalimu Nyerere gave us afresh start," he said."All patriots of Uganda are eternally gratefulfor Mwalimu's contribution."Ceasefire declared US President Bill Clinton said Dr Nyerere wasa pioneering leader for freedom and self-

government in Africa, from whom many African leaders sought guidance as theycrafted their own new societies.In Burundi, where Dr Nyerere was involved innegotiating a peace agreement between theTutsi dominated army and Hutu rebel groups,the main rebel faction, the Forces for theDefence of Democracy, has declared a 48hour unilateral ceasefire as a mark of respect. A spokesman for the FDD said that, althoughDr Nyerere had made mistakes, he hadshown himself a good friend of the Burundianpeople.However, the Burundian authorities have

accused him of bias and poor judgement inthe peace negotiations.The death of the 77-year-old statesman, wholed his country to independence, wasannounced on Tanzanian radio on Thursdayby the current Head of State, BenjaminMkapa.Dr Nyerere had been diagnosed withleukaemia in August and was admitted to StThomas' hospital in London three weeks ago.

In Tanzania, 30 days of mourning have beendeclared for one of the country's most reveredfigures.Flags are flying at half-mast and many radioand television stations have been playing

religious music.Julius Nyerere served as Tanzania's firstpresident from 1961 to 1985. An important opponent of colonialism andapartheid, Dr Nyerere stood out as an Africanleader who ignored the trappings of power.But while he united his nation and made majoradvances in the fields of health andeducation, his African socialist policy of"ujama" - community-based farmingcollectives - proved disastrous for Tanzania'seconomy.

Independent

Julius Nyerere, the elder statesmanof post-colonial Africa, dies, aged77

By Joe Khamisi in Dar es Salaam15 October 1999THE TANZANIAN nation was in shock yesterdayfollowing the death of the country's founder Julius Nyerere, one of Africa's elder statesmen.At exactly noon yesterday, a sombre PresidentBenjamin Mkapa went on national television toannounce – his voice cracking with emotion – thatthe man known to all as "Mwalimu" (teacher) hadfinally succumbed to leukaemia at the age of 77. Nyerere, the father of African socialism who ledhis country to independence from Britain in 1961,had been in a London hospital in critical conditionsince 9 September."Today, I have the sad duty to announce thatMwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere has died,"said Mr Mkapa, as senior officials around himstruggled to hold back tears. He ordered a 30-daymourning period.This port city of almost three million citizensvirtually came to a standstill as people huddledaround televisions and radios. Runningdocumentaries on Nyerere's life were broadcast

throughout the day.Mr Mkapa summarised Nyerere's achievements infighting colonialism, his vision that led him toforge the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibarin 1964, and his role in the independence struggleof several southern African nations."There may be those who may fear that thecountry would plunge into instability or that ourrelations with our neighbours would suffer," saidMr Mkapa. "Nyerere bequeathed this nation with peace and stability and I want to appeal to all to



15 October 1999 14

unite and co-operate to accord Mwalimu therespect that he deserves." Nyerere remains a revered figure in Tanzania andabroad, despite his disastrous introduction ofMaoist-style policies in the 1960s, which led to the

forced relocation of millions of people into thecountryside in an attempt to boost agricultural production. The experiment began to crumble inthe late 70s when it became clear that the policyhad brought farming to a standstill and plunged theEast African country into debt. Nyerere commands respect for being one of thefirst post-colonial African leaders to hand over power voluntarily. He retired in 1985 after 23years as president, admitting that development policies he so vigorously advocated had failed.Yesterday, world leaders praised hisstatesmanship. Tony Blair stressed Nyerere'sachievement in subordinating tribal rivalries to

national identity. "The fact that Tanzania is today acountry at peace with itself and its neighbours is inlarge part a tribute to Mwalimu," said Mr Blair.From elsewhere in Africa tributes poured in,especially from Uganda – where he was admiredfor sending troops to chase out the dictator IdiAmin – and from Zambia, where he is creditedwith securing the release from jail of the former president Kenneth Kaunda after Mr Kaunda was blamed for a failed coup in 1997. Nyerere's death had been expected after a brainscan earlier this week showed that he had suffereda severe stroke. Family members at his bedsidehad been debating whether to switch off a life-

support system when he suffered a further stroke.Preparations for a state funeral were well underway yesterday. The government has already taken block bookings in major hotels to ensureaccommodation for foreign leaders. Repair work is being carried out on the airport road and on thenational stadium in Dar es Salaam, where his bodyis expected to lie in state following repatriation.

Third World visionary who broughtsocialism to the villages

By Alex Duval Smith Africa Correspondent15 October 1999JULIUS NYERERE was among an elite club ofAfrican statesmen – including Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, Zambia's Kenneth Kaunda and Kenya'sJomo Kenyatta – who led their countries out ofBritish rule into self-determination and providedthe backbone for independence movements whichchanged the face of the continent.In the late 1950s and early 1960s they believed inseeking ''the political kingdom'' which wouldultimately lead to independence for all of Africaand solidarity between people whose countries,

they pragmatically agreed, would be determinedaccording to colonial boundaries.The Nyerere generation espoused old-fashionedsocialism, collectivism, even Maoism –ideological concepts which now seem redundant

and damaging but which were crucial, in their day,to nation-building. Those concepts were certainlyfounded on more substance than the greed and power-hunger which have discredited the "strongnew leaders'', such as Congo's Laurent Kabila,heralded less than two years ago as "beacons ofhope'' by the US Secretary of State, MadeleineAlbright.The legacy of Nyerere – or Mwalimu, meaning"teacher'' in Kiswahili – is that of a politicalactivist and, to his fans, a visionary whodetribalised the country. His critics point to the poverty and decrepitude of Tanzania today. Youhave to take your pick.

Post-war Britain, which was administeringTanganyika under a League of Nations mandate,was ready to be shot of it. This was not Kenya orUganda which with their wealth could help bridgethe dollar-gap; it had more than 100 tribes and theTanganyika African National Union (Tanu) was aconvincing movement.Tanu's president, Nyerere, in common with awhole generation of Africans, had studied inEurope or fought in the Second World War. Theyhad returned home with new ideas of justice –linked to the view that Britain had gone to war todefend an oppressed minority like the Poles – anda whole philosophy built around melding African

rural tradition with European-style government.After 12 December 1961, when Tanganyika became the first east African nation to gainindependence, Nyerere as its prime minister and president-to-be wasted no time in bringingZanzibar into the fold. Nyerere's triumph was to build a lasting physiognomy for a place which had no logicalraison d'etre apart from in the pencil and ruler of a19th century map-maker. He ruled that Kiswahili be spoken nationwide, introduced a consistenteducation policy and rotating official posts.Along with the idea of centralised socialistgovernment, he imposed "ujamaa'' – communal

land ownership which he said was a nationalextension of African village co-dependency. Naturally, it led to a nation of farmers who drovetheir tools into the soil, then leant against them andnodded off.Stanley Meiser, who was a foreign correspondentin Tanzania in the 1960s, said: ''He nationalisedthe banks, plantations and manufacturing plantswhen he did not have personnel to run them. He pressured farmers into becoming ujamaa villagerseven though Tanzanians found collective farmingabhorrent. He broke relations with Britain,



15 October 1999 15

Tanzania's chief aid donor, because he wanted therest of the world to "take Africa's word seriously''.He retired in 1985, becoming the first Africanleader ever to step down voluntarily. To some, itwas 24 years too late. But even if his Maoist

economic policies were disastrous, Nyerere wasmodern enough to understand that "debt,development and drought'' were Africa's greatestchallenges.

'I learnt at his feet ... he was ourguru'

By Anne Penketh15 October 1999"I LEARNT at his feet," said Olara Otunnu, UNspecial representative for children and armedconflict, of Julius Nyerere, the former Tanzanian president who died yesterday.

Mr Otunnu, 50, like many of his generation,travelled to Dar es Salaam as a student from hisnative Uganda to hear the "Mwalimu" expound onhis ideas for African and East African unity, andthe radical development policies that gave rise tohis brand of African socialism. "He was our guru;he influenced a whole generation," said MrOtunnu, a former Ugandan foreign minister.The two forged a friendship over the years andwould later meet every few months in Geneva or New York on a Sunday. "I would always ask – dowe meet before the church service, or after?" MrOtunnu said. Nyerere, always with his cane – asign of authority and wisdom – was a RomanCatholic.The Nyerere that Mr Otunnu knew was a man witha mischievous sense of humour ready to discussAfrican issues but also Shakespeare. "It wasalways like a college seminar, whether it lasted 10minutes or two hours." For Mr Otunnu, Nyererewas "a giant by all measure in Africa". At a timewhen African leaders are known for self-aggrandisement and corruption, he set "a personalexample of probity". Nyerere's main focus recently had been trying toend the Burundi conflict between the Hutus andTutsis. The last time Mr Otunnu saw the"Mwalimu" was in Geneva in May. "He said howdifficult Burundi was but he wanted them to enterthe new millennium with a new compact. I saidwhatever happens, he must see it through ... Hereplied: 'That much at least I will do'."

The Nation (Nairobi)

A Symbol Of Africa's Hope

By Nation Correspondent Nairobi - Tanzanians affectionately referred tohim as "Mwalimu" (Swahili for teacher).

Across the Eastern, Southern and Central Africa region, he was known as a champion ofthe liberation movement, a father figure and aPan-Africanist.Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Tanzania's

founding President who died of leukemiayesterday in a London hospital aged 77, willbe remembered as a symbol of Africa's hopeas it emerged from the shadow of Europeancolonial rule.Such was his resolve for regional integrationthat he was prepared to negotiate a delay inTanzania's independence to wait for Kenya tobe granted freedom for the countries to forman East Africa federation.Later as President, he eloquently justifiedTanzania's invasion of Uganda in 1978 duringan Organisation of African Unity (OAU)summit. The invasion was at the expense of

Tanzania's fragile economy but it set the tideof opposing dictatorship on the continent.It is to Nyerere that President BenjaminMkapa owes the presidency after the elderstatesman intervened on the side of olderpoliticians against youthful ones especially thecurrent Foreign Minister Jakaya Kikwete.Nyerere, was one of Africa's most reveredpost-colonial leaders, although his attempt tobuild a socialist society ended in failure andimpoverished his country.Nyerere paved the way for his boldexperiment by leading Tanganyika toindependence from Britain in 1961 before

becoming its first president in 1962 andmasterminding its union with the island ofZanzibar in 1964.His 1967 'Arusha Declaration' proclaimedsocialism and self-reliance as Tanzania's twingoals and set the stage for sweepingnationalisation and a controversial attempt togroup scattered peasant families in "ujamaa" -co- operative - villages.The scheme produced major benefits ineducation and health care, but Nyerere'ssocial achievements were overshadowed bythe absolute failure of his economic policies.When he stepped down as president of

Tanzania in 1985, he confessed that he hadfailed to improve the agriculture-basedeconomy of the impoverished country of 30million people, a rare admission on acontinent where few politicians admit anyfault.Popularly known as Mwalimu - Kiswahili forteacher - and usually dressed in a Mao-stylesafari suit, he earned respect for his integrityand intellect but was accused by critics ofturning a potentially rich country into one of Africa's poorest.



15 October 1999 16

Tanzania's economic crises and thereluctance of Western donors to continuefunding aid projects which they felt were beingundermined by government policies ledNyerere to open talks with the International

Monetary Fund (IMF) in 1980.He baulked at demands for massivedevaluation and easing of rigid controls on theeconomy and left his hand-picked successor Ali Hassan Mwinyi to decide whether toaccept the IMF terms. After his retirement, Nyerere played anadvisory role in both Tanzanian politics andbroader African affairs. For the last four yearsof his life, he mediated in peace talks aimed atending civil war in neighbouring Burundi.Nyerere's successes were in the internationalarena, where he championed Africanliberation from colonial Western rulers.

He was a strong opponent of South Africa'swhite minority rule and pushed for economicand political measures against thegovernment's apartheid policies. As a major force behind the Pan-Africanmovement and one of the founders of theOrganisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963,Nyerere was a key figure in African events inthe 1970s. It was then that Tanzania becamea magnet for anti- colonial activists and radicalintellectuals.But his role in Africa was often controversial.In 1967, he recognised secessionist Biafra,crushed three years later in Nigeria's civil war.

In 1979, he rejected the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of OAUmember states and sent the Tanzanian armyto end Idi Amin's brutal dictatorship inUganda.Julius Kambarage Nyerere was born on April13, 1922 at Butiama, a small village near LakeVictoria.The son of Chief Nyerere Burite of theWazanaki sub-tribe, he attended agovernment school from the age of 12 andthen went to a mission school, where hebecame a devout Roman Catholic.Nyerere took a teacher's diploma at Makerere

College in Uganda and in 1948 won ascholarship to Edinburgh University inScotland to study history, politics and law.He became the first black graduate in British-administered Tanganyika and in 1954 formedthe Tanganyika African National Union - thefore-runner of the ruling Chama ChaMapinduzi now led by President BenjaminMkapa to campaign for independence.Nyerere is survived by his wife Maria, whomhe married in 1953, and their eight children.

He was known as "Africa's Conscience" andhe called himself the "Father of the Nation".No other statesman embodied a country asmuch as Julius Kambarage Nyerere didTanzania. As president, he led the country

along its own path of African socialism.Following his retirement from active politics in1985, he became a mediator in the numerouscrises that gripped Southern Africa and was aspokesman for the region until his death. Asthe 26th child of a chief in the thenTanganyika, Nyerere grew up near LakeVictoria. His second name Kambarage isSwahili for Rain Spirit. A charismatic academic with a sense ofhumour, he championed the unification ofTanganyika with the Indian Ocean island ofZanzibar to form the United Republic ofTanzania in 1964.

"Let the others fly to the moon, we need towork to feed ourselves," he said in referenceto his country's socialist policy of self-reliancewith the emphasis on agricultural economicpolicy.Nyerere, whose charisma brought himadmirers from outside his country and whoappeared on the world stage as a voice ofreason, tolerated little criticism withinTanzania.Right up to the end of the 1970s there weremore political detainees in Tanzanian prisonsthan there were in those of apartheid South Africa.

Nyerere was also a friend of the liberationmovements trying to free southern Africa fromwhite rule.Freedom fighters from South Africa,Zimbabwe (then known as Rhodesia) andMozambique all began their long foughtcampaigns from Tanzania.Nyerere also dominated the informal group ofnations, known as the "Frontline States",which were committed to the end of whiteminority rule in South Africa and Rhodesia. Hewas one of the founders of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and left an indelible markon the social and political history of the

continent, earning a place next to Senegal'spoet-hero Leopold Senghor and Ghana'sKwame Nkrumah in the pantheon of Africanlegends. A politician of vision - detractors said utopian -he was a skilled negotiator, and his servicesas a mediator in international or regionalconflicts were in regular demand years afterhis official retirement.This smiling, modest and somewhat priest-likeman - he was a lifelong devout RomanCatholic - assumed the charge of a poor state



15 October 1999 17

with little modern infrastructure, dependent onagricultural cash crops as its main resource.Reformist rather than revolutionary, hepreferred to look to the conscience of theWest for the solution to problems of

development rather than to the Communistbloc as did many of his contemporaries inpost-independence Africa. Mwalimu willindeed be missed by many.Copyright (c) 1999 The Nation. Distributed via

Africa News Online (www.africanews.org). Forinformation about the content or for

permission to redistribute, publish or use forbroadcast, contact the publisher.

The Times Of Zambia (Lusaka)

Tanzanians say goodbye to

MwalimuOctober 15, 1999 By Austin Kaluba Lusaka - Julius Kambarage MwalimuNyerere's passing at St Thomas Hospital inLondon is a close of a chapter in Tanzanianhistory. Nyerere shaped his own brand of African socialism that ushered in ujama(familyhood ) complete with the promotion ofthe indigenous Kiswahili as a lingua franca. After remaining at the helm of power in theruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) foralmost three decades, Dr Nyerere voluntarilyretired in 1985 joining African leaders like

Leopold Senghor of Senegal and OlusegunObasanjo who stepped down on their own.The 77 year old politician commanded respectfor his dedication and idealism that appealedto the masses who thronged his rallies tolisten to him. Mwalimu ( teacher ),one of Africa's most respected leaders will bemourned as Tanzania's father of the nationwho helped to shape the destiny of hiscountry and African ideology.The international community will alsoremember him for his mediation in the war inneighbouring Burundi in the last few yearsuntil the time of his death. Mwalimu

commanded respect internationally andlocally.Even the opposition in his country had respectfor him. Leader of the opposition UnitedDemocratic Party John Cheyo once saidNyerere was a fountain of wisdom whoqualified for the father of the nation. TheTanzanian former president fell into a comaon October 1 when he was taken to Londonfor treatment.Despite frantic efforts to save his life, thecondition continued to deteriorate. Tanzanians

conducted prayers to ensure their belovedleader recovered but in vain.Nyerere was liberal minded, a socialist andpan-Africanist. He was a revolutionary whoradiated charm and charisma.

His brand of African socialism thatemphasised self-reliance and togetherness(ujama) under the Arusha declaration ofFebruary 7 1967 made him a darling to manyTanzanians despite its failures in later years.Born in March 1922, his father Chief BuritoNyerere named him after a rain spirit since hewas born during rain season.He was born from a polygamous marriagebeing a son of a fourth wife. His tribe Zanaki isone of the smallest among Tanzania's 113tribes. At the age of 12 only wrapped in an old pieceof cloth, he was sent to primary school. He did

exceptionally well and within a few years heentered Tabora, the only secondary school inTanzania then run on strict English publicschool lines. From 1943 to 1945 he studied atthe prestigious Makerere University inUganda. After graduating, he taught at St Mary's aCatholic school run by White Fathers .Recognising his intelligence, the priestsencouraged him to study at EdiburghUniversity in Britain. He took up the challengeand studied for an arts degree.While in Britain he met other blackintellectuals who inspired him in nationalism.

When he returned home, he formed theTanganyika African National Union (TANU).In 1955 he took the anti-colonial case beforethe Trusteeship Council of the United Nations.In 1957 he served for four months as anominated member in the legislative counciland then resigned because the country wasmaking insufficient progress in attainingindependence. As the fight to attain independence intensified,the colonialists adopted a sterner stance indealing with nationalists. Nyerere wasarrested in 1958 and fined for an article hehad written in a party paper. He scooped the

1961 elections and became president of thenew Tanganyika republic.He won by a 97 per cent affirmative vote.Later the island of Zanzibar was grantedindependence but the Afro-Arab governmentwas overthrown by a revolutionary Africangovernment. The coup hysteria spread toTanganyika where Tanganyika Rifles mutiniedand Nyerere came close to being toppled.He went into hiding and sought Britishintervention to restore order. Nyerere realised



15 October 1999 18

that to ensure unity he had to unite withZanzibar.The two governments came together to formTanzania with Nyerere as president. But up tothis day the union has remained more

theoretical than practical.Zanzibar has retained its autonomy whichpreserves its own parliament, armed forces,customs regulations and its own foreignreserves. Nyerere's foreign policy was of non-alignment and several other policies weresimilar to those of the former Zambiapresident Kenneth Kaunda.He also got involved seriously in liberatingsouthern African countries that were undercolonial rule. Dar-es-Salaam like Lusakabecame a base of the leading freedom fightermovements in Africa.It also became a permanent seat of Africa

Unity Liberation Committee. Like ZambiaNyerere cut relations with Britain forrecognising Rhodesia's unilateral declarationof independence. The relationship were onlyrestored when Britain made assurances that itwas not going to give Rhodesia independenceunder a white minority government.Being a socialist at heart, Nyerere made apact with China when he visited the country in1965. He introduced a one party state.Zambian opposition leaders like the late HarryMwaanga Nkumbula leader of the AfricanNational Congress felt Nyerere had to blamefor introduction of the same system in Zambia.

His major home policy of ujama, has had a biginfluence in the country's economy andlifestyle of Tanzania.The system of ujama villages where peoplecame together spread like a bush fire. ByJanuary 1972 there were over 3,000 Ujamaavillages covering a population of 1.3 million-the tenth of the country's population.Like Zambia, Nyerere embarked on anationalisation exercise. The exerciseempowered Tanzanians to run institutionswhich had previously been in the hands ofcolonialists.Like Kaunda, Nyerere at first supported the

Biafra secession cause before condemningthe move by asking the two parties-theBiafran secessionists and the federalgovernment to dialogue. In 1971, he refusedto recognise the government of Idi Amin inUganda because it had come into powerusing force. His country played an importantrole in ousting the dictator in 1979.Even in retirement, his advice to solve Africanconflicts was much sought. Until his death hehad played a major role in mediating in theBurundi crisis.

When Chiluba was elected Zambia'sPresident, he met Nyerere in Uganda. ThoughMwalimu was a close friend of Kaunda, herespected the decision that Zambians hadmade.

He even commented philosophically that ifone's son was made chief, the father had anobligation to respect him. Chiluba has openlypraised Nyerere for his outstandingstatesmanship. At a Press conference in Harare, Zimbabwe,Chiluba said Nyerere was one of Africa'sforemost statesmen who value democraticnorms. In 1998, Nyerere successfullypersuaded Kaunda to start eating after theformer president 's fast in protest against hisincarceration for misprision of treason.Kaunda's family members had tried in vain tomake him eat.

Nyerere went further to ask the Governmentto transfer Kaunda from Mukobeko prison toKalundu House where he was put underhouse arrest. His death is a big loss to Africaand Tanzania whose development he hadgreatly helped to nurture.That was Julius Kambarage Nyerere. Hiscountrymen and East Africans will bid himfarewell Kwaheri Mwalimu (goodbye teacher )Copyright (c) 1999 Times of Zambia.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,

publish or use for broadcast, contact the

publisher.

The Times

JULIUS NYERERE

Julius Nyerere, President of the United

Republic of Tanzania, 1964-85, died in hospital

in London yesterday aged 77. He was born on

April 13, 1922.Principled but impractically doctrinaire economic

policies: Nyerere in 1983

As Prime Minister of Tanganyika from 1961 and,after the union with Zanzibar, President of the

United Republic of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere waswidely regarded as one of the most cultured and personable African statesmen of his time. Hisnatural inclinations and aptitudes might ordinarilyhave made him a preacher or a teacher. To the endof his life he was popularly known by the Swahilititle, Mwalimu, or teacher, and among his publications were translations into Swahili ofShakespeare's Julius Caesar and The Merchant ofVenice. But circumstances conspired to turn himinto a nationalist campaigner, the leader of an



15 October 1999 19

emergent nation and the prophet of a revolutionarysocialist philosophy for Africa.As a statesman Nyerere achieved a reputation for personal incorruptibility and principled dealingswhich made him stand out among post-

independence African leaders. But his experimentin agricultural socialism, with its collectivisationof traditional farming methods, was over-ambitious and ultimately disastrous. Thedestruction of the native communes and theirreplacement with the notoriously inefficient statemarketing boards, through which farmers had tosell their produce, reduced a naturally fertilecountry to a state of colossal dependence onoverseas aid. And although Nyerere made greatstrides in spreading education and healthcare,these were always at the mercy of economiccircumstances which kept his country perilouslyshort of resources. In the end the state to which the

agricultural economy of Tanzania had beenreduced made Nyerere seem, at the end of his 23-year stewardship of the country, an ineffectivefigure in practical terms, however pure his motivesmay have been.As Nyerere's own political position becameincreasingly embattled, an instinct for survivalconspired to make this once liberal and, by nature,gentle man become impatient and coercive in hisdealings with those who rivalled or opposed him,and with those of his countrymen who declined toshare his view of what was socially and materiallygood for them. His one-party state becamedictatorial and, his personal austerity apart, it

developed a pampered and corrupt political elite.By the time that Nyerere - true to his word - stooddown from the presidency in 1985, his once saintlyimage had become somewhat tarnished.Julius Kambarage Nyerere was born Kambarage Nyerere, the son of a chief of the Zanaki, a smalltribe of people who lived east of Lake Victoria.The Zanaki are of Hamitic stock, and thisdistinctive ancestry showed in Nyerere's featuresand complexion.From a local school his quick mind and amiablenature gained him a place first at the elitistgovernment boarding school at Tabora and then atMakerere University College in Uganda. He had

already become deeply interested in RomanCatholicism and at the age of 21 he adopted theChristian name Julius. In 1949 he was selected togo on a government scholarship to a Britishuniversity and eventually graduated with an artsdegree at Edinburgh. It was at Edinburgh, underthe influence of postwar Fabian socialists, that hedeveloped his ideas of grafting socialism on toAfrican communal habits.Three years after his return to Africa he decided togive up teaching in order to devote his whole timeto politics and the foundation of a party he called

the Tanganyika African National Union (Tanu). Inthe next six years he played a leading part inforcing the pace of Tanganyika's progress towardsself-government and independence. He led, thoughhe did not always control, the variegated activities

of Tanu in its struggles with a paternalisticcolonial administration which, to use his ownanalogy, was travelling in the same direction but ata different speed.He was an excellent speaker and organiser but hisquiet manner and generally moderate viewsconcealed a strength of character and purposewhich led some to underestimate his calibre as a politician and a demagogue. If he sometimesseemed unwilling to grasp the nettle, he did notlack moral courage.Soon after Tanganyika became independent in1961, Nyerere resigned from his post of PrimeMinister as a result of disagreements with some of

his more volatile colleagues and devoted himselfto refreshing his contact with the people throughtravel. He did so with such success that within ayear he was elected President of a newly-constituted one-party republic with virtually noopposition. In 1964, however, an army mutiny,organised by a group of dissident rivals, created asituation in which Nyerere reluctantly felt obligedto ask for British military forces to restore law andorder and his own position, a call which wasquickly met and generously acknowledged.At about the same time a revolution in Zanzibarcaused an upheaval which led to the two countriesuniting as Tanzania. The union was meant to act as

a moderating influence on Zanzibar but in practiceit served to demonstrate the ineffectiveness of Nyerere's Government in a situation in Zanzibarwhere, like the British Government in Ian Smith'sRhodesia, it had nominal authority but no real power.In Tanganyika itself Nyerere could exercisegreater control. The political philosophy which heworked out and gradually applied throughout thecountry was set out in his Arusha Declaration in1967. It laid emphasis on hard work and self-help,on the importance of growing crops and living onthe land, and the unwisdom of relying on moneyand expertise from either the West or the East for

the development of the country's resources.This did not mean that Nyerere was averse toreceiving such aid, and there was a time whenTanzania was getting more outside help per capitathan any other country in Africa. A visit to Mao'sChina meant that when Western sources declinedto lend money for what was believed to be anuneconomic railway between Tanzania andZambia, China agreed both to build and finance it. Nyerere was particularly impressed by his visit toChina and by the seeming relevance of thatcountry's problems and solutions to those of his



15 October 1999 20

own. When he returned he proceeded to remind hissometimes bewildered countrymen that a citizenhas as many duties as rights, and to manifest hisconversion to practical socialism by wholesale actsof nationalisation, and the establishment of

collective farms and villages which were notalways appreciated by those they were meant to benefit.In spite of pressure from some of his ownsupporters Nyerere generally pursued a policy ofracial and religious toleration, and he set a personal example of simplicity and honesty in hisstyle of living and the enjoyment of the fruits ofoffice. When it came to preserving his own and his party's political power his record was lessimpressive. He showed little regard for theindividual rights and liberties which he and othershad demanded or taken for granted under colonialrule, and after the abolition of British legacies like

habeas corpus in 1964 he used locally enactedlegislation such as the Refugees Control Act andthe Preventative Detention Act to hold withouttrial those who embarrassed or opposed hisadministration. Nyerere had equally little time for democratic processes which could upset the uninterruptedexercise of power by himself or his party. In 1975he was re-elected President for a fourth term offive years. There were no other candidates, anexclusion which was justified on the grounds ofthe slow and imperfect progress which Tanzaniahad made towards the ideal of an egalitarian andself-sufficient society. In a review called The

Arusha Declaration Ten Years After , which was published in 1977, Nyerere attributed thesefailings to the inability of many of his countrymento understand the principles of sacrifice and hardwork.In 1980 Nyerere was re-elected President for afifth, and final term. By this time the economy ofTanzania was in a parlous state and Nyerere had toreapply for a massive loan from the InternationalMonetary Fund which he had earlier rejected onthe grounds that it was dependent on conditions,such as devaluation and reduction of governmentexpenditure, which were condemned as "using oureconomic difficulties to interfere in the

management of our economy".In external affairs Nyerere took a leading part inthe activities of the Organisation of African Unity,and in supporting and encouraging efforts, bywhatever means, to end white domination in thePortuguese colonies and in Rhodesia and later in Namibia and South Africa. Realising theweaknesses and dangers of divided forces, hestrove to induce the various nationalist leaders inRhodesia to subordinate their separate tribal and personal interests to a common cause, and to

accept the leadership of Robert Mugabe at a timewhen it was still in considerable dispute.In the wider fields of international affairs Nyererefor a time earned a reputation for clear thinking, plain speaking and moral superiority, but in the

1970s and 1980s, as he got older, more autocraticand perhaps less secure, he allowed himself to become embroiled in other parts of East andsouthern Africa in ways which did him less credit.He quarrelled with his partners in the East AfricanCommunity and terminated long-standingassociations in matters of communications andtransport which had served them well. He closedthe border with Kenya for several damaging yearsuntil an arbitrated agreement on the Community'sassets led to its re-opening in 1983.With Milton Obote as his guest in Dar es Salaamafter the Ugandan ex-President's expulsion by IdiAmin, Nyerere became a target for Amin's

resentment. In 1979, to distract his people from thecountry's internal troubles, Amin invadedTanzania. Uganda's forces were soon thrown backand Nyerere took the opportunity to rid hisneighbour of its savage leader and restore Obote to power. The earlier use of his forces to help totopple regimes in the Comoros (1975) and in theSeychelles (1977) had a far less clear-cutlegitimacy. Nyerere was elected chairman of theOrganisation of African Unity in 1984. Nyerere had given an undertaking that he wouldrelinquish the presidency of Tanzania when hislast term expired in 1985, and it was in characterthat when the time came he did not seek to alter or

postpone it. It had indeed been prefaced andconfirmed in the previous year by changes in theConstitution which among other things raised theminimum age of a President from 30 to 40 andlimited his tenure to two periods of five years. Nyerere's chosen successor, Ali Hassan Mwinyi,had already been nominated and formally electedas the senior Vice-President, and when the timecame for Nyerere to give up his post Mwinyi wasthe only candidate for the succession.In 1985 Nyerere paid a visit to Britain where he both lunched with the Queen and delivered arebuke to the City for using its financial strength toimpose onerous conditions on its debtors in the

Third World. While his country had enjoyed an eraof peace and political stability under his presidency, it had also acquired a huge burden ofdebt and its economy was in a state of serious anduncomfortable decline.Although he stood down from the presidency Nyerere did not retire from politics. He remainedas chairman of Chama cha Mapindizi, the ruling party organisation, for a further five years,continuing to look and to play the part of anéminence grise both in domestic and in externalaffairs. This was not always convenient. In such a



15 October 1999 21

position he was capable of playing an obstructiverole as the country's new leaders attempted to roll back the frontiers of his Utopian socialism andreturn to more pragmatic policies.His own reputation as a statesman of sincerity,

ability and integrity remained high, both in Africaand in the outside world. His incorruptibility madehim singular and the austerity of his personal lifewas in marked contrast to the excesses of many ofthe leaders of neighbouring countries. In 1990 hefinally quitted the political stage and retired to hismodest farm at Butiyama on the shores of LakeVictoria. Recently, however, he had emerged to play a role in trying to negotiate an end to the civilstrife in neighbouring Burundi.In August 1998 leukaemia was diagnosed and Nyerere was examined by a German doctor. Earlylast month he flew to London for further tests. Hedied in St Thomas' Hospital, where he had been

receiving treatment since mid-September.Julius Nyerere married, in 1953, Maria Magige.They had five sons and two daughters.

Guardian

Africans mourn death of the fatherof Tanzania

Julius Nyerere, former president of Tanzaniaand, in the two decades before the release ofNelson Mandela from prison, the mostimportant politician in Africa, died in Londonyesterday aged 77, after a long battle against

leukaemia.His wife, Maria, and six of his eight childrenhad been at his bedside during the last week.His death was mourned across Africa, whereuniquely he retained his prestige both with thegeneration of leaders whose countries hehelped in their struggles for independenceand with ordinary people for whom he was thecontinent's one leader untainted by corruption.He was tireless in his crusade againstpoverty.He will be buried at his birthplace in theimpoverished remote area of Butiama. Hisbody will be flown home after a mass at

Westminster cathedral at noon on Saturday.Tony Blair, the prime minister, said: "He was aleading African statesman of his time and thefounder of modern Tanzania. He played ahistoric role in consolidating independence inhis country."The fact that Tanzania is today a country atpeace with itself and its neighbours is, in largepart, a tribute to 'Mwalimu' Nyerere."Peter Hain, the foreign office minister, whoarrived in Dar es Salaam on a visit yesterday,said: "Mwalimu Julius Nyerere was a

grandfather to modern Africa, loved andrespected by the whole continent, and theinternational community."He was an inspiration to everyone involved infreedom struggles across Africa, and his

passing hurts us all."South Africa's president, Thabo Mbeki, saidNyerere was a pillar of strength for oppressedpeople.His death raised the spectre of instability inTanzania, where political in-fighting andtension over the future of Zanzibar have beenrising in recent years. They had been held atbay by Nyerere's control of the ruling party -Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM).His death was announced in a television andradio address by the current president,Benjamin Mkapa. He said: "Dear Tanzanians,it is with great shock and sorrow that I

announce our beloved father of the nation,Julius Kambarage Nyerere, is dead."He added: "I know the death of the father ofthe nation is going to shock and dismay allTanzanians. Others will be filled with greatdoubt and fear."Mwalimu built a foundation of unity in ourcountry and he fought for the freedom of all. Iassure all Tanzanians Mwalimu left a firmfoundation."State radio played funeral music while its TVstation ran film of Nyerere giving speeches inparliament, meeting heads of state, andspeaking with ordinary citizens.

Victoria Brittain Friday October 15, 1999 Nyerere was the first president of Tanganyikaafter leading the country to independencefrom Britain in 1961. He masterminded unionwith Zanzibar in 1964, renaming his countryTanzania.He launched an ambitious project to transformthe lives of the country's 30m peasants. Hewas enormously successful in bringingeducation and health to even the remotestareas, though the collectivising of theagricultural economy largely failed andbrought him ridicule from a hostile west.

In the last years before his death Nyerere wasthe key negotiator who stopped Burundi'sethnic violence from spilling out of control, ashad happened in Rwanda in 1994, and theone voice of sanity against the unravelling ofCongo.For Nyerere the move marked the beginningof an effective commitment to Africanliberation movements: later, he played host tothe African National Congress (ANC) and thePan- African Congress (PAC) of South Africa,to Samora Machel's Frelimo - battling against



15 October 1999 22

the Portuguese in Mozambique - and toRobert Mugabe's fledgling Zanla forces, whichopposed colonial rule in the then SouthernRhodesia. He broke off relations with Britain,Tanzania's principal aid donor, after its failure

to use force when Ian Smith declared UDI in1965 - earning himself the description bySmith of the "evil genius" behind the ensuingguerrilla war.The unusually principled way in whichNyerere looked upon international politics wasagain evident in his uncompromising standagainst the brutal regime of Idi Amin inUganda in the late 1970s. Despite almostuniversal condemnation of the dictator'sexcesses, it was left to Tanzania to intervenemilitarily and dislodge Amin. A brief invasionof Tanzania by Amin in late 1978 brought aswift reponse from Nyerere: Tanzanian

troops, joined by Ugandan exiles, weremobilised to drive back the invaders. But theydidn't stop at the border. Kampala fell in 1979,with its residents lining the streets chantingthe name of the Tanzanian leader. It was thefirst time in African post-colonial history thatone country had invaded another andcaptured its capital. It was a fundamentalbreach of the principles of the Organisation of African Unity. But Nyerere weathered thestorm.However, the campaign proved expensive,and while their leader devoted suchresources, time and energy to foreign affairs,

his critics in Tanzania argued that heoverlooked domestic problems, and failed toapply the same observance of human rightabuses. He seldom flinched from using aPreventive Detention Act that allowed him tolock up his opponents virtually at will.Relations with Zanzibar, which had united withTanganyika in 1964 to form the UnitedRepublic of Tanzania with Nyerere aspresident, were always strained. Tanzaniabecame ever more dependent upon foreignaid, and decision-making was paralysed by aponderous bureaucracy. Nyerere was to admitthat mistakes had been made, while his

devotees pointed to developments - such asthe spread of literacy and primary healthcare. A practising Catholic in a predominantlyMuslim country, Nyerere married MariaMagige in 1953, by whom he had five sonsand two daughters. He maintained apassionate interest in Swahili, the language ofEast Africa, and translated Julius Caesar andThe Merchant Of Venice. His political writ ingsincluded Essays On Socialism (1969) andFreedom And Development (1973).

The idea that when he resigned as president,handing over to Hassan Ali Mwinyi, Nyererewould live quietly on his farm at Batiama,cultivating his interest in book-binding, wasalways improbable. And indeed he continued

to influence government policy through hischairmanship of the single ruling party,Chama Cha Mapinduzi.Whether or not he initiated the debate aboutan alternative political system in Tanzania isquestionable, but he rapidly became a part ofit. Although mwalimu , or teacher, as he likedto be known, was to his own people one ofthem, he nonetheless became - like Senghor,of Senegal, and Sadat, of Egypt - an Africanleader who outgrew his country.When he relinquished the party chairmanshipin 1990, he was able to devote more time tocampaigning for greater co-operation between

developing countries, and, as chairman of theSouth Commission, a closing of the gapbetween rich and poor. He also took on therole of African elder statesman, workingnotably in conflict resolution, although hismost recent efforts - trying to resolveBurundi's civil war - did not bear fruit.Julius Nyerere belonged to a generation of African post-independence leaders, likeGhana's Kwame Nkrumah and Zambia'sKenneth Kaunda, who had an unshakeablebelief in their mission to lead their countries toa better world through their chosen politicalideologies, but who were unable to recognise

their personal failings.When he stepped down, Nyerere declaredthat "although socialism has failed inTanzania, I will remain a socialist because Ibelieve socialism is the best policy for poorcountries like Tanzania". His suc cessorsdecided otherwise, embracing capitalism andthe free market, but with arguable benefits tothe country.His detractors would regard his stewardship ofTanzania to have been flawed by his single-minded adherence to a manifestly unworkablepolicy. Yet Nyerere is more likely to beremembered for having provided a moral

leadership to Tanzania, and indeed Africa,when the continent was taking its first shakysteps after independence.Julian MarshallAhmed Rajab, editor of Africa Analysis,writes: Julius Nyerere was "a great leaderwho made great mistakes," as one ruler oncefamously said of another. He unified hiscountry, certainly, gave it a sense of purposeand, in the 1960s and 1970s, madeTanzanians feel proud of themselves.



15 October 1999 23

As a pan-Africanist, he could not be faulted forputting his country in the forefront of thefrontline states against white minority rule in Africa. He took a principled stand at a greatcost to his country, but his people never really

minded. Tanzania became a home for exiledfreedom-fighters who are now the rulers in anumber of southern African states.Many a time, Nyerere confounded those of uswho thought of ourselves as being to his leftby appropriating our political lexicon andsocial agenda. He never quite became aMarxist, but the former shepherd boy, whomwe used to deride as "a good boy of the west"and who was viewed with suspicion by thelikes of Kwame Nkrumah, turned into atactical ally when he started talking aboutclass struggle and a classless society.But his African socialist philosophy of ujamaa

only brought misery and economicdegradation. Under the man who preachedself-reliance, Tanzania depended on foreignaid more than any other African country. Thatwas only one of his contradictions.His vision of a united Africa did not stop himfrom recognising Biafra, the breakawayeastern Nigeria, in the early 1960s. A piousCatholic, who could not tolerate the excessesof Idi Amin, Nyerere nonetheless felt himselfunable to move against another dictator muchcloser to home: the burly Sheikh AbeidKarume, Zanzibar's then president andTanzania's first vice-president, who presided

over a brutal dictatorship, detained peoplewithout trial, killed countless imagined or realenemies, and forced girls of Persian or Araborigin to marry elderly black Zanzibaris.Karume was assassinated in 1972 but,throughout the sheikh's eight-year rule,Nyerere never lifted a finger against his tragichistrionics.Despite his failings, Nyerere was revered byprogressive Africans. When they talked ofTanzania, they talked, in effect, of Nyerere -the simple, unassuming former schoolteacher,untainted by corruption or personal scandalsand with a fondness for Mateus rosé. In the

1950s and 1960s, admirers would copy hishairstyle, his moustache, and later, when hestarted donning a kofia , the Swahili-Muslimcap, his fellow up-country Christians didlikewise. In the mid-1960s he went to China,shook hands with Chairman Mao, and cameback with a variant of the Mao suit, whichbecame de rigueur among Tanzania's officialsand aspiring politicians.H ad he not been a politician, Nyerere mighthave become a scholar of repute. He was apoet of modest pretensions and, although his

translation of Julius Caesar was not brilliant,he did, after all, dare to translateShakespeare. He could be profound andesoteric to the intellectuals; streetwise to themasses. His speeches were electrifying.

I remember spending the best part of twohours with him alone in a Nairobi hotel roomin 1994, when he was out of office andTanzania was about to embark on its firstmulti-party elections. Initially, he refused todiscuss the prospective presidentialcandidates of his own party, the Chama ChaMapinduzi. But once he had been assuredthat it was strictly off-the-record, he becamecandid, almost gossipy, about a number ofparty leaders.Earlier in the day, when I offered to bring himtea during a conference break, he turned medown, saying: "Let me do it myself; it is at

times like these that I can act as a normalhuman being."

The Independent

OBITUARY: JULIUS NYERERE

Julius Kambarage Nyerere, politician, born1922; died October 14 1999WITH THE death of Julius Nyerere, Africamourns one of its last and greatest independenceleaders. Mwalimu, or teacher, as Nyerere wasknown with respect and affection in Africa, was astatesman of principle, intelligence and charisma.

Political philosopher, militant, idealist and devoutCatholic, he was an innate democrat who was oneof the few modern African leaders to take andmaintain power through the ballot and to give it upwillingly. Nyerere will justly be remembered as the man wholed his country peacefully to independence and tonationhood and provided Tanzania, not with prosperity, but with dignity and with long-lastingstability in a turbulent period of African history.After he retired from day-to-day politics in 1985, Nyerere became Africa's leading elder statesman,and provided a voice of reason and moderation ina continent rife with conflict and extremism.

Born in Butiama, north-western Tanganyika, in1922, soon after the British took over theadministration of the colony from the defeatedGermans, Nyerere was the son of the chief of thesmall Zanaki tribe. His precocious intelligence wasspotted by the influential Roman Catholic order ofWhite Fathers who helped him secure a place firstat Makerere University in Uganda, where he wasone of a circle of young African aristocrats whowere to become leading political figures in EastAfrica, and later at Edinburgh University, wherehe studied history and politics and became the



15 October 1999 24

second Tanganyikan to earn a university degreeoutside Africa. Nyerere opted first for a teaching career, but histalents as an orator, political thinker and organisersoon singled him out as the obvious favourite for

the leadership of Tanganyika's nascentindependence movement which Nyerere himselfformally launched with the creation in 1954 of theTanganyika Africa National Union, Tanu.Moderate by nature - he once said that his philosophical heroes were Pope John XXIII andTeilhard de Chardin - Nyerere's first majorachievement was to win independence without bloodshed. In this he was helped by the co-operative attitude of the last British governor, SirRichard Turnbull. In elections in 1960, the sameyear as Harold Macmillan's "Winds of Change"speech, Tanu swept to victory and formalindependence came in December 1961 with

Nyerere himself, who became President in 1962,riding on the crest of enormous personal prestigeand popularity.The Cold War was at its height and the rivalry between the Soviet bloc and the West, particularlyvicious in Africa, was hardly an auspicious background for the emergence of young Africannations trying to build national unity and achieveeconomic development almost from scratch. Nyerere's Tanganyika became thoroughlyenmeshed in Cold War politics following thesuccessful Soviet-backed coup on the island ofZanzibar in 1964. It was followed by a coupattempt in Tanganyika itself which very nearly

toppled Nyerere: he had to call up British militaryhelp to put an end to the mutiny.These events encouraged Nyerere to enternegotiations with the coup leaders in Zanzibar on a political union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar. Oneof his aims was to neutralise the revolution inZanzibar and its East-bloc backers. The upshotwas the creation of the Republic of Tanzania inmid-1964 and the absorption of the ZanzibarRevolutionary Council into the union governmentwhich remained under Nyerere's control. Thoughnot without many difficulties, the union has so farsucceeded - one of the few successes of its kind inAfrica.

In spite of his socialist ideals, Nyerere neverallowed Tanzania to become a dependent of theCommunist bloc. But in the Cold War atmosphereof the 1960s Nyerere's non-alignment, his socialistexperiments and his surprisingly warm relationswith China were all held in suspicion by the West.Cool relations with the United States and Britainfurther deteriorated as Nyerere becameincreasingly impatient with their tacit support forwhite ruled Rhodesia and South Africa.Throughout this period Nyerere, a passionate believer in the potential of the United Nations to

play a stabilising role in world affairs, was a persistent and consistent critic of "neo-colonialist"interventionism not only in Vietnam, Cuba and theCongo but also in Czechoslovakia. On a moreconcrete level Nyerere's Tanzania became, like

Zambia under his friend Kenneth Kaunda, aforemost mobilisation point for freedom fighters inthe struggle against the white minority strongholdsof southern Africa.It is sometimes argued that Nyerere's idealism was bad for Tanzania. Certainly by 1967 Tanzania, oneof the world's poorest countries, was facing anacute economic crisis. The causes of this crisis -shrinking foreign aid, an increase in the foreigndebt burden and a fall in the price of commodities- were largely outside Nyerere's control. Nyererewas however responsible for the radical socialistremedies he prescribed in his famous 1967 ArushaDeclaration: wholesale nationalisation and

agricultural collectivisation and villagisation.Tanzania's economy is still struggling to recover.Probably these economic programmes - later,when voluntary collectivisation met withresistance, peasants were forced into ruralcommunes - were the biggest mistakes of Nyerere's career.However these economic policies were part of aunique social experiment, devised by Nyererehimself, which as a whole did much to cementTanzania's political stability, independence andnational unity. Nyerere called it Ujamaa, roughlytranslated from Swahili as Familyhood. The ideawas to harness the tribal ideals of co-operation

with the underlying principles of Westernsocialism, and to extend the traditional values andresponsibilities of kinship to the nation as a whole.In its implementation Ujamaa laid the groundworkfor marked achievements in education and healthalbeit at the expense of the productive sectors.Furthermore it was through Ujamaa that Nyererewas able to address the issue of nationhood whichwas and remains - perhaps the key issue of post-independence African politics. The value ofUjamaa as a tool of nation building can be grasped by looking at the fate of those African stateswhose leaders either failed to address this issue, ordeliberately fanned the flames of tribal

antagonisms for short-term personal advantage. Nyerere was one of the key African players in thestruggle for the end of white minority rule insouthern Africa. But the main military adventureof his career was closer to home, against theregime of Idi Amin who took power inneighbouring Uganda in a coup d'etat in 1971.Amin violated just about everything Nyerere setmost store by: constitutionality and the rule of law,tribal balance and national unity, racial harmony between Africans and Asians, respect for freedomand human rights.



15 October 1999 25

Though no particular friend of Uganda's first president, Milton Obote, Nyerere offered him arefuge in Tanzania from which to launch repeatedattempts to oust Amin. This led to severaloutbreaks of small-scale warfare between Uganda

and Tanzania and eventually, in 1979, to a full-fledged 20,000-strong Tanzanian invasion whichrestored Obote to power. Condemned by the OAU,the invasion of Uganda showed Nyerere as a risk-taker who was prepared to put his humanistic principles above the slogan of "territorialintegrity", behind which so many African dictatorssought - and seek - to conceal the determined pursuit of their self-interest and self-preservationat the expense of their people. Nyerere deliberately chose one-party rule forTanzania on the grounds that multi-partyism wastoo divisive in a tribal society where decisions aretraditionally reached through consensus rather than

through adversarial politics. His reasoning waswell borne out by the experience of other Africannations and, though Tanzania opted for multi- partyism in 1995, one-party democracy has beenadopted by some of the more enlightened ofAfrica's new generation of leaders.If anything Tanzania achieved more democracyunder a one party system than many African statesdid under a multi-party system. In the 1980elections, when Nyerere announced that he wasstanding for the last time, about half of themembers of the national assembly, includingseveral ministers, lost their seats in what was seenas a protest vote against the government's

economic mismanagement. Nyerere retired from day-to-day politics in 1985,one of the few African leaders to do so voluntarily.But, as chairman of the party, he continued toexercise a benign influence both on Tanzanian andregional politics behind the scenes. Gradually,however, he retreated more and more from politics, emerging from his beloved farm in hisnative Butiama from time to time to guide this orthat political initiative, most recently (in 1996) aschief regional mediator in the Burundi conflictwhich since 1973 has persistently threatened tospill over into western Tanzania.Slight in build, somewhat austere in manner,

Nyerere was neither vain nor arrogant. He set greatstore by honesty and sincerity. A family mandevoted to his wife and children, he was extremelyloyal to his friends - sometimes to a fault. Heinspired among his people both devotion andrespect and returned the compliment by completededication to his work on their behalf as head ofstate. He was ready to admit his mistakes, and toshow flexibility and pragmatism, but never if thismeant compromising his cherished Catholic,humanist and socialist ideals.

Nyerere's life and career are an inspiration to themany Africans who dismiss the notion current inelite African circles today that justice, dignity andfreedom should be subordinated to the single-minded pursuit of prosperity through economic

liberalisation and structural adjustment. Africaneeds more leaders of Nyerere's quality, integrityand wisdom.Tom PorteousJulius Kambarage Nyerere, politician: bornButiama, Tanganyika 13 April 1922; President,Tanganyika African National Union 1954-77;Chief Minister of Tanganyika 1960-61, PrimeMinister 1961-62, President 1962-64, President ofTanzania 1964-85; Chairman, Chama chaMapinduzi 1977-90; Chairman, OAU 1984;married 1953 Maria Magige (five sons, twodaughters); died London 14 October 1999.



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16 October 1999

Panafrican News Agency

President Clinton Pays Tribute ToNyerere

Washington, US (PANA) - US President BillClinton has paid tribute to former TanzanianPresident Julius Nyerere, who died Thursdayin a London hospital. He said "Nyerere'sdeath is a huge loss for Tanzania, Africa andthe international community as a whole."He recalled that Nyerere was a pioneer offreedom and self-government in Africa, andserved as a guide to many African leaders."Nyerere devoted his life to defending his

deeply rooted vision and belief that peopleshave the responsibility to protect those whocannot ensure their own protection," headded, stressing that "all his life, he made thisethics a personal issue."Copyright (c) 1999 Panafrican News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,

publish or use for broadcast, contact the publisher.

Nyerere To Be Laid To Rest At HisButiama Home

October 16, 1999 by Nicodemus Odhiambo Dar Es SalAAM, Tanzania (PANA) - TheTanzanian government announced Fridaynight that former President Julius KambarageNyerere would be buried at his Butiamahome, a village near the Lake Victoria shoretown of Musoma.The State House said that the body ofNyerere, 77, would be flown home fromLondon, where he had died Thursday,Monday. Vice President Omar Ali Juma isleading a government delegation to London toaccompany the body.President Benjamin Mkapa will leadthousands of mourners, who are expected tothrong the Dar Es Salaam International Airport, to receive the body, accompanied bya 21-gun salute. A special military carriage will carry Nyerere'scasket as the cortege winds through severalparts of the city, to enable as manyTanzanians as possible to view it.Nyerere's body will then be laid in stateovernight at his Msasani residence in the city.

On Tuesday, the body will be taken to thenational stadium for public viewing.Foreign leaders will pay their respects toNyerere Thursday during a special service.The body will then be flown to his home where

residents of that region will pay their lastrespects for two days, before the burialSaturday.Mkapa has designated Monday, Thursdayand Saturday national holidays to enableTanzanians mourn their founding president.Meanwhile, parliamentary sessions whichwere to begin 26 October have beenpostponed to 2 November.The government has also suspended allgraduation ceremonies in schools andcolleges throughout the one-month longmourning period. All sporting and social activities in the country

have also been suspended till further notice.Copyright (c) 1999 Panafrican News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,


The Times of Zambia (Lusaka)

We've been robbed of great leader--Chiluba

by Times Reporter

Lusaka - President Chiluba yesterdaydescribed former Tanzanian President JuliusNyerere as a great guide of Africa's politicaltour. Mr. Chiluba when he signed the book ofcondolences at the Tanzanian highcommission in Lusaka for the late Dr Nyereresaid Zambia felt robbed of its great friend andleader."Africa is orphaned as we pay our lastrespects to Mwalimu, the great guide of Africapolitical tour. "Although the death has claimedyour life, we can say that it has rekindled fondmemories of great exemplary leadership andgreat deeds to Tanzania, Zambia and the

whole of Africa. Rest in peace," Mr. Chilubasaid in his message.Mr. Chiluba later told Tanzanian highcommissioner Shani Lweno that he valued DrNyerere's fatherly advice and described theirrelationship as one which was close. Africashould soldier on the legacy left by theTanzanian former leader and strive to be self-reliant. Meanwhile, United States of America(USA) President Bill Clinton and his secretaryof state Madeleine Albright described Mr.Nyerere's death as a sad loss to the world.



16 October 1999 27

Quoting the United States Information Agency(USIA) publication Washington Line foryesterday, Mr. Clinton said Dr Nyerere was apioneering leader for freedom and self-government in Africa.

Ms Albright described "Mwalimu" as a gianton the world stage as well as an eloquentspokesman for the developing world. *Flagsflew at half mast and radios played onlyfuneral music or hymns yesterday asTanzanians mourned the death of theirfounding father Nyerere, reportsZana/Reuters.Most remembered Nyerere, who died in aLondon hospital on Thursday aged 77, as anhonest leader who led them to independenceand then broke down tribal divisions to makeTanzania one of Africa's most peacefulnations.

"Mwalimu was the beginning and end of allthings. He was a great problem solver andvery wise. I don't understand where we will goafter this, Andrew Zachariah, a young man leftcrippled by polio," said after hearing ofNyerere's death. And Tanzanians prepared for Nyerere'semotional final homecoming. Even streetvendors of bootleg tapes, who usually blastout a chaotic mix of rock, rap, RBandCongolese Lingala music, turned insteadto choral hymns and funeral music as a markof respect for Nyerere.

Copyright (c) 1999 Times of Zambia.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,


Financial Times

His lasting achievements include the creation of a post-independence Tanzania free of ethnic tensionand unified by a common language, Swahili, whilesouthern African states will always be indebted tohim for his backing of their campaign againstminority rule. But he also presided over one of

Africa's most disastrous experiments in socialengineering, enforced by an autocratic one-partystate.In an exercise that began in 1967 and continueduntil the mid-1970s, 14m peasants and theirfamilies were regrouped in communal villagesunder the banner of ujamaa (a Swahili wordmeaning "togetherness" or "family"). Voluntary atfirst, becoming compulsory in 1973, the villageswere at the heart of Nyerere's socialist vision.

But the ill-planned move, implemented by thearmy, authoritarian bureaucrats and party officials,disrupted agriculture, created environmental problems, and set back an economy whose potential was as great as any in the region.

Born in Butiama, on the shores of Lake Victoria,in 1922, Julius Kambarage Nyerere was educatedfirst at a government school and then at a mission,where he became a Catholic. After taking ateaching diploma at Makerere university college inUganda in 1948, he won a scholarship toEdinburgh University, where he read history, philosophy, political economy and constitutionallaw.From the time he launched the Tanganyika African National Union in 1954 (later renamed Chama ChaMapinduzi), leading the campaign forindependence from Britain, until his resignation as party chairman in 1990, he dominated the

country's politics.Even in retirement, he continued to play aninfluential behind-the-scenes role, although notstanding in the way of reforms that ended thestate's dominance of the economy.He set out his political and economic credo in the1967 Arusha declaration, in which he proclaimedsocialism and self-reliance as the country's twingoals.Initial gains in literacy, primary school enrolmentand life expectancy in the early post-independenceyears seemed to validate Nyerere's approach. But by the mid-1970s, several signals were becomingclear: Tanzania was living beyond its means; aid

projects were seldom self-sustaining; state-dominated agriculture was increasingly inefficient;and agricultural production, the mainstay of theeconomy, was falling.It was supported by donors, who share at leastsome of the blame for its failure, as a World Bankreport belatedly accepted in 1990. A confidentialinternal analysis acknowledged that Bank loansexceeding $1bn over three decades sinceindependence in 1962 helped "sustain a poorlythought out socialist experiment".Between them, the World Bank and other donors provided more than $15bn in aid during the first30 years of independence.

History may judge Nyerere severely in othermatters, too.Tanzania's role in the overthrow of Uganda's IdiAmin proved costly for both countries, for theinvading Tanzanian troops wrought great damage.To his credit, however, Nyerere was always hisown sternest critic. "Ten years after the Arushadeclaration, Tanzania is certainly neither socialistnor self-reliant. . . we have not reached our goal; itis not even in sight," he wrote in 1977.



16 October 1999 28

Whatever the final verdict on his career, he will beremembered with respect and affection in acontinent short of heroes.End

Guardian

Idealism in a cynical world

Saturday October 16, 1999 Your obituary of Julius Nyerere (October 15)fails to do justice to the man or hisachievements. At independence, Tanganyikawas a country with virtually no infrastructure,and over 100 different tribal groups. Theachievement of building a stable nation fromsuch unpromising beginnings is highlighted bythe conflicts that have engulfed itsneighbours.

Ujamaa failed largely because it was oftenenforced, by officials who lacked the insightand the integrity of Nyerere. But the economiccrisis of the 70s was to a considerable extentcaused by falling commodity prices, rising oilprices, and the war to remove Amin, for whichTanzania bore the cost. Nyerere saw that theimpact of IMF "structural adjustment" wouldbe to destroy many of the great achievementsin education and health care, and to worsenthe plight of the poorest. He stood downrather than sign a deal - and he has beenproved right.Nyerere made mistakes; but on my visits to

Tanzania I was struck by the extraordinaryrespect in which he was held by ordinarypeople. In a cynical world, Julius Nyerere wasan idealist who showed power need notalways corrupt.Nigel West Leeds


Mwalimu Nyerere's bequest toMkapa a tall order

October 16, 1999

By Philip Ochieng Nairobi - History, it is said, is the best teacher. And history teaches us that our enthusiasmfor Benjamin Mkapa, when he was electedPresident of Tanzania four years ago, wasmisplaced. With the departure of MwalimuNyerere, this fact will become even moresalient.I knew Mr. Mkapa well in the early Seventies,when he and I worked for Mwalimu as editorsof the Daily News in Dar es Salaam. I still

think he has not lost the moral purpose thatalways motivated him as the Managing Editor.Yet corruption has saturated Tanzania's entirebody politic during his political stewardship.There are reports of gross mismanagement in

all departments. Crime has gripped the IndianOcean city and other big urban build- ups.Even more dismaying, strong signs arebeginning to be seen of tribalism as the basisof socio-economic preferment, a virus which,if allowed to sprout, will divide the Tanzaniansas surely and as irredeemably as it hasdivided Kenya.How can these and a plethora of other socialevils, which always concerned MwalimuNyerere deeply, be explained in the face ofmy conviction that Ben Mkapa is an ethicallygood helmsman? To answer that question, letus once again appeal to history.

Corruption and ineptitude were rampant evenduring Mwalimu's protracted tutelage. Theywere inevitable under a class of parvenus andnouveaux riches being forced to implementwhat purported to be a socialist programme.Mwalimu's reign differed from those of hissuccessors only in that he always conductedhimself in the most exemplary manner. Justas he was always slight in body, so he nevergrew fat in his pocket by dipping long fingersinto the public coffers.He always fought for clean governmentthroughout, his struggle for socialism beingsubsumed under a general struggle against

imperialism. Perhaps this was the cause of hisspectacular economic failure. He beatimperialism with the left hand and yetbeckoned it with the right.Nevertheless, he was so loved by the massesand, therefore, so powerful that nobody daredgrab anything as openly as has taken place inKenya under both Mzee Kenyatta andPresident Moi. That was why Tanzania'scorruption and ineptitude were never sosalient.Grabbing in daylight became an institutiononly under his own nominee as successor,President Hassan Mwinyi, under whom

inefficiency also hit rock- bottom, productiontook a nosedive and ethnic favouritism beganto rear its ugly head.This last one particularly galled Nyerere. Hehad never appointed any official or allowedone to be appointed on any other basis thanqualification, inclination and experience. Thiscontributed a great deal to making Tanzaniathe most united country in Africa.This unity and sharp national consciousnesswas contributed to by two other life-works ofthe Teacher. One was that he insisted on



16 October 1999 29

uniform Kiswahili throughout the Republic.During the three years that I worked in Dar esSalaam I rarely heard any tribal languagebeing spoken.The other was what Mwalimu called Elimu

yenye manufaa. This "functional education"was much more than what we in Kenya callelimu ya ngumbaru ("adult education").Though beneficiaries specialised in atechnique, education was always holistic. As aresult, "poor" Tanzania has one of the highestliteracy rates (almost l00) in the world, manytimes above that of Kenya.Mwalimu Nyerere was so appalled byPresident Mwinyi's venal practices andmiserable performance that he gatheredcourage on several occasions to warn him. Heheaved a sigh of relief when his second termended four years ago.

In insisting that Mr. Mkapa be the rulingChama Cha Mapinduzi's nominee, Mwalimuwas recognising industriousness and integrity.Mkapa had served the country diligently andhonestly for decades in the Press as well as inthe diplomatic service.Yet the Teacher would live to regret it. Hefrequently noted graft and inefficacy as theyescalated nationally. What had gone wrong?Had Mkapa lost the moral fibre andintellectual greatness over which we hadexuberated in 1995?Observers affirm that he is still a verycommitted man. They report, however, that he

has proved a much weaker President than hismentor. First, he does not enjoy as muchpopularity. Secondly, he lacks Mwalimu'scharisma, with his pushy and yet caressingpresence.Insiders assert that this weakness by thePresident is being contributed to by anunfortunate subjective development, theseeds of which began to germinate onlyduring his regime, namely, a struggle betweenthe South - from which he hails - and theNorth.Objectively, of course, the problem was as oldas independence, having been a result of

colonialism's disparate educational service tothe various ethnic communities. Thus theChagga, the Haya, the Nyamwezi and theSukuma of the North were always favouredagainst the South.Though Mwalimu is himself a northerner, hecomes from small tribe, which colonialismnever favoured, called Zanaki, closely relatedby blood, language and culture to Kenya'sKuria and (by blood only) to my own Subapeople of the southern shores of Nyanza Gulf.

Yet, since independence, the Northernershave tended to dominate economic and othernational affairs by sheer dint of their bettereducation and experience. Mkapa, however,is a Ngoni, a small southern tribe closely

related to the Zulu of South Africa, which alsowas not favoured.Though his wife, Anna, is a northerner - aChagga (a people who, because they are soenterprising, have been described as "theKikuyu of Tanzania") - there is a strugglebetween the Ngoni and other southerners, onthe one hand, and the Chagga and othernortherners.The southerners are demanding a levelling offof the national fortunes, an "equal" share inpower. Being a politician, the Presidentcannot afford to ignore these demands. Hisreturn to power in next year's General

Election hinges vitally on how he responds.It is not, therefore, surprising that he isreportedly busy ingratiating his southernersalmost deliberately. Many of the beneficiariesare not very clean or nationalistic individuals.This is what is spawning the twin evils Imention above.It is the source of the deep and deepeningcorruption, with its clandestine activities in thebody politic. It is also the source of somethingof which Tanzania has hitherto been relativelyfree - ethnic suspicions and even hostility. As long as Nyerere was alive, his mere voicewas enough to intimidate many people from

such divisive activities and keep Tanzaniaunited. Now that he is gone, nobody is sureany more. After his death was announced on Thursday,many Tanzanians were heard to express fearthat ethnic and class conflict might intensifyand break into clashes similar to those whichhave beleaguered Kenya ever since the multi-party system was legislated in l99l.Tanzania's opposition political parties are notas tribally based as Kenya's. Yet theparamount opposition voice - AugustineMrema, founder of the NCCR- Mageuzi, whichhas since been depleted by Mrema's

departure to form the Labour Party - is aChagga.The fear is both that opposition activities aregoing to be intensified and that, with his new-found freedom from Mwalimu's admonishinghand, President Mkapa is likely to respond byclamping down on opposition leaders,especially Mr. Mrema.To do so, it will be necessary for him to clampdown also on the opposition press. Already hehas become very thin-skinned about criticism



16 October 1999 30

of his government, responding with threatseven to the most innocuous critics.These things do not augur well to oursouthern brothers and sisters. It can only behoped that Mkapa will wake up to their

extreme perilousness and act promptly to nipthem in the bud. This would clearly beNyerere's bequest.Copyright (c) 1999 The Nation. Distributed via





17 October 1999 31

17 October 1999

The Monitor (Kampala)

Kwa heri, Mtukufu Rais Julius K.Nyerere

October 17, 1999 By Austin Ejiet Kampala - Three things sum up MwalimuJulius Nyerere for me. Sometime in the midsixties a Swiss bank wrote offering to keep hismoney in a secret coded account at extremelygenerous interest rates.It was a prudent proposition seeing that African governments were at the time fallingto military coups at the rate of about one

every six months. But far from jumping at theoffer, the president published the letter in thenational newspapers with the memorabledeclaration that he had no money to hide andthat the little that he had could only be bankedin Tanzania where it belonged.Whatever its propaganda merit, this actionunderscored the president faith in his countryand spoke volumes about the extent of hissincerity.Shortly after this a type of precious stone wasunearthed in Tanzania. The country'sparliament unanimously resolved to name thisgem the "Nyeretrite" in recognition of his

stature as a statesman locally as well asinternationally. The president thanked hiscountrymen for their kind consideration butpolitely declined the honour. Instead heproposed that the stone be named the"Tanzanite". Tanzania, he argued, was moreimportant than individuals.Just one more. Mwalimu Julius Nyerere paid avisit to Ghana shortly after his retirement in1985 and reportedly berated the leadership ofthat country for the shabby way in which therepublic's founder, Kwame Nkrumah, hadbeen treated."This man is one of the greatest Africans that

has ever lived. If you in Ghana don't respecthim the rest of us in Africa do. Independent Africa owes its liberty to this man. Youoverthrew him. The least you can do is torepatriate his remains from Guinea and givehim a decent burial."The point was well received. The Rawlingsgovernment set about constructing amagnificent mausoleum which would housenot only Nkrumah's remains but also allmemorabilia associated with Ghana's foundersuch as the numerous books he wrote, audio

tapes of the speeches he gave and televisionfootage of every important occasion theformer leader presided over. Not to mentionthe statues that were desecrated shortly afterhis overthrow in 1966. The project has been

completed and with it has been ushered asense of national nostalgia for the Nkrumahdays. All over a sudden, Ghananians feelobliged to give credit where it belongs.There you have it: a leader who refuses toopen a foreign bank account, declines topander to a personality cult, but is particularabout honouring a great Pan Africanstatesman, the latter's flaws notwithstanding.He was no saint. His twenty four years inpower were also characterised by a certainauthoritarian streak. He jailed politicalopponents such as Oscar Kambona and BibiTitit. He perpetrated a one party regime for

the entire duration of his rule. He clung tosocialist economic policies even when itbecame apparent that Ujamaa wasn'tdelivering as efficiently as he had hoped.But he was honest enough to own up to hismistakes even if this acknowledgementsometimes came very late. When he realisedeventually that his pet ideology had failed hewas candid enough to say so. He had noqualms about advising his ruling party (CCM)to prepare to compete with other parties in amulti-party political arrangement.His single-minded support of liberationmovements in East, Central and Southern

Africa speaks for itself. His other legacy whichdoes not always spring to mind immediately isthe fact that he created Africa's only nation. Africa has some 53 countries or states. Butthere is only one real nation: Tanzania. Howhe moulded this sprawling giant of 120 ormore ethnic groups into one cohesive entity inwhich people see themselves first andforemost as Tanzania is, to say the least,remarkable. More homogenous societies suchas Somalia where everybody looks the same,speaks the same language and follows thesame religion are embroiled in nightmare.The only fitting tribute that Tanzania can pay

its founding father is to maintain its stability,unity and the union with Zanzibar and Pemba.The only tribute the rest of Africa can pay tothis freedom fighter is to defend out freedom -what is left of it at any rate - and aspiretowards the Pan African dream Nyerere socherished. Kwa heri, Bwana.Copyright (c) 1999 The Monitor - Kampala.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,



17 October 1999 32



Tanzanians In UK Bid Farewell ToNyerere

by Desmond Davies London, U.K. (PANA) - More then 1,000Tanzanians and friends of Tanzania packedthe Roman Catholic Westminster Cathedral inthe British capital Saturday to bid farewell toformer president Julius Nyerere who died in aLondon hospital Thursday. After the service, mourners, some of themtearful, filed past the coffin, draped in theTanzanian national flag, before the body wastaken to the airport and flown home Saturday

evening, accompanied by the widow, Maria.The requiem mass was a celebration of thelife of the man who shaped Tanzania and whomade his people proud.This was not lost on those of the generationthat was greatly influenced by Nyerere.They turned up in their numbers to pay tributeto Mwalimu.Long before the mass began, theycongregated outside the cathedral while adifferent service was going on inside.Britons and nationals of other Africancountries who held the late Tanzanianpresident in high esteem later joined them.

The British Minister for the Foreign andCommonwealth Office, Peter Hain, waspresent.So were the wife of South African PresidentThabo Mbeki, Commonwealth secretary-general Emeka Anyaoku, the Dean of theDiplomatic Corps in the UK, George Kiryafrom Uganda and diplomats from Africa.The first reading, taken from Ecclesiastics,and offering praise to famous men, was byone of the late president's son, Charles.The second reading, from Saint Paul's letterto the Romans, was by his brother's daughter,Subira.

In his address, Monsignor George Stack saidNyerere "was indeed a teacher not just inword but by personal and public example."He said that Nyerere's philosophy of Ujamaawas similar to the Christian ideal of communalliving."He touched the hearts and minds of peoplefar beyond the borders of Tanzania,"Monsignor Stack said."He was a famous man; a good man and aman who listened to the gospel of Jesus

Christ and put it into practice during his life,"he added.In a tribute, the Tanzanian HighCommissioner to the UK, Abdul-KaderShareef, said Nyerere served all human

beings and recognised that "we are allneighbours."He said that the late president embraced allTanzanians, no matter their religious faith.Shareef said that Tanzanians would sorelymiss Nyerere because he had "spent hisentire adult life in our service."He went on: "He was a leader who neverquestioned our dignity. He spoke to us, as ateacher who knew that it was easier to learnthrough laughter."His words were imbued with respect andlaughter. He was the founding father of ournation and our unity."

The High Commissioner said Nyerere washuman and "naturally he made mistakes. Butas a great leader he was willing to listen to usand make changes."But his mistakes paled into insignificancewhen compared with the legacy he had leftTanzania."He left us peace, unity and stability," Shareefsaid.Copyright (c) 1999 Panafrican News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,


publisher.

World Leaders Continue To SendCondolences

By Nicodemus Odhiambo Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania (PANA) - Worldleaders continue to convey their condolencesfollowing the death of Tanzania's firstPresident, Julius Kambarage Nyerere, onWednesday at the age of 77 years. Among the first to send their condolenceswere the British Queen Elizabeth II and PrimeMinister Tony Blair.Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni alsosent his condolences Wednesday. Othercondolence messages have been receivedfrom the President of Finland, Martti Ahtisaari,who also conveyed similar messages from theEuropean Union.He said: "Tanzania has lost its foundingfather, a great leader and teacher, whosespiritual legacy will remain a uniting force andsource of inspiration and stability inTanzania."



17 October 1999 33

Other messages were received from QueenBeatrix of the Netherlands and the country'sPrime Minister Wim Kok.They said: "Mr Nyerere will remembered asone of the great presidents of Africa. For more

than 30 years he guided his country withwisdom, and won the respect of his countryand the international community."The world has suffered a great loss," theyadded.The King of Norway, Herald V, said Nyererewould be remembered in that country as afriend."Africa has lost a great and respectedstatesman; and Tanzania her first presidentand an outstanding national leader," he said.President H. Narayanan of India also sent hiscondolences to Tanzania's PresidentBenjamin Mkapa.

He said in the passing of Nyerere, the worldhad lost a statesman of international stature,whose contributions to the liberation andresurgence of Africa were matched by hiswork for the fashioning of a new and equitableworld order."The appeal of his ideas transcended allboundaries of region and race and inspiredthe people of the developing countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America."Narayanan recalled that India conferred uponNyerere the first Gandhi Prize and theJawaharlal Nehru Award for InternationalUnderstanding.

President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa,President Frederick Chiluba of Zambia andEthiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi havealso sent their condolence messages.Copyright (c) 1999 Panafrican News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,



Mwalimu's rise to powerOctober 17, 1999By Ali Mazrui Nairobi - Almost exactly 50 fifty years ago,young Julius Kambarage Nyerere entered thegates of the University of Edinburgh as astudent, following his education at MakerereUniversity, Kampala. Edinburgh (as well asMakerere) prepared him for the title ofMwalimu. Young Nyerere entered Edinburghin October 1949.

His Julius Kambarage Nyerere's radicalthought was multifaceted. He began as ananti-colonial African nationalist on his returnhome, seeking the independence ofTanganyika, which was at the time a United

Nations' trusteeship under Britishadministration. In pursuit of self-governmentand independence, Nyerere helped to formthe Tanganyika African National Union on July7, 1954 (Saba Saba -- seventh day of seventhmonth). The movement had a three-prongstrategy - to pressure the British government,to pressure the Trusteeship Council of theUnited Nations and to rally general Africanand international support for Tanganyika'sindependence. The country becameindependent on December 9, 1961, with himJulius Nyerere as Prime Minister. He Nyererebecame President on December 9, 1962.

Linked to Nyerere's nationalism from quiteearly was his Pan-Africanism, a commitmentto the pursuit of African unity and the adoptionof the principle of African solidarity wheneverpossible. Sometimes he put his Pan- Africanism ahead of his nationalism, as whenin 1960 he offered to delay Tanganyika'sindependence if this would help achieve thecreation of an East African federation ofTanganyika, Kenya and Uganda. In the endthere was not enough political will in the othertwo countries to achieve such a union.Nevertheless, Tanganyika played host toother major Pan-African activities. It became a

frontline state for the liberation of Southern Africa from Portuguese rule and from whiteminority governments. Politically, the colonyhosted for a while the Pan-African FreedomMovement for Eastern, Central and Southern Africa (Pafmecsa). AFMECSA). Tanganyikasubsequently established major trainingcamps for Southern African Liberationfighters.Nyerere's credentials as official host toliberation movements were put into questionin 1964 when he was forced to invite Britishtroops to put down a mutiny of his own army.The more radical African heads of state, like

Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, regardedNyerere's use of British troops as "neo-colonial" and unworthy of an official host toliberation movements elsewhere. Nyereredefended himself and continued his liberationrole, successfully most of the time.Domestically in Tanzania, he inauguratedthree areas of reform - a political systembased on the principle of the one-party state;an economic system based on an Africanapproach to socialism (what he called



17 October 1999 34

Ujamaa, or familyhood); a cultural systembased on the Swahili language.The cultural policy based on Kiswahili was theearliest and the most durable. Tanganyika(and later Tanzania) became one of the few

African countries to use an indigenouslanguage in Parliament as well as use it alsohas the primary language of nationalbusiness. Kiswahili was promoted increasinglyin politics, administration, education and themedia. It became a major instrument ofnation- building; and nation-building becamethe most lasting of Nyerere's legacies.The political experiment of the one-party stateproduced good political theory but badpolitical practice. The theory that the one-party state could be as democratic as themulti-party system and was more culturallysuited to Africa was intellectually stimulating -

but failed the test in practice. Tanzaniabecame a multi-party state not long afterJulius Nyerere left office. He himself acceptedwhat seemed to be the inevitable.The economic experiment of Africansocialism, or Ujamaa, which was launcheddramatically by the Arusha Declaration onSocialism and Self-Reliance in 1967, capturedthe imagination of millions of reform-minded Africans all over the continent and elsewhere.It was also greatly admired by Westernliberals, intellectuals and by governments likethose of Sweden, Norway and Denmark.History gave the Arusha Declaration 20 years

in which to deliver (1967-1987). By 1987disenchantment was widespread and the endwas near. Far from Tanzania being self-reliant, it was more dependent than ever. AndUjamaa had left the country poorer than itmight otherwise have been. Liberalisation,privatisation and marketisation were not farbehind.Nyerere's regional East African legacy is alsomixed. Although he was once committed tocreating an East African Federation, hissocialist ideals clashed with his East Africanideals. As he struggled to create socialism inhis own country, he had to create barriers

against free movement of capital, labour andresources in and out of Kenya and Uganda.Socialist planning in one country proved to beincompatible with an open-door Pan-East- African policy.On the other hand, Nyerere's Tanganyika didform a union with Zanzibar. This remains theonly case in Africa of previously sovereignstates uniting into a new country - andsurviving as one entity for more than threedecades. What used to be sovereign

Tanganyika and Zanzibar became the UnitedRepublic of Tanzania in 1964.He strengthened the union when he united theruling party of Zanzibar (the Afro-ShiraziParty) with the ruling party of Tanganyika

(TANU) to form the new Chama chaMapinduzi (Party of the Revolution).Has Nyerere's political behaviour sometimesreflected his upbringing as a Roman Catholic?There is a school of thought which explainshis recognition of the secessionist Biafra in1969 as a form of solidarity with fellowCatholics against a Federal Nigeria which waspotentially dominated by Muslims. This was inthe middle of the Nigerian civil war. The Igboof Biafra were overwhelmingly RomanCatholic. Less convincing is the assertion thatNyerere's military intervention in Uganda in1979 was motivated by a sectarian calculation

to defend a mainly Christian Uganda from theMuslim dictator Idi Amin. In reality, Nyereremight have been motivated by a wider senseof humanitarianism and universal ethics. Hewas also defending Tanzania from Idi Amin'sterritorial appetites.Most Western judges of Julius Nyerere haveconcentrated on his economic policies andtheir failures. Ujamaa and villagisation havebeen seen as forces of economic retardationwhich kept Tanzania backward for at leastanother decade.Not enough commentators have paid attentionto Nyerere's achievements in nation-building.

He gave Tanzanians a sense of nationalconsciousness and a spirit of nationalpurpose. One of the poorest countries in theworld found itself one of the major actors onthe world scene.Nyerere's policies of making Kiswahili thenational language of Tanzania deepened thissense of Tanzania's national consciousnessand cultural pride. Parliament in Dar esSalaam debated exclusively in Kiswahili. Moreand more of government business wasconducted in Kiswahili. The mass mediaturned more and more away from English andinto Kiswahili. Newspapers had not only

letters to the editor but also poems to theeditor - in Kiswahili. And the educationalsystem was experiencing the stresses andstrains of the competing claims of English andKiswahili.Nyerere's translation of two of Shakespeare'splays into Kiswahili was done not because he"loved Shakespeare less, but because heloved Kiswahili more". He translatedShakespeare into Kiswahili partly todemonstrate that the Swahili language was



17 October 1999 35

capable of carrying the complexities of agenius of another civilisation. Above all, Nyerere as President was acombination of deep intellect and highintegrity. Leopold Senghor's intellect was as

deep as Nyerere's, but was Senghor'sintegrity as high as Nyerere's? NelsonMandela's integrity was probably higher thanNyerere's, but was Mandela's intellect asdeep as Nyerere's? Among East African politicians Julius K.Nyerere was in a class by himself in thecombination of ethical standards andintellectual power. In that combination, noother East African politician was in the sameleague. Some East African politicians mighthave been more intelligent than Nyerere.Others might have been more ethical thanNyerere. But none combined high thinking

and high ethics in the way Nyerere did.He and I deeply disagreed on the merits ofUjamaa. He and I once disagreed on East African federation. I thought his socialistpolicies harmed East African integration. Heand I disagreed on the Nigerian civil war. Heand I disagreed on the issue of Zanzibar. Ithought Zanzibar was forced into a marriagewhich was not of its own choosing. And yet Julius Nyerere and I were committedto the proposition that patriotic Africans coulddisagree and still be equally patriotic. I sawhim in Abuja in Nigeria, just before theinauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo

late in May 1999. Julius Nyerere and Igossiped in Kiswahili. He looked well -deceptively well, considering his illness.He and I were keynote speakers at aworkshop to inaugurate Nigeria to a new eraof democracy in 1999. We were voices fromEast Africa at a major West African event. Wewere voices of Pan-Africanism on the eve ofthe new millennium. Nyerere's voice is wasone of the most eloquent voices of the 20thtwentieth Century. It was a privilege for me tostand side-by-side with such a person to marka momentous event in no less a country thanour beloved Nigeria.

Born: March 1922 in Butiama, MusomaDistrict, Tanganyika. Educated: MwisengePrimary School, Musome (1934-36). TaboraGovernment Secondary School (1937- 1942).Makerere University College, Kampala,Uganda (1943-1945). University of Edinburgh,Scotland (1949-1952).Teaching Career: St Mary Roman CatholicCollege, Tabora (1946-1959). St. Francis'Roman Catholic College (1953-1955). Thisexperience gave him the lifelong title of

Mwalimu (Teacher or Mentor) even when hewas President and long after.Political Career: Founder, Tanganyika AfricanNational Union (Tanu) July 7, 1954. Member,Legislative Council, Tanganyika (1958-1960).

Chief Minister (1960- 1961). Prime Minister(1961-1962). President of Tanganyika (1962-1964). President of United Republic ofTanzania (1964-1985). President of Tanu(1954- 1977). Chairman of Chama chaMapinduzi (1977-1990). Chairman, FrontlineStates (1975-1985). Chairman, NonalignedMovement Commission (1986). Chairman,Organisation of African Unity (1984-1985).Leader of the South Commission.Publications: Ujamaa: Essays on Socialism(Oxford, 1968). Freedom and Unity: Uhuru naUmoja (Oxford, 1969). Freedom andSocialism: Uhuru na Ujamaa (Oxford, 1969).

Freedom and Development: Uhuru naMaendeleo (Oxford, 1973). Swahilitranslations of Shakespeare's Julius Caesar(1963) and The Merchant of Venice (1969).Family: Married with eight children and withsiblings.Copyright (c) 1999 The Nation. Distributed via



Mwalimu's enduring legacy

By Anyang' Nyong'o Nairobi - It is a painful truth, but it is a truth weall prefer to deny ourselves on a daily basis.That is, as Shakespeare said, from hour tohour we rot and rot as we all approach ourgraves. When the moment actually arrives, itis always painful, though somehow inevitable.It is always untimely, however old we may be.Mwalimu Julius Nyerere on Thursday reachedthat moment; not accidentally, but by thepainful process of falling sick with one of theworld's most deadliest diseases: leukemia.Julius Nyerere of Tanzania is now beingeulogised as one of Africa's greatest

statesmen. As the founding father of theTanzanian nation, founding member of theOrganisation of African Unity, driving forcebehind South-South Cooperation, and a voiceof reason at all international forums whereheads of state meet, Nyerere has alwaysstood taller than his compatriots in reputation,performance and respect.Greatness is not found in possessions, power,position, or prestige. It is discovered ingoodness, humility, service, and character.Moreover, a great man is one who can have



17 October 1999 36

power and not abuse it. Was Nyerere,therefore, a great man?When he was poised to take over as PrimeMinister in newly independent Tanganyika in1961, Nyerere chose to resign from

government and spend one solid year buildinghis party, the Tanzania African National Union(TANU).His colleague, Rashidi Kawawa, took over thereigns of government while Nyerere travelledup and down all over Tanganyika building theparty.Nyerere did this after realising that only astrong nationalist party with a vision forTanganyika the country would bringmeaningful changes in the lives of the peopleafter independence. The colonial state hashad been set up to serve external interestsand to preserve and an ethnic and class

divided society.Left to itself, the state structure could easilyseek to perpetuate power relations, whichwere inimical to the realisation of the hopes ofthe people after independence. Across the border in Kenya, there were similarproblems. The Kenya African National Union(Kanu), TANU's counterpart, was itself riddledwith factionalism right from the beginning. Attempts to give it the kind of social force thatTANU enjoyed in Tanganyika were met with arude shock when KANU's greatest architects,Tom Mboya, was gunned down by anassassin in the streets of Nairobi in July 1969.

From then on, attempts to create one solidnation in Kenya were forever riddled withethnic contradictions.One of Nyerere's earliest achievements wasthis conscious effort to create a strong grass-roots party with a clear ideology onnationhood and clear principles on citizenship.Independence could not be meaningfulwithout national unity. Not fake andpropagandistic unity; but unity based on ashared political culture, social practice,equitable economic development andaccountability of the governors to thegoverned.

TANU's structure was based on a pyramidwhose base was found in the villages amongten household cells. This climbed to the topwhere the Central Committee of the partyreigned supreme. The state was subordinateto the party, although party men actually ranthe state. The party formulated policies thatthe state was meant to implement. In thisregard, the party structure was meant to givevoice to the people in policy formulation.In order to enhance equality among the newcitizens of independent Tanganyika, TANU

addressed all citizens as ndugu, or brother.To promote communication among thebrothers, Swahili, the national language, wasvigorously promoted. In fact, at the Universityof Dar es Salaam, a new Swahili Studies

Centre was established, researching into thelanguage and modernising it for use ingovernment, scientific research andinternational discourse.Within the first decade of independence,Tanganyika, later Tanzania, became one of Africa's most solid nations in the way in whichthe people identified themselves as citizens ofa social republic and not tribesmen who onlyhappened to share one common oppressor.This could not have been achieved withoutNyerere's two other major concerns inbuilding the new nation. These were hisfervent quest for pan-Africanism and his

unswerving belief in and commitment toujamaa, or the Tanzanian version ofsocialism.Soon after independence, the government ofTanganyika was shaken by an attemptedmilitary coup. Nyerere reacted by disbandingthe whole colonial army and establishing anationalist army closely integrated into theruling party. He also founded the NationalService into which every young person had toserve before graduating from school oruniversity. These were attempts to reduce thedistance between the armed forces and thepeople as well as demystifying defense as a

purely "army thing." Almost at that same time, the government inZanzibar was also overthrown in a militarycoup. It became clear to Nyerere that anunstable Zanzibar could easily destabilise themainland government. He took the initiative tobring together the Afro-Shirazi Party inZanzibar and TANU, and to discuss the unionof the two governments. Nyerere, unlikeNkrumah of Ghana, always believed that African Unity would eventually be broughtabout by states first coming together at theregional level.The fusion between Tanganyika and Zanzibar

in 1964 produced the United Republic ofTanzania with a structure of government thatwas reasonably lose to ensure the units didnot lose their identities permanently, andreasonably strong to guarantee a lastingmarriage. The person of Nyerere, however,remained a strong uniting factor. Hisdeparture may easily herald a stormy seasonfor the pan-africanist marriage.Nyerere always contended that "all humanbeings are equal and Africa is one"- -binadamu wote ni sawa na Afrika ni moja. That,



17 October 1999 37

indeed, was the corner stone of his othercardinal belief in socialism, the only viableideology for development in Africa as far asNyerere was concerned.Socialism was based on the equality of all

human beings, something that was to befound in African culture. People worked inorder to live. Idlers were not tolerated. Mgenisiku moja, siku ya tatu mmpe jembe. Theproducts of human labour were used, not forsocial domination but for social reproduction.Those who organised society to ensuredivision of labour, security and leisure werenot political oppressors but politicallyresponsible. When they became exploitativeor oppressive the people either rebelledagainst them or they destroyed their ownsocieties. Societies that were on the road todestruction were either abandoned by those

who were sensible enough to leave--throughmigration--or were destroyed by internal warsand conflicts.This view of African socialism being based onfamilyhood, mutual social responsibility,egalitarianism and democratic governanceinfluenced and shaped Nyerere's ujamaaphilosophy. He wrote extensively about it. Heassociated various aspects of developmentand governance to ujamaa. Thus OxfordUniversity Press published his speeches andessays on democracy, socialism and unityunder the titles, Freedom and Socialism,Freedom and Unity, Freedom and

Development, Socialism and RuralDevelopment and, the most memorable wasthe very well argued book on Ujamaa: thebasis of African Socialism.The highlight of Nyerere's attempts to buildsocialism in Tanzania was the ArushaDeclaration in 1967. Known in Swahili as Azimio la Arusha, this was the documentaccepted by the National ExecutiveCommittee of TANU in Arusha on 29 January1967. It made explicit Tanzania's socialistideology. It begins with a declaration of theTANU creed; the party's commitment tobuilding one united Tanzania based on the

equality of citizenship. It confirms democracyas the viable system of government at thenational and pan-African levels.It then sets out the chief tenets of socialism asbeing absence of exploitation of man by man,social ownership and control of the means ofproduction, self-reliance, hard work and goodleadership. Although the role of thegovernment in nationalising the commandingheights of the economy later came to beassumed as the centre-piece of the ArushaDeclaration, there was no emphasis on this in

the original document. If anything, theemphasis was on the peasant and peasantagriculture as the basis of the socialist project.Hard work, intelligence, the land, the people,good policies and good leadership: these

were the moral imperatives for the success ofsocialism in Tanzania. Their lack, perhapstheir inadequate supply, became the majorproblems for the success of Ujamaa inTanzania.Issa Shivji observed as early as 1971, in hisessay The Silent Class Struggle in Tanzania,that Ujamaa would suffer at the hands of statebureaucrats. Capitalising on the need to Africanis the economy, the bureaucrats wouldseek to use state power for self- enrichment.Very soon, they would find the economicdistance between them and the peasantsrather inimical to democratic politics,

especially when they systematically bend therules of the game to suit and support their rentseeking activities. They would serve theirexploitative interests while giving lip service tosocialism.The contradiction between the governors andthe governed became clearer during theimplementation of the setting up of ujamaavillages. This was a program meant to bringpeasants together into productive hamlets towhich government would find it easier toprovide social services and infrastructure. Theend result would be increase in agriculturalproductivity as well as better standards of

living for the peasant communities. As things turned out, ujamaa villages becameinstruments of state control over peasantproduction and lives. Bureaucrats more oftenthan not simply pocketed resources meant toprovide social services in the villages. Theend result was the ruination of peasantagriculture in Tanzania and the increase in thenation's external dependency not only on foodbut aid as well. Peasants cunninglydisengaged from the villages, becomingrecluses into independent subsistenceagriculture, hence remaining generally"uncaptured" by the state. The story has been

well told by Goran Hyden in his book entitledBeyond Ujamaa in Tanzania:Underdevelopment and an UncapturedPeasantry."When Idi Amin overthrew Milton Obote's UPCgovernment in Uganda in January 1971,Nyerere gave Obote and his team politicalasylum in Dar es Salaam. He started a long-drawn process of resisting military dictatorshipin Uganda. The East African Communitybecame a casualty, as Nyerere would not siton the same table with Amin, a member of the



17 October 1999 38

East African Authority comprising thePresidents of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania.To some Kenyan officials, Nyerere was simplybeing stubborn and arrogant; they saw noprinciples in the statement Nyerere was

making. To avoid further embarrassment, theysimply moved in to fold up the Community in arather untidy fashion. Nyerere was notamused.Following the demise of the Community in1977/78, Nyerere paid more attention toliberation movements in Africa, a subject hehad been passionate towards all his life. First,this meant getting rid of the Amin regimecloser at home. Obote had followed Nyerere'sideological footsteps, publishing the CommonMan's Charter, Uganda's socialist blue print, just before his overthrow. The famousconcern of the Charter in moving to the left

towards socialism was to guide the misguidedand inform the misinformed in Uganda aboutnationalism, socialism and pan-Africanism.In Uganda, Nyerere succeeded in 1979. Bythe early eighties, the focus was on Zimbabwewhere Mugabe's ZANU assumed power byend of 1981. Further south, Namibia andSouth Africa remained under the menace ofapartheid. The liberation movements rose tosuccess after Nyerere left state office in 1985but remained as head of the Chama ChaMapinduzi (CCM), the new name of theTANU/Afro Shir-azi marriage.Was Nyerere a great man? Yes he was.

Nyerere was agreat man. Always simplydressed and disarming in the manner in whichhe poked fun at himself and almost ridiculedhis best qualities, Nyerere was the epitome ofsharp wit and a razor- like mind. He sufferedno fools but when he found himself foolish hewas ready to accept his mistakes. That is whyNyerere, in the mid-eighties, as Tanzania'seconomy was limping towards disaster,apologised to his people and bowed out ofoffice. He accepted the shortcomings of hisujamaa policies and exhorted Tanzanians torestructure the economy without throwing thebaby away with the birth water.

Humility, courage, good leadership, respectfor the intellect, love for communication,cultural universalism, support for the liberationof man and a deep belief in human dignity:these, I think, are the legacies of Nyerere tohumanity as a whole. To Tanzania, he will beremembered as the father of the nation. In thisregard, he has left a gap that Ben Mkapa willfind difficult to fill. In this gap also lies potentialinstability for the United Republic of Tanzania.Will the Union survive Nyerere?

To living heads of states and governments in Africa we need to pose two questions. How dothey compare with Nyerere? Can they accepttheir mistakes, apologise and bow out? Thesequestions are posed with much concern for

genuine answers in Harare, Windhoek andNairobi.Copyright (c) 1999 The Nation. Distributed via



Independent on Sunday

17 October 1999

Fay Weldon

.... Last week, way out of the nursery class ofwrong doing, President Julius Nyerere of Tanzaniadied and his obituaries read like hagiographies.Ruler of a one-party, undemocratic, revolutionarystate, he impoverished his nation to prove aMarxist theory, and over a period of nine yearsforcibly resettled 13 million Africans into 8,000co-operative farms, many of them nomads, to theirgreat distress. But he did apologise even beforeapologies were fashionable, way back in 1985."Nationalising little things like farms was amistake." Just a little apology, but well done andwe forgive him. ....



18 October 1999 39

18 October 1999

Guardian

Julius Nyerere

Richard Gott writes:

Julius Nyerere (Obituary, October 15) was anextraordinarily benign and charismatic figureunequalled on the world stage, but he is notoften remembered as a journalist. For a timein the early 1970s, as well as being presidentof Tanzania, he was also editor-in-chief of thestate newspaper, the Tanzanian Standard. Hehad ordained that the newspaper, formerlyowned by "Tiny" Rowlands of Lonrho, should

be nationalised, and he appointed FreneGinwala, now speaker of the South Africanparliament, to be its first "socialist" editor.With the aid of the late Ruth First, theassassinated wife of the South AfricanCommunist leader Joe Slovo, Frene recruiteda strange assortment of British radicals to joinher staff. Invited to Dar-es-Salaam, I foundmyself foreign editor of a state newspaper in aone-party state and was soon in trouble withthe British high commission and the Americanembassy for rewriting Reuters news stories. Inreports from Vietnam, we used to delete thewords "Viet Cong" and replace them with "the

South Vietnamese Liberation Front".Nyerere took a relaxed attitude towards hisduties but urged us not to refrain frompublishing stories of ministerial wrongdoing.On one occasion, he complained that hisphotograph appeared too often.Only once did he dramatically intervene:Frene asked me to write an editorialcondemning the action of President Numeiri ofSudan, who had just executed severalmembers of the Sudanese Communist party.Numeiri was one of Nyerere's few supportersin the campaign against Idi Amin in Uganda,and my outspoken editorial against

Tanzania's current ally proved highlyembarrassing. Frene was out of the countryon the very first plane, and I left soon after. And quite right too. It was not really suitablefor the state paper to be run by expatriates.The new editor was the excellent Ben Mkapa,who had been trained on the Daily Mirror withthe assistance of Barbara Castle and herhusband Ted, and later followed in Nyerere'sfootsteps again, as president of his country.

Simon Barley writes:

To work as a doctor in Julius Nyerere'sTanzania in the late 1960s was to share in ahopefulness for the future .One aspect of health and development thatNyerere encouraged was family planning, andin 1968 a deputation from the TanzanianNational Family Planning Associationmanaged to secure a meeting with him. Theyput on their best clothes, including that raresartorial extra in tropical Africa, the necktie,and, with some nervousness, were shown in.They were nervous because to limit familysize was controversial in a comparativelyunderpopulated country whose politicianstended to see such limitation as a continuinginstrument of colonialism. The deputation'sspirits fell further when they saw Nyerere'sunsmiling face and heard his opening words:"You're late, you know, too late." After a nicelytimed pause, he burst out laughing and said:"Too late - I'm a Roman Catholic and I've got12 children." Needless to say, the FPA got hissupport.

Ronald Segal writes:

In April 1960, after an adventurous journeyfrom South Africa, Oliver Tambo, YusufDadoo and I arrived in Dar-es-Salaam.Nyerere, then chief minister in a Tanganyikasoon to become independent, was at theairport, with a smile and a hug that had the

warmth of home.I have always been grateful to him for that, asfor the particular help he gave to those of uswho organised, in London in 1964, theInternational Conference on EconomicSanctions against South Africa. The debt thenew South Africa owes him is immense. Hewas a rare national leader, who neverconfused the power of his position withhimself.

Chandra Hardy writes:

formerly of the South Centre, Beginning in1986, Julius Nyerere's work as chairman of

the South Commission put his vision, uniquecapacities and political acumen in the serviceof third world development. The commission'slandmark report, for which Mwalimu chose thetitle The Challenge To The South, comprisedthe first comprehensive analysis ofdevelopment challenges "made in the southand by the south".The report argued that, if developing countrieswere to challenge effectively the continuingdominance of the north, in the internationalarena, they needed to be well prepared



18 October 1999 40

intellectually and technically. Thus, one of thereport's principal points was the need toestablish permanent and adequateinstitutional support for collective action by thesouth.

In September 1995, the South Centre inGeneva became the first intergovernmentalinstitution of the developing countries with amandate to assist the joint efforts ofdeveloping countries in the internationalnegotiating arena. Although officially retired,Mwalimu found the energy and enthusiasm tohelp put the centre on a solid institutionalfooting and on the international political map.Those left to continue the task will recallMwalimu's oft repeated story, told him by theelders of his tribe, of the rabbit and theelephant. "Rabbit, where are you going? I amgoing to kill the elephant. Can you do it? Well,

I'll try, and try again."

BBC

Nyerere begins his final journey Hundreds of thousands of Tanzanians havepacked the streets of the capital, Dar EsSalaam, to pay their last respects to their lateformer president, Julius Nyerere.Huge crowds lined the road from theinternational airport to Dr Nyerere's home,wailing and ululating as his coffin was drivenon a gun carriage, escorted by a military

procession.Earlier people had thronged the airport to seeDr Nyerere's coffin arrive on an aircraft fromLondon.Police were forced to hold back crowds asmourners surged towards the coffin whichwas decorated in the green, blue, black andyellow flag of Tanzania. A guard of honour fired a 21-gun salute."I am here to see the man who is for me stillmy president," said one bystander.Lying in state Dr Nyerere, affectionately known as 'Mwalimu'- the teacher, died from cancer in a Londonhospital last week, aged 77.He is still revered in Tanzania as the 'father ofthe nation' after leading the country toindependence and serving as its firstpresident from 1962 to 1985. A funeral mass is to take place at St Joseph'scathedral in Dar Es Salaam on Tuesday andDr Nyerere's body will then lie in state at theNational Stadium.On Thursday world leaders are expected toattend a state funeral before a final burial

ceremony at the former president's homevillage in Butiama.The government has declared 30 days ofmourning throughout the country.Paying respects

On Sunday, a memorial service was held forDr Nyerere in London's Roman CatholicWestminster Cathedral.Nearly 2,000 mourners joined his wife, Mariaand several of his children to pay theirrespects.Several diplomats, including theCommonwealth secretary-general ChiefEmeka Anyaoku and the wife of the South African president Thabo Mbeki, attended theservice.The Tanzanian High Commissioner to Londonaddressed the gathering, saying that allTanzanians would have a sadness of heart

over the loss of Dr Nyerere.

Email tributes

He was a man of the people. We will miss him alot. His death has come at the time when we reallywanted him. His contribution to Tanzania and theworld at large is really appreciated. I personallyreceived with great sorrow the news about hisdeath. I will personally miss him. I feel very sorryfor he left without living a word to his people atthis time when we are facing many challenges.May god rest his sow in peace.

Simbo O, TanzaniaWe will remember him for his exemplary

leadership role in Africa, selflessness and above alllove for his country. May his soul rest in perfect peace

H. K. Wemegah, GhanaAfrica has lost one of its greatest sons. May hisadmirable ideals continue to guide Africa to attain peace with itself. May his soul rest in Peace!

Wmolemogi, BotswanaMwalimu's death is a great loss to Tanzania and toAfrica as a whole but, perhaps more so, to theinternational community with a conscience as wecontinue to struggle relentlessly for a world that isfree, just, secure and peaceful for futuregenerations. We take the opportunity to reaffirm

our unwavering resolve in this task. Prof. Mwesiga Baregu, TanzaniaI am very sorry that we have lost a great father ofcontinent, let god rest him in peace.

Minas Ghidei Hadgu, EritreaI once saw the man speak at Abuja during theconference on Africa and debt forgiveness. Hespoke for hours without a prepared text and mademore sense, provided more facts than all the otherspeakers put together. I am sorry to see him go, hewas "the" true African.

Haruna Jalo-Waziri, Nigeria



18 October 1999 41

He was a man of vision and understanding whowill be missed for his wisdom not only inTanzania but the world over.

Clifton Desouza, TanzaniaAs a Tanzanian, I will live to remember him for

his honesty, integrity and love for humanity.Tanzanians and Africa will miss him forever.What is the future for us without Nyerere?

Adam Simbeye, Geneva, Switzerland

we are saddened for the departure of our father ofthe nation, Tanzania Mwalimu Julius Kamabarage Nyerere. We will never forget his efforts for thestruggle he made to achieve independence at timewhen he shared with our elders while we wereyouths. We share our sorrows with all theTanzanians at home and all over the world. Nothing can be given to him now except our prayers for his soul.

Ismail Mohammed Salim, United Arab Emirates

Let our tears be translated into thanks to theAlmighty God who gave us the opportunity to livein the era of this Great Man of Africa. He taught ushumility, honesty, compassion and the value of peace. He is the greatest gift of all that manygenerations will live to treasure.

Ana Tabu Mukami, Bangkok, Thailand

Africa today has lost a beloved son -one of the few presidents who relinquished power voluntarily andwere not corrupted by it. May his soul rest ineternal peace.

Raj Patel, UKWhatever Julius Kambarage Nyerere did in hislifetime, including his failures and successes, were

done in good faith. There was no evidence ofmalicious intent on the part of JKN directedtowards the people he served. Moreover, there hasnever been perfection in the history of mankind.Whatever will be said by anyone, anywhere,anytime, about JKN, he will remain one of thegreatest statesman of all time, and champion of theoppressed, impoverished and the neglected people.May God rest his Soul in Eternal Peace. Amen.Cuthbert L. Nahonyo, United KingdomAfrica has lost a very renowned son. May his soulrest in perfect peace.

Hafsatu Garba, Nigeria.I am originally from Kenya and have had the

pleasure of meeting with the Late Nyerere. He wasa formidable politician and statesman. Africa, andindeed the world at large will feel his absence. Ourcondolences to the People of Tanzania and hisFamily.

Hamel Galaiya, United Kingdomwe really have missed one of the great guides &teachers from whom we have gained a lot specially people of Tanzania. We all miss him a lot. May hissoul rest in peace.

Anurag Bhargava, India

You were one the African heroes who broughtlight to the dark continent. It is hard to find areplacement. May Lord rest your soul in peaceforever AMEN!

Emmanuel Ngallah, Tanzania

On behalf of staff of the Planning Commission,Dar es Salaam, Tanzania I send our most sincerecondolences to the family of our beloved Father Ofthe Nation and all Tanzanians on the death of ourGreat Dr. Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. We shallalways remember you for your selfless anddedication to the welfare and rights of Tanzanians,Africans and all peoples. Unlike most Africanleaders you gave a good example of a leader andrefrained from amassing wealth stolen from wealthof Tanzania for personal aggrandisement.

Rodrick Kiwelu, TanzaniaMwalimu, you gave us the freedom in Africa, youlead by example and your departure is difficult to

accept but god has called you to eternal rest. Mayyour soul rest in peace.

John Fisher Mupangwa, ZimbabweDr Julius Nyerere, Dear, Father Founder ofTanzania, I got to know you well and admired you.It is difficult to think of Tanzania without you.May the Almighty God Rest Your Soul in EternalPeace.

Dr Gabriel Rugalema, The NetherlandsWe have lost the corner stone of our nation. Wemourn, we mourn,...

Narsis A. L. Mtega, TanzaniaHe made us Tanzanians studying abroad feel likefrom one family. That is was one of his greatest

achievements. Thank you Mwalimu may God restyour soul in peace.

Dr. Peter Lawrence Msoffe, Denmark Nyerere was a man nobody could buy. Mwalimufare thee well.

Lawrence Wurah, GhanaI'm,with great sadness, sending my condolences tothe all people of the United Republic Of Tanzania!

Lay Lawrean, RussiaMy condolences to the people of Tanzania. Maythe great teacher's soul rest in peace.

Paterson Sichalwe, ZambiaI learned with deep sorrow this morning of thedeath of one of Africa's great leaders, Mr Julius

"Mwalimu" Nyerere, I therefore would like to sendmy deepest condolences to the family of Nyerereand may his soul rest in peace.

ARNOLD, BotswanaAfrica needs more leaders like you. Keep a watchover us.

Brigette, South AfricaWe have learnt with deep shock of the death ofMwalimu Nyerere. The Chisiza family wish toconvey our heartfelt condolences to the people ofTanzania and the entire Nyerere family. We leaveyou all in the hands of the Lord, the perfect



18 October 1999 42

comforter during this hard time. May his soul restin peace.CHISIZA FAMILY, ZambiaAfrica has for too many years had to contend withleaders who fended only for themselves and their

private estates. The Mwalimu devoted his entire political life to fending for his country, Tanzaniaand Africa as a whole. We pray for his eternal rest.His mission here on earth was fully accomplished.The rest is left for us Africans to continue his goodwork.

Benson Uwatse, Nigeria

He was a great statesman and a pivotal person inthe Burundi talks and Africa in general. Tanzaniaand Africa has lost a great son.

Dr Faustine Ndugulile, TanzaniaMwalimu Nyerere was truly the Father of thisnation, it is a dark day for Tanzania as we are leftwithout our beloved father. But his spirit and his

thoughts still live on in every Tanzania. May hisspirit rest in peace.

Anand Acharya, TanzaniaMwalimu will always live in the Hearts of thePeople of Tanzania. Deepest Sympathy to allFamily Members and Specially to Mama Maria Nyerere Bimal Gatha, Tanzania

We will miss you for ever. May god bless you.Managing Director & all staff of Scan TanzaniaLimited

Scan Tanzania Limited, TanzaniaOne of the great leaders of this century died. Ihope he'll get a posthumous Nobel-prize for his

dedication to peace on the African continent. Barend Jasper, Europe

Mehdi Fallah Tafti, IranWe're profoundly shocked by the sadden news ofhis demise. May his almighty rest his soul in peace. AMENGlaxowellcome(T) limited, Tanzania

You will be remembered as the hero of peace forever.

Mehdi Fallah Tafti, IranMay the Almight God rest your soul in peace. Youhave been a great warrior of our country. Amen

Susan Mugurusi, TanzaniaAs the Executive-Director of the Council for

African affairs as well as a Nigerian and anAfricanist who has been greatly influenced by Nyerere's dedication to Africa in particular, we aregoing to miss this great son of Africa. Oneremembers the greatness and the inspirations that pours from his ideas and his vision there is onlyone of such unique African leader alive now, Nelson Mandela and we have lost Nyerere as he joins others like him, Kwame Nkrumah andSenghor.

Dr Bamidele A Ojo, United States

The death of Mwalimu Nyerere is indeed a blow toAfrica. He stands out as an example of what a people's leader should be. At a time that otherAfrican leaders were embezzling their country'swealth, Nyerere stood above all that and remained

his people's teacher. His policy of Ujama mayhave had some shortcomings but his intention wasaltruistic. He ranks with people like Mandela inthe annals of African history. It will be a goodthing if present leaders of the continent wouldemulate these two great leaders.

Amandi Esonwanne, Nigerian in Canada

Nyerere, you were a source of hope to the CentralAfrican region. Nobody can replace you. MYSRP

Gift Sikaundi, ZambiaA great man has passed that we Africans are proudof I wish I could say the same for 95%of ourAfrican leaders, who without a doubt love theirsweethearts more than they love their countries.

God I pray you bring him back for we are runningshort of Prophets.

Kobina Harleston , Sierra LeoneIt was such a big shock for us. I believe that this pain will be in our hearts for century. LoosingMwalimu Nyerere is very big loss not only forTanzania itself but this is a big loss of wholeAfrica. May God put his soul in peace. Amen

MSHENGA ABDY NASSEB, ZANZIBAR-

TANZANIA.It is with great sorrow that I have learned of theloss of one of the most outstanding Africanleaders. He was a great teacher and inspiration tomany Africans including Eritreans on the

principles of freedom, hard work and self-reliance.May his soul rest in peace.

Debesay Tesfagaber, EritreaMwalimu is not dead and Mwalimu will never die.His influence on politics, African identity, pan-Africanism will live on for ages. A salute to youMwalimu, your dream will carry. As you join Nkrumah, Lumumba, Biko, Sankara, Nasser,Kenyatta in the land of our ancestors, rejoice forwe the children of Africa will carry on with NYEREREISM. Accept my regards for your very positive contribution to African linguistics. Sleepwell Mwalimu, Lala Salama Mwalimu. Africaloves you Mwalimu. A true African son,

statesman, philosopher. Mungai Mutonya, KenyaDr. Nyerere is truly a big loss for the entire Africa.Africans need to see in him a highly political rolemodel to follow, a model of love, service andcompassion. May he repose in peace around TheAlmighty. I will pray for his soul.

Matthieu w. Yangambi., Democratic Congolese

in USAI never look at Nyerere as a president, but a greatteacher. This is very sad to me, I hope that



18 October 1999 43

Tanzanian leaders will follow his leadership. And Iam sure God will rest his soul in greatest peace.

Allan Shoo TANZANIAN Nyerere was as true pan African, a man who caredfor all Africans and always tried to find ways and

means to protect them. May his soul rest in peace. Judithbusingye, UgandaIt is a pity that while Africa continues to lose thefew heroes she has, the satanic military are thefaces we see like recurring decimals on the African political scene. May his humble and gentle soulrest in Peace.

Dr. Victor A. Obajuluwa, Gary, Indiana, USA.Tanzania has lost a great son; Africa, a greatinfluential figure and the world a great human being. Sleep well my friend. Althea Campbell, JamaicaDr. Nyerere was one of the greatest leadesr PostColonial Africa has ever produced. He will be

remember for his vision and determination. Hewas able to unite this nation, a task which weshould all accomplish as respect for him.Conrad Msoma, Tanzania

Dr. Julius Kambarage Nyerere means so much tome, Tanzanians as well as for all Africa. I can'tfind words to describe his character. He is truly'the man of the people', and will remain the fatherof the nation. He was not only the leader ofTanzania but also, Africa in general. Though heleft us, we are sure that one day we will betogether with him. We Tanzanians promise tofollow your foot steps forever, peace and unitywill prevail . Amen

Kenneth Gibussa, TanzaniaAdieu! Nwalimu, the great African patriot.

O. Oduwole, NigeriaA great pan-African giant has fallen! This is a lossnot only to those who knew him, but togenerations of Africans who continue to benefitfrom his legacies. As a co-founder of the OAU, asa champion for the entrenchment of democracy inAfrica, for his efforts to free Africa fromcolonialism and apartheid, he has earned the title"father of Africa"! May God grant him eternalrest!

Beatrice A. Hamza, New York, USACredit for the current democracy, peace and

stability in Tanzania goes to the late President Nyerere. Tanzania is one of the few Africancounties exercising democratic political process.We Africans have to learn from Nyerere's legacy.History is always a fair judge. Let him rest in peace. Alemayehu Daba, United StatesWe have to believe that he is dead, but his spiritand his thoughts are still with us. May the greatteacher's soul rest in peace.

Abdallah Liguo, Tanzania

Our dear "Mwalimu" is gone at 77years and mayhis gentle soul rest in perfect peace. While there isa tendency to highlight the economic difficultieswhich his rule foisted on Tanzania, it is pertinentto point out that he pointed the country in the right

direction in many other respects. Tanzania wasspared the consumer society which characterisedmany post-independence African states therebydrastically reducing social problems. The simpleand ascetic lifestyle of Mwalimu was always areference point for Tanzanians. It is hoped thatdespite the embracing of market economics by the present rulers of Tanzania, they will not jettison allthat is noble and edifying in the teachings ofMwalimu. While I wish our teacher, Nyerere, a peaceful rest, I also wish all Tanzanians andindeed all Africans and humanity a more positiveand responsible social direction as envisaged byMwalimu.

Efosa Aruede, NigeriaA true humanist, a great communicator and unifier- an African of the highest intellect. He mademistakes, but who doesn't? I admire him.

Christian Sorensen, Denmark

We Africans are victims of many tragedies, mostof them unfortunately self-inflicted. Dr Julius Nyerere, Mwalimu remained as a shininginspiration to many of us. An inspiration thatreminded us that we can rid our continent of allthese tragedies. He helped us defeat apartheid. Hetaught us integrity, he taught us to serve our fellowcitizens, he taught to know that the measure of aleader is not how many Mercedes Benz cars he has

or how many wives he has. He taught us that aleader can relinquish power and still remaininfluential. He taught to listen to one another. He brought respect to a continent that, more often thannot, fails to respect the rights of its people.Mwalimu will be missed but not forgotten. Be at peace Mwalimu with yourself, you have donemore than was expected of you for Africa.

Mziwakhe John Tsabedze, Swaziland He was indeed a great man who set a very good but rare example of voluntarily stepping down to pave way for younger leaders. May his Soul RestIn eternal PeaceGeorge Mwale, Malawi

It is difficult to believe that the father of our nationis dead. Left are the memories of the good thingshe did to his nation and the world at large duringhis life time. Tanzanians will always rememberhim. May God rest your soul in peace. Amen!Frank Mathew, TanzaniaWe will never forget what you did to our countryand the rest of Africa. People of your type occuronce in century... Rest In Piece and help us fromwherever you are now!

Primus Dias Nkwera, Tanzania



18 October 1999 44

A great loss!! He had fully accomplished hismission and his spirit will forever live withinTanzanians and all other peace-keepers.

Betilda C Ngeleja, TanzaniaMy condolences go out to all Tanzanians, both at

home and away. For myself, having spent most ofmy formative years in Tanzania, I got to see theinfluence that Baba Taifa Nyerere had oneveryone. His guidance was well respected andhonoured by Tanzanians. He showed trueleadership when he stepped down to make way forAli Hassan Mwinyi. This was a single act ofmature leadership and it is something rarely seenin many of the worlds governments especially inAfrica and Asia. I can say this much that his presence will be well missed and our prayers arewith the family and nation at this time.

Hansel Ramathal, India/USA Nyrere was one of the very few who worked for

Africa to be self-dependent, there is a lot to belearned from him.

Ted Andemichael, USAMwalimu, you made Tanzania a great neighbour toMalawi. Your efforts to unite the turbulentcontinent of Africa will be greatly missed.

Joshua Lichakala, Malawi

It is a sad day for the world because a greatstatesman is gone and I therefor send mycondolences to the people of Tanzania and thefamily of ex-president Nyerere.

Magnus Svensson, SwedenIn the desert wastelands of Botswana Mwalimuwas an icon, a motivator and mentor Fairwell

Mwalimu. Dusk has approached too soon Bobana Badisang, BotswanaMy heartfelt condolence to all Tanzanians andfellow Africans who mourn Nyerere. We lost agreat son of Africa.

Ephrem Hunde, EthiopiaI find it difficult to get the best words that explainshim well. However as one of the most influentialstatesmen history has ever produced on thecontinent his name will live above all others. Heremains a fallen hero of his generation.

Shekania Bisanda, United KingdomTanzania will not be the same again. However thestrong foundations of unity and love in Tanzania

will live forever. Ngahyoma, TanzaniaMy sincerest condolences at the loss of our pillar.You will be remembered for your honest,flexibility and good leadership. Rest in peaceMwalimu..

Denford Madenyika, ZimbabweThe world has truly lost a true giant; theconscience of Africa.

Henry O, USA

There are many Norwegians here who aresaddened by the news of the death of MwalimuJ.K.Nyerere. He was very respected and loved.

Bjorg Evjen Olsen, Norway Nyerere our brave man, you won so many battles

and you fought for so many, today we have not been able to fight for you on this single war, nowyou lay there helpless, nature has taken over beyond us, doctors have tried and failed, mayalmighty God rest your soul in peace, amen. MayGod retain the great wall of peace which you builtfor us, stone by stone.

James Mhagama, Tanzania"Mwalimu" Julius Kambarage Nyerere has gonedown this day as a true and admirable citizen ofthe world. If he erred, that was only because hewas human -- not because he meant any harm tohumanity. Yes, "mzee" was wise, honest and, Istrongly believe, abhorred corruption. Did you

come too early or too late for Africa? Where shallwe get a replacement for this modern timeColossus? No we must create one out of his ideals.Is there any greater honour? To Tanzania "I mournwith you with all my heart". RIP Baba.George Were, SudanThe loss of Mwalimu Julius Nyerere goes beyondthe borders of Tanzania. The story of today'sfreedom in the region cannot be complete withoutthe mention of Nyerere. He set standards hiscontemporaries could not match, standards whichthe present generation of leaders is struggling toemulate. He deserves a peaceful rest

Gracian Tukula, Malawi

We as Africans have lost one of the best figures inthe turn of the century .Let us be strong in thistime of grief and sorrow. Be strong and follow hissteps.

Michael Mbagu, USA

If tears are expression of extreme grief and sorrow,then let the tears flow in all corners of africa forwith the death of Mwalimu, Africa has lost itsshinning star.

I. O. Mensa-Bonsu, SwitzerlandMwalimu will be missed by all peace lovingdemocrats in the world. He was a shining exampleof a leader. He prepared his political successors.Even in death he lingered on to prepare his people.

The man has died but his good legacy begins tolive. RIP Mwalimu.

Henry Kafwembe, ZambiaAfrica will remember Dr Nyerere as a greatstatesman who lived up to his principles. Africanleaders should emulate the late Dr Nyerere'sattributes.

Patrick Ruzinda, The Netherlands

He was a wonderful African statesman and hisdeath is an irreparable loss to thousands of African people. May the Lord rest his soul in peace.

Phillip Maiyo, Kenya



18 October 1999 45

As a teacher of social and political thought, Iincluded his ujuma ideology in my course syllabusto enrich our class discussions and provokestudents to explore other ideologies.

Noel Servigon, Philippines

It is a sad moment for Africa. It would be a propertribute to Nyrere if some of the African leaderswho are clinging to power for so long bymanipulating the political systems of theircountries could borrow a page from Nyrere's lifeand opt for a smooth transition of power.Gebre Gebremariam, USA/Ethiopia

Rest in Peace Julius Kambarage Nyerere. You didmany good things to Tanzania and Africa. Yourname and fame will last forever.

Shadrack E. Ndosi, SwedenMan of dignity, courage and honesty, Nyerere wasan example for Africa, especially for AfricanHeads of States who stick to power, are afraid of

Democracy and only care about themselves. Sindou Diarrassouba, USAAfrica has lost a father. We thank you for the workyou have done for us and the generations to come.The best tribute Africans and especially the leadershave to give Mwalimu is to emulate his exampleand to work hard for the African Unity. Then thework he began would be accomplished. May theLord bless his soul and he rests in everlasting peace. Amen.

Evelyn Mukasa, BelgiumAfrica and the free world will miss you Mwalimu.Humble, intelligent and always ready to fight forfreedom of the black man. Rest in peace.

Sigombe Paul , UgandaWhat a great lose to Africa as a whole. Mwalimu Nyerere must be remembered by all, and in factthe current African leaders need to complete thework started by him. They must now seek ways to bring peace in D R Congo and many other volatilecountries.

Dr. J. K. Lonyangapuo, Kenya

There is no doubt that Dr. Julius Nyerere is one ofthe most influential leaders of this century. He wascertainly the most respected in Africa. ManyAfricans see him as the advocate of democracy,decency and the rule of law in Africa. I wish tosend my condolences to his family, friends and all

Tanzanians and acknowledge that Dr. Nyerere willremembered by many and emulated by many.

Zakariya Suleyman, AustraliaThe world is a poorer place today. My heart feltsympathy to the people of Tanzania and the familyof Mwalimu. If only more world leaders woulddemonstrate his compassion, humility and thewisdom to admit when they get things wrong.

Joy Clancy, NetherlandsMwalimu J.K.Nyerer it is hard to accept the truththat you are gone. You will always be rememberedfor your guidance honest dedication and wisdom.

Tanzania enjoyed peace, freedom of religion andnational unity throughout because of you. Fathermay God Rest you in Peace.

O.Mongi & E.Mosha, TanzaniaMay his soul rest in peace. In his greatness, he was

humble. Africa will not forget him. Aida Kiangi, TanzaniaMwalimu will be greatly missed as a true worldleader. His legacy is the unity and peace ofTanzania in a troubled continent.Tony Janes, UK

To me Mwalimu was more than a father but alsoGod's messenger of his days, I won't forget freeeducation, free water supply services, electricity,and the like. I won't forget the peace we areenjoying this moment, unity among Tanzanians,sense of humility which was given to us throughhis wisdom, love and co-operation - all these arethe result of his leadership.

Alex Maira, TanzaniaIt is a big loss for Tanzania, Africa and the worldthat, Mwalimu has left us! His wisdom andcontribution towards the liberation of Africa as awhole will be remembered for ever. With greatsorrow I say ''Kwaheri Mwalimu''!. May God resthis soul in eternal peace!Tobias Mufuruki, Tanzania

Mwalimu Nyerere was the most honest, dedicated,and charismatic African leader. I, and my familyshare Tanzania's grief, and send our condolencesto his family.

Said H S Al Dhahry, Sultanate Of OmanHamba Kahle Julius Nyerere. A towering African

philosopher and politician. A man of rare integrity,would that there were more like him.

Carole Andrew, South AfricaRest in Peace. You led Tanzania with dignity, andwhen the time came you stepped down and gaveway to others who had new ideas in the running ofyour country. I hope other leaders in Africa willemulate you, instead of holding on to the myth oflife leadership. Africa needs more Nyereres. Ifthere is magic on how to do this effectively on theother side please send us some. Africa badly needsit.

Esther Kasalu-Coffin, Cote D'IvoireMwalimu your teachings and principles will

remain in our hearts forever. Hiten Pandya, United kingdomAfrica and Tanzania in particular has not only lost,a leader but a wise man whose efforts and love forhumanity may take another century to come acrossMay God the almighty rest his soul in eternal peace amen. Leo Mazigo, Tanzania

We believe that you are the one that had led uswhere we are. You are the farther of our nation.For many, many years to come your name shall be



18 October 1999 46

remembered, because you were "a god of small people" Shedrack Mziray, TanzaniaHe was a Great Philosopher. The Tanzaniangovernment should consider establishing a

Nyerere memorial centre in Tanzania to honour hisgreatness

Makundi Emmanuel, University of Bergen,

Norway

Not only Tanzania has lost, Africa as a whole haslost. He has played a vital role in the liberalisationof the people of Africa and the world at large. Mayhis soul rest in peace.

Ishmael lekwape, BotswanaOther East African leaders should take opportunityof his death, to reflect on their own popularity and performance. He was still popular 14 years sincehe left power, because he led by example, he preached Ujama and practised it, in other words

"he preached water and drank water". He remainsthe most honest leader East Africa has ever produced. God bless Africa with another Nyerere,his type is all we ever needed.

Joshua Odeny, Kenya

A true statesman, our country will miss youroutstanding wisdom!George S. Kivaria, Tanzania.

This is the saddest moment in the history ofTanzania. Rest in Peace Mwalimu Julius Nyerere.Amen

Laurent Ndalichako, TanzaniaMwalimu was a great man, ahead of his time, avisionary whose vision for Africa is accepted as

the norm today, but whose vision of rural Africawas not right for the time. He had the confidencein his people and himself to hand over leadershipto a new generation - something his brothers inmost other African countries have never had. Hewas a great man, the father not only of Tanzania but of much of post-colonial Africa. He will bemissed.

Mike Bess, UKAlmighty God, give us another person similar toMwalimu J.K. Nyerere. In the name of Jesus we pray - AMENWildard Lwiza, TanzaniaThis is truly a patriot Africa has lost... His non

corruption stand should server as a good exampleto many leaders...His is an honourable exit...

Abel, KenyaWhen someone you've known all your life dies, itsure is a tragedy. Mwalimu Nyerere is as close tothe people of Uganda as to the people of Tanzania.He has been one of the fathers of the liberation ofour nation. Truly, he was a great man, and should be recognised by friend and foe, even as we gointo the millennium.

Anne Lydia Sekandi, Uganda

I extend my heartfelt condolences to the people ofTanzania at the loss of this great man, Dr. Nyrere,the Teacher and the leader. I feel the loss is alsoshared by all Africans for Dr. Nyrere was one ofthe few early founders of Africa.

Habte Asfaha, USAThe death of "Mwalimu" Nyerere is indeedsaddening especially to all of us who saw him as aman with a vision of a united and peacefulcontinent of Africa. We share this grief with our brothers and sisters in Tanzania and hope to buildupon his vision in securing unity and peace in thisregion. May God rest his soul in eternal peace.

E. Kinyangi, KenyaAfrica has lost a great leader! A leader who left power without force. He will always beremembered as "The Father Of Africa" May Dr Nyerere rest in peace.

Yusufu-Shaft Kayima, Uganda - Sweden

Long live Mwalimu the great teacher. Your greatworks are your immortality. Thank you forteaching African leaders that there is life after power. Ronald Goredema, Zimbabwe

May our memory of you live forever. Razia Alibhai, Belgium

Our father of the nation has gone. Mwalimu Nyerere, you will be remembered by all of us forcultivating peace and solidarity among Tanzaniansand African as a whole.Charles Mhagama, Tanzania

Nyerere tributes continue Friday, October 15, 1999 Published at 04:10 GMT

05:10 UK The United Nations General Assembly hasstood in silent tribute to the former Tanzanianpresident, Julius Nyerere, who died in Londonyesterday.The show of respect at the UN was areflection of feelings around the world aboutthe death of a man who led his country toindependence from Britain in 1961.The UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, saidthat Mr Nyerere set a fine example byrenouncing power voluntarily and handing it tohis successor by constitutional means.President Clinton said Mr Nyerere was a

pioneering leader for freedom and self-government in Africa, from whom many African leaders sought guidance as theycrafted their own new societies.The Organisation of African Unity, which MrNyerere helped to found, said Africa had lostan ardent advocate of its unity, and the South African president, Thabo Mbeki, said hispassing was a loss for the whole Africancontinent.From the newsroom of the BBC World Service



18 October 1999 47

HYPE

The Meaning Of "Mwalimu"

By Yemi Toure

One of the world's great leaders, Tanzaniaformer President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, hasdied. Julius Kambarage Nyerere tried to ridhis government of colonial, racist, capitalistpast, not just put an "African" cover on it. Hetried to lead his nation into the future throughdevelopment, self-reliance, politicalindependence and economic justice.He tried to show his people and the world thata nation, though poor, did not have to beexploited. That self-reliance, in a nation and ina people, was crucial.He was impressive to me because he not onlymade the need for Afrikan socialism so plain

and clear; but he tried to practice it, even inhis personal example.He worked hard to implement cooperativesamong the people in the farms and in thetowns, getting all to share together, in both thework and the rewards of work.He decreased the economic gaps betweenindividuals and groups. He recognized thatsome may make more money than others,but, as he said so plainly, is there any justiceis one person making 100 times more thananother? Is not the teacher's work just avaluable at the businessperson's? And if thatteacher has 5 children and needs a library at

home to prepare her lesson plans, should shelive in a small hovel, while the businesspersonhas rooms in his house he has never used?Socialism is just another way of sayingeconomic justice, and Mwalimu wanted itpassionately for his people.Mwalimu walked the walk. No big parades, nofancy uniforms, no huge entourage, no bigpalace, no Swiss bank account. He lived in ahumble seaside home during his presidency -- for why should a leader use up the nation'sresources for show, when the people dowithout? For those who like to show off theirriches while the people starve, Tanzania

came up with a word for them - - wabenzi.The word riffed off the insane love ofMercedes-Benzes that still infects the worldtoday.I was fortunate to have been in Tanzaniaduring the Sixth Pan-African Congress in1974 when Mwalimu was president. I heardhim speak to the delegates. A deeply meaningful event came while I wasin Mwalimu's country. Next door to the South,Mozambique was fighting to liberate itselffrom Portugal's grip. Mwalimu allowed the

freedom fighters to set up a small clinic at theCongress, and I joined delegates from aroundthe world in giving blood for the fighters. It isone of the great moments of my life. Afrika loved Mwalimu. He was given the title

"Mwalimu," which means "teacher," becauseof the lessons he imparted. But the termmeant more. It was also a term of affection, aterm of endearment, a show of love.Mwalimu loved Afrika. Tanzania is one, if notthe only, Afrikan nation that has an Afrikanlanguage, Kiswahili, as a national language.Most Afrikan nations use only a Europeanlanguage.Mwalimu was a strong and original andcreative leader of his country, and equally, astrong and original and creative thinker.Plain spoken, down to earth, powerful yeteasily understandable ideas fill his works. I

hope you will read and share "Crusade forLiberation,""Freedom and Development,""Freedom and Socialism,""Freedom and Unity,""Man and Development," and "Ujamaa."When Afrika, in the future, is strong andunited and socialist, and Black folk around theworld have regained our proper place on theworld stage as a world people, and the worldas a whole is more at peace, Mwalimu wil l beremembered for his guidance and insightduring these difficult days.Mwalimu, Dear Ancestor: Thank you for your

leadership. For your vision. Thank you foryour sacrifice. Thank you for your example ofwhat an Afrikan leader can be. For yourhumility. For your socialism and your Pan- Afrikanism. We will now, and down throughthe ages, continue to look to you for yourwisdom. Continue to guide us, dear ancestor. Amen-Ra.- - Yemi Toure has been an activist in theBlack community since the Sixties. He editsHYPE, a web site that monitors the Blackimage in the media, athttp://www.afrikan.net/hypeDistributed via Africa News Online

(www.africanews.org). If this item isredistributed, published or used for broadcast,the content should not be changed and HYPEshould be credited.


Half A Million Tanzanians WelcomeNyerere's Body

By Nicodemus Odhiambo



18 October 1999 48

Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania (PANA) - Some500,000 people turned out Monday at the Dares Salaam International Airport to receive thebody of the founding president of Tanzania,Julius Kambarage Nyerere, who died in

London Thursday, aged 77.Leading the mourners was PresidentBenjamin Mkapa. The plane carryingNyerere's casket touched down at 9.00 a.m.(0600 GMT), greeted by a 21-gun salute. Andin a massive outpouring of grief over the lossof Nyerere, thousands broke down and weptopenly. At least 100 people, mostly women, fainted asNyerere's coffin, draped in the national flag,was lowered from the plane.Throngs lined up the streets to watch thecortege pass by as it headed towardsNyerere's Msasani residence.

The casket was carried in a special militarygun carriage while Nyerere's widow sat withPresident Mkapa in an open military jeep.Nyerere's children were similarly transportedfrom the airport in a military jeep.Everywhere, business was literally at astandstill.Nyerere's body is to lay in state at hisresidence till Tuesday when a special servicewill be said in his memory.The body will then be moved to the NationalStadium where Tanzanians and foreignguests will pay their last respects throughWednesday night.

On Thursday, Nyerere's body will be flown tohis Butiama home for burial Saturday. African leaders, representatives of the Britishmonarchy as well as other countries of theCommonwealth continue to arrive to honourthe fallen statesman.Copyright (c) 1999 Panafrican News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,


Museveni To Lead Delegation ToNyerere's Funeral

Kampala, Uganda PANA) - President YoweriMuseveni will lead a high powered Ugandandelegation to the funeral of former TanzanianPresident Mwalimu Julius Nyerere.The names of the delegation were released nKampala Monday by government spokesmanand information minister Basoga Nsadhu. According to the programme for the burial,foreign delegations are expected to arrive in

Dar Es Salaam Wednesday. Basoga said in anews release that while each foreigndelegation must strictly comprise of five,Uganda "has been allowed 10 dignitariesowing to the special relations between

Uganda and Tanzania."Museveni's delegation includes Chief JusticeWako Wambuzi, the speaker of Parliament,Francis Ayume, Emmanuel Cardinal Wamalaof the Catholic Church, the National Polit icalCommissar, James Wapakhabulo, foreignminister Eriya Kategaya and the vicechancellor of Makerere University and thehead of the Uganda civil service.Tanzanian authorities have arranged thatforeign dignitaries' participation would end inDar Es Salaam. After viewing Nyerere's body at the Dar EsSalaam national stadium, each delegation will

convey five minute verbal condolences toPresident Benjamin Mkapa.In accordance with the wishes of Nyerere andhis family, the burial ceremony in his homevillage of Butiama, will be entirely a familyaffair.Basoga said that because of the intricatenature of this arrangement, another Ugandandelegation will in future visit Butiama to delivercondolences "to the family of the late Nyerereespecially to Mama Maria Nyerere, thewidow."Copyright (c) 1999 Panafrican News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online

(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,




19 October 1999 49

19 October 1999

Guardian

Nyerere's return

GrievingTanzanians flood streets as coffincomes home Wambui Chege in Dar es Salaam, andVictoria Brittain

In life Julius Nyerere shunned greed andopulence. In death, the pomp of the week offormal state mourning was overshadowedyesterday by the outpouring of grief from hisown closest - the Tanzanian poor whom theformer president inspired.

"He was one of us," said Julius Malowe, amotor mechanic who queued from dawn tocatch a glimpse of Nyerere's coffin at Dar esSalaam's international airport. "He may havebeen president but he was with the wananchi[common people]."To Tanzanians of all walks of life, Nyererewas the man who gave them dignity, and whonever deserved the criticism he receivedabroad for Tanzania's economic difficulties,caused by oil price rises and the war helaunched to free Ugandans from Idi Amin'smurderous rule.It was not only his own people who came with

their glowing tributes yesterday, however. TheSouth African president, Thabo Mbeki, who asan exile spent part of his youth in Tanzania,acknowledged his country's enduring debt,saying how much Nyerere had helped to endapartheid.The African National Congress's first militarytraining camps were opened in Tanzania inthe 1960s. Nyerere also helped guerrillasfighting apartheid's secret wars in Angola,Mozambique and the former Rhodesia, nowZimbabwe."Nyerere meant liberation, he meant attentionfor the needs of poor people, honesty inpolitics, personal integrity and a realcommitment to all of Africa," Mr Mbeki said.Mr Mbeki has ordered flags to fly at half mastthroughout South Africa. He will lead a high-level government delegation to Nyerere'sstate funeral in Dar es Salaam on Thursday.Nearly 1m people filled the streets of thecapital yesterday to pay their last respects asNyerere's body arrived from London, wherehe died of leukaemia last Thursday.Women wailed openly and men folded theirarms on their heads in grief, chanting "

Mwalimu umetuacha " - "Teacher, you haveabandoned us"."He affected all of our lives and I will miss himlike I miss my own father," said CharityMutemu as she sat suckling her infant son.

Huge crowds lined the 12- mile route from theairport to his home. Youths ran alongside thegun carriage on which the coffin was placed.Behind the carriage, looking sombre andshocked, rode the current president, BenjaminMkapa, all his adult life close to Nyerere. Nextto him sat Nyerere's widow.Nyerere's body was taken to his home inMsasani, where it will spend the night,allowing relatives to pay their last respects.Once he had left the trappings of state house,Nyerere lived in a modest two-storey IndianOcean beachfront home on the Msasanipeninsula in Dar es Salaam.

A few blocks away lie miles of slums, fromwhere he drew his biggest support."He was an inspiration, a symbol of unity, andnow that he is gone it's difficult to cope," oneof his sons, Makongoro, said.Tanzanians will remember Nyerere as anhonest leader who led them to independenceand unified the country to make it one of Africa's most peaceful states"He was a very good man, a very honest manwith a lot of sense and a good sense ofhumour. Most of all, he built a nation of unity,a country so peaceful," Makongoro added.Wambui Chege is a Reuters correspondent

The Times

Thousands flock to see Nyerere'scoffin come home

HUNDREDS of thousands of Tanzanians filled thestreets here yesterday to pay their last respects toJulius Nyerere, their former President and thefounder of this East African nation.Huge crowds lined the road from the airport to Nyerere's home, wailing and ululating as his coffinwas driven past on the back of a gun-carriage andescorted by a military procession.

Nyerere died in London last week after a long battle against leukaemia. His body was returned toTanzania yesterday morning aboard an AirTanzania commercial jet.Crowds had begun gathering from dawn to paytheir respects to a man known throughoutTanzania simply as "Mwalimu" - Kiswahili for"teacher". First aid workers had to treat hundredsfor heat exhaustion or emotional stress. Dozens ofothers were slightly hurt when trampled by crowdstrying to glimpse the cortège.



19 October 1999 50

"There are hundreds of thousands of people," asenior police official said. "It could be up to onemillion."The crowd was generally peaceful and well behaved, a fitting tribute to a man who developed

his own brand of African socialism in an attemptto unify this nation of more than 100 differenttribes and languages or dialects. Nyerere led what was then Tanganyika toindependence from Britain in 1961 and became itsfirst president the next year. He then united thecountry with Zanzibar to form Tanzania, rulinguntil 1985, when he became one of the first ofwhat is only a handful of African leaders to leave power voluntarily.His widow, Maria, and five sons and threedaughters were at his home in the suburb ofMsasani to receive the coffin.Today it will be taken to the city's main Roman

Catholic cathedral for a funeral service beforelying in state at the national stadium untilThursday, when dozens of world leaders areexpected to attend a state funeral. (Reuters)

New Vision (Kampala)

Nyerere Body Arrives In Dar

By Felix Osike and AgenciesKampala - President Yoweri Museveni willlead a ten-man delegation to the burialceremony of the late former TanzanianPresident Julius Nyerere. A statement issued

yesterday by the Minister of Information,Basoga Nsadhu, said the President will beaccompanied by his wife Janet.Nyerere who died in a London hospital lastThursday will be laid to rest Saturday at hisbirthplace in Butiama near Lake Tanganyika.In accordance with Nyerere and his family'swishes, the burial ceremony will be an entirelyfamily affair. His body arrived in Dar esSalaam from London yesterday afternoonaboard Air Tanzania.Tens of thousands of Tanzanians lined thestreets to receive the body. Women wailedand ululated as a military procession bearing

Nyerere's coffin left the country's main airportfor the city. According to the programme released by theTanzanian government, each VIP foreigndelegation will comprise of five dignitaries,"except Uganda, which has been allowed 10dignitaries owing to the special relationsbetween Uganda and Tanzania." Basoga saidMuseveni will be accompanied by the ChiefJustice, Wako Wambuzi, the First DeputyPremier and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Eriya

Kategaya and the National PoliticalCommissar, Mr. James Wapakhabulo.Other members of the delegation are theSpeaker of Parliament, Francis Ayume, theUPDF representative, Brig Steven Hashaka,

Makerere University Vice chancellor, Prof.John Ssebuwufu and the Head of the Civilservice, Mrs. Florence Mugasha.The team was selected after a meetingyesterday of the Nyerere funeral coordinatingcommittee chaired by Prof. MondoKagonyera. The committee agreed thatanother delegation will in future visit Butiamato deliver condolences to the family. According to the programme, VIP delegationswill arrive in Dar es Salaam on Wednesday,October 20. Nyerere's body will this week l iein state in Dar es Salaam to pay theirrespects.

Foreign dignitaries will pay their last respectson Thursday at the National Stadium of Dares Salaam. It has been arranged that theforeign VIPs role and participation will end inDar es Salaam. After the Dar es Salaamstadium ceremonies, each VIP delegation willconvey five-minute verbal condolences toPresident Benjamin Mkapa and sign thecondolence book.Ordinary Tanzanians began arriving at theairport at dawn and dozens fainted under thescorching sun before the Air Tanzania Boeing737 carrying the coffin touched down shortlyafter 9:00a.m.

When it arrived, the crowd surged forward onthe runway apron and dozens of people weretrampled underfoot, but no serious injurieswere reported.Nyerere's coffin was carried from the plane byan honour guard made up of servicemen inthe Tanzania armed forces. The formerpresident was given a 21-gun salute and amilitary band played "Nkosi Sikelele Afrika"(God Bless Africa), the anthem of the Africanliberation movements.Copyright (c) 1999 New Vision. Distributed via




Chiluba declares four-day nationalmourning

by Times Reporter Lusaka - President Chiluba has declared afour-day national mourning period for former



19 October 1999 51

Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere who diedin London last week.The period of national mourning will run fromtoday until Friday in honour of the African andTanzanian statesman. Chief Government

spokesman Newstead Zimba said in Lusakayesterday that during the mourning period allflags would fly at half-mast.Meanwhile, former republican president DrKenneth Kaunda has described the death ofMr. Nyerere as a great blow to peace in Africa. Speaking after he signed the book ofcondolences at the Tanzanian highcommission in Lusaka yesterday, Dr Kaundasaid the death was a great loss not only to Africa but also to the entire world. And United States President Bill Clinton willbe represented at the funeral of Dr Nyerere bysecretary of state Madeleine Albright who is

scheduled to visit six African countries. DrKaunda said the demise of one of Africa'sfounding fathers would create a vacuum in theBurundi peace initiative and appealed toleaders in the region to find a suitablereplacement. Asked if he would be willing to continue fromwhere Dr Nyerere left, Dr Kaunda said he wasever ready to help resolve conflicts in Africa.The UNIP leader who will travel to Tanzaniato attend the burial of Dr Nyerere, dedicated apoem in the book of condolences to his longtime friend.Julius. How could you my dear brother, "Kazi

ya Africa ni mkubwa sana" a Swahili termmeaning, a lot still needs to be done in Africa.How could you my dear brother: I thought youknew you were in success in Burundi.I am sure you knew of all those successes in Angola, Mozambique, Zimbabwe. I am sureyou knew of all those successes in Namibiaand finally in South Africa.Why then Julius do you leave Burundiunfinished? Oh God my God. I am invitingNkrumah, Nasser, Neto, Machel.Oliver Tambo to meet their dear brother at thefirst gate. Thank you dear Lord.He is safe in your hands Lord, the poem read.

And World Bank president James Wolfensohnsaid Dr Nyerere was one of the foundingfathers of modern Africa and one of the fewworld leaders whose high ideals, moralintegrity and personal modesty inspiredpeople.Ms Albright will be in Tanzania on Thursday toattend the funeral of Dr Nyerere. The purposeof her visit and funeral attendance is tohighlight the partnership the US has weavedwith Africa, the Washington Line says.



publisher.



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20 October 1999

Independent

Tanzania weeps for father of thenation

By Alex Duval Smith in Dar es Salaam20 October 1999In the biggest outpouring of collective grief thatsouthern Africa has ever seen, Tanzania yesterdaythrew itself into a 48-hour non-stop orgy of tearsfor Baba wa Taifa – the father of the nation –Julius Nyerere, who died from leukemia lastThursday in London.Tomorrow, the Princess Royal and dignitariesfrom all over the world, including the US

Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, will arrivefor the state funeral in Dar es Salaam. But for now,this is very much a family affair – 30 million people grieving as one for Mwalimu – the teacher.President Benjamin Mkapa attended a RomanCatholic funeral Mass yesterday which spilledoutside St Joseph's cathedral. Thousands of peoplewere able to watch proceedings on giant videoscreens. Cardinal Polycarp Openga praised former president Nyerere for his honesty and integrity ona continent where so many leaders are known fortheir corruption.Mama Graça – Nelson Mandela's wife, GraçaMachel – is here, always by the side of Mama

Maria, widow of the late former president. On thetelevision, a tearful little girl sings "you did morein your life than all the water in the sea''.At the national stadium, where the body was takenyesterday after it was flown back from London,nothing is pompous but everything is meticulouslyarranged.There were two weeks of prayers by all religionsfor former president Nyerere, who lay dying inSaint Thomas's Hospital, and the country was prepared.The body of the man who ruled Tanzania from1962 until 1985, when he stepped down, willremain in the stadium for viewing, night and day,

until Thursday.Yesterday, thousands upon thousands of peoplefiled through the specially constructed glass housewhere the former president Nyrere lies in state beneath an enlarged photograph of him in an open-necked shirt, smiling. From time to time, a choirsang or the band struck up Nkosi Sikelel'i Afrika ,the national anthem.Lucas Kizigha, a clerk, 25, who had come to payhis last respects said: "He was our father. Heunited us. He knew evil and crushed it, like IdiAmin, and he knew what was good. All the

southern African liberation movements –Zimbabwe, South Africa and Mozambique – havehis vision to thank for their success. When he died,he was trying to bring peace to Burundi.''Outside, the streets were mostly deserted. Dar es

Salaam, which means "haven of peace'' is a city of1.5 million people which usually bustles with theactivity of hawkers proclaiming "hii katalogikabisa garantii oringino'' (from the latestcatalogue, guaranteed original) which everyoneknows to mean the opposite. Yesterday, as oneman said outside the stadium, "even the pickpockets are paying tribute to Baba''.Former president Nyerere, who died aged 77, hadhis faults. His ujamaa, Maoist farms, introducedafter a peaceful transition to independence fromBritain in 1961, ran the economy into the ground.In 1979, Tanzania had more political prisonersthan South Africa. But in the crowd yesterday

mourners insisted that his legacy was of good.Generally, they did not believe the prophets ofdoom who have predicted that, in the absence offormer president Nyerere as an éminence grise ,President Mkapa's ruling party could split ahead ofnext years elections and that Muslim-dominatedZanzibar – the island off Dar es Salaam which was brought into the fold in 1964 – might secede.Winnie Naali, a market trader in her forties, whowas among hundreds wearing black and wrappedin a kanga (cloth) featuring Nyerere's image said:"He was not very clever at economics and this wasnot good for the wealth of this country, but whenhe realised this, he said sorry and resigned. He

wanted Tanzania to be one big village, a family forus all, and for all of us to take part.''After the state funeral – at which several Europeanroyal families will be represented, as well as all ofTanzania's neighbours and high-ranking officialsfrom allies such as China and the Nordic countries – former president Nyerere's death will return to being a family affair.His body will be taken to his village, Butiama, byLake Victoria, for burial alongside the remains ofhis father. Far from the nearest airstrip and pryingcamera crews, Mama Maria and Mama Graça willreclaim the family occasion.

BBC

World leaders arrive to honourNyerere

A long wait to say goodbye

World leaders are arriving in Tanzania for thestate funeral on Thursday of the country'sformer president, Julius Nyerere.



20 October 1999 53

It will be the largest international delegationever to visit Tanzania.Heads of state from 14 countries are expectedto attend, including South African PresidentThabo Mbeki and Zimbabwe's Robert

Mugabe.US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright willfly to Tanzania from Nigeria and the PrincessRoyal is to represent Britain's royal family.The state funeral is set to begin on Thursdaymorning at the national stadium in Dar EsSalaam and will last about four hours.The eulogy will be read by the currentpresident Benjamin Mkapa, and several otherforeign dignitaries are also expected to speak. After the ceremony, the body will be flown toButiama, Dr Nyerere's birthplace. It will lie instate for a further two days before beingburied on Saturday.

Mourners weep openly In the past two days, tens of thousands ofTanzanians have been filing past the body ofDr Nyerere at the national stadium.Many have travelled great distances to paytheir last respects to the man many knewsimply as 'Mwalimu' - the teacher. An enormous queue stretched for milesoutside the stadium and many people weptopenly or gasped as they passed the body,lying on a bed of satin."This is the shock of the century forTanzanians. Nyerere was so much loved byeveryone, " said one observer.

Dr Nyerere died from cancer in a Londonhospital last week, aged 77.He is still revered in Tanzania as the 'father ofthe nation' after leading the country toindependence and serving as its firstpresident from 1964 to 1985.The government has declared 30 days ofmourning throughout the country.

Julius Nyerere: Political messiah orfalse prophet?Wednesday, October 20, 1999 Published at 17:09GMT 18:09 UK

Mr Nyerere's views on Africandevelopment were an unmitigated disasterand turned his country into a pauper fordecades (and probably decades to come).Rath Andor, USAI longed to be like him, and some of what Iam today comes from the Nyerere'sAfrican Socialism. I love it. He was a greatleader. The world has lost an outstandingpersonality and a leader.Nathan Duwah Juniusu, United States of

America

Just two of the comments Talking Point hasreceived so far. Take part below.

The Background: Dr Julius Nyerere, who died last week aged

77, was much more than Tanzania's firstpresident and founding father. He was alsoone of those rare political philosophers whowas actually able to test out his theories on anentire nation.In 1967 he released the Arusha Declaration(named after the northern Tanzanian townwhere it was announced) which outlined hisplans to try an turn Tanzania into a socialistand self-supporting state. He then quickly setabout applying his ideas.However Nyerere's 'African socialism' proveddisastrous in the rural areas where his policyof "ujama", community-based farming

collectives, met with resistance from farmersand led to a subsequent decline in production.Ten years later, taking stock, PresidentNyerere issued a remarkably honest bookletwhich gave as much prominence to thefailures as well as the successes."There is a time for planting and a time forharvesting", he wrote. "For us it is still a timefor planting".Nyerere's supporters say he is not to blamefor the failure of ujamaa and are adamant thathis principles of African socialism are nowmore relevant than ever.Critics claim that Nyerere was a false prophet

who failed to think through the effects of hisleft-wing policies on ordinary people and that African socialism is a confused philosophywhich should be confined to the dust bin ofhistory.What do you think? Was Nyerere a politicalmessiah or false prophet? Are his ideasimportant or dangerous (given the failureof ujamaa)? Should his African socialismbe taught to future generations orforgotten about? Have your say.

Your Reaction: It is a great loss not only to our country but to

the whole world. He was a great leader whosewisdom and leadership was surely to beadmired. Being a youth, he is a role model forme and the world to follow.Mustafa B. Dinani, TanzaniaI was amazed by all the negative criticism, thelate Mwalimu Nyerere received upon hisuntimely death. I am an Ethiopian by origin,who had the chance to live in Tanzania forfour years, from 1990 to 1994. I went to highschool there, and learned Nyerere's Ujaamain Siasa (politics) class, although I don't agree



20 October 1999 54

with everything Ujaama stands for, I admirethe basic fundamentals, which are freeeducation and health service for all, and inorder to reach these goals you have to form acommunity, some call it, villagization.

The other most amazing thing is, when therest of Africa is engaged in meaningless wars,including my country, Ethiopia; Tanzanianswere enjoying peace and harmony. Yes, eventhough, they were poor, they did not becomestooges for westerners or Russia, and kill theirbrothers and sisters. Because, Mwalimu hastaught them that, the solution for Africanproblem does not come from the west orRussia, it comes from us, the Africans. Littleknowledge is very dangerous, so please studythe issues before jumping to conclusions, andsee things from all aspects, economical,social and political. Mwalimu rest in peace.

Yoseph Mekonnen, USAI am amazed by the snide comments aboutNyere mostly from Westerners: yet there is acountry in the West that prides itself on itsprobity and democratic ideals, but politiciansare elected depending on how much moneythey can muster. As fir Human Rights,Convicts, including children are kept waitingfor years on Death Row before they areexecuted in revolting ways.Janet, UKTo me, Mwalimu Nyerere is Africa's greatestman of our time. He was a righteous man whotried to the best of his human ability to do

good, not for himself but for mankind in hiscountry, for Africa and the internationalcommunity as a whole. I thank God (for him)now that he is going to be buried in the soil ofa TOTALLY FREE AFRICA, which was one ofhis missions! It is enough to say that Mwalimuwas a selfless GOOD MAN, an example I cannot easily sight anywhere in Africa.Emmanuel Malaba, TanzaniaTanzania, and indeed Africa will never be thesame again after the loss of an illustrious son,and a towering figure, Mwalimu JuliusKambarage Nyerere. Nyerere was not onlythe architect of Tanzanian nationalism, but a

champion of the struggle against the forces ofoppression, colonialism and man's inhumanityto man in continental Africa. He lived and diedfighting the good fight to uphold the ideals ofhuman rights and dignity, and to foster anegalitarian society across all Africa. Nyererewalked the walk and talked the talk withutmost selflessness, humility and equanimity.Nyerere was a man of character and vision.The peace, tranquillity and sense of nationalpride that prevail in Tanzania today is only a

part of his enduring legacy. Africa will sorelymiss Dr Nyerere.Nwora Onwuzulu, NigeriaFalse prophet? Nyerere was not a prophet, hewas just a realist who with good intentions

tried to show that Africa can go on it's ownway without blindly following westernideologies. Those who claim that he failed sayso because they measure success withmaterial development. Those who seesuccess as peace and unity will not fail to seethat Nyerere excelled in these. Hisachievements will remain in Tanzania and Africa for many years to come!Peter, UK/TanzaniaNyerere is often credited with the far-reachingachievements of Tanzania's health andeducation systems. Yet they were paid for byWestern taxpayers, who kept these

programmes alive on artificial life support.Between them Sweden, Norway, Finland,Holland and Canada provided around £2.7billion every year; in 1983-84 British aidamounted to £26 million. By the mid 1980sTanzania was the highest per capita recipientof foreign aid in Africa.Nyerere's own policies of socialistcollectivisation had reduced Tanzania to oneof the world's poorest countries by 1985,burdened by debt and with inflation runningbetween 30 and 40 percent, industry at only30 percent of capacity, and crippled by a lackof foreign exchange to import raw materials

and spare parts. Nearly half of the 330 firmsnationalised by the government had gone intoliquidation and a third of those that survivedlost money. Tanzania had become dependentupon imports of cereals and had to introducerationing; peasants in Shinyanga provincefaced starvation through lack of maize.If this is kind of late ex-President held up as ashining example of African leadership, thenmaybe Africa needs no more "great leaders".Henry Case, UKIt is interesting to note that most of thenegative comments about Nyerere so far havepredominantly been from the US, from people

like Rath Andor. Nyerere's self-reliancepolicies obviously turned out to be impracticalfor many reasons, a lot of which had to dowith the ideological acrimony at theinternational level between the super powers.His ideas were well meaning, and couldprobably still be applied today with the will ofthe people.Nevertheless, the important issue is thatNyerere admitted to the failure of the programhimself. Moreover, Nyerere will beremembered for a whole lot of other ideas and



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deeds some of which include the totaldecolonization of Africa, and the dismantlingof all the brutal racist regimes in southern Africa. It is absurd to suggest that Tanzanianswere better off during colonial rule.

Colonialism as a global arrangement was eviland untenable. Whatever mirage(s) of "betterconditions" under colonialism anywhere in Africa were just that, illusions. Where theyexisted, they were for the few who constitutethe present sentimental colonialists and theiroffspring who long for the return of that by-gone era. Nyerere was and is ours. Hismistakes are ours because we claim them.His achievements brought us light, and forthat Africa will forever be thankful. As for Mr.Rath Andor and the like, I wonder what theyhave to say on behalf of the likes of Mobutusand Bandas. I bet they are their heroes.

Moses Warotua Haimbodi, Namibia/USAJulius Nyerere proved to be one of theGreatest African and World Leaders. Heenjoyed respect not only in Tanzania butthrough out the world. Among other aspectsthat gained him popularity was his voluntaryact to step down as the president ofTanzanian and leader of the ruling party. Heshowed a very good example to the otherWorld Dictators and, those leaders who wantto die in office that all people can, and shouldhave a chance to lead.Mwalimu Nyerere's leadership went throughthe "Learning Circle" consisting of four basic

stages: 1- What happened during the period?(Reflection), 2- Why did it happen?, 3- Whatlessons were learned?, 4- What can be doneto improve the situation?.Michael Mondi Lopidia, SouthernSudanese in UKJulius Nyere was yet another socialist leaderwho got it all wrong, but, as per his fellowsocialist leaders would never admit it. As faras turning his Country into a Socialistparadise he failed miserably. When I was inTanzania in the early 1980's you could noteven find such basic essentials as toothpasteor soap, crime was rampant and security non-

existent. As far as Ujama went, the system brought thecountry almost to the brink of famine.However, let us not condom only Julius Nyerefor there were many others of similar idealsequally as guilty of the kind short-sightednessand stubbornness which are the inevitableresult of practising and preaching an idealwhich is totally unpopular and which simplydoes not work.Neil Ashurst, UK Expat in Ghana

It is our African culture that lets the dead restin peace, let us do that for President Nyerere.Sure he might have made mistakes during hisrule, we should have learned something out ofthat so we wouldn't repeat those same

mistakes, but the man that unseated MrNyerere and labelled him a dictator turn out tobe a disaster for Africa.Chiluba is no better than any African dictator,in fact he jailed Nyerere and it was MessiahMandela who convinced Chiluba to freeNyerere. Don't blame the dead, look at theliving they might as well join the dead it woulddo Africa a much better good. Look Nigeria,had Abacha not been dead do you think thelittle progress that is taking place would be?Nyerere had some sense of conscience andhanded power, that is unheard of in Africa.Mualimou Nyerere, rest in peace.

M, USARath Andor should well rethink h/herimpression of the late Mwalimu Nyerere'sideas and practice of ujamaa. His claimed"fiery anti-western rhetoric" obfuscatesNyerere's moral appeal to capitalism without ahuman face, consumerism to a society inneed of the basic living requirements. Rath Andor must be a frustrated Thatcherite!!Ed Edet, USA(Nigerian)He was a great leader, a great humanist. As ahuman being he had his own share ofmistakes (who doesn't) but he was sincereand devoted to his people and to the cause of

peace and justice throughout the world..Nizar Visram,TanzaniaThough some may deem "Ujamaa" as anexample of failure in African socialism, it is aclassic example of triumph over colonialoriented and non-realistic thought. MwalimuNyerere instilled in us Africans the pride tolook for initiatives to solve Africa's problems. Itis very sad to realise that in this postindependence era Africa is still fighting tomake policies tailored for foreign systems andpolitical scenarios work in Africa. Africa hasindeed lost a bold, simple and great son,Stephen Njoloma, USA

there is no single leadership style which isperfect. Nyerere was the right person to ournation for that particular time to particularfollowers was Mwalimu. He was the 20thcentury leader with no doubt. Mwalimu isamong the best model of leadership stylewhich he practically demonstrated inTanganyika before "Uhuru" and after it. Manyfruits of "uhuru" came including one Nation astrong one and peaceful Tanzania. Heaccomplished his mission in a very glorious



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way. Kwaheri goodbye the father of ournation.Maria Mashingo, USAHe was neither a false prophet nor a politicalmessiah but was just a mere intellectual who

tried to forecast all that would be best for hispeople. That is why in all the time of hisleadership he tried to implement his ideas. Hewas a kind of a person who was ready tolearn even from his mistakes and this is whyhe admitted failures of some of his theories. All in all Nyerere was a man of integrity whosedelight was the good of his people. A uniqueperson among the very few people in theworld. The problem of his ujamaa theory is notabout him but the problem with people whowere to implement it. He has done a lot for hispeople and it is only god who can reward him.Sturmius Bwire, Tanzania

When part of the British Empire, Tanzaniawas a highly productive and self-sufficientnation. As with all the former colonies, badand corrupt leadership brought the country toits knees. The people were far better off underthe benign and honest British administration.Nyerere was not a good man.John Atkins, UKMualimu was a bright leader who wouldalways be remembered for his honesty andintegrity in a continent where many of itsleaders (past and present) lacked both.Yasin Jabir, USA/EthiopiaNyerere at least sought to do what he thought

was best for his people, which unfortunatelywas a disaster. But he tried to help his peopleand was not a thief like all the other Africanleaders who shamelessly use their positionsto steal and enrich themselves at the expenseof their people and countries. Nyerere was agood and honest man.Winnie Onwuanyi, Nigeria/USAJulius Nyerere may have been wrong about African Socialism but at least he was wrongfor all the right reasons he wasn't an evil cynicbut a true African patriot a man who wasinspired by decency and goodwill, there aren'tthat many African leaders past or present of

which this is true. He was a great man, mayhe rest in peace.Samuel Lando, KenyaI shall never use the word "political messiah"or false prophet" to characterise JuliusNyerere of Tanzania, "the man of honourprincipled", who never fringed in the face of"Western Imperialism". (After all no thinkerwho speculates on the future can escape thecharge of having withdrawn into fantasyconstruction) But, Julius Nyerere's humanisticviews will survive.

Tajudeen Isiaka, NigeriaIn the long run socialism always fails andruins the economy of the nation experimentingwith it. Nyrere destroyed the economy of hisnation and the people there will suffer for

years to come because of this.Richard T. Ketchum, USAThroughout the history of mankind, we havehad Kings, rulers, scientists and philosopherswho have had different impacts andinfluences on technological development andhuman civilisation. Mwalimu Nyerere, thefounding father of the United Republic ofTanzania must go down in history as one ofthe greatest leaders of all times whoseteachings and unique leadership style haveinfluenced the whole world community. Wemust admit that Africa has produced this greatthinker whose teachings have had great

impacts; not only to the lives of Tanzaniansand Africans but the entire world community'scivilisation. The principles of his UjamaaPhilosophy will guide the 21-century globaldevelopment scenarios of communityempowerment, democratisation andgovernance through consensus, all of whichare in Mwalimu Nyerere's Ujamaa. His simplelife style, honesty, integrity and commitment tothe needy are his most important strongpoints that even the most powerfulgovernments on earth have something tolearn from.

Asukile RK Mwandemele, TANZANIA

Simple fact: not all dictators had a pleasure ofhaving plus 30 world leaders attending theirfunerals. We like it or not, Mwalimu wasamong the greatest sons Africa ever had. Ittakes an African to understand Africa, andthat is why we will forever remember him.Deo Kikudo, HungaryMwalimu Julius Nyerere was one of Africa'sand the world's greatest leaders. He wasgenuinely concerned about his people, anddid the best he could. Mwalimu Julius Nyerereis a shining example of a true leader not onlyin Africa but also the rest of the world. May hissoul rest in eternal peace.

Humphrey, MalawiSocialist idea practically is dead system. So,what ever Nyerere has written aboutSocialism is also a dead issue. But let usremember Nyerere as the founder of OAU.Intelligent, outstanding, and a very wellrespected leader. He was one of the mostnotable leaders in the 20th Century. What aloss!Haregeweyn Demoz, U.S.ANyerere, Nkrumah... you name them... I seethem as leaders who at least dared to try



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something new - who dared to reject westernformulae and try something different. Falseprophets, I don't totally agree with that. Withinthe context of a post-independent Africa,where the fuel for the struggle was

nationalism, they needed ideologies to holdon to, which is something that leaders oftoday lack. i would rather have leaders whowill attempt to lead us into unexplored politicaldomains than those who sit and blindlyworship the status-quo.Santrofi, Ghana A man's achievements are not judged on howmuch he has earned, they are judged on howmany hearts he has touched. Every leaderhas negative and positive sides. Nyerere'sUjama Theory didn't work but that is not apoint of criticism towards him. Let us not blindourselves, take a look at Africa and name a

country that hasn't experienced tribal wars.I guess by now you see Tanzania. Do youthink this came as a miracle? Of course not,isn't this a successfully thing that Nyerere hasdone. All African countries are poor becauseof western imperialism, and for this to changeit means history has to change (Will it EverHappen?) PEACE AND UNITY IS THEBIGGEST PRESENT NYERERE GAVE US AND FOR THAT HE IS OUR HERO.Zinga Banzi, CanadaOn my point of view he had good intentions tohis people but the execution by his assistantswas bad.

Mfumwa Mmbaga, Tanzania African Socialism? More guff from people whoshould know better. When ruled by the Empirethese countries had good records ofproduction. Under socialism they gotplundered. Enough said.Pod, ScotlandNyrere, the Mwalimu, the teacher is uniqueamong leaders. He was selfless and honest. Imet him on several occasions and he wasinspirational. He never took advantage of hisposition and amassed wealth. His idea aboutUjamma is and was the way becauseultimately we cannot have the 6 billion people

even dream of the corrupted life style of thewest. This life style is not possible for themajority of 6 billion people. It is a lifestylewhich is wasteful, all consuming anddestructive for the world.There can be few people who will enjoy thatlife style at the expense of others. Even inUSA there are 50 million people in poverty.Mwalimu never intended to be a prophet sothe question whether he was a false prophetis derogatory. The man was great and that isa fact.

Dr Bhogal MD, Tanzania/UKIndeed, the leaders of post 1957 Africa werehailed as Messiahs, But they all ended up as"False prophets". And that includes Nyerere.Like the Old Testament Jewish Kings who

were judged by their relationship with God,and how they advanced the ideas and idealsof God, I grade the modern African rulers byhow much they helped to introduce politicalinstitutions (Democracy), that encouragesfreedom.In this respect, not only Nyerere, butNkrumah, Kenyatta, and Sekou Toure allfailed miserably. They were all tin potdictators, who felt somehow that they alonewere imbued with a "divine Right" to rule. Thatthey alone possessed the Wisdom to decideour fate, independent of our wishes andconcerns. The tragedy is that they could have

successfully won any elections due to theirinitial popularity. But the decided to becometyrants, and thus became wholly abhorred bythe majority of the people. Nyerere's decisionto cling on to a moribund economic system,while dealing out utopian political snippets,does not outlive him. His prophesy was notfulfilled. He was thus a false prophet!!!Kofi Ellison, USA via Asuonwun, Ghana.He is just another Hitler who doesn't killpeople using guns but destroys people's lifeusing bad ideologiesVipi Mshikaji, KenyaIt is important not to let sentiment, caused by

Mr. Nyerere's recent death, to blind ourselvesto the truth. Mr. Nyerere's views on Africandevelopment were an unmitigated disasterand turned his country into a pauper fordecades (and probably decades to come.)While his fiery anti-Western rhetoric may haveimpressed many African nationalists and"well-meaning" idiots in the West, Mr. Nyereremade his people dependent on those whomhe regularly excoriated. Of course, there isalso Tanzania's human rights record toconsider...Rath Andor, USAJulius Nyrere was an Ivy League intellectual

who discovered the hard way that the loftyideas that sounded so good in the halls ofOxford and Cambridge do not work so well inactual application. It is a testament to thisman's foresight and intelligence that he cameto realise this and admit to it publicly, when somany other African demagogues clung to itblindly, to the resulting ruin of their countries.Tom Byrne, USA



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Nyerere's Daughter Denied HolyCommunion

By Nicodemus Odhiambo Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania (PANA) - One ofthe daughters of the late former TanzanianPresident Julius Nyerere was Tuesday denied'holy communion' during a requiem mass forher father. Anna Nyerere had gone to receivecommunion kneeling in characteristic 'FrFelician Nkwera's' style, while TanzanianCatholics receive communion standing.It is said she is a firm follower of Fr Nkwera,an ostracised priest since May.The mass was attended by PresidentBenjamin Mkapa and was led by the

Archbishop of Dar Es Salaam, PolycarpCardinal Pengo, who has issued sterndirectives that Nkwera's followers be evictedfrom Catholic churches the moment they arespotted.The widow of Nyerere, Maria, who is also anardent Nkwera follower, however, receivedthe communion standing. Her efforts to haveFr Nkwera sent to Britain to pray for Nyererewhen the former leader was hospitalised werethwarted and criticised by the Catholic church.But Maria had her way Monday when sheinsisted that Nkwera be called to say prayersat her home after Nyerere's body was flown in

from London.When Cardinal Pengo went to condoleNyerere's family, Anna is said to have walkedout.Nkwera was excommunicated for exorcisingdemons without permission from bishops and"going contrary to church teachings," includingwhat the church described as disobeyingsuperiors. He has been ordered to repentbefore he can be allowed back together withhis flock.But Fr. Nkwera has petitioned the Pope tointervene.In his booklet: Open Letter To His Holiness

Pope John Paul II and President Mkapa, hesays he has been a victim of molestation byCardinal Pengo.He has accused the cardinal of convincingother priests and religions to reject his MarianFaith Healing Ministry and even trying toconvince the government to ban it.But in an apparent move to advise Nyerere'sfamily, Cardinal Pengo used the opportunity atthe requiem mass Tuesday to warn thecongregation not to let Fr. Nkwera split theirfamilies.

Nyerere was a firm Catholic and CardinalPengo said it was improper to involve him withthe ways of Fr Nkwera now that he is dead.Copyright (c) 1999 Panafrican News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online



Wrangle Over Nyerere's FinalResting Place Solved

By Nicodemus Odhiambo Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania (PANA) Grave-diggers Tuesday began excavating the earthat the spot where the late former TanzanianPresident Julius Nyerere will be buried afteran initial clan dispute. A member of a

committee charged with the late statesman'sburial said a dispute on where to bury him hadbeen resolved."Family members and elders of Nyerere'sZanaki tribe are now finally agreed at the spotat which Nyerere will be buried," the labourand youth development minister, Paul Kimiti,was quoted as saying.Nyerere's clan members were divided onwhere to bury him, with one of his sons,Emily, opposing that he be buried near hisparents' graves.But Emily later relented, Kimiti said, and thefamily agreed to locate the grave at a sitecalled Mwitongo, where Nyerere had onceexpressed a desire to be buried at.Meanwhile, Zanaki elders have demandedthat Nyerere's body be handed to them fortraditional rites when it arrives in Butiama, hisvillage, Thursday.Led by clan leader Japhet Wanzagi, theelders said Nyerere's body will be received byyouths from the tribe, brandishing traditionalshields. A traditional dance will then be performed atthe chief's compound ahead of the state burialSaturday.Copyright (c) 1999 Panafrican News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,


18 Heads Of State To Pay RespectsTo Nyerere

By Nicodemus Odhiambo Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania (PANA) - At least18 Heads of State from Africa and Europe are



20 October 1999 59

coming to mourn the late former President ofTanzania Julius Kambarage Nyerere.They will view Nyerere's body who died ofleukaemia aged 77 in Britain last week duringa special mass Thursday at the National

Stadium.Nyerere's body has been laying in state at thestadium for public viewing since Tuesday. TheHeads of State are Olusegun Obasanjo ofNigeria, South Africa's Thabo Mbeki,Uganda's Yoweri Museveni, Ghana's JerryRawlings and Mozambique's JoachimChissano.Rwanda's Pasteur Bizimungu, Pierre Buyoyaof Burundi, Namibia's Sam Nujoma, Marti Ahtisaari of Finland and Hosni Mubarak ofEgypt are also to attend.Others are Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, KingMswati of Swaziland, Bakili Muluzi of Malawi,

Libya's Moammar Kadhafi and Kenya's Danielarap Moi.Botswana's Festus Mogae and the country'sformer President, Sir Ketumile Masire, willalso attend. Eritrea's Isayas Afeworki has alsoconfirmed to participate.Sweden will be represented by its DeputyPrime Minister, Seychelles by its VicePresident James Michael while the UnitedStates will be represented by its Secretary ofState, Madeleine Albright.The East African Co-operation Secretariat willbe represented by its Executive Secretary,Francis Muthaura, while the OAU will be

represented by its Secretary General Salim Ahmed Salim, a Tanzanian national himselfand a former premier under Nyerere.Former US President and close friend ofNyerere, Jimmy Carter, is also to attend.The Netherlands will be represented byCrown Prince Willem Alexander,accompanied by Foreign Affairs MinisterJozias van Aartsen.In total, about 56 countries will be representedduring the requiem mass at which Nyerere'seulogy will also be read.Soon after the mass, Nyerere's body will beflown to Musoma and transported by road to

his Butiama home for burial.Copyright (c) 1999 Panafrican News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,



Dreams that never died

Kampala - In the late 1960s Mwalimu

Nyerere, who was to become Africa's mostrespected elder statesperson (apart fromNelson Mandela) became a magnet for Africans in the Diaspora among them IkawebaBunting, currently Oxfam's CommunicationsOfficer for East Africa who has lived inTanzania for over 30 years.In December 1998 they sat down at his homein Butiama, Tanzania, and reflected on hisrole over the past 50 years as an activist.Nyerere died Oct.14, 1999.*Ikaweba Bunting: What was the anti-colonialmovement's greatest contribution tohumanity?

*Mwalimu Julius Nyerere: The first is that thesuffering of a whole chunk of human beingsthrough the actions of others was halted. Thearrogance of one group of people in lording itover the human race and exploiting the poorerpeoples was challenged and discredited.Second, the liberation movement was verymoral. It was not simply liberation in avacuum. Gandhi argued a moral case and sodid I.Liberation freed white people also. TakeSouth Africa: there, the anti- apartheid victoryfreed whites as well as black people.*When did you first encounter the idea of

liberation from colonialism?I cannot say I encountered the idea ofliberation like a flash of light, like Paul on theroad to Damascus. It was a process. We wereborn under colonialism. What many of us wentthrough was simply a desire to be acceptedby the white man. At first this is what it was - akind of inert dissatisfaction that we were notaccepted as equals.World War Two and what it was fought for -democracy and freedom - started the processfor many people, especially those who were inthe Army. At Makerere in 1943 I started something

called the Tanganyika African Welfare Association. We wanted to improve the livesof Africans. Inside us something washappening.I wrote an essay in 1944 called The Freedomof Women.My father had 22 wives and I knew what theywent through as women. Here in this essay Iwas moving towards the idea of freedomtheoretically.I went to Tabora to start teaching.



20 October 1999 60

Then came Indian Independence. WhenGandhi succeeded I think it made the Britishlose the will to cling to the empire.When Kwame Nkrumah was released fromprison it produced a transformation. I was in

Britain and oh you could see it in theGhanaians! They became different humanbeings, different from all the rest of us! Thisthing of freedom began growing inside all ofus. First India in 1947, then Ghana in 1949.*Does the Arusha Declaration still standtoday?I still travel around with it. I read it over andover to see what I would change. Maybe Iwould improve on the Kiswahili that was usedbut the Declaration is still valid: I would notchange a thing. Tanzania had beenindependent for a short time before we beganto see a growing gap between the haves and

the have-nots in our country. A privilegedgroup was emerging from the political leadersand bureaucrats who had been poorunder colonial rule but were now beginning touse their positions in the Party and theGovernment to enrich themselves. This kindof development would alienate the leadershipfrom the people. So we articulated a newnational objective: we stressed thatdevelopment is about all our people and not just a small and privileged minority.The Arusha Declaration and our democraticsingle-party system, together with our nationallanguage, Kiswahili, and a highly politicized

and disciplined national army, transformedmore than 126 different tribes intoa cohesive and stable nation.However, despite this achievement, they saywe failed in Tanzania, that we floundered. Butdid we? We must say no. We can't denyeverything we accomplished. There are someof my friends who we did not allow to get rich;now they are getting rich and they say 'See,we are getting richnow, so you were wrong'. But what kind ofanswer is that?The floundering of socialism has been global.*After independence you pursued an African

socialism while in Kenya Jomo Kenyattaembraced a more conservative nationalism.The two of you came to symbolize opposingvisions of development. Were you consciousatthe time of the need to chart a different coursethat might inspire other new African nations? Anti-colonialism was a nationalist movement.For me liberation and unity were the mostimportant things. I have always said that I was African first and socialist second. I wouldrather see a free and united Africa before a

fragmented socialist Africa. I made thisdistinction deliberately so as not to divide thecountry. The majority in the anti-colonialstruggle were nationalist. There was aminority who argued that class was the central

issue, they wanted to approach liberation inpurely Marxist terms. However, it was morethan class and I saw that.I never saw the contradictions that wouldprevent Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania fromworking together. I was naive, I guess. Evennow for me freedom and unity are paramount.I respected Jomo (Kenyatta) immensely. Ithas probably never happened before inhistory. Two heads of state, Milton Obote[Uganda's leader] and I, went to Jomo andsaid to him: "let's unite our countries and yoube our head of state". He said no. I think hesaid no because it would have put him out of

his element as a Kikuyu elder.*In 1990 you were quoted as saying that youthought the absence of an opposition partyhad contributed to the Tanzanian rulingparty's abandonment of its commitments. Doyou think it was a mistake for so many new African nations to opt for a one-party state?I did this for Tanzania because of ourcircumstances then. In 1990 the Chama ChaMapinduzi (CCM) abandoned the one-partystate for a multi-party system. But we do nothave an opposition. The point I was makingwhen I made the statement was that any partythat stays in power too long becomes corrupt.

The Communist Party in the Soviet Union, theCCM of Tanzania and the Conservative PartyofBritain all stayed in power too long andbecame corrupt. This is especially so if theopposition is too weak or non-existent.*What were your main mistakes as Tanzanianleader? What should you have donedifferently?There are things that I would have done morefirmly or not at all.For example, I would not nationalize the sisalplantations. This was a mistake. I did notrealize how difficult it would be for the state to

manage agriculture. Agriculture is difficult tosocialize.*Why did your attempt to find a new wayfounder on the rocks?I was in Washington last year. At the WorldBank the first question they asked me was"how did you fail?"I responded that we took over a country with85 per cent of its adult population illiterate.The British ruled us for 43 years. When theyleft, there were 2 trained engineers and 12doctors. This is the country we inherited.



20 October 1999 61

When I stepped down there was 91-per-centliteracy and nearly every child was in school.We trained thousands of engineers anddoctors and teachers.In 1988 Tanzania's per-capita income was US

$280. Now, in 1998, it is US $140.So I asked the World Bank people what wentwrong. Because for the last ten yearsTanzania has been signing on the dotted lineand doing everything the IMF and the WorldBank wanted. Enrolment in school hasplummeted to 63percent and conditions inhealth and other social services havedeteriorated. I asked them again: "what wentwrong?" These people just sat there lookingat me. Then they asked what could they do? Itold them have some humility. Humility - theyare so arrogant!*Do you think Third World independence

actually suited the industrialized world, leavingit with the economic power but without thepolitical responsibility?It seems that independence of the formercolonies has suited the interests of theindustrial world for bigger profits at less cost.Independence made it cheaper for them toexploit us. We have too much debt now. It is aheavy burden, a trap. It is immoral.Let us create a new liberation movement tofree us from immoral debt and neo-colonialism. The other way is through Pan- African unity.*Should African resistance movements have

embraced Pan-Africanism more readily? Doyou think we should be working now towardsa federal United States of Africa?Kwame Nkrumah and I were committed to theidea of unity. African leaders and heads ofstate did not take Kwame seriously. I did notbelieve in these small little nations. I do nottoday. I tell our people to look at the EuropeanUnion, at these people who ruled us who arenow uniting.I tried to get East Africa to unite beforeindependence.When we failed in this I was wary aboutKwame's continental approach.

After independence the wider Africancommunity became clear to me. I wasconcerned about education; the work ofBooker T Washington resonated with me.There were skills we needed and black peopleoutside Africa had them.I gave our US ambassador the specific job ofrecruiting skilled Africans from the USDiaspora. A few came, like you. Some stayed;others left.We should look to our brothers and sisters inthe West. We should build the broader Pan-

Africanism. There is still the room - and theneed.Copyright (c) 1999 The Monitor - Kampala.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information about

the content or for permission to redistribute, publish or use for broadcast, contact the publisher.



21 October 1999 62

21 October 1999

BBC

World leaders honour NyerereThursday, October 21, 1999 Published at 11:42GMT 12:42 UK The state funeral has taken place in Tanzaniaof the country's former President, JuliusNyerere.Representatives of more than 70 countriesmade up the largest international delegationever to visit the country.South African President Thabo Mbeki andZimbabwe's Robert Mugabe were among 16 African heads of state.

US Secretary of State Madeleine Albrightarrived in Tanzania from Nigeria and thePrincess Royal represented Britain's royalfamily.They rubbed shoulders with formerrevolutionaries who plotted their campaignsfrom Dar es Salaam during the 1960s and1970s, when independence was sweepingthrough the continent.Thousands of ordinary Tanzanians alsoflocked to the capital to pay their last respects,among them Muslims, Christians, tribal chiefs,beggars and businessmen.Many lined the route taken by the guncarriage bearing the body of the late presidenten route to the airport.The eulogy was read by the currentTanzanian President, Benjamin Mkapa. Manyof the visiting dignitaries also paid lavishtributes.Kenyan President Daniel arap Moi said: "Hewas one of the greatest sons of Africa. Thepassing of Mwalimu Nyerere represents thepassing of an era in Africa... he was rightlycalled the conscience of Africa."Mrs Albright said there was no question thatMr Nyerere was one of the great leaders ofour time. She said he had bequeathedTanzania a proud tradition of unity andtradition.The body is being flown to Butiama, DrNyerere's birthplace. It will lie in state for afurther two days before being buried onSaturday.More than three million mourners filed througha temporary mausoleum built at the nationalstadium after the body was laid in state onTuesday.Mourners weep openly

Many travelled great distances to pay theirlast respects to the man many knew simply as"Mwalimu" - the teacher. An enormous queue stretched for milesoutside the stadium and many people wept

openly or gasped as they passed the body,lying on a bed of satin."This is the shock of the century forTanzanians. Nyerere was so much loved byeveryone, " said one observer.Dr Nyerere died from cancer in a Londonhospital last week, aged 77.He is still revered in Tanzania as the "father ofthe nation" after leading the country toindependence and serving as its firstpresident from 1964 to 1985.The government has declared 30 days ofmourning throughout the country.


Academician Revisits Nyerere'sDevelopment Vision

October 21, 1999 By Peter Masebu Dakar, Senegal (PANA) - As Tanzaniansprepare to bury former President JuliusKambarage Nyerere Saturday, a Dakar-based intellectual, Dr Sibry J.M. Tapsoba, hassuggested a fresh look at the fallen leader'svision could help push the continent'sdevelopment forward.

"Beyond the fact that he was one of the first African presidents to voluntarily leave power,he was a person of science who wasknowledgeable about the African situation.This has been confirmed by his continuedparticipation in support of peace anddevelopment in Africa after leaving office,"Tapsoba told PANA.Tapsoba, who hails from Burkina Faso, isRegional Director of the Dakar-based Westand Central Africa Regional Office of theInternational Development Research Centre.He said in an interview that Nyerere wil l beremembered for championing the African

liberation struggle and particularly for being"one of the few to look for an indigenousapproach to development.""We remember back in the 1970s Tanzaniawas the type of model that cold have servedto lift African development. Unfortunately dueto some other internal conditions we do notknow, what he had in mind was notimplemented," said the former economicslecturer.He was responding to perception withinintellectual and donor circles that Nyerere's



21 October 1999 63

policy of collectivised "Ujamaa" villages hadpulled back Tanzania's development by atleast a decade."Besides these setbacks, I would continue tothink that he had a vision and that vision

needs to be implemented. Sooner or later wehave to go back to these types of visions for Africa to get on its own feet," he added. Asked whether it was possible for any Africanstate to conceive an "indigenous"development model in this era of structuraladjustment programmes and globalisation,Tapsoba said that in spite of the changedsituation, "Africa will still have to make serious(development) choices."He said it will be up to Africans to decide "thevision of development we want installed in Africa. I think we are still lagging behindbecause the great debate that everybody is

expecting in order to move Africa forward isnot taking place and the democratic processis still monopolised by a few."Tapsoba lauded Nyerere for laying the groundfor a culture of top leadership transition inTanzania, in a continent known for coupd'etats and its long- serving presidents.Nyerere witnessed two other presidentscoming into power after he stepped down in1985. According to him, changing presidents is still aproblem in many other African states due to"the combination between modern approachto leadership and the traditional approach of

being a chief, which made it difficult forleaders in certain countries to understand thatyou can lead for some period and leave roomfor others to come.""But, I also think that the way formerpresidents were treated discourages otherincumbent presidents from leaving powerbecause, even taking the example of Nyerere,the way he was treated after leaving powerwas not conducive to anybody else wanting toleave power."So, I believe there is definitely a need to startlooking at the status of former presidents,which does not exist in many African

countries." According to the IDRC official, clear decisionsare required to assure incumbent leaders onthe type of treatment they would get afterleaving power."It does not mean that people have to stealand we leave them; but it means that once heis president, he can continue to live withdignity after relinquishing power." According to Tapsoba, the lack of alternancealso prevails within most African oppositionparties as well.

"Of all the opposition leaders I know, theyhave been there for the past 15- 50 years.You don't expect them to become presidentsbut they never leave the leadership even aftersuccessive electoral defeats."

To instil the culture of leadership change in Africa, Tapsoba suggested that genuineelection processes should be introduced inprimary schools to enable pupils elect theirmonitors."We need to start with transparent electionwithin the classrooms so that pupils knowwhat elections are all about and accept theresults and the fact that they must leave theelective seat after a certain period." In theabsence of this culture, Africa will continue towitness the rise of "life presidents" who re-invent themselves by manipulating theircountries' constitutions, for the sake of

perpetuating themselves in the driving seat.Copyright (c) 1999 Panafrican News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,


Rwandan TV Airs Nyerere's FuneralCeremony Live

Kigali, Rwanda (PANA) - Rwandan TV beganat 0600 GMT Thursday to broadcast live thelate former Tanzanian President JuliusNyerere's funeral ceremony, an unusual stepfor a station which normally begins airing itsprogrammes in the afternoon.Rwanda declared a 10-day mourningfollowing Nyerere's death in London 14October.It plans to have its own memorial serviceSaturday, the day Nyerere will be buried, atKigali's St. Michael's Cathedral, officialsources said.The national radio, which has stopped airingits regular programmes during the mourningperiod, continued to broadcast solemn musicthroughout the day in honour of "Rwanda'sfriend."Rwandan President Pasteur Bizimungu wasamong world leaders to pay their last respectsto Nyerere Thursday in Dar Es Salaam.Copyright (c) 1999 Panafrican News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,




22 October 1999 64

22 October 1999

Guardian

The world turns out to honourNyerere

Red velvet on the coffin gun carriage is a raretouch of pomp for the Tanzanian leader whospurned opulence David Gough in Dar es Salaam Friday October 22, 1999 Representatives from almost everygovernment in the world gathered atTanzania's national stadium in the capital Dares Salaam yesterday to pay their formal lastrespects at the state funeral of Julius Nyerere,

the country's first president, who died lastweek in London.Presidents, royalty and religious leaders filedsolemnly through the glass mausoleum whereNyerere's body lay in state, and paid tribute toa man universally described as one of Africa'sgreatest sons and the father of the Tanzaniannation.He influenced many of the African rulers whoattended the funeral, Robert Mugabe ofZimbabwe, Sam Nujoma of Namibia, ThaboMbeki of South Africa and Uganda's YoweriMuseveni.Princess Anne attended on behalf of the

Queen, while Peter Hain, minister of state for Africa, represented the British government.Thousands of Tanzanians thronged theterraced steps of the stadium to hear thetributes to the man commonly known in hishomeland as Mwalimu, teacher.Outside the stadium thousands more, unableto squeeze inside, thronged the sides of thestreet to catch a glimpse of the body before itwas flown to Nyerere's home village ofButiama, where he will be buried tomorrow.The US secretary of state, Madeleine Albright,described Nyerere as "one of the greatleaders of our time", praising his commitment

to humanitarian principles and peace.Nyerere died at the age of 77 after a longbattle against leukaemia. His wife Maria, otherfamily members and the Tanzanian president,Benjamin Mkapa, sat next to the body as thedignitaries offered condolences. A British colony until 1961, Tanzania was thefirst east African country to win independence,and Nyerere its first president. He held thepost for 23 years in a one-party state untilstepping down in 1985.

Committed to social development, headvocated his own brand of African socialismwhich united Tanzanians across tribal andreligious lines but left the country in economicruins.

He urged Tanzania to become independent ofthe developed world, yet under his leadershipit became one of the most aid-dependentcountries. But his greatest legacy was hiscommitment to nationality and unity inTanzania and Africa as a whole.In his tribute, President Joachim Chissano ofMozambique spoke of the "enormous" roleNyerere played in Mozambique's fight forindependence, while President Daniel arapMoi of Kenya called him a "true pan- Africanist".The green-jacketed troops of the Tanzanianarmed forces that 20 years ago marched on

Nyerere's orders across the border tooverthrow the dictator of Uganda, Idi Amin,yesterday marched across the sports field asschoolchildren sang the Tanzanian anthem.Women sat quietly on the stadium's concretetiers wearing shawls printed with pictures ofNyerere and bearing the slogan Buriani babawa taifa - Goodbye father of the nation. Flagsfluttered at half mast in a gentle breeze thatdid little to relieve the fierce mid-day heat ofthis charming but decrepit Indian ocean city. At the time of his death Nyerere, through theauspices of his Nyerere Foundation, was thechief facilitator in peace talks aimed at ending

the six- year civil war in neighbouring Burundithat has left as many as 200,000 people dead.President Mkapa said of his predecessor: "Heleaves us a legacy of peace and unity which isadmired throughout the world. It is not alegacy we can allow to be squandered."Nyerere's death is a huge blow to the Burundipeace talks, but an official involved insistedthat there was a "universal commitmentamong the delegates to honour Nyerere'smemory by continuing to work for peace".Nyerere's body had been brought to thestadium in a gun carriage bedecked in redvelvet, one of the few touches of pomp in a

funeral befitting a man who spurned theopulence favoured by many African leaders,past and present.But yesterday belonged as much to thepeople of Tanzania as it did to the dignitariescrowding the stadium's presidential box.There has been a genuine and widespreadfeeling of enormous loss since news of thedeath reached home, and Tanzanians aredeeply saddened.



22 October 1999 65

"I just can't explain my feelings today," said aTanzanian army officer. "He was our belovedfather and now he is gone, God rest his soul."The irony would not have escaped Nyererethat many of the African leaders sitting side by

side at the ceremony yes terday are at warwith each other. President Isias Aferwerki ofEritrea and President Meles Zenawi ofEthiopia, whose countries have been fightingfor 18 months, filed past Nyerere's coffin oneafter the other."You see", said Sadruddin Kassam, avolunteer distributing bottles of water to theaudience, "even in death Mwalimu is trying tomake peace."

Independent

Nyerere, flawed fighter ofcolonialism, buried as hero

By Alex Duval Smith, Dar es Salaam22 October 1999Tanzania's late president, Julius Nyerere, wasyesterday hailed as one of the century's greatfreedom fighters by the US Secretary of State,Madeleine Albright. She told thousands at his statefuneral in the national stadium that Nyerereenshrined the same values which inspired hercountry's independence leaders.But the official celebration for Nyerere, who diedaged 77 in London last week, was filled withcontradictions. The man known as Mwalimu (the

teacher) was praised for setting an example toAfrican leaders by stepping down voluntarily. Next to the podium, the Princess Royal sat between two of Africa's longest- serving and mostunrepentant presidents, Robert Mugabe ofZimbabwe and Daniel Arap Moi of Kenya.Between them, they have been in power for 40years, and brought little benefit to their people.Mrs Albright said: "The United States andTanzania are far apart in many ways but we are bound together by our belief in human liberty.Mwalimu was every inch a builder who insisted oncomplete freedom and peace. He set a standard forhumanitarianism in the world by offering a haven

for refugees. He had faith in the power of liberty.'' Nyerere, who died from lymphocytic leukaemia,ruled Tanzania from 1962 until 1985, afterindependence from Britain. He was a visionary,and overthrew Idi Amin in Uganda. He believed inAfrican co-operation and backed the Zimbabwean,South African and Mozambican independencestruggles. But at home he suppressed liberty,ordered forced removals to collective farms andimprisoned thousands of opponents of his strictMaoist regime.

Yesterday's funeral, after hundreds of thousands ofTanzanians filed past his body in a glass structureat the 40,000-seat stadium, was that of a hero. Thestadium, decorated with green and black drapes,the Tanzanian flag at half-mast, choirs in cassocks

and military bands was packed with Tanzanians,many in tears. President Moi said Nyerere was oneof the "African political leaders of my generationwho fought the coloniser and worked together forthe independence and liberty of the continent''.President Mugabe, now infamous for his regularoutbursts against Britain, shifted uneasily from hisneighbour, the Princess Royal. They spoke only togreet each other.Further back, two countries at war werealphabetically close: the Eritrean President, IsayasAfewerki, was seated in front of Ethiopia's MelesZenawi. They did not speak.The former Zambian president, Kenneth Kaunda, a

friend of Nyerere, was seated among theambassadors, far from the official party of thecountry's present leader, Frederick Chiluba, whowould like to see him stripped of his nationality.After the speeches, the coffin was taken on a guncarriage then flown to Nyerere's home village,Butiama, by Lake Victoria. There, on Saturday, hewill be laid to rest, alongside his father.

The Times

Leaders pay their repects toNyerere

October 22 1999AFRICA BY ROBIN LODGEWORLD leaders joined thousands of Tanzaniansat the National Stadium in Dar es Salaamyesterday to pay their last respects to Julius Nyerere, former Tanzanian President and one ofAfrica's most prominent statesmen.Among those filing past the open casket was thePrincess Royal, representing the Queen, andPresidents Mbeki of South Africa, Mugabe ofZimbabwe, Moi of Kenya and Museveni ofUganda. Madeleine Albright, the AmericanSecretary of State, currently on a tour of Africa,

attended, along with representatives of most of theworld's governments. There were also seniorfigures from the World Bank, the United Nationsand other international organisations.In her tribute to the man known as Mwalimu, theSwahili word for teacher, Ms Albright described Nyerere as "a builder and in every sense a greatworld leader".The funeral service, on a blisteringly hot, cloudlessday, began just after 9am, but many of those who packed the 35,000-capacity stadium had beenqueuing since before dawn to be sure of a place.



22 October 1999 66

More than three million Tanzanians had filed pastthe body, which had been lying in state sinceTuesday.After the service, Nyerere's body was flown to hishome village of Butiama, near Lake Victoria, for a

private burial.

New Vision (Kampala)

World Pays Last Respects ToMwalimu Nyerere

October 22, 1999 Dar Es Salaam, Thursday - The wordsfreedom, unity, peace and, most of all,Mwalimu, the Swahili for teacher, echoedacross Tanzania again and again Thursday atthe state funeral of former president JuliusNyerere.

Sixteen heads of state and government -- twoof them currently at war with each other -- aprincess, two princes, dozens ofplenipotentiaries from across the globe andeven a rebel leader or two joined thousands ofTanzanians for the ceremony in the capital'snational stadium, also broadcast nationwide.It was in the same stadium that some of themost notable events in Nyerere's life tookplace: the formal declaration of independenceunder his leadership from Britain in 1961, theunion with Zanzibar and Pemba islands toform the Republic of Tanzania in 1964 and hisstepping down from power -- almost unheard

of in an African leader -- in 1985.Nyerere, who died in London on October 14after a battle with leukaemia, owes hissobriquet not only to his modest pre-politicsprofession but also to his reputation as theman who founded modern Tanzania, forbetter or for worse, and became mentor to itscitizens and millions more across Africa."We thank God for peace, love and unity inthis country. All this did not come by itself.Mwalimu was behind this," eulogisedParliamentary Speaker Pius Msekwa,summing up Nyerere's legacy.Earlier, as a military band played, world

leaders filed past Nyerere's body lying in statein an air-conditioned glass construction infront of the grandstand, an open casket givingthem a final view of his face.The guests of honour were: Princess Anne,representing Great Britain, Prince Aga Khan,Presidents Daniel arap Moi of Kenya, RobertMugabe of Zimbabwe, Joachim Chissano ofMozambique, Yoweri Museveni, JerryRawlings of Ghana, Martti Ahtisaari of Finlandrepresenting the European Union, FrederickChiluba of Zambia, Sam Nujoma of Namibia,

Bakili Muluzi of Malawi, Pasteur Bizimungu ofRwanda, Issaias Afeworki of Eritrea,Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, Pierre Buyoyaof Burundi and Col Assoumani Azali of theComoros.

Ethiopia, which has been at war with itsneighbour Eritrea since May 1998, wasrepresented by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi,who walked directly behind Afeworki in theprocession.Secretary of State Madeleine Albrightrepresented the United States."There is no question that Julius Nyerere wasone of the great leaders of our time," she saidin her speech. "He bequeathed to Tanzania aproud tradition of unity and tolerance," sheadded.Dozens of other delegates from around theworld also came to pay their respects,

including Salim Ahmed Salim, the Tanzaniansecretary general of the Organisation of African Unity, a body Nyerere helped to found,and a representative of the United Nations.Rebel leaders from the Democratic Republicof Congo, such as Wamba dia Wamba, werepresent.Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapadescribed his predecessor's funeral as "thedarkest hour for the nation becauseTanzanians loved and revered Mwalimu."If he was still with us today, he would ask usto take over his crusade against poverty,exploitation and discrimination." Moi

described Nyerere as "one of the greatestsons of Africa truly committed to Africanfreedom and unity.""(He) caught the imagination not just of African people but of the whole world," headded. Ahtisaari said Nyerere's death would "saddeneveryone in the world who stands for peace,humility and humane development.""He dedicated the whole of his life topromoting equality among all people andrespect for human dignity," added the Finnishpresident, who was once posted asambassador to Tanzania during the 1970s.

Nyerere "spent tireless years on the forefrontof the liberation of Africa," said Rawlings, areference to Mwalimu's support of freedomstruggles not only in his own country but alsoin Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia andSouth Africa. After the service, as the body left the stadium,which tens of thousands of people had visitedthis week, many onlookers wept as the coffinwas driven slowly to the airport.Copyright (c) 1999 New Vision. Distributed via

Africa News Online (www.africanews.org). For



22 October 1999 67

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Museveni Joins World In MourningNyerere

October 22, 1999 By Vision reporterKampala - President Yoweri Museveniyesterday paid condolences to PresidentBenjamin Mkapa of Tanzania on the death ofhis friend and comrade in arms JuliusNyerere.The President also had separate meetingswith the US Secretary of State, Mrs Madeleine Albright and the French Minister forDevelopment Co-operation, Mr. CharlesJosselin.

Museveni and his wife Janet were amongmany leaders who converged at the NationalStadium in Dar-es-Salaam for the statefuneral.They each placed a wreath at the casket, astatement issued by the President's PressSecretary, Hope Kivengere said. After President Mkapa had placed a wreathon the coffin, he and his wife Anna joined Mrs.Maria Nyerere and her children at themausoleum to receive leaders' condolencesas they paid their last respects.Other leaders included Presidents RobertMugabe of Zimbabwe, Daniel arap Moi(Kenya), Joachim Chissano (Mozambique),Thabo Mbeki (South Africa), Issaias Afewerki(Eritrea), Frederick Chiluba (Zambia), Gen.Olusegun Obasanjo (Nigeria), PasteurBizimungu (Rwanda), and Pierre Buyoya(Burundi).Others are Marti Ahtissari (Finland), SamNujoma (Namibia), Jerry Rawlings (Ghana),Bakili Muluzi(Malawi), Meles Zenawi(Ethiopia), former presidents Ketumile Masireof Botswana, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, theVice President of the Seychelles James AlixMichel and His Highness the Aga Khan.The British Princess Royal Anne, the CrownPrince of the Netherlands Prince William Alexander, the Vice President of India KrishnaKant, the OAU Secretary general Salim Ahmed Salim and the President of the 54thUN General assembly Mr. Theo Ben Gurirab.Other delegations were led by ministers orgovernment officials.In a moving address to the nation, PresidentMkapa referred to Nyerere as a man who waswell loved and highly respected by the peopleof Tanzania and Africa as a whole.

He said Mwalimu taught Tanzanias that allpeople are created equal and they all equallyaspire to freedom and dignity. He saidMwalimu dedicated his entire life to serveothers.

The Speaker of Tanzanian National AssemblyMr. Pius Msekwa gave the eulogy and saidMwalimu led the people into forging onenation.President Moi spoke on behalf of the east African leaders and referred to Mwalimu as agreat pan-Africanist whose passing awaysignified the end of an era in African andworld history.President Ahtissari, who spoke on behalf ofthe European Union, said the world had lost aleader and a statesman who dedicated hiswhole life to promoting equality and humandignity among all people.

President Chissano, chairman of the Southern African Development Community, saidNyerere is synonymous with the long historyof the liberation of the people of southern Africa. He said Mwalimu showed the people ofSouthern Africa the way to freedom.President Rawlings said Mwalimu was aservant of his people and a revered son of Africa. Other leaders who spoke were GenObasanjo, Mr. Krishna Kant and Mrs.Madelaine Albright.From the stadium, the body was moved slowlyon a red carriage as it started on a journey toMusoma airport where it will be received by

Mara region residents. At Butiama, the body will in the evening betaken to Chief Wancagi's residence for thetraditional rituals before proceeding toMwalimu's residence nearby.Chief Japhet Wancagi Nyerere is the chief ofthe Zanaki tribe, the tribe of the late Mwalimu.Musoma residents and others fromneighbouring areas will pay their last respectstoday before burial on Saturday.Meanwhile, a funeral service will be held atRubaga cathedral today at 11.00 am, astatement from the President's Office said,yesterday. It said the Government is making

arrangements to send a delegation to attendthe private burial at Butiama, Musoma inTanzania on Saturday.Copyright (c) 1999 New Vision. Distributed via





22 October 1999 68


Big farewell for Nyerere

October 22, 1999

By Murray OliverDar Es-Salaam - With a blast of trumpets anda flurry of speeches, Africa said 'goodbye'yesterday to Mwalimu Julius Nyerere.The event sometimes seemed as much awelcome-home as an occasion of last rites.Troops in full dress uniforms marched pastthe viewing stands while their comradesplayed martial music on brass instrumentsand children dressed in colourful costumessang together in a choir.More than 3/4 of Africa's leaders --includingUganda's Yoweri Museveni-- came toTanzania's National Stadium to pay their final

respects to the man American Secretary ofState Madeline Albright called, "one of thegreat leaders of our time."Since many of the Heads of State of Africaowe their jobs to Nyerere's life-time support ofanti-colonial liberation movements, it wasn'tsurprising to hear the tone of gratitude in theirspeech-making.Jerry Rawlings of Ghana called Mwalimu,"one of Africa's greatest sons."Nigeria's Obusanjo said Nyerere had become"an icon at home, a patriarch at home, and apatriot in Africa."Others used the opportunity of remembering

Nyerere to issue a challenge to theirpresidential colleagues. The president ofMozambique noted that, for Nyerere,"independence meant more than the flying offlags over our countries. Mwalimu's dream ofliberation went much further." And in the main eulogy, Kenya's presidentDaniel arap Moi called on those attending theservice to complete Mwalimu's dream ofuniting East Africa.In a sad irony, some of the leaders sittingtogether in the VIP stand were men Nyererehad been unable to bring together while hewas still alive. The heads of state of Ethopia

and Eritrea both attended the ceremony,despite the bitter war raging between their twocountries.The representatives from the DemocraticRepublic of Congo sat nearby therepresentatives of the Congolese Rally forDemocracy (DRC), including the heads ofboth the Goma and Kisangani factions.In an informal discussion before the service,Kisangani leader Prof. Wamba dia Wambaclaimed Nyerere had actually expressedsupport for the Kisangani faction's policies

and principles, even advising them on how towin and maintain the support of theCongolese people. Although Nyerere's body won't be buried untilSaturday, this occasion marked the official

state funeral service for the father ofTanzanian independence. An elaborate glass house close to the centerof the stadium enclosed the casket containingMwalimu's remains. Nyerere's face wasplainly visible through a plexi-glass openingon the lid.For 24 hours prior to the official service,ordinary Tanzanians had been given theopportunity to enter the glass structure andsee Nyerere one final time. Almost a million people took the opportunity,creating a touching scene as long linesweaved through the dark stadium and out into

the parking lot.People formed impromptu choirs, singinghappily as lines stretched well down thehighway, and into the far-off darkness. Men,women and children all dressed in their bestclothing. As they passed Mwalimu's casket,some would drop flowers or other tokens ofappreciation. Others would speak a final fewwords to the still figure, while still others wouldsalute, cross themselves, or kneel briefly insilent prayer.Mobile tent-hospitals had been set up to carefor the many who were overcome byexhaustion or emotion. One room was set

aside solely for the distraught cries of menand women who could not bear seeing theface of their dead leader. All the while, Nyerere's speeches played inSwahili over the loud- speakers, his benignimage hanging everywhere.By daylight, most ordinary Tanzanians had leftthe stadium so that the dignitaries could havetheir ceremony. Empty seats were availablethroughout the stadium as most Tanzanianschose to watch this official gathering ontelevision.Television in South Africa also broadcast theevent live.

Mwalimu's body will be laid to rest in hisremote home village of Butiama. His body willlie near to those of his parents, although alarge area has been left where acommemorative statue can be erected in thefuture.The ceremony is not being called private,although most Tanzanians are respecting therumoured wishes of Nyerere's family torestrict the number of people coming to theburial.



22 October 1999 69

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publisher.

Business Day (Johannesburg)

Tanzania And The World Say TheirFarewells To Nyerere

October 22, 1999 By Stephen Laufer Dar Es Salaam - The presence ofdemocratically elected presidents from SA,Mozambique, and Zimbabwe at JuliusNyerere's funeral was testimony to the formerTanzanian head of state's commitment to the

cause of African liberation, Nigerian PresidentOlesegun Obasanjo said yesterday.Speaking at Tanzania's National Stadium,where the country said its public farewell to itsfounding president, Obasanjo praisedNyerere's support for the liberation struggleswhich ended colonial rule in Africa andapartheid.He was joined in his tribute by speakers fromthe US, Mozambique, Kenya, Ghana, Indiaand Finland, as well as Tanzanian PresidentBenjamin Mokapa, who spoke entirely inSwahili in an apparent attempt to reach out toa nation suffering a genuine sense of loss and

grief.Speaking on behalf of the European Union,Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari, saidNyerere had been "a great freedom fighter"who dedicated his life to equality and humandignity.Nyerere had "thought globally", focusing onpeace, stability and humane development in Africa and beyond, he said.In a particularly personal speech, partly inSwahili which he learned while he was in exilein Tanzania, Mozambican President JoaquimChissano said his country had lost a fathertoo.

He said that, under the leadership of Nyerere,all of Tanzania's citizens had made sacrificesso that Mozambique could be liberated.Tanzania's economy could have beenstronger today without those sacrifices.Nyerere's slogans on freedom and unity hadbeen "transmitted deep into the hearts of allTanzanians and Mozambicans", he said.US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright saidthe world owed him an immense debt. Hisbequest was a faith in the power of freedom

and the ability of nations to achievesustainable development.minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma and alarge African National Congress delegation,Mbeki was accompanied by several Pan

Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) leadersincluding party leader Stanley Mogoba

Copyright (c) 1999 Business Day. Distributedvia Africa News Online (www.africanews.org).For information about the content or for



Nyerere was a great Africanstatesman - Chiluba

October 22, 1999 by Times Reporter Lusaka - President Chiluba has said that thefuneral accorded to the late former TanzanianPresident Julius Nyerere was that befitting thegreat African statesman. Speaking on arrivalfrom the Tanzanian yesterday, where heattended the funeral, Mr. Chiluba said themultitudes present signified the status of thelate Dr Nyerere.He said Dr Nyerere led a very simple lifedespite his achievements as one ofTanzania's first graduates, first president ofTanganyika and first president of the United

Republic of Tanzania. Mr. Chiluba said DrNyerere did not only play the role of peacemediator in the Burundi conflict after hisretirement but was also greatly involved in theDemocratic Republic of Congo peaceprocess."Dr Nyerere thought Tanzania owed himnothing. He believed he owed the people ofTanzania and Africa something." In Kitwe, theZambia Congress of Trade Union (ZCTU)conveyed its condolences to the TanzanianFederation of Trade Union (TFTU) on thedeath of Dr Nyerere.ZCTU deputy general secretary Alfred

Mudenda said that his union received thedeath of Dr Nyerere with great shock. He saidZCTU would remember Dr Nyerere for histireless efforts towards strengthening thelabour movement in Tanzania.Dr Nyerere also contributed greatly to theestablishment of the Organisation of AfricanTrade Union Unity (OATUU) through theOAU."As you put the great son of Africa to rest, theworkers of Zambia shall be with you in spirit,"he said.



22 October 1999 70



publisher.


Tanzanians Pay Homage ToNyerere On Eve Of Burial

October 22, 1999 By Nicodemus Odhiambo Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania (PANA) -Tanzanians in their thousands are Fridaypaying their last respect to their foundingpresident, Julius Nyerere, on the eve of hisburial in Butiama, his home village, Saturday.

Nyerere's body was flown to the areaThursday after a tear-jerking state funeral atthe national stadium in Dar Es salaam,attended by 16 heads of state from Africa andEurope.Those given the chance to eulogise Nyererewere Presidents Daniel arap Moi of Kenya,Olusegun Obasanjo of Nigeria, Martti Ahtisaari of Finland, Joachim Chissano ofMozambique and Jerry Rawlings of Ghanaand US Secretary of State Madeleine Albrightand India's Vice President Krishan Kant. Albright described Nyerere as the drivingforce behind the Southern African

Development Community, and the man whostood up to the tyranny of former UgandanPresident Idi Amin."There can be no question that Julius Nyererewas every inch a builder and one of the greatleaders of our time," she said.She recalled that Nyerere was a man of greatfaith in the power of freedom and faith in theliberty of the people of Tanzania and East Africa to achieve progress."This was his vision for Tanzania and for Africa. As we take comfort ourselves with thecertainty that his spirit will forever soar withus, let us by the example of his life renew our

strength, and our faith in the future of thisregion, and of humanity," she said.Moi said the passing of Nyerere representedthe passing of an era for Tanzania, East Africa and indeed the African continent."We in East Africa have now the challenge tocontinue the unity Mwalimu has left behind,"he said, adding that "Mwalimu's efforts inending the Burundi conflict should not come tonought." Ahtisaari said Nyerere was a great freedomfighter, who will be remembered for "his

struggle against all oppression and hissupport for African liberation movements.""He worked tirelessly to make Africaindependent and self-sufficient," he added."May his thinking and ideals inspire all

countries and peoples in their efforts toresolve crisis and strengthen peace andstability."Chissano recalled Nyerere's simplicity,promising: "We will try to follow Nyerere'sexamples under the banner of freedom andunity."Rawlings said Nyerere commanded deeprespect from his contemporaries in Africa andthe world because of his passion and claritywith which he presented his ideas.Obasanjo said Nyerere would always beremembered for the good work he did athome and for the world.

India's Vice President Kant described Nyerereas "one of the world's most influentialstatesman," who articulated concern for thedeveloping world.Nyerere died at the age of 77 of chronicleukaemia 14 October at St. Thomas Hospitalin London.

Copyright (c) 1999 Panafrican News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,


Nyerere Provided Haven For LateBanda's Opponents

October 22, 1999 By Raphael Tenthani Blantyre, Malawi (PANA) - President BakiliMuluzi has said Malawians will never forgetlate former Tanzanian President JuliusNyerere's role in sheltering opponents of theformer dictatorial regime in Malawi.In a moving eulogy on his return Thursdaynight from the Neyere's funeral in Dar esSalaam, he said Nyerere saved a lot ofMalawians from persecution."Nyerere played host to hundreds of Malawipolitical refugees who ran away from the one-party dictatorship" of the late PresidentKamuzu Banda, he added.During the early 70s, members of the JehovahWitness, a radical religious sect, fell out withBanda with their apolitical stance.The sect refused to participate in any politicalduties, including paying taxes or buying partymembership cards. The Banda regime seized



22 October 1999 71

property belonging to members of the sectand banished them from Malawi.Some of them fled into Mozambique, Europeand America while others took shelter inTanzania where Nyerere risked Banda's wrath

by accepting them."So it was important that I personally go (tohis funeral) and say 'thank you'," Muluzi said.It was not only members of the Jehovah'sWitnesses whom Nyerere provided shelter.Fugitive member of Banda's cabinet, who fellout with him in the first cabinet crisis in 1964,notably the education minister, William MurrayKanyama Chiume, sought asylum in theTanzania.Human rights activist Vera and her latehusband, Orton Chirwa, also have a lot tothank Nyerere for.When Banda accused them of plotting to

militarily take over government "he actuallygave us a house," she said in her eulogy.



Downpour, Wind, Mark Arrival OfNyerere's Body

October 22, 1999 Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania (PANA) - A heavydownpour and strong gales of wind Thursdayafternoon marked the arrival of the body offormer Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere at hisancestral home of Butiama, a 32 km off theshores of Lake Victoria.The cortege entered the village at 7:08 p.m.(1608 GMT) to the wails of mourners who hadbraced both the wind and rain, in massivenumbers. The casket containing Nyerere'sbody was later taken to the home of a clanelder, chief Japhet Wanzagi, for tribal rites.Tension ran high with tens of mournerscollapsing as thousands wailed uncontrollably.The body had been transported by road fromMusoma, where it arrived by air from Dar EsSalaam, accompanied by Prime MinisterFrederick Sumaye, Nyerere's widow, Maria,and other family members.Hundreds of people had burst out intomourning the moment the plane toucheddown at the Musoma airstrip. And as the cortege headed for Butiama,thousands came out of the villages to mourntheir founding father, who will be buriedSaturday.





23 October 1999 72

23 October 1999

Economist

Julius Nyerere

INDEX TERMS |obituary;Obituaries|Nyerere,Julius; DATE 23-Oct-99 WORDS 828Julius Kambarage Nyerere, former president ofTanzania, died on October 14th, aged 77Julius NyerereHE BORE the title of mwalimu or teacher. But perhaps the clearest lesson of his life was that ofunintended consequences. A deeply principledman, Julius Nyerere was that rare—and not alwaysfortunate—sort of idealist who had a chance to puthis ideals into practice. His philosophy was a mix

of Fabian socialism and Catholic social teaching.He was a preacher as much as a politician.On Tanganyika’s independence from Britain in1961, Mr Nyerere became prime minister and waslater president. In 1964 the new nation absorbedZanzibar to become Tanzania. He ruled until 1985. No one questioned his sincerity, and his integritywas widely admired. Unlike many African leadersof his generation he lived simply and was notcorrupt. He gave Tanzania stability and unity.Under his one-party rule it was politically peacefuland it was spared civil war.His social experiments, on the other hand, drovethe country towards economic ruin. Though honest

himself, his moral example was not enough to prevent the widespread theft of foreign aid. A believer in justice, he nonetheless had politicalopponents and people accused of “economic”crimes held without trial, some of them for manyyears.He was born in 1922, one of 26 children of a poorchief from a small community near Lake Victoria.He went to school, barefoot and wearing an old piece of cloth. He won a place at the country’sonly secondary school and was the first personfrom Tanganyika to go to a British university.On return, he took to teaching but was soon caughtup in the nationalist ferment sweeping Africa.Independence for Tanganyika, a former Germancolony mandated to Britain after the first worldwar, came without struggle. Mr Nyerere’sTanganyika African National Union was the onlynationalist movement and the British encouragedindependence. Mr Nyerere was their man. (Heeven offered delay in the hope that Tanganyikamight join a federation with Uganda and Kenya.)When two years later he fled a threatened coup,British soldiers arrived to restore him to power.

Surprising to the last

Tanzania is a huge, empty country with a vibranttrading tradition on the coast and a poor interior.The south-west has potentially good farmland butis cursed by drought. As keen on equality as oneconomic growth, Mr Nyerere felt that, if

Tanzanians were to be poor, they should at least be poor together. He was against handouts. Yetnational self-reliance had a puzzling consequence:aid donors so admired it that Tanzanians weresoon getting more aid per head than any otherAfricans. As elsewhere, much of it was wasted orstolen.Mr Nyerere did not want socialism from above onthe Soviet model. Instead he tried to foster a spiritof local community— ujamaa in Kiswahili,meaning family togetherness. People wereencouraged to move into villages where schoolsand medicine were more available and where theycould work together on communal fields.

He kept the Soviet Union at arms length but tookhelp from Mao’s China. In practice, a mixture ofujamaa and top-down socialism was imposed.Land was nationalised and huge state institutionscontrolled the economy from factories to shops.An army of petty officials bullied people intocommunal villages.Tanzanians were loth to share land. Villages wereoften in bad places. What’s more, this socialengineering coincided with the 1970s rise in oil prices, when prices for Tanzania’s owncommodities were low. Nor did the neighbourhoodsit still: in 1979 Mr Nyerere sent his army intoUganda to remove Idi Amin, a well-meaning

venture that did Uganda little good in the end andfinally bankrupted Tanzania.Compared to some of his neighbours, Mr Nyererewas an angel. But Tanzania was a one-party statefrom 1965 until 1992. In theory, openness wasencouraged. In practice those who spoke out werelocked up under draconian presidential powers.Although late in life Mr Nyerere did acknowledgethat his socialist experiments had failed, hisidealism never left him. In retirement, he eventried to reform the ruling party. Finding it inert andineradicably corrupt, he changed his mind aboutone-party rule.Admirers will say that Julius Nyerere was too

idealistic for this world and that badimplementation does not negate his dream ofequality. To critics, his moral approach to politicsmasked an arrogance and a refusal to listen tothose with shrewder views of what was best for hiscountry.Tanzanians abandoned ujamaa as soon as theycould. Yet Mr Nyerere himself remainedextraordinarily popular. His policies had failed, but people admired his sincerity and his ascetic life.His warm and engaging style—in conversation andfrom a platform—was irresistible. Few could



23 October 1999 73

remain immune to the burst of laughter which preceded his musings—for example, on whether poor Tanzanian peasants needed electrictoothbrushes. He was a magnificent teacher:articulate, questioning, stimulating, caring. He

should never have been given charge of aneconomy.

Guardian

Tanzania's unity weakens withoutNyerere

Rotimi Sankore in Zanzibar Saturday October 23, 1999

The death of Tanzania's first president hasalready begun to accelerate the restructuringof the United Republic of Tanzania, made upof mainland Tanganyika and the Arab andMuslim island of Zanzibar.Officials in Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar saythat this is inevitable, as the late JuliusNyerere was the "superglue" that held theunion together, despite strong challengesfrom both the mainland and Zanzibar in thepast decade.Zanzibaris increasingly identify with theirtrading partners in the Gulf states and resentthe control of the mainland, while mainlanders

have no interest in the fractious politics ofZanzibar and its sister island, Pemba.Earlier this year the government of Zanzibarinitiated a six-month consultation whichstopped just short of an official referendum. Although the ensuing white paper is yet to bereleased, it is widely believed that mostpeople favour establishing separategovernments for the mainland and Zanzibar,and a federal government.The late president had on several occasionscriticised those advocating a tripod federalstructure, insisting that it would undermine theunion.

The call for three governments is the oneissue on which the ruling Chama ChaMapinduzi (CCM) party and the oppositionZanzibar Civic United Front (CUF) may agree.The CUF favours a more radical approach tothe restructuring, which has left it denyingaccusations of separatism; the CCM is morecautious.Tanganyika, as the mainland was formerlyknown, merged with Zanzibar on April 261964, three months after the Zanzibarrevolution that produced the Revolutionary

Government of Zanzibar, as it is still knowntoday.The union faced one of its strongest tests in1993, when Zanzibar, which is predominantlyMuslim, joined the Organisation of Islamic

Countries, but later withdrew followingprotests from the union parliament.


The Road Ends For One Of Africa'sGreatest Sons

October 23, 1999 by Nicodemus Odhiambo Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania (PANA) - Dr JuliusNyerere, the first President of Tanzania, wasinterred Saturday at his home village of

Butiama in northern Tanzania amid solemnpomp and ceremony.The casket containing his body was loweredin the grave at exactly 0935 GMTaccompanied by full military honours,including a final 21-gun salute.The burial was preceded by a requiem massat the 400-seat Catholic church which the lateleader helped build in the village just 100metres from his home.The casket was then transported to the burialsite at Mwitongo, 30 metres away from thelate Nyerere's newly-built residence.He is buried 20 metres from where his father,

Chief Burito Nyerere, and mother ChristinaMgaya Nyang'ombe, were laid to rest.His funeral was witnessed by PresidentsBenjamin Mkapa of Tanzania, and Salmin Amour of Zanzibar.Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni, whoonce gave Nyerere a few heads of Ankolecattle to rear on his farm, was also present,and so was former Zambian leader KennethKaunda, a long-time ally in the liberationstruggles of southern Africa.Wife of former South African President, GracaMachel, was at the funeral flanked byNyerere's widow.

Kenyan President Daniel arap Moi wasrepresented at the occasion by his Foreign Affairs Minister Bonaya Godana.The OAU Secretary General, Salim AhmedSalim, represented the continentalorganisation of which Nyerere was a foundingpresident.Nyerere died 14 September at St. ThomasHospital in London of chronic lymphocyticleukaemia.



23 October 1999 74



publisher.

BBC

Nyerere laid to restThousands lined up to see Dr Nyerere's body Tanzania's founding father Julius Nyerere hasbeen buried near the humble house where hewas born 77 years ago.Nearly 500,000 people from the surroundingarea packed into Butiama, 1,400km (875miles) north-west of the capital Dar esSalaam, for Saturday's ceremony.

Mourners wailed and several fainted as theformer president's coffin was lowered into aroughly-dug grave.Dr Nyerere ruled Tanzania from 1962 until1985, when he voluntarily stepped down in.He died of leukaemia in London last week,and his state funeral was held on Thursday inDar es Salaam. As six army generals lowered the coffin, atrumpet played the Last Retreat. PresidentBenjamin Mkapa joined Dr Nyerere's familyand close friends in tossing fistfuls of soil ontothe coffin. After soldiers had sealed the grave, Dr

Nyerere's widow, Maria Magie, knelt and laidher hand on the concrete slab on which shethen placed a floral wreath.The burial was broadcast live on radio andtelevision.30 days of mourning The ceremony combined tribal and RomanCatholic traditions.Dr Nyerere was buried next to the graves ofhis parents. He was laid on his side, facingeast.His younger brother, Jackton NyamberekaNyerere, said after the funeral: "The placewhere we bury him will now be his city.

"We decided to bury him facing eastaccording to our custom. Unlike our fatherBurito, who was buried sitting down accordingto tradition, he wanted to be buried like anormal person."In a grave-side eulogy, Ugandan PresidentYoweri Museveni urged Tanzanians to doeverything to preserve the peace and unitythat "did not come out of the blue, but wereproducts of Nyerere's hard work".

Dr Nyerere is still revered in Tanzania as the"father of the nation" after leading the countryto independence.The government has declared 30 days ofmourning throughout the country.



24 October 1999 75

24 October 1999

The Monitor - Kampala

Mandela to visit Nyerere's grave

October 24, 1999 By Murray OliverKampala - At exactly 12 o'clock noon onSaturday, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere's body wasgently lowered into the ground by an honourguard of Tanzanian soldiers, closing an erawhich first began more than forty years agowith Nyerere's early struggles for Tanganyikaindependence.The moment also capped six dramatic days ofmourning by Tanzanians, beginning last

Monday with the arrival of Nyerere's body inDar es Salaam. Nyerere died of leukaemia inLondon on October 14.Saturday's burial service was held inMwalimu's remote village of Butiama. Nyererehad requested his body to be buried near hisparents, although some insisted that the tombof the Father of the Nation should lie closer toTanzania's largest city. Butiama is located innorthern Tanzania, almost one hour's drivedown an unpaved road from the nearestairstrip.Tanzania's four television broadcasters joinedforces and carried the event live by satellite.

Yet despite the long distances, hundreds ofthousands attended Saturday's services. Ifpossible, these mourners were even morepassionate than those at other ceremoniesaround the nation. Stretchers travelled in aconstant stream ferrying overwrought menand women away from the funeral site.Butiama's modest Roman Catholic Churchwas filled to overflowing, while manythousands more waited silently outdoors.Tanzania's Cardinal Polycarp Pengoconducted the ceremony in front of Nyerere'scoffin draped in the Tanzanian flag.Mwalimu's body was afterward carried to itsnearby resting-place by a military honourguard. As hatless soldiers placed Mwalimu's coffininto a concrete sarcophagus, an army bandplayed "The Last Post" and a 21-gun saluteroared from nearby cannon-- a tribute by theTanzanian armed forces to their firstCommander-in-Chief. Tanzanian presidentBenjamin William Mkapa tossed a ceremonialhandful of dirt onto the coffin, and then anenormous concrete lid was placed over top ofthe tomb. A tender moment followed with

Mwalimu's widow Maria delicately placing asmall flower upon the top of the tomb, thennearly collapsing in grief. Other dignitariesthen proceeded to the graveside to lay theirown wreathes and pay their final respects.

Unlike the official state funeral, this ceremonywas relatively simple. Few African leadersattended, although Ugandan President YoweriMuseveni and his wife Janet were there,placing a wreath on the grave with their ownhands. Museveni delivered a tribute forMwalimu following the funeral. He praisedNyerere's accomplishments as an anti-colonialist, and as a leader of his country.Some noted the absence of South Africa'sformer president Nelson Mandela, who manyfeel to be alongside Nyerere as one of thegreatest African statesmen of the 20thcentury. Saturday's ceremony was attended

by Mandela's wife, Graca Machel. She told journalist that her husband was exhaustedand in fragile health. Mandela had indicated toher that he would die of shock if he saw theface of Mwalimu in a coffin. Mandela haspromised to visit the grave as soon as hefeels emotionally able.



Nyerere's not so sweet side

October 24, 1999 By Siraje Lubwama Kampala - Mwalimu Julius KambarageNyerere who died on October 14 in London,was buried at his Butiama village yesterday,finally closing one of the most high profilepolitical careers in Africa.President Yoweri Museveni led a delegationto Tanzania to join millions of people to seeoff the great African statesman.The little man, called Mwalimu or teacher ishighly regarded as one of the architects of

closer East Afrucab co-operation, and hasbeen praised all over for relinquishing powerin 1985.But it's doubtful whether former Ugandandictator Idi Amin shed a single tear oreulogised Nyerere. The former Ugandanpresident will forever be remembered fortelling the Tanzanian that, "I would marry youif you were a woman," during one of their 70smeetings.Tensions between the two neighbours cameto a head in October 1978 when one of



24 October 1999 76

Amin's notorious commanders Lt. Col. Juma Ali alias Butabika sent his brother-in-law intoTanzania on a spying mission.The spy was nabbed by Tanzanian security,and Amin ordered troops to cross into

Tanzania in retaliation.Nyerere's invasion of Uganda with rebels(including Museveni's FRONASA) was adirect result of this border clash.When Amin was about to fall in 1979,Ugandans in exile gathered at Moshi andformed the Uganda National Liberation Front(UNLF) and they elected Prof. Yusuf KirondeLule. After only 68 days, Nyerere ordered his armedforces still in Uganda to assist the pro-Oboteelements in cabinet and in UNLA oust Lule.The TPDF detained him in State House atEntebbe and kept him there incommunicado

until he was deported to Tanzania from wherehe found his way to London where he liveduntil his death.Nyerere was now bent on using his troops toreinstate Obote to power. According to Henry Kyemba's book: A Stateof Blood, when Obote was toppled by Amin in1971 while in Singapore, his delegation whichpassed through Kenya aboard an East African Airways DC-9 got vehicles with the Ugandanpresidential flag and received in Dar esSalaam by Rashid Kawawa and taken directlyto Nyerere's official residence.Godfrey Lukongwa Binaisa replaced Lule, in a

cabinet where Museveni, was minister of statefor Defence. Museveni had been one of thosewho had been instrumental deposing Lule andbringing in Binaisa.In his book The agony of Uganda, FrancisBwengye says that while at a Church ofUganda gathering at Mitooma, Bushenyi, inNovember 1980, Museveni revealed that itwas him and some few anti-Lule elements inthe UNLA who had persuaded Binaisa tobecome the new president.Surprisingly again, when Binaisa fell in May1980, the same Museveni publicly castigatedhim about being unfit to be head of state and

accused him of being a political joker, whohad turned State House into a businessclearing house where businessmen andwomen took their foreign exchangeapplications forms for him to sign.Nyerere seemed to believe that Binaisa was just warming State House chair for Obote. Tothe surprise of Obote, and his mentorNyerere, Binaisa was very much his own manwho even decided to organise elections underthe UNLF Umbrella. To Nyerere, this wasunforgivable. It didn't help that Binaisa wanted

demote Museveni and the all powerful Brig.David Oyite-Ojok (RIP). That was Binaisa'send.Internal Affairs minister Paulo Muwanga (RIP)seized power as chairman of Military

Commission. He was deputised by Museveniin a country where insecurity was getting outof hand. Sometime in June 1980, Dr PaulSsemogerere, then interim chairman of theDP, called members of the interim committeeto strategise for the December elections. Themeeting took place at Evaristo Nyanzi's homeat Lubaga.It was resolved that a DP delegationcomprising Ssemogerere, Francis Bwengye,DP's Secretary General, Nyanzi, BenjaminObonyo, John Kabaireho and HenrySsewanyana-Ssemo's private secretary,should meet Nyerere about the elections.

Paulo Muwanga provided them with apresidential jet.The DP demanded for their ministers inMuwanga's cabinet increased from three toseven, that Tanzanian troops should take oversecurity of both Kampala and Entebbeclaiming UNLA was both pro-Obote/Muwanga.But the DP was divided over whether tobelieve that Nyerere was genuine or not.Previously, Obote's elements in the MilitaryCommission had not only given the key andimportant ministries to the UPC supporters,but also monopolised Radio Uganda, UTV,

The Uganda Times, as part of theirpropaganda machines.The DP (through Francis Bwengye and itsnational organiser Zachary Olum) agreed withMuseveni's UPM (through Jaberi BindandiSsali, then minister of local government, MatiaKasaija and Kirunda Kivejinja) to demand forsome minimum standards from the MilitaryCommission, or else they boycott theelections. At this point, Muwanga began lobbyingNyerere who was believed to be the ultimateauthority in Ugandan at the time. He offered asmall jet, the King Air to take a delegation

comprising Ssemogerere, the author DomBaruku, Alex Waibale, Dr. Benjamin Obonyoand Joseph Byamugisha, to Dar es Salaam.It is reported that after Waibale had put hiscase on the role of the NCC among others,Bwengye stressed the need for Muwalimu toensure a free and fair election.It was further reported that as Nyerere wasstill recalling Bwengye's name, he condemnedhim for threatening civil resistance andincitement of DP followers.



24 October 1999 77

Nyerere then condemned Museveni in thebittiest terms:"Ka Museveni kanafikiri ni kanaani? Kamakanaleeta kifuwa tutakasagaaga, [who doesMuseveni think he is? If he brings force, we

shall thrash him]," Nyerere said. He told theUganda delegation that aside from the jointthreat to boycott the elections, Museveni hadwritten to him that Tanzania should assurehim that if he decided to take over power fromMuwanga, the TPDF would not intervene.Muwalimu said that if they boycotted theregistration exercise they would beencouraging Obote's UPC to take powerunchallenged and that he would order histroops to protect the government.He also condemned Lule and called him allsorts of names according to one of those whoattended.

As the polling date drew near, the DPdelegation on November 14, 1980 travelled toDar to meet Nyerere over their conditions.Ssemogerere was afraid of travelling with aradical so he selected moderates like Dr.Joseph Byamugisha, Henry Ssewanyana, Dr.Benjamin Obonyo, Cyeperiano Isiko,Bwengye and Prof. Fred Ssempebwa.Paul Muwanga's team which had David OyiteOjok, Dr. Moses Apiriga and Picho Owiny wasalready in Dar es Salaam.Muwanga's team returned to Uganda thatevening and the Military Commissionchairman said he and Ssemogerere had

agreed that there would be four ballot boxesinstead of one (a box for each of DP, UPC,UPM and CP) provided there weresafeguards.When Ssemogerere and his team metpressmen at Entebbe they didn't say anything,which went a long way to confirm Muwanga'sallegations. At DP rally at Zana, Ssemogerere supporterswere eager to hear him deny the Muwangatalk of four ballot boxes. But his team onlysaid "we shall go to State House."Of course come December 10, 1980, theydidn't. Many people think Nyerere helped

Obote to a massive but rigged electoralvictory.So as we mourn Mwalimu Nyerere we shouldremember that his "other side" which made afew of these revolutionaries.



The Nation.

Remembering a great son of Africa[Analysis]

October 24, 1999 By Ciugu Mwagiru Nairobi - I think continually of those who weretruly great; the names of those who in theirlives fought for life; who wore at their heartsthe fire's centre... - Stephen Spender(American writer). As the rivulets born of thetorrents of tears that have flowed from theeyes of Tanzanians for the last 10 days turnedinto raging rivers during yesterday's funeral ofthe man they revered as the Father of theNation, the world practically stood still.I marvelled as I recalled the luck I had had tohave met - less than a year ago - the man

referred to by Zambian President FrederickChiluba as "one of Africa's most brilliant andillustrious sons, a champion and a greatleader." Indeed, I marvelled in retrospect atthe electrifying aura of one of the denizens ofthe African - nay world - political scene inrecent history.Meeting Mwalimu, shaking hands and havinga quick chat with him was a memorableexperience. Learning later that during thatbrief meeting his slight frame was beingquietly ravaged by leukaemia diagnosed ayear before was devastating.But what really touched me was the

knowledge - again in retrospect - that despiteMwalimu's awareness of the fatal nature ofthe disease that he probably knew wouldsooner or later fell him, he continued to defyboth fate and the advice of his doctors, whomust have insisted that he urgently go fortreatment.But then such courage was the mark of a manwho tirelessly focused on a matter at hand asif it was the last thing he would ever do. WhenI met him, he was directing all his energies tothe Burundi peace negotiations, which havebeen going on for nearly two years in thenorthern Tanzanian town of Arusha.

Meeting the man, working for the MwalimuNyerere Foundation and being able toobserve his efforts at reconciling theBurundians also allowed me to pore into hispersonality and begin to see truly the grit thathe was made of. Among Mwalimu's mostoutstanding features was his tiny framecontrasted starkly with the greatness of theman in both political and intellectual terms.If Tanzanians have in recent times feltorphaned, it is probably because Nyerereunited them and gave them national pride,



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while at the same time hardly asking for anyreward and maintaining a sometimesirritatingly self-effacing demeanour.Watching him go about his paces during theBurundi negotiations, I was often touched by

the way he would humbly chat with ordinarypeople, eschew intricate personal securitydetails and generally appear extremely downto earth, going even to the extent of sharingpublic toilets with delegates to the talks andhis own ordinary workers, including this writer. A man I heard publicly stating that he nevergets angry, Mwalimu would also go out of hisway to ensure the comfort of those aroundhim, whatever their station in life. During thatbrief encounter with him, he wondered why an American colleague called John Ellis andmyself had not been offered some tea. Thiswas despite the fact that Mwalimu himself had

not been offered any either!Talking later to those who had known him fora long time, I was to learn about Mwalimu'sgregarious nature, as well as the generousspirit that those around him always notedwhen he passed around his cigarettes (hegave up smoking in later years), as well as thebottles of Ndovu beer, a few of which he likedto sip from time to time.It is no wonder that those who had theprivilege to savour Mwalimu's humanity,amongst them the villagers in Butiama withwhom he would regularly play the traditionalgame of bao, should so violently be wracked

by the pain of imagining Tanzania withouthim. As a former Tanzanian university don putit - expressing a view shared by manyTanzanians uncertain about the future of theircountry - Mwalimu was virtually an institutionthat Tanzania could hardly do without duringthese tempestuous times."He is a man that Tanzania needs badly," saidthe don just days before Mwalimu's death."He has always acted as a restraining force,instituting checks and balances that have keptTanzania's political class aware that they hadto avoid any excesses that could be to thedetriment of the country."

Unfortunately, the indomitable Mwalimu, whohad bravely and stubbornly dared and for awhole year apparently ignored the terminaldisease that he probably knew wouldeventually kill him, had to eventually acceptthat the end was nigh, and that the greatbeyond was beckoning, even as the tears andtribulations of wary Tanzanians praying for hislife seemed to, alas, be unable to rend off thehand of fate.But during Mwalimu's funeral yesterday, theTanzanians were not weeping alone, for as

the bugles sounded for the late JuliusKambarage Nyerere, millions watching hisfinal send-off on television screens all over theworld must have brought out their hankies asthey mourned a man who was not only an

icon in his own country, but had become alegend in his own lifetime and won the respectand admiration of all those who value humandignity and justice, which the man adoringlyknown as mwalimu (The Teacher) dedicatedhis life to.However much Nyerere might have eschewedpomp and pageantry despite his elevatedstation in life, opting instead for the humilityand self-effacement that became histrademark, his burial at Butiama, the vil lage ofhis birth on the Western shores of LakeVictoria yesterday, riveted world attention onthat remote part of the world.

The same kind of global attention had beenfocused on London's Westminster Cathedralwhen a service for the departed great son of Africa was held on Friday last week. It wasprobably lost to many that, had Nyerere beena Briton, his remains would have been laid torest with full honours amongst the departedheroes of the land at the nearby Westminster Abbey.But, alas, Nyerere was neither a Briton norwas he given to aspiring for the unnecessarilyceremonial, and had expressed his wish to beburied at Butiama close to the peasantsamongst whom he spent the later years of his

life, rather than in a grandiose mausoleum faraway from the graves of his ancestors.Now those who had gathered to pay their lastrespects to Julius Caesar in theShakespearean play of the same title, whichthe literary Nyerere had translated intoKiswahili as Juliasi Kaisari, alongsideMabepari wa Venisi (The Merchants ofVenice), were reminded that they had come tobury their departed Emperor, not to praisehim.But, as it turned out yesterday during his f inalsend-off at Butiama, those gathered there hadturned up to praise him rather than to bury

him. Ironically, the torrents of praise pouredout for Mwalimu from around the world wouldprobably have thoroughly embarrassed theman known for his extraordinarily humbledemeanour, as would have the glory, laud andhonour that marked his solemn funeral.But - to borrow the words of the old poet -death shall certainly have no dominion over aman widely eulogised as a giant among menand an outstanding philosopher king thememory of whose deeds will definitely assurehis immortality.



24 October 1999 79

If Tanzanians, Africans, in general, andpeople of goodwill around the world wepthopelessly for Mwalimu Julius KambarageNyerere, the departed great son of Africa,they should have been doing so for

themselves and not for the legendary icon ofthe African and world political stage whosehumanity, valour, courage and selflessnesshave no doubt earned him a secure place inthe hereafter. And who can gainsay the fact that that is a just reward for one of those most rare of menwho in their lives fought for life, wore as theirhearts the fire's centre, and were thereforeincontrovertibly truly great?

Copyright (c) 1999 The Nation. Distributed via Africa News Online (www.africanews.org). Forinformation about the content or for


Canto for hope

October 24, 1999 By Jared Angira Nairobi - Julius Kambarage Nyerere At theorangery dawn When many feared To treadthe cold waters Of East and West The chiselstones Of lies and hate And roaring rivers ofdamnation You built the Slender BridgeBetween the Lumpen at the cesspool And thebeparis up the tower Clothed thedescamisados From the tincans of Magomeni

To the waters of Kigamboni creekJulius Kambarage Nyerere You gave them aface Shiny in the noonday sun Perpendicularto a future And gave them the voice To sing intandem Along the Palm Beach RoadJulius Kambarage Nyerere From Mtwara inthe Makonde trails To Arusha on Kilimanjarolaps You gave them hope A pedestal in realmParadigm near the alcove The silver cloudsMelting into a future The convergence Of thelavendar waters And the green fields Thetwain for tomorrowJulius Kambarage Nyerere You nurtured thecourage And armed Agostinho Neto And

Samora Machel Yoweri Museveni And SamNujoma Robert Mugabe And Thabo Mbeki And Julius Kambarage Nyerere The bulletsBegan to flower Ushering in A new dawn Andparadigm shiftJulius Kambarage Nyerere The scarlet dawnBrother took on brother Daggers at the throatsDarkening the skies And you set on trotsSouth to North East to west And we lost thecentre The dignity of man The pride of AfricaThe mellow of the lily Began to wither And

Julius Kambarage Nyerere Slowly the heatherbegan to witherJulius Kambarage Nyerere When the wickfinally died At St Thomas in London A newbud has opened Into a funnel of hope The

lighthouse flicker Beyond Forodhani A voice inthe willows Will rise and say with courageVenceremos Venceremos Venceremos*Jared Angira is a Kenyan writer who haspublished seven volumes of poems.Copyright (c) 1999 The Nation. Distributed via




The Road Ends For One Of Africa'sGreatest Sons

October 24, 1999 by Nicodemus Odhiambo Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania (PANA) - Dr JuliusNyerere, the first President of Tanzania, wasinterred Saturday at his home village ofButiama in northern Tanzania amid solemnpomp and ceremony.The casket containing his body was loweredin the grave at exactly 0935 GMTaccompanied by full military honours,including a final 21-gun salute.The burial was preceded by a requiem mass

at the 400-seat Catholic church which the lateleader helped build in the village just 100metres from his home.The casket was then transported to the burialsite at Mwitongo, 30 metres away from thelate Nyerere's newly-built residence.He is buried 20 metres from where his father,Chief Burito Nyerere, and mother ChristinaMgaya Nyang'ombe, were laid to rest.His funeral was witnessed by PresidentsBenjamin Mkapa of Tanzania, and Salmin Amour of Zanzibar.Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni, whoonce gave Nyerere a few heads of Ankole

cattle to rear on his farm, was also present,and so was former Zambian leader KennethKaunda, a long-time ally in the liberationstruggles of southern Africa.Wife of former South African President, GracaMachel, was at the funeral flanked byNyerere's widow.Kenyan President Daniel arap Moi wasrepresented at the occasion by his Foreign Affairs Minister Bonaya Godana.The OAU Secretary General, Salim AhmedSalim, represented the continental



24 October 1999 80

organisation of which Nyerere was a foundingpresident.Nyerere died 14 September at St. ThomasHospital in London of chronic lymphocyticleukaemia.





26 October 1999 81

26 October 1999

The East African

As 'Kingmaker' Dies, WhitherTanzania Politics and Society

October 26, 1999 Dar-es-Salaam - With The death of MwalimuNyerere and an election looming next year,Tanzania is likely to undergo some radicalpolitical changes in the next few years. A kingmaker and a peacemaker, Mwalimuwas a colossus bestriding just about everysphere of Tanzanian life, overseeing peacefulchanges in leadership since his retirementand providing discreet counselling to his two

successors, Ali Hassan Mwinyi and BenjaminMkapa.When Mwalimu retired in 1985, he retainedchairmanship of the ruling Chama ChaMapinduzi (CCM) for two more years,effectively ruling the country alongsideMwinyi.When Mwalimu relinquished the CCMchairmanship, Mwinyi took over bothgovernment and ruling-party leadership. WithMwalimu's tacit support, he proceeded to buryUjamaa in the 1992 Zanzibar Declarationwhich ushered in a free-market economy.In his second five-year term of presidency -

1990-1995 Mr. Mwinyi pursued liberalisation,flinging open the doors to trade andinvestment, freeing the foreign-exchangeregime and the media, introducing multi-partypolitics and corruption. He quickly earnedhimself the nickname 'Mzee Rukhsa' Old manLaizez faire. Although he was the author of the one-partypolitical system, it was Mwalimu's tacitapproval that allowed Tanzania to adopt multi-party system.Now that Mwalimu is gone, five years aftermulti-party politics came into practice, one canonly assume that it will continue. However,

much will depend on the confidence of theincumbent president and external pressurefrom the donor community, which has beensponsoring Tanzania's democratisationprocess.Without Mwalimu around, next year's generalelection, expected around October, could bein jeopardy given his crucial peacemaking rolewithin the CCM.In his absence, it is even possible that theCCM could break up into splinter parties. Onlylast year, before President Mkapa appointed

Edward Lowasa and Iddi Simba ministers inhis cabinet, there was talk of a group ofpeople planning to form a CCM-2; apparentlythe only solution was to "bring them into thefold."

Party officials deny this allegation, butobservers say a group of CCM leaders isplanning to register a new party, ahead ofnext year's election.Mwalimu once said, "effective oppositionleaders will come from CCM." One suchleader is the vocal Augustine Mrema, astaunch CCM member who rose to the rank ofMinister for Home Affairs and Deputy PrimeMinister, before crossing over to theopposition.Whether Mkapa will tolerate splinters in CCMremains to be seen, but it seems unlikely. Alternatively, it could be foolhardy to tempt

Mr. Mkapa, a man whose claws have neverbeen tested, left to fend for himself by hisdeparted mentor, unlike during the four yearshe has been in power, he could 'tear' somewayward and truant politicians to pieceswithout fear of reprimand, to safeguard hisposition.Mr. Mkapa's tolerance for political oppositionhas never been fully known by Tanzanian'sbut the partial show of his dislike for the fieryMrema is indicative that he may not take tookindly any hullabaloo from the Opposition.The government is accused of havingeffectively barred Mrema from contesting

political seats in Dar-es-Salaam by usinggovernment influence to make people filesuits barring him from conducting politicalactivities in their areas. A few months ago,Mrema was refused the right to contest a Darby-election he was billed to win outright.Mkapa is said to be ready and willing to runfor a second and final five-year term next yearbut some CCM leaders are quietly saying theywould also like to be considered fornomination. Some women leaders, such asGertrude Mongela, have spoken out on theright of every member to submit forms fornomination. That may not go down well with

Mkapa, who will be seeking full CCMendorsement of his nomination.The very state of the Union of Tanzania alsostands at the crossroads after Mwalimu'sdeparture. Nyerere was once quoted assaying nobody "really knew the secrets of theUnion between Tanganyika and Zanzibar,"except himself and the late Amri AbeidKarume, both of whom hastily united the twocountries in 1964 to create Tanzania.Both sides have in due course complainedthat the Union articles have outlived their



26 October 1999 82

usefulness and need changing. But changehas been slow to come and some leaders inboth Zanzibar and the mainland areincreasingly claiming the Union gives theirside a raw deal.

Mwalimu had always advocated a two-government Union, while a sizeable section ofthe population on both sides favour a federalsystem with three governments - one each forTanganyika and Zanzibar, and the Union.Mwalimu's response to this proposal was:"Over my dead body." He insisted there wasnothing wrong with the two-government setup, emphasising that all that was needed wasa mechanism to address irky differences thatannoy people, but never to create threeauthorities. Proponents of the status quoargue that three governments would beexpensive to maintain and found nothing

wrong in the two-government arrangement.Mwalimu's death comes just when PresidentMkapa needed his views on the White Paperon the Union issue, dominated by Zanzibar'sdemands for greater autonomy.When Mwalimu ruled for nearly 35 years, hemanaged to unite people of all religions anddenominations - Christians, Muslims, Hindusand others. He nationalised schools owned byreligious institutions to allow admission ofchildren of all religions. He applied the samebalancing act in his cabinet appointments,creating a tribal and religious mix that unifiedTanzanians.

That religious harmony is already at risk afterlast month's clashes between muslim activistsand police in Bugurumi, Dar-es-Salaam.The Burundi peace talks which Mwalimu hadbeen facilitating have definitely been set backby his death. A new facilitator acceptable tothe warring Hutu and Tutsi sides must befound if the talks are to progress. It's a pitysince the talks were coming to the final stagesahead of the signing of a peace accord.Without Mwalimu it could drag along unlessBuyoya's recent alleged reports materialisethat his government was seeking to interestSouth Africa president Thabo Mbeki to take

over Mwalimu's role as facilitator. However,that claim has been denied by Major Buyoya.During his closing remarks at the last round ofthe talks in Arusha on July 17, Mwalimuexpressed anger, sadness and frustration thatthe year-long negotiations had not yieldedpeace.The death of Mwalimu could also haveimplications for the future of Salim AhmedSalim, Secretary General of the Organisationof African Unity (OAU), who has always beenseen as a "Nyerere man". It is believed that it

is only because of Mwalimu's support that hehas stayed at the helm of the OAU. Hischances of nomination to higher office, evenbecoming president after 2005, would bebetter if Mwalimu were alive to persuade

Zanzibaris to support him.If Salim cultivates the same sort ofrelationship with Mkapa, he stands a chanceof winning the latter's backing for theTanzania presidency in 2005. Internationallyrespected, he served the Union governmentas Prime Minister and Minister of Defence andas Tanzania's ambassador to Egypt and theUN in New York.Copyright (c) 1999 The East African.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,


publisher.

Ever the Idealist, Nyerere's Legacyis Everlasting

October 26, 1999 By Gitau Warigi Dar-es-Salaam - Founding father of Tanzania,pioneer African nationalist, Pan-Africanist,advocate of non-alignment and disarmament,anti-imperialist and arch-champion of theliberation struggle in southern Africa, JuliusNyerere has left a rich and varied legacy.Initially, Nyerere was perceived as the mostmoderate of the East African troika thatincluded Jomo Kenyatta and Milton Obote,even though subsequently he ended up verymuch to the left of the other two ideologically.Unlike Kenyatta, who terrified the Kenyanwhite settlers and whom the colonialgovernment jailed for subversion, the colonialauthorities in Tanganyika concluded early thatit was in their best interests to work withNyerere.Scholarly in approach and not given todemagoguery, Nyerere had made anexcellent impression before the UNTrusteeship Council, which theoreticallyoversaw the British mandate in Tanganyikaafter Germany lost the territory in 1945.In effect, Nyerere told the Council: "If Britaincannot get along with me, who can she getalong with?" Besides, the special exigenciesof trusteeship meant Britain could not be toooverbearing on nationalism in Tanganyika likeshe could be in her colonies.Concluded Tanganyika Governor EdwardTwinning: "Nyerere's personal position ismore important than we perhaps like to admitand therefore it is very strongly in our interests



26 October 1999 83

that we should try and gather him into the fold,although this might mean making someconcessions."What everyone failed to reckon with was thefact that Nyerere, virtually alone among his

African peers, was willing to hold hisambitions in check for the benefit of widerregional integration. As early as July 1960, Nyerere had come outin favour of an East African federation andoffered to delay Tanzania's independence toallow time for the other two territories to catchup, arguing that it would be far more difficult topersuade a state to abandon its privileges atthe UN, once it began to enjoy them.On 5 June 5, 1963, the leaders of the threeEast African countries signed in Nairobi aformal declaration of intent to federate. But itwas not to be. Uganda, for one, subsequently

expressed reservations on certain specifics ofcitizenship and external affairs which it feltwould be inappropriate to cede to federal jurisdiction. Ugandan monarchists, especiallyin Buganda, were not keen on the idea either. According to Kenyan Governor MalcolmMacDonald, there appeared to be a quietconsensus that Kenyatta would be the firstfederal president. Nyerere would be Vice-President in charge of internal affairs, whichwould probably have been fine with him. ButKenyans were pushing their luck; they alreadyseemed to assume Tom Mboya wouldbecome the federal foreign minister, a post

the Ugandans wanted.Federation begun to look a tall tough orderwhen the explosive and highly divided natureof the Kenyan political fabric was considered.Torn as Kenyan politicians were, between thenationalists in Kanu, majimboists in theopposition Kadu, and recalcitrant Europeansettlers who dreamed of an early version ofRhodesia's UDI, their situation was not onethey could mesh with their Tanganyika andUganda counterparts in a workable federation. Another bad omen, little noticed at the time,was the hostile position taken by KwameNkurumah, who clearly dreamed of

developing sufficient leverage from his West African corner to make himself President of aunified Africa. "Regional groupings of any kindare a serious threat to the unity of Africa", hedeclared. "Only by fomenting regional andsectional political groupings in Africa can theimperialists and ex-colonial powers be sure ofretaining their rapidly waning influence in Africa."Ironically, the idealistic Nyerere demonstratedhis pragmatic bent during the debatessurrounding the OAU's formation when he

expressed reservations about the unifiedcontinental government advocated byNkurumah and Guinea's Sekou Toure.Nkurumah's sweeping vision was deemedimpractical, and it was the gradualist, step-by-

step strategy of cohesion advocated byNyerere and others that carried the day.Nyerere's belief in self-reliance probably grewout of a growing disenchantment with Westernpolicy and a desire to disentangle his countryfrom the intrigues of the Cold War. This ledhim to the Arusha Declaration and Ujamaasocialism. In the end, this policy was deemedto have been a disaster economically, andNyerere himself admitted as much. Still, as AliMazrui has stressed, Nyerere's intentionswere all along noble.The experiment however had its successes.Literacy levels and primary health care access

in Tanzania surpassed anything most Africancountries had achieved. Adulrahman Babu, aprominent Zanzibari critic of Nyerere's, haswritten that the policy of nationalisationfoundered because Tanzania lacked themanagerial resources and institutionalinfrastructure to carry on the enterprises thatthe state absorbed. Babu, who was also of aleftist persuasion, had by then fallen out withNyerere and gone into exile in Britain, as hadOscar Kambona, another prominent critic ofNyerere who had served as Foreign Minister.The other cause Nyerere lent his voice to forwas the crippling Third World debt burden and

the unequal international economic order.Thus, his decision to open talks in 1980 withthe IMF - which he used to ridicule as theInternational Ministry of Finance - was metwith considerable astonishment. But the factof the matter is that Tanzania had run itseconomy into the aground and exhausted itshard currency reserves.Though to a degree the talks heralded acapitulation of Nyerere. IMF too wasdesperate for a truce with Tanzania as theNyerere's highly articulate assaults at theFund had registered an unusually strongimpact internationally.

An undeniable feature of Nyerere's Tanzaniawas the diplomatic weight and prestige shecarried on the continent, even beyond. Thisinfluence was way out of proportion to thecountry's strength. Like Britain liked to sayabout herself, Tanzania was used to punchingabove her weight.The talks with the IMF eventually broke downover demands for massive devaluation of theTanzanian shilling. Indeed, many observersbelieve that Nyerere's decision to step downfrom office was because he did not want to be



26 October 1999 84

the humiliation of being arm-twisted intoeconomic actions he had long resisted.Nyerere's relations with his economicallypowerful northern neighbour, Kenya, werealways complicated. After an initial post-

independence honeymoon, when the idea offederation was being mooted, relations cooledas Tanzania veered to the left ideologicallyand Kenya went in the opposite direction.Nyerere's enduring achievement is in creatinga genuine national entity out of a hotch-potchof some 120 ethnic groups. A comparison withthe tattered and highly ethnicised fabric inpresent-day Kenya brings out thisachievement very well.His other enduring achievement is the role heplayed in the liberation struggle in Southern Africa. to ultimate victory. Frelimo, SWAPOand the ANC were all invited to open training

camps in Tanzania.Nyerere was instrumental in the formation ofthe Frontline States caucus and served as itsfirst chairman. He became a crucial diplomaticlink between the liberation forces and theinternational community.Fittingly, the OAU's Liberation Committee washeadquartered in Dar. On the continent, thequest for freedom and human dignity is whatNyerere will best be remembered for.Matters got downright frosty in the seventiesover disagreements about the operations ofthe common market. In 1977, the EACvirtually collapsed amid bitter acrimony.

Nyerere ordered the frontier with Kenyaclosed.Relations improved following the ascension ofDaniel arap Moi, though the real watershedwas the ouster from power of Charles Njonjoin 1984, whom Nyerere long considered astumbling block to closer relations. Therelations were perhaps at their best during thetenure of Mwinyi, no doubt spiced by the factthat Moi had grown extremely suspicious ofYoweri Museveni in Uganda.The creation of the East African Federation in1994 was seen to be a new beginning. But theold disputes over trade and Tanzanian

complaints over the lack of equity in Kenya-Tanzania economic relations persisted.Tanzania's recent refusal to ratify a protocolon tariffs attests to these differences.Meanwhile, relations with Uganda had taken adistinctly different line. Right from the start, acertain ideological affinity with Obote existed.The inspiration for Obote's Common Man'sCharter was evidently the Arusha Declaration. And after Obote was overthrown by Idi Amin,Nyerere willingly gave him refuge. He helpedhim to regain power when Nyerere moved to

overthrow Amin in 1979, but subsequentlybecame convinced that Obote was more of adivisive factor in Uganda than an asset.Later, he developed very close relations withthe youthful Yoweri Museveni which endured

to his death. The Ugandan leader, whosepolitical awakening happened while he was astudent in Dar-es-Salaam, remains eternallygrateful for the help he and colleaguesreceived from Nyerere in defeating Amin.On a personal level, Museveni has alwaysextended great respect to the Tanzanianleader such that Museveni's hardline stanceon the ruling Burundi junta seemed to arisefrom the impression that they were not payingsufficient respect to the man.Nyerere's is an enviable niche in Africa'shistory.Copyright (c) 1999 The East African.

Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,


There Was Real Freedom inMwalimu's Day

October 26, 1999 By Philip OchiengDar-es-Salaam - I never really coveredMwalimu Nyerere. By the time I got toTanzania to work for The Standard Tanzania,I had been an editorial pontiff in Nairobi'sSunday Nation for upwards of two years. Andthat was what I continued to do in Dar-es-Salaam, fulminating like Ezekiel from myarmchair.But one thing is true. Working for thepresident, between September 1970 andJanuary 1973 was probably the mostenjoyable period of my entire journalisticcareer. There were at least two reasons forthis. The first was that ours was a communityof ideas. The second, contrary to what wasconstantly claimed here in Nairobi and by theWestern press, was that the Dar-es-Salaamnewspapers enjoyed a high level of freedomto publish. This reflected the fact thatTanzania enjoyed an unprecedented freedomof speech. But it was never licentious freedomof the kind with which Nairobi's alternativepress assails our eyes every morning.Following the Arusha Declaration of 1967,Julius Kambarage Nyerere had, early in 1970,nationalised The Tanganyika Standard fromLonrho and rechristened it The StandardTanzania as the official print organ of thegovernment.



26 October 1999 85

The Nationalist and its Kiswahili sister Uhurualready existed as the organs of the rulingTanganyika African National Union (Tanu),with Ben Mkapa as its editor. Brought in fromLondon as Managing Editor of The Standard

was a tough- talking South African woman of Asian origin called Frene Ginwala.Ginwala, who is now the Speaker of the South African Parliament in Cape Town, was awoman of strong left-wing convictions. Shevery soon collected around her men andwomen from the international community withequally strong socialist views.This was the context in which I left Nairobi forDar-es-Salaam, invited by Ginwala. MwalimuNyerere acted as our (non-executive) Editor-in-Chief. And yet every Friday I published anopinion column highly critical of his system.I waxed critical especially of the recently

nationalised commercial and industrialhouses: the corruption that was beginning toinvade them and their umbrella organisations,the ineptitude, the apparent absence ofdevelopment ideas.Yet never once did Ginwala or myself receivea telephone call from or a summons to Ikulu(State House), complaining about anything wehad written. Of course, there were manymurmurs in the corridors of power against us.They accused us of being a bunch ofcommunists, though we never were. But theydared not call a press conference to attack us.Nyerere simply would not have allowed them

to do so.Were we really a den of communists? To besure, Frene Ginwala herself and Tony Hallwere members of Joe Slovo's CommunistParty of South Africa and Iain Christie was amember of the British Communist Party.There were were two other British imports -Richard Gott and Rod Prince - but they wereself-confessed anarchists. There was alsomyself. But, though I would soon beintroduced to Marx, Engels, Lenin and Mao,my leftism continued to be subsumed underliberalism. The rest of our newsroom - thecorps of reporters and sub-editors, practically

all of them native Tanzanians - was solidlyright-wing, paying lip service to Nyerere'sUjamaa tenets but either cynical about themor ignorant of their social import.Yet, to me, Nyerere's greatness does not lie inhis Ujamaa ideology. Though this ideologywas what attracted most of us into Tanzania,it was what was to prove the economic baneof that country. Nationalised property only fellinto the jaws of a deeply venal class ofvibwanyenye. The word, which means pettycommodity owners, was a "technical

translation" by Tanzania's Swahili Academy ofthe Marxist term petty bourgeoisie, namely,the peasants and the classroom- createdurban elite.The Ujamaa Village institution itself proved

nothing more than a stratagem for settlingrural people together so as to facilitate suchsocial services as water, education and seeddistribution by collectivising them. It, too,would soon be vitiated by graft and lack ofcommitment.Very soon, production would come to astandstill and distribution of what wasproduced would go haywire. Nyerere, whowas genuinely persuaded by and committedto the system, had included a leadership codein Azimio. It banned corruption and prohibiteda certain level of politicians, civil servants andparastatal employees from owning personal

businesses. But it did not cut much ice. Andthings went from bad to worse. From time totime, the president would hit back throughwidespread sackings, decentralisations andshuffles. But he only succeeded in bringing inleeches more ravenous than those he hadsacked or decentralised.Nyerere's failing, then, stemmed both fromobjective conditions and from subjectiveweaknesses. Objective because he neverreally came to grips with the forces - nationalas well as international - which he was settingout to defeat. Western individualism had beeninternalised by practically all Tanzanians

through the classroom and the church. The African extended family system, which he wastrying to reinstitute, had long been done todeath by cash payment and individualistcallousness. Mwalimu Nyerere just couldn'tsee the vital link of this habit of thought withthe very same Western institutions whoseproperty he was trying to socialise. Socialism,he claimed, was an attitude of the mind andso he hoped to convert people merely bymoral preachifying.Like most other Third World petty-bourgeoisradicals - Josip Broz Tito, Jawaharlal Nehru,Cheddi Jagan, Kwame Nkrumah, Agostinho

Neto - Mwalimu vehemently rejected theMarxist class analysis. And this was the subjective aspect of hisposition. According to its founders, socialismcan be genuine only as an ideology of a classwithout any producer property, namely, theindustrial proletariat and the agriculturallabourer. It stands to reason that no socialgroup with any property can be interested insharing it with everybody else. Both thepeasantry and the urban elite are propertiedclasses. As individuals, of course, they may,



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as Lenin hoped, be converted into socialism.But, as a class, you can only force them intocollectivisation with disastrous consequences.That was the lesson the world should havelearned from Stalin's forced collectivism, in

which tens of millions perished.Yet, despite all these failings, KambarageNyerere remained one of Africa'squintessential men of the 20th century. Hispersonal probity was unequalled. In Africa, hewas equalled only by Muammar Gaddafi in hisrefusal to use his immense power to enrichhimself or his family.It was his intellectual strength and moral fibrethat enabled him, when he saw that hisexperiment could not succeed, to admitopenly that his life career had been a failure.When he nationalised The TanganyikaStandard, he gave us a charter which

expressly challenged its new editors tocriticise all social failings by whomever theyare committed. I had never been and wouldnever be freer than when I worked in Dar.This freedom of the press, as I say above,was only a mirror-reflection of the much moreimportant freedom of ideas throughout thecountry. Though Nyerere believed more than100 per cent in Ujamaa, he never tried toforce it down anybody's throat.Nor did he ever issue The Standard Tanzania,The Nationalist or the latter's Swahili daily andweekly counterparts Uhuru and Mzalendo,with any instruction to print only Nyerereist

ideas or to slant news in favour of thatideology and its exponents.If that had been the case, Tanzania's amazingpluralism of ideas at that time would not havereached the world. Yet it did reach the world,attracting into that country hundreds ofintellectuals from all over the world.The University of Dar-es-Salaam at Ubungowas Africa's, perhaps the world's, intellectualMecca. Dar-es-Salaam harboured all theradical liberation movements in Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, Ireland, South-East Asia, even the the United States. It was acrossroads of such celebrated freedom

fighters as Agostinho Neto, Samora Machel,Marcelino dos Santos, Jorge Rebello, JanetMondlane, Yoweri Museveni, Sam Nujoma,Thabo Mbeki, Oliver Tambo, Gora Ebrahim, Amilcar Cabral, Angela Davis and others,changing ideas with us, often hotly. For thesewere not uniform minds. There wereintellectuals - both native and alien - whoexpressed ideas so far to the right that theybordered on fascism. Others expressed ideasso far to the left that again they bordered onfascism.

The humdinger, however, was that all theseideas were expressed freely and printed in theparty and government newspapers with littleattempt at editorial slanting and chicanery.In 1972 came the only time Nyerere

intervened in The Standard Tanzania.Somebody had tried to overthrow PresidentGaafar al-Numeiry of the Sudan, who hadhimself staged a coup with the help of theCommunist Party the previous year. Heresponded by killing hundreds of leaders ofthe same Communist Party.In an editorial commentary, drafted by RichardGott, The Standard accused Numeiry ofhorrendous murder. At a Tanu meeting inDodoma the next day, the right-wing, led byPrime Minister Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa, wasup in arms. Editor Ginwala was made toaccept very many nasty names: including

communist, woman and Mhindi (Asian). Theydemanded her sacking on the spot becauseNumeiry, they said, was a good friend ofTanzania. Nyerere had to give in.That was the end of Ginwala's regime. It wasabout that time, too, that The Nationalistmarried The Standard to beget the presentDaily News, with such successive editors asSammy Mdee, Ben Mkapa, the presentPresident, Ferdinand Ruhinda and JosephMapunda. The merger was necessitated by areorganisation of the government'sinformation structures, with a party-basedPress Council chaired by Daudi Mwakawago,

Tanu's then Director of Information.Composed totally of right-wingers, includingBen Mkapa, Information Minister DaudiNamfua, Uhuru editor Costa Kumalija,Nationalist editor Ferdinand Ruhinda andRadio Tanzania Director Paul Sozigwa, itsignalled the end of radicalism and freeexpression in the press. It was then that Iresigned to study in Germany.Until his death, Nyerere, who was humble,self-effacing and selfless, continued to servehumanity on many capacities - particularly hispromotion of mutual South-South assistanceto reduce dependence on Western alms and

his attempt to help bring about order inBurundi. An intellectual of immense stature, a man ofgreat personal integrity, a paragon ofhumanism, Julius Kambarage will be hard toreplace in Tanzania, in Africa and on theglobe. I was privileged to know and work withsuch a man. That is why, as I mourn, I ask,with Marcus Antonius, whence cometh suchanother?Copyright (c) 1999 The East African.Distributed via Africa News Online



26 October 1999 87



Painful Loss of a Friend, Mentorand Nationalist Par Excellence

October 26, 1999 Dar-es-Salaam - The passing away ofMwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, theFather of the Tanzanian Nation, has broughtintense personal sorrow and grief to me. Ihave been in the company of MwalimuNyerere, being under his direct personalleadership and tutelage over a period of manyyears.I was a history student of Mwalimu Nyerere atPugu Secondary School for two years in 1953

and largely through his dedicated teaching, Iqualified for admission to Makerere UniversityCollege, Kampala, then known as theUniversity College of East Africa.On completion of my university education atMakerere in 1960, I was appointed to theTanganyika Legislative Council as Clerk Assistant, to understudy the then EnglishClerk of the House with a view to taking overfrom him under the then civil service Africanisation programme. That appointmentbrought me once again into close workingcontact with Mwalimu Nyerere, who had in themeantime been elected to the TanganyikaLegislative Council.Mwalimu Nyerere ceased to be a member ofthe legislature in November 1962, when hewas elected the first President of Tanganyika.But because, under the constitution,parliament consists of both the Presidencyand the National Assembly, my cordialworking relationship with him continued, as Ihad to pay frequent visits to him in order topresent those Bills which had been passed bythe National Assembly for his statutoryassent.Mwalimu preferred that I present the Billspersonally so that, if necessary, he wouldhave the opportunity of asking me questionsabout the general mood of the House inpassing any of them in particular. And hefrequently did so.He appears to have developed a liking for,and appreciation of, my overall performance.Immediately after he had launched thefamous Arusha Declaration in January 1967,he appointed me to the position of NationalExecutive Secretary of the Tanganyika AfricanNational Union (Tanu) for the purpose ofhandling the party's strategies in

implementing the Arusha Declaration - thecountry's socialist blueprint.This developed an even closer relationshipbetween him, as the national chairman of theparty, and I as the national secretary.

In June 1970, the then existing constituentcolleges of the then University of East Africawere each granted full university status. Thelaw which established the University of Dar-es-Salaam (upgraded from University College,Dar-es-Salaam) declared that the President ofthe United Republic would be the Chancellorof the new university ex-officio. The law alsogave the President power to appoint a Vice-Chancellor of the University, thus creating anew close relationship between theChancellor and his Vice-Chancellor.This continued for a period of seven yearsuntil In 1977, when the merger of the Tanu

party on mainland Tanzania and the Afro-Shirazi Party of Zanzibar was achieved and anew party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM)came into existence, with Mwalimu Nyerereelected as its first national chairman. Hequickly appointed me to be the first nationalexecutive secretary of the new party.In 1984, the year before his retirement fromthe presidency, he appointed me PermanentSecretary in the office of the Prime Minister,with Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim as PrimeMinister.In the course of this close working relationshipover the years, Mwalimu Nyerere taught me a

number of things, all of which I fully digestedand treasure. The thought that I will never seeor talk to him again is therefore very painful.It was by a stroke of good luck that I was ableto see him in his apartment in London. I talkedto him in London for about one hour, exactlythe day before his condition suddenlydeteriorated and he had to be rushed to StThomas's hospital, where he stopped talkingand eventually departed.May the Almighty God rest his soul in eternalpeace. FROM: [no name]Copyright (c) 1999 The East African.Distributed via Africa News Online

(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute, publish or use for broadcast, contact the publisher.

Death Puts Nyerere Biography inLimbo

October 26, 1999 By Premy Kibanga Dar-es-Salaam - Tanzania's founder presidentand Father of the Nation, the late Mwalimu



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Julius Kambarage Nyerere, died before hisautobiography could begin.Prof Ahmed Mohiddin, a former academician,told The EastAfrican that three people -himself, Prof Haroub Othman, now in Liberia,

and former ambassador Ferdinand Ruhinda,one of Mwalimu's confidants - had earlier onapproached the late Mwalimu to seek hisconsent."He had initially agreed, on that, and ProfOthman was to meet him on August 12, 1999so that we could work out a strategy on howwe were going to do it. I think he knew that hisdisease was fatal."Prof Mohiddin, who describes Mwalimu as"the last revolutionary," said "it is sad that hehas departed without it." Ambassador Ruhinda said in Dar: "We weregoing to sit with him whenever he had time,

and write his own words, and then he wouldgo through the manuscript and correct itbecause we wanted it to be his own work. It is just bad that he has departed before theproject could take off."He added: "Actually, we were just going toassist him to write, but not for us to write forhim; there are so many books that have beenwritten about him that we wanted one byhimself."The three writers, who had worked on aframework for the Nyerere autobiography,now have a daunting task ahead."We will have to reorganise ourselves and the

work. But it will never be the same again,"Prof Mohiddin said.This will now keep Tanzanians anxious toknow whether there were any last words ofwisdom from Nyerere. These will now be onlyattainable from his family, who were by hisside during his sickness, especially his wifeMama Maria.The body of the former president of Tanzania,the late Julius Nyerere, who died at StThomas's Hospital in London on Thursday,October 14, 1999, was flown back to Dar-es-Salaam on Monday in readiness for a funeralservice on Thursday October 21st at the

National Stadium in Dar.Tanzania's revered founding father JuliusNyerere will be given a state funeral before aprivate burial in his home village nextSaturday.The dirt road off from the Mwanza-Musomatarmac road has been graded by regionalauthorities. It is said Nyerere did not want theroad tarmacked unless the government wasready to do the same on other roads in theneighbouring villages.

Sources from the 50-plus burial committeesaid last week that although many people hadexpressed their wish to bury Mwalimu in Dar,it wasn't possible as Nyerere's wish was to beburied next to his close relatives. The thought

of a mausoleum for Mwalimu was apparentlytoyed with by State House but didn'tmaterialise due to lack of full support.This writer brushed shoulders with the sage in Arusha town as a reporter where Mwalimuwas mediating the Burundi peace talks."I came to know Mwalimu better as a reporterin 1996 during the Burundi peace initiatives in Arusha when I relentlessly insisted on gettingan interview him. I learnt that he is verypatient, determined, never gave up on hisassignment even when insulted. I wasamazed by his dedication to the Burundiissue.

"On one or two occasions he granted me thehonour to conduct an exclusive interview withhim, something I will always treasure."When Mwalimu was asked why he persistedto work for peace in Burundi he said: "I'm notdoing this for myself, I'm doing it for theBarundi. It is not me who will bring thempeace, they will do it themselves. I'm justfacilitating the talks here because this is theonly place where they can do it without fear."Every body wishes that Barundi showedappreciation for the work Mwalimu had starteddoing for them by conducting proper talks thatcould lead to lasting peace.

Copyright (c) 1999 The East African.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,


Leaders Pay Tribute to Mwalimu

October 26, 1999 By Faustine Rwambali Dar-es-Salaam - World leaders last weekcontinued to send condolence messages toPresident Benjamin Mkapa and the Tanzanianpeople following the death of Mwalimu

Nyerere.One of the first to offer his condolences wasPresident Daniel arap Moi, who said MwalimuNyerere would be remembered for hisdistinguished role in the liberation of Africansfrom colonial oppression."As a Pan-Africanist, Mwalimu was among thefounding fathers of the Organisation of AfricanUnity, whose vision was for an organisationthat would be committed to the completepolitical and economic emancipation of the African continent," said President Moi.



26 October 1999 89

US Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright,described Nyerere as "an eloquentspokesman for the developing world.""His long record of achievement as aninternational figure includes many

contributions to regional peace. Most recently,he brought his considerable diplomatic talentsto bear as facilitator of the Burundi Peacenegotiations."Former US President Jimmy Carter, a closefriend of Mwalimu, also sent hearteningmessage to Mkapa and Mwalimu's family.Messages were also received from theleaders of Zimbabwe, Botswana, India,Malawi and Zambia.His Majesty King Harald V of Norway paidtribute to Nyerere saying: "I was deeplysaddened to learn of the death of formerPresident Julius Kambarage Nyerere. Africa

has lost a great leader."The British Prime Minister, Mr. Tony Blair,also sent his message saying: "I deeply regret... He was a leading African statesman of histime and the founder of modern Tanzania. Heplayed a historic role in consolidatingindependence in his country. The fact is thatTanzania is today a country at peace and is inlarge part a tribute to Mwalimu."The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Italy, Mr.Lamberto Dini, said: "It is with deep sadnessthat I learn of the passing away of JuliusNyerere. Africa has lost one of its mostrespected leaders, leader of his country... and

father of Independence, but also a determinedmediator," he said.President Kim Dae-jung of Korea said:"Nyerere greatly promoted the friendly and co-operative relations between the UnitedRepublic of Tanzania and Korea as a globallyrespected leader."The Executive Secretary of the Arusha-basedEast African Co-operation (EAC), Ambassador Francis Muthaura expresseddeep regret at Mwalimu's death describing itas "a blow to guidance and encouragementtowards the quick realisation of regionalintegration."



Sporting Events Postponed inHonour of Nyerere

October 26, 1999 By Apolinari Tairo

Dar-es-Salaam - Flags will fly half-mast for 30days and all sporting activities are postponedindefinitely as Tanzanians mourn the death ofthe nation's founding father, Mwalimu JuliusNyerere.

The Minister for Education and Culture, Prof Athumani Juma Kapuya, announced in Dar onOctober 14, the day Mwalimu died, that allsports events, including soccer matches,would be put off until a later date. Alsopostponed are foreign trips by governmentofficials.The move affects a wide spectrum of activitiesincluding business trips earlier scheduled forthis month. These included the inaugurationby President Benjamin Mkapa of Tanzania'sleading tea packing company, Tanzanian TeaPackers (Tatepa). The company was recentlylisted on the Dar Stock Exchange and floated

millions of shares.Tatepa officials told The EastAfrican last weekthat inauguration ceremony planned to takeplace on October 16 has been rescheduled toa later date. A team of 50 business and governmentexecutives that was scheduled to leave forJapan and South Korea last week also had topostpone the trip. The Tanzanian delegationwas to participate in the African TradeExhibition and business seminars in Tokyobetween October 28 and November 1.The exhibition which has been planned toattract over 50 Tanzania general trading,

tourism and industrialists, was organised bythe Japanese External Trade Organisation(JETRO).Tanzania's parliament, scheduled to sit fromOctober 26, has also postponed its session toa date to be announced later, a parliamentaryspokesman said. The parliament sits inDodoma four times a year - in February, April,June and October.Graduation ceremonies that were to takeplace this month have also been cancelled.This will affect students who completed theirGeneral Certificate of Education and pupilswho sat their Primary School Certificate

examination two weeks ago.More than 200,000 GCE graduates and about600,000 Primary School Certificate finalistswere to hold their graduation ceremonies thismonth. Officials from the Ministry of Educationand Culture said the activities were all put offuntil future datesOur Sports correspondent Willie Chiwangoreports that Tanzania has also withdrawn fromthe East and Central African under-20 soccerchampionship which opened in Nairobi last



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Saturday (October 23) to mourn the Father ofthe Nation, Mwalimu Nyerere. An official at the Cecafa secretariat in Nairobisaid the tournament would proceed asplanned and that with the exception of the two

Tanzanian sides, the rest of the 11 Cecafamembers were expected to take part. Theyare Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi,Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea andDjibouti, whose teams are expected to startarriving in Nairobi on Wednesday this week(Oct. 20).The Chairman of the Football Association ofTanzania, Mr. Muhidin Ndolanga, said theassociation had suspended all local leaguematches, including the Union Super League,which determines the country'srepresentatives to the African ChampionsLeague and the Confederation of African

Football Cup.The Super League, involving three teamseach from the mainland and Zanzibar, was tokick off last Saturday (Oct. 16) but is nowlikely to start on November 13.Copyright (c) 1999 The East African.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,




27 October 1999 91

27 October 1999


Spirit Sends Soldiers ScamperingFor Safety

October 27, 1999 Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania (PANA) - Severalmourners were reportedly injured Sundaywhile fleeing from the grave of Tanzanianleader Julius Nyerere's after hearing a spookyvoice in the vicinity.In the ensuing confusion at Nyerere's home inButiama, northern Tanzania, only onepoliceman remained glued at the spot whilesoldiers tasked to guard the grave ran helter-

skelter.Villagers said the voice was that of Muhunda,a well-known spirit among Nyerere's Zanakitribe, who had the capability of transforminginto the image of any living being.Nyerere's nephew, Magembe Daniel, isamong the mourners who reportedlysustained leg injuries and had to be attendedto at the village dispensary.The Zanaki believe that Muhunda is capableof assuming the form of a monkey, goat,leopard or a human being.Some elders said Muhunda appears rarelyduring drought seasons or funeral ceremony.

They said the spirit may have come to mournNyerere.



Business Day (Johannesburg)

Nyerere No Great Leader, But

Ensured Poverty For Tanzania(Column)

October 27, 1999 By Simon BarberJohannesburg - US Secretary of StateMadeleine Albright wrapped up anotherinconsequential tour of Africa last week byspeaking at the memorial ceremony for JuliusNyerere in Dar es Salaam. She was morethan fulsome in her praise of the lateTanzanian president, declaring him to have

been "every inch a builder and one of thegreat leaders of our time".De mortuis nil nisi bonum, speak nothing butgood of the dead. The occasion required thesecretary to look on the bright side - not be

utterly ahistorical so as not to betray anyinkling of the harm Nyerere did his countryand his continent's reputation.In Albright's defence, her speech wasprobably written for her by the same breed ofstate department nitwit who, when I recentlyposed a question about the SA arms makerDenel, replied, quite seriously, "Denel? Is itone of those small African countries?"If Africa is at last to become more than theland of the permanent future, it is becausefewer men like Nyerere are in charge.Mwalimu, teacher, they called him. Indeed hewas. He taught two important lessons: how

not to govern and, more positively, the virtueof retiring quietly, as he did in 1985, to avoiddisgrace.Builder? Hardly. Dreamer, certainly, and hisdreams ensured poverty and dependence onforeign aid for generations of Tanzanians.In Nyerere's Tanzania, his party, the Chamacha Mapinduzi, consciously modelled onChinese lines, was the state. (Tanzanians hadto wait until 1992, seven years after Nyererestepped down from the presidency, to vote ina multiparty election). In other words,Mwalimu, under Nyerere, was Swahili forführer.

The Arusha Declaration, the foundingdocument of Nyerere's revolution with itsapostrophes to freedom and equality, seemedto the kind of westerner who had earlier fallenin love with Stalin's Russia to reaffirm thevalues held dear by America's foundingfathers.It was all words. The peasant farmer and histraditional leaders were free so long as theformer moved into a collective villagedesignated by the state and the lattersurrendered their authority to party cellleaders.Tanzanians became subject to forced

removals on a scale about which apartheidbureaucrats could only fantasise.Mwalimu, superior (by definintion) inknowledge and immune from popular opinion,nationalised everything, placing the entireeconomy in the hands of party apparatchikswith the power to extort. He may have beenabove taking bribes himself, but he created anindelibly corrupt society.Here is what The Economist had to say inJune 1987 in an analysis of Nyerere'sachievements: "State corporations and so-



27 October 1999 92

called co-operatives were set up to supply(relocated) villagers and buy their produce; asimilar pattern was imposed in the towns.Private enterprise was abolished, its functionsassigned to hundreds of state corporations.

Most did no trade at all; distributing seeds andfertilisers is not hard work if there are noseeds and fertilisers to give out."Those that did have serious jobs involvingforeign transactions - vehicle supply, coffeeand sisal marketing, the airline, publictransport - turned to bribery and theft."While Mwalimu claimed that he had madeprimary education universal, secondaryschools and universities withered for want ofthe funds he had prevented his economy fromgenerating. As for health care, there weredispensaries everywhere, but with nothing todispense. Nyerere's Tanzania was a nation of

lofty promises and empty shelves.The shortcomings of his dictatorship wereignored by whites in the west, especiallyScandinavians, who believed that whilecolonialism had been a great evil liberatedblacks were nonetheless incorrigibly stupidand thus in need of firm control, not tomention a spot of detention, torture andarbitrary execution, by their own elite.Nyerere's rough stuff was off the sentimentalradar of the folks who gave ArchbishopDesmond Tutu his Nobel prize.Nyerere played on the tears of the white man,and the white man's contemptuous pity for

Africans, like Paganini on a violin. Herepeatedly convinced donors that Tanzania'seconomic disintegration was their faultbecause exploitative western capitalists wouldnot pay enough for his country's products.The real problem was that his nationalisedeconomy could not produce anything. Whencoffee prices were at their height in the '70s,Tanzanian producers would not pick thebeans because the state was not payingthem.Nyerere would whine that Tanzania was thevictim of apartheid aggression on frontlinestates. Then how was it that economies

actually on the frontline did better than his?Some would excuse his infantile utopianismand the lives it destroyed on the ground thathis army overthrew Uganda's Idi Amin in1979. Not much of an excuse, given that allMwalimu did was reinstall Milton Obote, acreature just as vicious as Amin, if not quiteas ostentatious a butcher.If Nyerere is really an exemplar of Africa'sbest, as Albright would have us believe, Godhelp Africa. But then Albright probably did nothave the faintest clue what she was talking

about. What was this hero who would not,once in power, ever subject himself to apopular plebiscite and who relied uponwesterners to keep his economy solvent? A traitor to Africa, I would say.

Copyright (c) 1999 Business Day. Distributedvia Africa News Online (www.africanews.org).For information about the content or for




28 October 1999 93

28 October 1999

Southern African Research and

Documentation Centre

Mwalimu Julius KambarageNyerere- A Remembrance

October 28, 1999 by David Martin Harare - "We, the people of Tanganyika,would like to light a candle and put it on top ofMount Kilimanjaro which would shine beyondour borders giving hope where there wasdespair, love where there was hate anddignity where before there was onlyhumiliation."

"We cannot, unlike other countries, sendrockets to the moon. But we can send rocketsof love and hope to all our fellow [humans]wherever they may be." That statement, overtwo years before Tanganyika's independence,was made by Julius Kambarage Nyerere tothe Legislative Assembly in October 1959. Itexpressed the essence of his beliefs: hope,love and dignity.While those in the developed world walked,his brisk and sprightly stride implied, as herepeatedly said, that Africa had to run to catchup. Once political freedom was attained, unityand development, coupled with hard work,

were essential pre-requisites in nationbuilding. Nyerere was the champion of theliberation of southern Africa becoming the firstchairman of the Frontline states.In Tanzania, Africa and the world he wasregarded almost with awe. Such reaction wascontrary to that which Nyerere wanted. Hewas above all a simple man combining thiswith formidable discipline. Once a chain-smoker, he simply stopped when he becameinvolved in politics and he rarely drankimbibing only in an occasional glass of"Samora" as he called the Portuguese winethe Mozambican leader had introduced him

to. His wife, he once said in a statement, wassimply Mrs Nyerere and not "the First Lady". Apart from his simplicity and piercing intellect,one of Nyerere's most endearing traits washis honesty. Today it is no longer fashionableamong journalists (and much of the public) totake politicians at their word or even imaginein advance what those words might be. Earlyin his Presidency he decided he wanted to belike everyone else and have a home to go toafter the office. But he had no money.

So he called in his commercial bank managerand asked for a loan. It is said, before givingthe loan, that the white banker jokinglyobserved that African Presidents in thosedays of coup d'etats were not a very good

risk. Nyerere later nationalised the bank butkept up his payments. When he retired asTanzania's first President in 1985, he gavethe Msasani house he had built to the state.He waived all the payments he had madeleaving the state with the balance. Somewhatto his chagrin, the state paid off the mortgageand gave him the house back; including all theupkeep costs that went with it.Whenever he could, Nyerere went back to hisvillage. There he had a farm - of sorts.Olusegun Obasanjo, then a farmer and nowNigeria's President, once observed thatalthough Nyerere had more tractors than he

did, the Tanzanian would never be acommercial farmer.Soon after independence, Nyerere resignedas Tanganyika's Prime Minister to forge unitywithin his party, offered to delay his country'sindependence for the sake of unity with Kenyaand Uganda, and merged Tanganyika andZanzibar in the union now known asTanzania. He was deeply committed to theunity of east Africa and the rest of Africa, areality which ironically may now come to passafter his death.For his countrymen and women he was aninspirational leader. He rarely relaxed and

when he did it was usually to play bao with theelders. He was an avid reader who believed inhard work whether it was behind the portals ofState House, building bricks for an ujamaavillage at Chamwino near Dodoma where hemoved the country's political capital, ormarching with blistered feet to Mwanza at thehead of his people. He evolved a uniquely African electoral system for his people in thedays when Tanzania was a one-party statewell before pluralism became the buzz word.Two candidates from the ruling party ranagainst each other.They had to both speak in Swahili from their

shared platform so use of the local languageby one did not disadvantage the other, andthey could not make promises that they woulddo such and such if elected. Reference to theother candidate's gender, religion, race ortribe was forbidden, the aspirants had to traveltogether at all times and even eat from thesame plate in case of poisoning. In thecountry's first post-independence election theelectorate voted out two ministers, seven junior ministers and over 60 backbenchMembers of Parliament.



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It was an outcome that would have stunnedwestern political parties and while someaspects of this unique electoral system mayhave been undesirable, it is a sad reflectionon the developed nations that they forced its

entire abandonment in 1995 in favour of the"western model of democracy". Nyerere'sdistinctive grey hair atop a slight but athleticbody always stood out from the crowd. Whenhe was in his seventies, young securityofficers had to run to keep up with him and thesound of his mercurial voice, raised and thenwhispered, was still resonant and haunting.I arrived in Dar es Salaam in early 1964, justfour years after Nyerere's speech to theLegislative Assembly. Nyerere, I had beentold in London by my interviewers in thatstrangely confiding way many whites havewhen talking to other whites was, "almost one

of us". A liberal, a catholic and so on. Howright - and how wrong - they were. I wasfascinated by the man who was to become myinformal professor teaching me the meaningof principles and non-racialism. Nyerere, ashis record testifies, recognised the equality ofall human beings irrespective of race,ethnicity, gender and religion. He greatlyadmired the late American President, JackKennedy, and was the second visitor to theOval Office during Kennedy's tenure in theWhite House.Kennedy, the subsequent American analysisshowed, tried to set his African visitor at ease

before realising that Nyerere was more atease than he was. It was a year after myarrival in Dar es Salaam that I met Nyerere foran interview and when I did so it was strictlyon his terms. The West Germans had justgiven him an ultimatum: if he allowed the EastGermans to open a consulate in Dar esSalaam they would withdraw their support forhis fledgling air force. His response wasimmediate.The West German ambassador was shownthe door and the Canadians took over. NowNyerere wanted the story in the British media.I learned two things about the man from that

meeting. The first was that he was a mastermedia manager, a quality some othercontemporary leaders could well emulate. Hespoke to journalists on his terms when he hadsomething to say. Interminable lectures andharangues were not his style. The secondpoint was that you gave Nyerere ultimatumsat your own peril. His logic was disarming; hisdetermination both forceful and occasionallysomewhat chilling. At another meeting I recall commenting on thenumber of African countries who were not

paying their dues to the Organisation of African Unity Liberation Committee. He lookedat me thoughtfully chewing the inner corner ofhis cheek in the characteristic way he hadwhen concentrating. Having made his

decision, he passed across a file swearing meto secrecy as to its details. It containedTanzania's budget for that year for theliberation movements fighting colonialism andminority rule in Angola, Guinea Bissau,Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Namibia, South Africa and the Comoro islands.I was astounded by just how muchTanzanians were paying; a sum well beyondthe country's publicised contribution. The vastamount that one of the continents poorestcountries materially - and morally - contributedto the liberation of Africa should shame thosewho are more materialistically inclined.

Therein, in the view of many non-Tanzanians,lies Nyerere's greatest contribution. All of thecountries of the continent - with the exceptionof Spanish Sahara - are now fullyindependent.When Nyerere had spoken to the Legislative Assembly in 1959 only nine countries wereindependent; today the number is 54. All ofsouthern Africa's liberation movements at onetime had their headquarters in Dar es Salaam.Nyerere, along with Hasting Banda of Malawiand Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, were the onlythree leaders to recognise the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) when it was

formed in 1963 and Herbert Chitepo wasTanzania's Director of Public Prosecutions. Inthe days of the heady 1960s through to thesomewhat calmer 1980s, Tanzania was to bethe crossroads of Africa. Almost everyone who was anyone visited Dares Salaam during those years to meetNyerere and the leaders of southern Africa'sliberation movements. The Chinese Premier,Chou en Lai, spoke of Africa being "ripe forrevolution". Others came with their ownagendas such as Marshall Tito, Olaf Palme,Robert Kennedy, Henry Kissinger, CheGuevera, Malcolm X and sporting legends

such as Arthur Ashe. From Africa there werethe leaders such as Gamal Nasser of Egypt,Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia (whosesubsequent death Nyerere tried to prevent),William Tubman of Liberia and a host ofothers. Almost all Tanzanians hold him inspecial esteem.They are stunned by his death gathering insilent groups beneath the official photographwhich in Swahili proclaims him as Baba waTaifa meaning Father of the Nation. ToTanzanians he remains, Mwalimu, the



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teacher, the title they gave him. Tanzanians,despite the conspicuous pride they retain intheir country's role in the liberation of southern Africa, have several very different reasons toremember the man who shaped their lives.

One of his most lasting legacies is the unionof the sovereign states of Tanganyika andZanzibar into the single country now calledTanzania. Not everyone, including manymainland Tanzanians, look on the unionthrough the same rose tinted spectacles theyonce wore for it has been fraught withdifficulties. But were it not for that union, andparticularly the potential protection themainland militarily offered, the former Arabrulers - the second largest minority in Africabehind the whites of South Africa - may havetried to re- seize power from the Africanmajority.

Ujamaa, the concept of togetherness oftenerroneously referred to as African socialism, isanother of Nyerere's enduring legacies. Therecan be no doubt of the logic of bringingscattered communities together into centreswhere goods and services can reach them.Nyerere had the vision to do this but theimplementation of others was found wanting.But domestically Nyerere's most enduringlegacy must be Tanzania's unity and stability.From over 120 ethnic groups, Nyerere forgeda united nation bonded by a single language,Swahili. The pride of nationhood is palpable:never more so than when Tanzanians drove

the dictator Idi Amin out of Uganda. Suchunity is unique in eastern and southern Africa. And in a curious sense Tanzania was to be apoor classroom for me as it did not prepareme for the mysteries and miseries of ethnicpolitical strife elsewhere in Africa and Europe.When he told his mother in 1985 that he haddecided to retire as President her response,which he gleefully repeated, was "Julius, youare a silly boy."His decision to step down as President onlyadded to the high regard in which he washeld. Nevertheless, from that day until hisdeath, Nyerere remained the first among

equals. His endorsement was to be a vitalcomponent for any contemporary Tanzanianpolitician for, in truth, he never ceased to beTanzania's leader. In the 1995 election heformally endorsed Ben Mkapa, a formernewspaper editor and foreign minister, as hischoice for Tanzania's third President.One of those he had opposed observed thatthe "constitution" made it impossible for him tobecome President. By the "constitution" hesaid he meant Nyerere and not a writtendocument.

Another reason to remember Nyerere is theway in which he stood up to the internationaldonors and said "No" when he believed thatthe course they proposed was not in hispeople's best interests. One wishes that today

there were more leaders with his courage andmettle. Nyerere was a charmingly forthrightand visionary leader, the most forward lookingpolitician Africa has yet seen. He also had hisshare of warts. But it is the man's vision andpurpose which will live on. Tanzania, which insome ways will be a more difficult place torule without him, Africa and the world is a verymuch poorer place today. (SARDC)David Martin is a founder-director of theSouthern African Research andDocumentation Centre (SARDC) of whichJulius Nyerere is patron. Martin lived inTanzania for 10 years from 1964 and talked

frequently with Nyerere during the past 35years.* Southern African News Features (SANF)can be reproduced with credit to SARDC andthe author. SANF is available at our websitewww.sardc.net, and upon request [email protected] African Research andDocumentation Centre (SARDC)- P.O. Box5690, Harare, Zimbabwe - Tel: 263-4-738694/5/6 - Fax: 738693 - Email:[email protected] Website: www.sardc.net

Distributed via Africa News Online

(www.africanews.org). If this item isredistributed, published or used for broadcast,the content should not be changed andSouthern African Research andDocumentation Center should be credited.

Southern African Research andDocumentation Centre (SARDC)-

Address To Members OfParliament: By Mwalimu Julius K.Nyerere

Republished October 28, 1999 Original date not given Cape Town - Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere:Madam Speaker and, I think I may say,Comrade President and Comrade VicePresident, ladies and gentlemen. I have toldyou already how I felt when you asked me tocome and talk here. And then I got themessage that you were coming. Of course, Iam happy you are here, but what do I say inyour presence in this House? This is not myfirst time here.



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I have been here before and I have thankedyou, but I must thank you again. For me tocome here to this Chamber and address youis a dream which you have helped me tomake true. How could any one of us have

thought that it would be possible for me orpeople of my type to come to this country andspeak from a forum like this? So, Mr.President, and all your colleagues, I say thankyou very much for making this possible.Now, as for sharing my thoughts with you: mythoughts, unfortunately, don't change, so a lotof what I am going to say some of you willhave heard before, but some of you have not.I am going to say two things about Africa.One, that Africa south of the Sahara is anisolated region of the world. That's the firstthing I want to say. The second thing I want tosay is that Africa south of the Sahara is not

what it is believed to be because Africa is nowchanging. So let me see if I can share thosethoughts with you in a very short period. Africa south of the Sahara is an isolatedregion of the world. During the last ten years,since my retirement as head of state of mycountry, I was asked, and I agreed, toestablish something called the SouthCommission. That has meant a lot oftravelling. I have been many times to Latin America, many times to Asia, many times tomany parts of Africa before coming here, andmany times to a large number of countries inEurope.

The world is changing. It is not only Africawhich is changing. The world is changing. Ofthe three big power blocs developing in theworld since the end of the Cold War, one --the obvious one - is the United States. It hasalways been there. The United States isbuilding around it a group of other countries.That is the obvious area of power. It is the onewhich is very clear. Another is Europe, whichis also an obvious power bloc. The third isJapan and the areas of Asia around it.The US has neighbours. One of them isMexico, from the Third World. A President ofMexico is reported to have said once -- this is

a president of the country -- "Poor Mexico! Sofar from God, and so near to the UnitedStates!" When he said that, what Mexicanswere reaping were the disadvantages of beingclose to the United States. They were notgetting any advantages at all from being soclose to the United States.The US is reach and there is a kind ofosmosis- a political osmosis, but I think alsoan economic osmosis. The economy of theUS pulls people from Mexico into the UnitedStates. The US has been trying very hard to

stop these poor Mexicans from getting into theUS, but without success. They spend a lot ofmoney on the border, and have a lot of policethere. I don't know whether they have electricfences and other things to try to prevent

Mexicans going to the US, but they can'tsucceed. They have not succeeded. Mexicanskeep pouring into the United States.The United States had decided to change itspolicy. They have invited Mexico to joinNAFTA, and now they are working together tocreate jobs in Mexico to prevent poorMexicans from looking for jobs in the UnitedStates. I think they will succeed and Mexicanswill now want to remain in Mexico. Some willstill want to go to the United States, but theflood can be stemmed. There will not be aflood of Mexicans going to the United States.What is happening between Mexico and the

US is happening in Europe. Europe is apowerhouse -- not a political powerhouse oreven a military power house like the US, butan economic powerhouse, and one of thesedays, I think, they are actually going to be abigger powerhouse than USA. They are apower and are attracting people: again thereis osmosis there, the economic osmosis. Whoare pulled there? East Europeans are pulledtowards Europe.But the others who are pulled towards theeconomic power are from Mediterranean Africa, Africa north of the Sahara. That is whyI was talking about Africa south of the Sahara

being the isolated region in the world. SoEastern Europe and Mediterranean Africa areto Europe what Mexico is to the US.Geography, the logic of geography, meansthat if you have problems of unemployment inEastern Europe, East Europeans will want tomove into Western Europe. The Germansknow it, and others know it. They will try tokeep them out. They will not try to keep themout by building fences or putting up anotherwall. They will try to help East Europeans tostay at home by creating jobs in EasternEurope, and they are already doing that. Theywill do the same with regard to the Africans of

North Africa.So Europe has a policy with regard to thecountries of North Africa -- not simply aneconomic policy, but actually a security policy.The French, the Italians, the Portuguese, theSpaniards -- those are the ones in particularwho are frightened of a flood ofunemployment from North Africa into Europe. And some, of course, are afraid not only of theunemployed. Some think they don't like theexport of Islamic fundamentalism into Europe.But I think that's a minor problem. The real



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problem is unemployment, people moving intoEurope from North Africa. Europe has a plan.They can't just sit there and watch thishappening. European countries will have towork together to help the countries of North

Africa to create jobs.The other bloc is Japan. Japan is small,Japan is wealthy, Japan doesn't like otherpeople going to Japan. They don't like that.But they are a big trading nation and they arepouring a lot of money into Asia, and I thinkthey'll do it in China also. I don't think they'llbe frightened of China. They'll put money inChina.So there are those three blocs of countries,three power blocs -- power developing in Asia,power developing in North America, powerdeveloping in Europe- and those countrieswhich are geographically in the orbit of those

areas. These rich areas are being forced tohelp the countries which are near them. Africa south of the Sahara is different -completely different. It's not in the orbit of anyof those big areas. If you people here areunemployed, very few of you will want to go tothe US. The unemployed here will stay here.But so will unemployed in Tanzania. We'll notgo to the US. We'll not go Europe. Certainlywe'd never dream of going to Japan oranywhere else. A trickle will go out -- thestowaways. But there is no answer to ourunemployment in running away from wherewe are. And if you try it, it won't work.

So the USA is not frightened ofunemployment in Africa south of the Sahara.It's your problem. It's not their problem. Theywill not do here or in Tanzania or in Nigeria,what they are doing about Mexico. No, it's nota problem for them, and it's not a problem forEurope either. Europe has a problem arisingfrom Algeria, yes, or even from Egypt, fromthat part of the world. But from Africa south ofthe Sahara? No, they've no fear of a problemthere. There is no flood of unemployedmoving from this area going to Europe to seek jobs. So what would be the imperative fromEurope? What pressure has Europe to deal

with you people, unless you create some veryattractive means of attracting a few businesspeople? And in Asia, the Japanese are afraid that ifthey don't share their wealth with some of thepoor, these poor might come to Japan. Thosepoor are not the African poor from this part ofthe world. They are from Asia.So that is the first thing I wanted to say about Africa south of the Sahara. You are isolatedfrom the centres of power. There is no internalurge in the US, in Europe or in Japan to help

Africa. None. And, I think, to some extent theurge of imperialism has gone. So you couldeasily be forgotten. Africa is of interest whenwe are killing one another. Then we arouse alot of interest. The big news now in Europe

and North America is not here. It's in CongoBrazzaville; Congo Brazzaville is now bignews. The television screens are full of whatis happening in Congo Brazzaville. That'snews. And won't last for long. It might last untilthe end of this week, then it's out. And then, if Africa wants to appear on Europeantelevision, we can cause more troublesomewhere, I think I've made that point. Africa south of the Sahara is isolated. Africasouth of the Sahara, in the world today, is onits own -- totally on its own. That's the firstthing I wanted to say. The second thing Iwanted to say is that Africa is changing. I've

been to Europe, Asia, North America andLatin America, and Africa is a stereotype. The Africa which now arouses some interest is theBrazzaville Africa, that Rwanda Africa, thatSomalia Africa, that Liberia Africa. That is the Africa which arouses interest, and I don'tblame these people. That's the Africa thatthey know. And so I go out. I come from Tanzania, andwe don't have these blessed troubles thatthey have in other places, but I go out.Sometimes I get annoyed, but sometimes Idon't get annoyed. Here I am a formerpresident of my country. There are no

problems in Tanzania -- we have never hadthese problems that they have -- but I'm an African. So when they see me they ask aboutthe problems of Rwanda. I say, "I don't comefrom Rwanda." And they answer, "But youcome from Africa" But if Blair were to come toDar es Salaam, I wouldn't ask him what ishappening in Bosnia. If I meet President Kohisomewhere. I don't ask him, "what ishappening in Chechnya? Kohi could say,"Why are you asking about Chechnya? I don'tknow hat is happening in Chechnya."But this is not true about Africa. Mr. President,here you are trying to build something which

is a tremendous experience, but perhaps youare different. Sometimes they think South Africa is different, so perhaps they would say,"This is President Mandela, this is different."But for the likes of me, no, I am an African. And sometimes I get irritated, but then I say,"Why? Why do I get irritated?" Because, ofcourse, I am a Tanzanian.But what is this Tanzania? Why should theseEuropeans see me as a Tanzanian? What isthis Tanzania? This is something we tried tocreate in my lifetime. I built Tanzania. So what



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is this Tanzania? The Europeans are right.The North Americans are right to look at meas an African, not as a Tanzanian, becauseTanzania is a creation of colonialism, which iscausing us a lot of trouble on the continent.

So, to some extent, Europeans are right whenthey choose to see us in this differentiatedmanner. The Tanzania here is a president ofTanzania. He struggled there for 23 yearsbefore he stepped down to try and turn those125 tribes into some kind of nation, and hehas succeeded to some extent. This is what Iwant them to think of. Why? They see mecorrectly as an African. So that is where Iwant to end. This is the other thing I reallywanted to say. Africa South of the Sahara is isolated, Africasouth of the Sahara is changing. Thatstereotype of "There is trouble in Africa all the

time" is nonsensical. There is trouble in Africa,there is trouble in Asia, there is trouble inEurope, there is trouble everywhere, and itwould be amazing if after the suffering of theblessed continent for the last 100 years, wedidn't have what we are having. Some ofthese nations we have are not nations at all.They make no sense at all, any geographicalsense or ethnic sense or economic sense.They don't. The Europeans set somewhereand said, "you take that part, you take thatpart." They drew these lines on a map andhere we are, trying to create nations which arealmost impossible to create. But we are

changing. The continent is changing.My friend who was introducing me mentionedneocolonialism. I'm glad you still use the word"neocolonialism", because, you know. Wewent through a period when some of ourpeople thought we were so advanced now totalk about neocolonialism. Uh-uh, no, no. It isalmost communist to talk aboutneocolonialism. He is a communist? Well, Iam not a communist, but I agree with you! Wewent through a neocolonial period in Africa. Itnearly destroyed all the hopes of the strugglefor the liberation of the continent, with a bunchof soldiers taking over power all over the

continent, pushed, instigated and assisted bythe people who talk about this stereotype of Africa.We have just got rid of Mobutu, who put himthere? I don't know what Lumumba wouldhave been if he had been allowed to live. Idon't know. He was an elected leader, butangered the powerful and they removed himwithin weeks. Then Mobutu came on thescene within weeks and he's been theresince. He was the worst of the lot. He loots

the country, he goes out, and he leaves thatcountry with a debt of US$14 billion.That money has done nothing for the peopleof Congo. So I sit down with friends of theWorld Bank and IMF. I say, "You know where

that money is. Are you going to ask Kabila totax the poor Congolese to pay that money?That would be a crime. It's criminal." And thatwas the type of leadership we had over alarge part of Africa. They were leaders putthere either by the French or by the Americans. When we had the Cold War, boy, Itell you, we couldn't breathe.But Africa is changing. You can make a mapof Africa and just look at the countriesstretching from Eritrea to here. Just draw aline and see all those countries. You still havea Somalia and a Burundi there, but it's a verydifferent kind of Africa now, it has elected

governments, it has confident governments. Actually, most of those countries with theexception of Uganda, have never been undermilitary rule. Never! And since your comingonto the scene, this is completely differentkind of Africa.When we were struggling here, South Africastill under apartheid, and you being adestabiliser of your neighbours instead ofworking together with them to develop ourcontinent, of course that was a different thing.It was a terrible thing. Here was a powerfulSouth Africa, and this power was a curse tous. It was not a blessing for us. We wished it

away, because it was not a blessing at all. Itdestroyed Angola with a combination ofapartheid; it was a menace to Mozambiqueand a menace to its neighbours, but that haschanged. South Africa is democratic. South Africa is no longer trying to destroy the others.South Africa is now working with the others. And, boy please work with the others! And don't accept this nonsense that South Africa is big brother. My brother, you can't bebig brother. What is your per capita income?Your per capita income is about US$3,000 ayear. Of course compared with Tanzania youare a giant. But you are poor. When you begin

to use that money this is arithmetic, simplearithmetic and if you divide the wealth of thiscountry for the population, of courseeverybody gets US$3, 000, but not everybodyin this country is getting US$ 3,000. Thatwould be a miracle. That is simply arithmetic.So when you begin to use that wealth, Mr.President and I know you are trying toaddress the legacy of apartheid -- you haveno money. You are still different fromTanzania, but you have no money. You arestill more powerful. So Tanzania and the



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others to say that South Africa is big brother,and they must not throw their weight around,what kind of weight is that? And, in any case,this would be positive weight, not the negativeweight of apartheid.

So this is a different Africa. I am saying thatthis Africa now is changing. Neocolonialism isbeing fought more effectively, I think, with anew leadership in Africa. And I believe theone region which can lead this fight is ourregion. With the end of apartheid and South Africa having joined SADC, this area of Africais a very solid area. It is an extremely solidarea. It is strong, it has serious leaders andthese leaders know one another. I know thatbecause where some of them have comefrom, They have a habit of working together,Mr. President, so let them work together.Deliberately. It should be a serious decision to

work together. Why? You have no otherchoice. You have absolutely no other choice.South Africa, because of its infrastructure, canattract more investment from Europe, fromNorth America, than Tanzania can. Fine, goahead. Do it, use your capacity to get asmuch investment as you can. That's good. Butthen don't be isolated from the rest of Africa.What you build here because of yourinfrastructure and the relative strength of youreconomy, you are building for all of us here.The power that Germany has is Europeanpower, and the Europeans are movingtogether. The small and the big are working

together. It is absurd for Africa to think thatwe, these little countries of Africa, can do italone. Belgium has 10 million people. Africasouth of the Sahara if you exclude South Africa has 470 million Africans, I sit down withthe Prime Minister of Belgium, and he talks tome about European unity. I say, "You aresmall, your country is very small, so how canyou talk of European unity with giants likeGermany and the others? He says, "Thisquestion of the protection of our sovereigntywe leave to the big powers. We lost oursovereignty ages ago."These countries are old, their sovereignty is

old. These Europeans fought wars. When wewere studying history, it was the history of thewars of Europe. They fought and fought, andthey called their wars World Wars. But now Ican't imagine Europeans fighting. No, war inEurope is an endangered species. I think it'sgone, certainly war between one country andanother. The internal problems you will stillhave, the problem of the Balkans, but that is areflection of something that is like Africa.So I'm saying that Africa is changing becausethe leadership in Africa is changing. Africa is

beginning to realise and we should allencourage Africa to get that realisation moreand more that we have to depend upon ourselves, both at national level and at thecollective level. Each of our countries will

have to rely upon its own human resourcesand natural material resources for itsdevelopment. But that is not enough. The nextarea to look at is our collectivity, our workingtogether. We all enhance our capacity todevelop if we work together.Retyped by SARDC**Southern African News Features (SANF)can be reproduced with credit to SARDC andthe author. SANF is available at our websitewww.sardc.net, and upon request [email protected] African Research andDocumentation Centre (SARDC)- P.O. Box

5690, Harare, Zimbabwe - Tel: 263-4-738694/5/6 - Fax: 738693 - Email:[email protected] Website: www.sardc.net

UN Integrated Regional InformationNetwork

IRIN Focus on the union

October 28, 1999 Nairobi - As mourning continues in Tanzaniaover the death of former Tanzanian presidentand "father of the nation" Julius Nyerere,many are questioning the future of the union

between the mainland and the islands ofPemba and Zanzibar.Speaking at Nyerere's funeral on Saturday,President Benjamin Mkapa warned thatanyone "dreaming about breaking the unity ofTanzania, generating insecurity or stirring uptensions will be dealt with ruthlessly and theiractivities curtailed". He added that thegovernment would do "all in its power toprotect Nyerere's legacy of love, unity andharmony" but would not tolerate anyonecausing insecurity on the basis of tribe orreligion.Nyerere, who led the country to independence

from Britain in 1961 and achieved the union ofmainland Tanganyika with Pemba and Unguja[Zanzibar] in 1964, died in London fromleukaemia on 14 October.Many analysts contacted by IRIN believeMkapa's fears could well be his own and not areflection of the current reality on the ground.They believe there are no threats "yet" to theunion."There is no danger at the moment that theunion could disintegrate," Dr SengondoMvungi, a lecturer at Dar es Salaam



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University and legal adviser to the oppositionNational Convention for Construction andReform party said. "The truth is that it [theunion] could be more consolidated than ever.The majority of people, between 85-90

percent, endorse the union both on themainland and the islands," he told IRIN. Headded that political squabbles on themainland and in Zanzibar "are often thevoices of the elite".However, he cautioned that the presentstructure of the union may be "ill- suited" tomake it "flourish" in the future. "The Kisangacommission [set up by the government togather views on possible amendments to theconstitution and the union] will give an insightas to how the people want the union and theconstitution to be," he said. But for the timebeing, there was no party with the strength to

dislodge the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi(CCM), he stressed.Norway's Ambassador to Tanzania Nils-JohanJorgensen observed that Tanzanians are"very proud of the unity, sense of stability andpeace, and it would not be politically easy tochange this dramatically". "I haven't seenanything that would disturb that stability andthe continuity of the Nyerere legacy," he toldIRIN."Anyone trying to break this would be terriblyunpopular," he added. "There is somethingvery strong which is the sense of peace andunity." But he noted that although the CCM

was powerful in both the mainland andZanzibar, it was "not very clear" what wouldhappen in the latter which would "have tosolve its internal political dilemma".Zanzibar has a strong opposition party, theCivic United Front (CUF), which iscampaigning to prevent the island's PresidentSalmin Amour of the CCM from running for athird term. Eighteen CUF supporters arecurrently imprisoned, and CommonwealthSecretary-General Chief Emeka Anyaoku haslaunched an initiative to mediate between thetwo parties.Jorgensen pointed out that Tanzania's

democracy is young. "The fact that only oneparty has been in power for a long time, doesnot mean it is undemocratic, although thepresence of an opposition to check on thegovernment's performance is equallydesirable," he said. A regional analyst and lecturer at theUniversity of Nairobi's Institute of Diplomacy,Professor Moustafa Hassuni, said Mkapa wasafraid "the ghosts of unity may resurface"."The rifts and divisions which may haveexisted in CCM or in the union were somehow

smoothed and the risk of them erupting duringNyerere's time was minimal," he told IRIN."Now, the situation could be unclear withoutthe unifying factor or an agent of the calibre ofNyerere."

Another regional analyst added there waspossibility of Tanzanians "rediscovering theirown identity" and "maybe favouring abreakaway". "It is too early to know but theremay be a problem in the future," the analystsaid. Some observers have suggested thatIslamic fundamentalism may surface in theislands of Pemba and Zanzibar, posing apotentially serious threat to the union.This item is delivered by the UN's IRINhumanitarian information unit (e- mail:[email protected]; fax: +254 2 622129;Web: http://www.reliefweb.int/IRIN), but maynot necessarily reflect the views of the United

Nations. If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post this item, please retain this credit anddisclaimer.

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29 October 1999 101

29 October 1999

All Africa News Agency

Julius Nyerere: A ConcreteExample Of Commitment

October 29, 1999 by Special Correspondent Geneva - The following tribute to therenowned African elder statesman and formerpresident of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere, whodied on October 14, has been paid by the RevDr Konrad Raiser, general secretary of theWorld Council of Churches WCC:"Throughout Africa's struggle for liberationfrom colonisation and against apartheid the

World Council of Churches, in its efforts tosupport that cause, sought the guidance andinsights of the man who, as chairman of the'frontline states', inspired and exemplified thestruggle."As we share in the grief over the loss of ourfriend and mentor Julius Nyerere and expressour sincere condolences to his family andfriends, we give thanks to God for his l ife andpray that his soul may rest in eternal peace."Julius Nyerere lived a simple life in harmonywith his message and the values of truth and justice to which he referred. Incorruptible andfully accountable, his life and work set an

example of integrity that challenged hiscountry and people, the rest of Africa and theworld."In many ways, Nyerere was the conscienceof Africa. His voluntary relinquishment of thepresidency is evidence of that, but otherexamples of his integrity abound."Nyerere was a man of tremendousintellectual and moral resources. During thelong struggle for decolonisation of thePortuguese colonies and of SouthernRhodesia, as well as in the battle againstapartheid in Namibia and South Africa, he puthis capacities to work in the service of

resistance and the liberation struggle."A concrete example of his commitment wasthe welcome given by Tanzania to refugeesfrom the Portuguese colonies and South Africa, land and resources for developmentand education being specially set aside fortheir needs."During these years, the WCC through itsProgramme to Combat Racism PCR not onlyoffered financial support to such refugeesettlements, but frequently consulted Nyerere,drawing on his wisdom and experience.

"In its work as a whole in support of justice,peace, development, human rights andfreedom, the WCC was also guided by hiswords that 'If the church is not part of ourpoverty, and part of our struggle against

poverty and injustice, then it is not part of us'".For the Rev Sam Kobia from Kenya, directorfor Issues and Themes, while the world woulddo well to emulate his unostentatious lifestyle, Africa might pay a fitting tribute to Nyerere bycontinuing to work for unity and peace.Publication date: November 1, 1999

Copyright (c) 1999 All Africa News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online(www.africanews.org). For information aboutthe content or for permission to redistribute,


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Who Else Would Get The Credit ForPeace And Unity?

October 29, 1999 Nairobi - The late former TanzanianPresident, Julius Kabarage Nyerere, was thepeaceful son of a continent associated withwars, ethnic divisions, dictatorships andfamine among other evils. (also see Featuressection)Nyerere's native country, Tanzania, is the onlynation in Africa that has known peace,freedom, religion and ethnic harmony fornearly four decades. He was fondly known asMwalimu, the teacher - a tribute to his initialprofession and astute leadership.Credit for unity and peace goes to Nyerere,the son of former colonial chief, who wasbrought up as a Christian but wore Muslimcap during his days as president of Tanzania.Nyerere is the only African leader toremember that the continent's pre-independence and post-independenceproblems are land related and promise to beso as long as the statutes remain colonial orcolonial laced."Africans waged wars against the Berlinpartitioners of Africa to regain land, a lostbirthright. Community conflicts are landbased," Nyerere once said.Nyerere parted ways with counterparts andproclaimed Tanzania a socialist state. Withthe package came the controversialnationalisation of the land which eliminatedspeculators.Of all Nyerere's pronouncements, the Arushadeclaration that gave birth to Ujamaa orfamilyhood remains the secret of unity and



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peace envied and admired by many whowonder how 120 tribes could be soharmonious. After the collapse of communism in the SovietUnion, the donor community abandoned their

creation, African despots. They introducedmulti-partism and coined phrases that were asold as Nyerere's vocabulary. Accountability and transparency, welfaresystem and empowerment of the rural folk - allthese attributes that the donor communitiesadvocate today were part of Nyerere'ssocialism package in Ujamaa.Education, social services and shelter werefree in Nyerere's socialist Tanzania. Last butnot least, Nyerere created Ombudsman tocheck on abuses and corruption.Seven, a divine and sacred figure in some African communities dominated the life and

times of a man who died at age 77 fighting forrights and total liberation of the continent.Nyerere was born 37 years after thepartitioning of Africa in Berlin. On July 7,1954, he founded a liberation movement,Tanganyika Africa National Union TANU tofight against the partitioners of the continent.Seven years later, Tanganyika becameindependent and TANU, under Nyerere,assumed the leadership of the East Africannation.In 1967 Nyerere proclaimed Tanzania asocialist state and presided over the formationof the three-nation East African Community

which collapsed 10 years later because ofideological differences between Tanzania anda partner, Kenya.In 1977, Nyerere merged TANU and Afro-Shirazi political parties to find Chama ChaMapinduzi (Revolution Party). The next year,he waged a seven-month successfulconventional war against dictator Idi Amin ofUganda. Nyerere was among the founders ofthe Group of 77 developing countries.He celebrated 100 years of the scramble for Africa by retiring from presidency of a poorand proud nation but swore to continue thestruggle against apartheid and vestiges of

colonialism.Fourteen years after retirement, last October14, at 77, Mwalimu Nyerere died in Londonfollowing hospitalisation there making figure"seven" significant in the Tanzania politicalcalendar.Nyerere lived an uncompromising life. He wasnon-aligned in the true sense of the word. Hewas friendly to China and Cuba becausethese countries provided military support toliberation movements he provided withtraining bases.

The former president hosted the OAULiberation Committee headquarters to providelogistic and military assistance to liberators.Tanzania, in Nyerere's days and now, is hometo thousands of African refugees fleeing

genocide in their countries.Liberators and refugees alike are fighting toregain birthright, land. Nyerere found asolution to Africa's problems before powerfulWestern nations returned to do so.Nyerere is dead. The legacy remains. Whycan't African countries emulate the statesmanof the century to forestall disasters?Publication date: November 1, 1999



The Day The Villagers Lost TheirFavourite Son

October 29, 1999 by Stephen Mbogo Nairobi - As Tanzanians buried the country'sfounding father and senior statesman, DrJulius Kambarage Nyerere on October 23 inthe humble setting of his birthplace, Butiama,villagers in this northern region expressedtheir heart-felt impressions on the departedleader who Tanzanians fondly referred to asMwalimu, Kiswahili word for teacher.Fr Rev Tomas Marando, who has pastoredthe late Mwalimu for the last two years at OurLady of Precious Blood of Jesus, about 400metres from Nyerere's home said: "I havewitnessed the old man constantly perfectinghis spiritual life, through attending the Masswithout fail on Sundays, mid-week andevenings, whenever he was within the area".The local parish priest added that the churchwas built by the Catholic bishops as a way oftaking the pastoral service closer to Mwalimuafter he retired as head of state in 1985.Before this, Mwalimu used to attend his massat Zanaki (Magorombe) Catholic Church,about 13 kilometres from his home at Butiamavillage, according to Fr., Marando."Sometimes Mwalimu would go without fullbreakfast, having shared it with the children,who used to time him at breakfast time".74-year old Mama Dorothy Msoga, who hasserved Nyerere's household as ahousekeeper in the past says: "SometimesMwalimu would go without full breakfast,



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having shared it with the children, who used totime him at breakfast time"."I would sometimes hear Mwalimu from thekitchen beckoning them(children)… Njooni!,njooni!, nyinyi ni watoto wangu ( Come! Come

right in my children!) and they would rush inhaphazardly and Mwalimu would request meto bring more food. This did happen many atime, she recalled.71-year-old Teresia Nyakigi, sister to the lateNyerere says: " He was everything to us . Hecared for us, from advice to financial needs.We hope the trend will continue especially onfinancial line. The Government has alreadypromised, but we wait to see it happening".The old woman, was referring to an earlierannouncement by Tanzanian leader,President Benjamin Mkapa that theGovernment would do everything possible to

"assist" Mwalimu's family. Mkapa spoke at thegraveside .Mama Nyakigi and his brother JosephatKiboko, 67, are the only remaining membersin the family of Nyerere, whose father, the lateMzee Burito Wanzagi, was a traditional chieffor the Wazanaki tribal community.32-year-old Muslim woman, Adijah Mgendirecalls vividly how in 1978, she approachedMwalimu for some help. She was in dire needfor a set of uniform, shoes and socks. Thiswas the day Mwalimu visited her school,Butiama Primary School.She says: " I knelt in front of him as a sign of

respect and presented my case. I was about10 by then. He held me by his hand. Took meto a nearby tailor and asked him to make auniform for me. He paid him and told him tohave it ready by the end of the day."He then took me to a nearby shoe shop.Bought me a pair of shoes (tennis) and a pairof socks. I thanked him and then run back toschool". She is now married and runs a smallrestaurant at Centre, about 300 metres, fromMwalimu's house . "I was very proud to havebeen very close to Mwalimu. I cared for hisflock, about 20 cows, African breed, ten ofwhich was a gift from Uganda's President

Yoweri Museveni to Mwalimu". Ambasi Msengu, who described himself asDakitari wa mifugo wa Mwalimu (extensionofficer for veterinary services for Mwalimu'sfarms) has worked for Mwalimu for the lasttwo years.He says: "I was very proud to have been veryclose to Mwalimu. I cared for his flock, about20 cows, African breed, ten of which was agift from Uganda's President Yoweri Musevenito Mwalimu".

There were times he would work in theshamba (farm) from morning to evening,without a break. He grew maize, cassava,among other farm products, and he also keptcows and goats, he says.

"By the time of his death, he planned tointroduce modern dairy cows, a project, heonce confided to me, would act as ademonstrating arena for the villagers that thiswould be practically possible," Msengu added.Muslim Juma Hamisi Kakwaya Nyamberere, aKoran teacher in Butiama village says: "Mwalimu was very accommodating when itcame to religious faith of the people".He cites a case where Nyerere planned toassist Muslim villagers in the construction of amosque for them, about 200 metres from hishouse.The project reached the foundation level by

the time Nyerere passed away on October 14.he former leader had already made hispersonal donation equivalent to half the costof the project. I hope the good gesture ofMwalimu will find its way to realisation, saysJuma Hamisi.The Chief of Zanaki area, 42-year-oldJosephat Wanzagi, whose father EdwardWanzagi Nyerere was brother to the formerpresident's father, Burito Nyerere, recallsvividly how Mwalimu presented to him 12Bibles during his installation ceremony aschief in 1997."He told me to distribute them among my

people while he gave me an extra one,stressing 'You need one for yourself '. As aleader he advised me to be always be close toGod's word," recalls the chief.Robert Madebe, 36, says Nyerere taught himhow to play Bao, the African equivalent ofchess." We later played together during 1996,1997 and 1998. And for all that time until laterpart of his life, I only managed to win twice.He was too smart for me," recalls Madebefrom Bisarye village within Butiama area. "Hewelcomed everybody. This is how people,especially those who happen to be too closeto him, will always remember him".

Daniel Nyerere, a cousin to the former leadersays: " Mwalimu had too much of humanity,humility to accommodate everybody whocame across him, be it a child, old, baled,disabled, educated or less educated. This ishow Mwalimu lived. This is how people,especially those who happen to be too closeto him, will always remember him".While presiding over the requiem Mass forNyerere at the very church which he attendedhis Mass, the Our Lady of Precious Blood ofJesus, about 400 metres from his house,



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Archbishop Anthony Mayala of Mwanza said:"Mwalimu had set a good example of moraluprightness, integrity and submission toprayer".He added that these were the secrets behind

Nyerere's successful leadership. The foundingfather of Tanzania was a devout Catholic anda man of wisdom. He was a moral leader,worth emulating, noted the Catholicclergyman.Publication date: November 1, 1999




Tanzanian Authorities CrackdownOn Poachers

October 29, 1999 by Nicodemus Odhiambo Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania (PANA) - Wildlifeauthorities have launched a massivecrackdown on poachers in Tanzania's nationalparks, amid reports that the country had lost35 percent of its wildlife population in the pastfive years. A total of 4,333 arrests have been made in the

sprawling Serengeti National Park, in Mararegion, northern Tanzania, in the last fouryears alone. Authorities also recovered a total of 24 guns,100 hunting dogs, 32 axes and 673 machetesduring the same period in the world-famousSerengeti.The crackdown comes at a time whenspeculators say that the country's wildlife hadplummeted tremendously. A recent report in the British newspaper, TheGuardian, said that animal population inTanzania had dropped to an "unsustainable"point.

Independent sources say that the populationof rhinos in the south-eastern Seolous Gamepark alone had declined from 2,000 in 1970 toless than 150 three years ago.Government officials, however, say that thenumber of elephants there had risen from30,000 to 57,000 within 10 years. As ameasure to curb the poaching menace, parkwardens are currently being retrained in skillsthat would help them fight off sophisticatedpoacher weaponry, the Tanzania NationalParks Authority, said.

The authority's director-general, GeraldBigurube, said that the body was alsoenlisting the support of villagers to betray thepoachers before they struck. In the SelousGame Reserve, 45 villages are now engaged

in the protection of the wild animals on theirland.Village scouts are assisting the Selous gameauthorities to combat poaching in return for anincome which the villages deploy indevelopment projects.Similar efforts are being employed by theKilimanjaro National Park Authority wherepoaching, especially of bushbuck and buffalo,is very rampant.Confirming that poaching is rampant in theregion, the authority's chief park warden, L.ole Moirana, said game trophies found theirway to markets abroad while game meat was

often supplied to local butchers.Unconfirmed reports suggest that gamewardens often work in difficult and at timesdangerous situations without necessarylogistics like weapons and radio equipment.Compared to the 1980s, authorities are,however, elated that elephant poaching has atleast been brought to a bare minimum.The incidents had been so rampant in theSelous that a special campaign code- named"Operation Uhai" (operation life) was launchedto avert the slaughter of further beasts. As the largest protected area in the world andhome to over half of Tanzania's elephants, the

Selous is a big attraction to tourists.



The East African

He Did Not Think His Life Was inDanger

October 29, 1999 By Premy KibangaDar-es-Salaam - The late father of the nationKambarage Nyerere thought he was going fora normal medical check-up when he went toLondon. He did not talk of death. He did notleave any last words."He did not expect to die when they took himto the hospital. He thought his was a normalcheck-up. But when he was given thesedatives, he did not wake up," said



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Madaraka, one of his sons, in an exclusiveinterview with The EastAfrican.It is therefore believed that Nyerere did notleave any special instructions about his deathor choice of his burial site because he did not

think his life was threatened.He is said to have even asked to be takenback home to continue with his Burundinegotiations in Arusha."I talked to him a few days before he wasadmitted to the hospital. He was impatient toreturn to Tanzania to carry on with hisfacilitation of the Burundi peace process. Ipleaded with him to desist from taking such astep," said President Mkapa in his eulogy atthe National Stadium during the state funeralon Thursday. Although a member of Nyerere's family, Mr.Joseph Butiku, had said that Mwalimu had

chosen his burial place, a dispute arose at hishome village between community elders andone of Nyerere's sons in Butiama.Sources said the government wasdisappointed that it could not bury MwalimuNyerere at the Karimjee Hall in Dar-es-Salaam. The building is located next to thenational museum. It was used forparliamentary sessions before thegovernment decided to transferred Parliamentto Dodoma."We wanted to have Mwalimu as the firstleader to be laid to rest there so that we couldturn it into a heroes' burial ground," said a

source, adding that the government wasconsidering making the Karimjee grounds thefinal resting place for state leaders.Many Tanzanians did not expect Nyerere todie. Although the president's office gaveregular bulletins on his health condition, hisdeath still came as a shock to many.Thus when the his body arrived in Dar-es-Salaam on Monday, October 18th, the wholecity came to a standstill. Deep mourningcloaked the days his body lay in state in Dar.People of all age groups, colours and faithlined the road and streets from Dar es Salaamairport to Mwalimu's residence in Msasani,

some 20-km long route.Nyerere was admitted to at St Thomas'sHospital in London on September 24.He was given sedatives to help put him tototal rest while doctors treated othercomplications related to his sicknesses.He took long to wake up and the doctors latersaid he had slipped into a coma and a brainscan revealed that he had suffered a massivestroke from which he could not recover. Hewas pronounced dead on October 14.



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South Africa Remembers Nyerereas One of Its Own

October 29, 1999 By Chris Erasmus Special CorrespondentNairobi - If Mwalimu Julius Nyerere had beenthe founding father of South Africa and notTanzania, he would hardly have received amore dignified farewell here than he hasdone.South Africans from across the politicalspectrum, including many who once

denounced him as puppet of the evilcommunist masterminds in Beijing andMoscow, if not as a demon himself, praisedthe former Tanzania head of state as a great African and a fine human being.South African President Thabo Mbeki orderedthat the country's flags be flown at half-mastfor five days of mourning in recognition ofNyerere's role in South Africa's move fromapartheid and the achievement of a multi-party democracy.Mr. Mbeki, who was one of several heads ofstate to attend Mwalimu Nyerere's funeral,shared the sentiments of the many postersbearing the wording: Farewell Father of theNation.Mr. Mbeki was heading a high-powered South African delegation that included InkathaFreedom Party President and Home AffairsMinister Mongosuthu Buthelizi, Foreign AffairsMinister Nkosazana Zuma, and Speaker inParliament Frene Ginwala. Although Mwalimu Nyerere's passing, aged77, from leukaemia in a London hospital cameas no great surprise, his death has hit hardmany South Africans, especially those whowere involved in the liberation struggle againstapartheid and racism in this country andregion.Like so many African leaders who praisedMwalimu Nyerere, most South Africans feelthey have lost a beloved godfather to theiryoung nation.In the media and on the streets, Mwalimu hasbeen praised for his selfless contributions tothe cause of African liberation.He has been described as a tireless defenderof just causes and a worthy architect of the African people's victory in gaining their rightfulplace among the nations of the world.



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Just as Nelson Mandela is widely known byhis nickname of Madiba, many South Africansfondly refer to Nyerere as Mwalimu.From streetsweepers to parliamentarians,there was a general sense last week that

Africa had lost a great man and that South Africans of all races and creeds owed him ahuge debt.Such is the feeling towards Mwalimu that notone but two formal memorial services wereheld for him last week.Deputy President Jacob Zuma andrepresentatives of all parties in the National Assembly also paid tribute to Mwalimu. Theyunanimously adopted a motion expressingNational Assembly's condolences and supportto his family and the people of Tanzania.Mr. Zuma said Mwalimu had been "one of thegiants" of the African continent.

His name permeated all the significantmoments of the continent's development fromits colonial past, and he had played a keysupportive role in South Africa's path tofreedom."The best way to remember Mwalimu is tocontinue the struggle to free all Africans fromhunger and starvation; from homelessness;from diseases that are killing millions of ourpeople; from joblessness; illiteracy, conflictand war; from tyranny and from oppression,"Mr. Zuma said.Dr Ginwala said prior to her departure forMwalimu's funeral that under Dr Nyerere, she

had hosted thousands of exiles from Southern Africa. Africa would be the poorer from his death.Democratic Party foreign affairs spokesmanColin Eglin said Mwalimu had been deeplycommitted to the development of Tanzaniansand to the liberation of Southern Africa'speople from colonialism and racism.He had realised in the course of time that hispolicies of resettling millions of peasantfarmers and of a one-party state had notworked as well as he had hoped, and hadbecome more pragmatic.Today Tanzania is a healthy multi-party

democracy, Mr. Eglin said.The Inkatha Freedom Party's Joe Matthews,deputy minister of safety and security, saidMwalimu had been a "very bold andimaginative" leader.Even one of Mwalimu's harshest critics in thepast, the New National Party, found praise forNyerere. Dr Boy Geldenhuys, the NNP'sforeign affairs spokesman, said that apartfrom his opposition to apartheid, Nyerere hadalso "taken up the battle axe" against human

rights abuses in other parts of Africa, such asby Idi Amin in Uganda.He had possessed the rare quality of being anhonest politician. But his removal of 14 millionpeasants to communal villages had all but

destroyed Tanzania's economy, added DrGeldenhuys.The South African media reflected much thesame spectrum of opinion, with the Afrikaanspress highlighting the forced resettlement ofpeasants under Nyerere's Ujamaa policy,saying it was "one of Africa's most disastrousexperiments in social engineering, enforcedby an autocratic, one-party government."But even Business Day had to concede thatMwalimu had been remarkably honest as anindividual, had not enriched himself throughhis office, as have so many other Africanleaders, and in the end had voluntarily stood

down from office, thereby saving his nationmuch grief and pain.Papers with a predominantly black readershipheaped praise on Mwalimu and largelyglossed over the mistakes of his leadership,saying that at the least his intentions werepure, even if Ujamaa had failed in itsapplication.



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Balancing Relative Values at theFuneral (Opinion)

October 29, 1999 By Mike OkemaDar-es-Salaam - It had all along been takenfor granted that Mwalimu had no private life.This line of thought was encouraged by thefact that he never accumulated any wealth.Of the four houses he possessed - one inMsasani, Dar-es-Salaam and three inButiama, his native village - two were gifts. Hebuilt the first house before joining politics. In1974, the party decided the house was nolonger worthy of his status and built himanother one.On April 13, 1999, which was taken to beMwalimu's 77th birthday, the army gave himanother house in Butiama as a birthdaypresent, mainly because his library wasgetting larger by the day and there was nolonger enough space in his Butiama villagehouses for his books. This is not much in the



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way of possessions for a man who waspresident for 23 years.Even so, there is more to private life thanworldly possessions.On the one hand, Mwalimu never gave his

offspring special treatment just because theywere the children of the president. On theother hand, it was a close-knit family whereeven some grown-up children continued tolive in close vicinity to their parents untilMwalimu retired from the presidency andreturned to the village.Treating his children like any other citizensmeant none was being prepared to take onthe old man's mantle. This has resulted in acertain leadership vacuum within the family.Of all the children, Makongoro alone turned topolitics, becoming an MP for Arusha town onthe opposition NCCR ticket. But his stint on

the political stage has been brief and he haslet it be known he does not plan a comebackin the near future.Makongoro has acted as the familyspokesman ever since his father was taken ill.He has, however, made it clear to the pressthat he is not the new chief of the clan,pointing out that he is only the fifth child.This lack of leadership has affected the wholefuneral procedure. Tanzanians had taken it forgranted that Mwalimu's funeral and burialwould be public, not private, and it wasgenerally assumed he would be buriedsomewhere in Dar-es-Salaam or Dodoma, the

new capital. Mwalimu had not indicated wherehe wanted his final resting place to be. So hisrelatives argued that since, upon retirement,Mwalimu had returned to his native village, hewould have preferred a private burial inButiama.Within the clan, there was another wranglegoing on as to the exact spot where Mwalimuwould be buried. Elders, led by ChiefWanzagi, wanted Nyerere to be laid to restnext to his parents. Emil Magige, Nyerere'sson, on the other hand wanted his father tohave the back of the new house for a restingplace. Digging the grave was thus delayed for

a few days.It took the intervention of the Minister forLabour and Youth Development, Paul Kimiti,in his capacity as a member of the officialburial committee, to strike a compromise:Nyerere was to be buried in front of the newhouse where his statue stands.It would be idle to ponder what Nyererehimself would have preferred. Publicexpectations were based on what he wasperceived to be. Family expectations on theother hand have reflected his private

relationships. It was a delicate balancebetween public and private life that lasted onlyas long as he lived. His death marked the endof that balance.



A Legacy of Unity, But Not ofDemocracy (Opinion)

October 29, 1999 By Charles Onyango-ObboDar-es-Salaam - The numbers tell the story.The funeral last week of former Tanzanian

leader "Mwalimu" Julius Nyerere was possiblythe third biggest in Africa. The biggest everremains that of former Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1970.The second was, possibly, again anEgyptian's, that of singer Umm Kulthoum, thediva of Arab song, in February 1975. Herfuneral procession was nearly two kilometreslong, and over two million people turned up. And then there was Nyerere's.Nyerere, interestingly, was like both. He was avisionary, an African Big Man (with a smallstick), an intellectual with a sense of humourwho contributed something lasting to politicalthought and practice; as Nasser fashionedPan-Arabism and was a Pan-Africanist too,Nyerere gave us Ujaama and was a greatPan-Africanist too.Like Umm Kulthoum, on the other hand,Nyerere had a remarkable ability to remainconnected to the masses and to evoke theirlove, while captivating the high and mighty atthe same time.He even managed to evoke the admiration ofsworn enemies like Idi Amin. First Aminproposed that his regime's differences withTanzania be sorted out in a simple and manlyfashion - he invited the slightly built Nyerere tostep into a ring with him and box it out.When Nyerere didn't take him up on this offer, Amin resignedly said he would have marriedMwalimu had the Tanzanian leader been awoman. Presumably, he would haveappeased Tanzanian pride with a hefty brideprice.Nyerere remained unimpressed. In a last actof madness, Amin's troops invaded Tanzaniain 1978; Nyerere hit back and ended histyranny in 1979. For that, Nyerere earned



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himself a very special place in the hearts ofmany Ugandans. At the end of the day though, the Nyereremystique tells us less about the man, than itdoes about Africa.

Nyerere, to put it bluntly, was a one-partydictator. David Lamb, in his caustic book, The Africans, notes that Nyerere brooked nodissent, and until 1979 held more politicalprisoners than apartheid South Africa - whichhe worked so tirelessly to liberate.His experiment with Ujamaa was aresounding flop, and he left the Tanzanianeconomy a shambles.Nyerere nevertheless stood several headstaller than the crowd, if only because verymany of the other African leaders wereilliterate, maniacally brutal, and downrightstupid. That was the time when people like

Haile Mengistu in Ethiopia threw theiropponents to the lions and crocodiles, and"Emperor" Jean-Bedel Bokassa in Central Africa clubbed schoolchildren to death andallegedly ate the livers of his opponents. And lest we forget, Jerry Rawlings of Ghana,who today is often lumped together with the"new breed" of African leaders, rounded up allprevious rulers in that country, had them tiedto poles in a field and executed them by firingsquad.It was the age of old-fashioned wantonthieving and excess. It is embarrassing torecall, but wasn't a briefcaseful of dollars the

only thing dictator Macias Nguema ofEquatorial Guinea remembered to flee withinto the sugar plantations when he wasdeposed in 1979? Amid this looting frenzy(which continues in more subtle forms in thecountry Nyerere shaped), Mwalimu remaineda simple and honest man.Soon, we shall have to ask some hardquestions. Was Nyerere's image a product oftrue greatness, or a result of the inferiorcalibre of the peers with whom he wascompared in most of the Third World?His legacy will soon be tested. While Nyererekept Tanzania a united country, he didn't

leave it with the other thing it needed morethan unity - a democratic culture. He governedunder a one-party regime, and the party hebequeathed, Chama Cha Mapinduzi, is avote-cheating monolith. Its government jails journalists and bans newspapers.While he lived, Nyerere's charisma and moralauthority kept Tanzania together. Now that heis gone, there are observers who fear thecountry will unravel. We can only hope thatthey are wrong.



publisher.

Why Mwalimu Never Went Out ofFashion (Opinion)

October 29, 1999 By John GithongoDar-es-Salaam - A deep cynicism infects Africans' perceptions of their leadership. Weare saddled with political elites of suchheartlessness that they are prepared to rapeeconomies, visit extraordinary brutalities ontheir own citizens and generally behave as iftheir true mission in life is to destroy rather

than to build.Mwalimu Nyerere was in a special category of African leaders. No matter what one may sayabout his many failings, he was thecontinent's most striking exception to thisdepressing norm. That's why so many of thearticles written around Africa since Mwalimu'sdemise sound so similar. I'm afraid this onewill as well.Now that he is gone, Mwalimu will beremembered as the African leader who wasmost successful in the fight against tribalism.The sense Tanzanians have of their"Tanzanianness" has always seemed moredurable than the sense of national identityenjoyed by the citizens of other countries inthe region.The credit must go to Mwalimu foremphasising Kiswahili as a national language,in the process also turning it into the mostserious collective language in East andCentral Africa.Mwalimu was also the most successful Pan- Africanist. Even though Kwame Nkrumah wasthe father of Pan-Africanism, that his regimeturned into a dictatorship that was messilyoverthrown detracts from his stature.Nkrumah's failures left Mwalimu carrying thetorch and he did not shirk the responsibility.He supported liberation movements acrossthe continent. Many a leader and formerleader across the region would never havemade it to State House had it not been forMwalimu. All this was at great cost to Tanzania, but onesuspects that in the 21st century the countryshall finally start to reap its benefits. Nyerere,for example, rescued Ugandans from Idi Aminin a military venture Tanzania could hardlyafford. In the process, Mwalimu gave his



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country a continental and international staturetotally out of proportion with Tanzania'seconomic and military power.Mwalimu was not a rich man who could bribepeople to support him; he did not command

armies that could intimidate his opponents; hewas not from a dominant tribe that treated himlike a demi-god. His authority was primarilymoral and derived from true charisma.Besides his wisdom and integrity; his powerfulpersonality and modesty in power, Mwalimuwas also special in the high standards he setin African leadership. Ujamaa impoverishedwhat should otherwise be one of thecontinent's richest countries, yet, incredibly tothe cynical, the people of Tanzania clearlynever held these mistakes against him.With the benefit of hindsight, it emerges thatNyerere's Ujamaa was not so much a socialist

experiment as it was an African common-sense one - the product of an African leaderwho enjoyed thinking, reading and meditatingon complicated African problems more thanmost of his counterparts. Partly as a result ofthis, even in this hard-edged age of the allpowerful market, Mwalimu's rhetoric did notreduce him into an anachronism.One of Mwalimu's greatest successes,therefore, was that he managed to remainrelevant nationally, continentally and eveninternationally after he had given up formalpower.In Tanzania, his not-so-invisible hand was

evident in many of the decisions made by thecountry's leadership on the grand issues ofthe day.In the middle of 1995 his support was socrucial to Benjamin Mkapa's eventualnomination as the Chama cha Mapinduzi'spresidential candidate, that Mwalimu wasbeing described as the "Dodoma Candidate" -such was his influence that it was as if hewere a shadow contender for nominationhimself. When Mkapa won the nomination, Ioverheard a Tanzanian Asian businessmancomment, "Mwalimu ameshinda! ("Mwalimuhas won".)

Now, the country's political elite don't havetheir "father" there to hold their hand; choosetheir presidents; or hold the union withZanzibar together.



Coach Nyerere is Gone, the TeamMust Play On

October 29, 1999 Dar-es-Salaam - Benjamin Mkapa needs a

sense of balance now that Mwalimu JuliusKambarage Nyerere is gone. He and otherpost-Nyerere rulers ought to applaudMwalimu's accomplishments withoutdowngrading Tanzania's capacity for botheconomic evolution and revolution.President Mkapa is like the captain of anational soccer team whose revered coachpasses away a few weeks before the team'sdebut in the World Cup. The team captaincannot afford a eulogy, however fitting, whichputs his team at a disadvantage or cedes anedge to his competitors. He needs to projectsteadfast determination to fulfil the coach's

wish of winning the trophy. He needs tosuppress all signs of fear, low morale ortactical disarray.Underdeveloped countries, particularly thosethat experimented with socialism, are more orless debutantes in a global economy driven bya triumphant capitalist class. They are pittedagainst other equally investment-hungryeconomies that may deliberately or otherwiseexploit the perceived weaknesses ofcompetitors. They cannot afford to displaydesperation or even indecision when arevered leader dies.Tanzania, which has a per-capita income ofonly about $250, is one of the poorestcountries in the world. Its political executivesshould realise that the death of a keyindividual in an economic entity can make aprofound difference to the hard-nosed playersin the game of international investment. It istherefore foolhardy to portray a ruler as beingindispensable to the economic prosperity of anation."Miss Piggy" and other Muppet cartooncharacters are a source of joy to millions ofchildren all over the world. To businesspeople, they constitute an economically soundentertainment company. Jim Henson, thepuppeteer who created the Muppets, wasportrayed as being indispensable to thecompany's success. In 1990, the Walt DisneyCompany, one of the world's largestentertainment companies, wanted to buy theMuppet ensemble. When Mr. Hensonsuddenly died, the deal fell though.It may seem laughable to cite a cartooncharacter when discussing the perils that lie inwait for a national economy. However, it is nota laughing matter when one realises that, incomparison to Tanzania's $7 billion annual



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GDP, Disney's annual revenues are about$20 billion - not a Mickey Mouse sum.Mainland China, whose communist rulers aresaid to have influenced more than the modestattire of Mwalimu Nyerere, is also a good case

study for post-Nyerere Tanzania. The lateDeng Xiaoping largely inspired China'seconomic boom. Although Deng, like MwalimuNyerere, relinquished his formal positionsseveral years before his death, he retainedinformal yet paramount political authority.When Deng died in 1997, one of the biggestchallenges and noteworthy successes of thepost-Deng political rulers was to convince theinvestment community that Deng's business-friendly policies would be retained, thatChina's political stability would not diminish,and that Deng's totalitarian tendencies wouldbe revised.

If post-Nyerere's Tanzania is to maintain thecountry's steadily rising rating among theinternational investment community, then itspolitical executives need to learn from theirChinese counterparts. They need to show thatTanzania's march towards a business-friendlyeconomy will continue, that Nyerere's deathwill not undermine political stability withinTanzania and among her neighbours, and thatNyerere's dark side will not be replicated.Doing all this requires a conservativeapproach to praising Mwalimu.First of all, Mwalimu Nyerere was, by manyaccounts, a humble person. The man who

disdained personal monuments wouldprobably wince at the claim that he was solelyresponsible for Tanzania's progress. Hewould probably prefer a statement to theeffect that he contributed to building a stablesystem that would survive long after hispassing away.Second, Mwalimu was only human. Theinvestment community is aware of Mwalimu'sshortcomings and would like to see themdiscarded. It probably knows that Mwalimu'semotional attachment to some causesprevented him from always pushing fordemocracy - a long-term political stabiliser.

For instance, Mwalimu's stand on the union ofTanganyika with Zanzibar seems to havemade an unsavoury contribution to the CCMversus CUF election debacle in Zanzibar. Above all, the overriding goal of Mwalimu'spolicies seems to have been economicprosperity for his nation. His relentless pursuitof that goal precipitated his possibly painfuladmission that his brand of socialism hadfailed to deliver. A good student of Mwalimushould thus not be reluctant to jettison a failedpolicy, regardless of its initiator. Pointing out

and correcting Mwalimu's mistakes wouldindeed be a fitting tribute to his teaching.Tanzania has prospered both because of anddespite of Mwalimu's actions. As the worldmourns his untimely death, Mr. Mkapa would

be justified to say that Tanzania has lost anillustrious son. He would be prudent toindicate that Mwalimu is not indispensable tothe prosperity of Tanzania.*Grace Bibala writes on business andeconomic policy issues. E-mail:[email protected]





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30 October 1999


Nyerere Mourning RegulationsRelaxed

October 30, 1999 by Nicodemus Odhiambo Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania (PANA) - Thegovernment has relaxed the regulationsstipulated during the mourning of Tanzania'sformer President Julius Nyerere, allowing"important sporting and social activities" toproceed."Important activities whose organisersprudently feel that they cannot wait for the

expiry of the official (30-day) mourning periodcan proceed," Prime Minister FrederickSumaye said.Many Tanzanians had put off their socialengagements, including weddings, following anation-wide government suspension ofsporting and entertainment activities upon thedeath of Nyerere 14 October."Citizens are free to marry and carry on withother important social functions, withoutinvolving in loud merry-making," Sumayeadded.He also allowed radio and television stationsto air their regular programmes "but must

continue playing dirges and religious music tokeep the mourning tempo high."Both independent and state-owned electronicmedia stopped airing normal programmessince the suspension of social activities wentinto force, and have been playing dirges thewhole day.Sumaye also said sportsmen going on thefield should wear a black band around theirarms as a sign that they were in mourning."We also do not expect promoters to bring inmusicians in the country during this period,"he added.Sumaye also said the catafalque that housed

Nyerere's body during his state funeral in DarEs Salaam is to preserved as an artifact. Headded that the 15- foot structure that cost thestate some 31,250 US dollars would bedismantled and rebuilt at the NationalMuseum.It will be used to preserve newspaper cuttingsand video footages on Nyerere's funeral.Meanwhile, traders are minting money fromselling pirated speeches of the late leader tothose trying to keep any of his memorabilia.

The demand for the speeches skyrocketedsince Nyerere's death.

Copyright (c) 1999 Panafrican News Agency.Distributed via Africa News Online





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Miscellaneous

Saints and Presidents: A

Commentary on Julius Nyerereby Stanley MeislerAmerican foreign affairs writer and author ofUnited Nations: The First Fifty YearsAt a Korea Unirversity conference in Seoul a fewmonths ago, I was placed next to Julius Nyerere ofTanzania at dinner. For those of us who coveredAfrica more than a quarter of a century ago, Nyerere was like a saint. Incorruptible, frank,good- humored, intellectual, he could charm themost suspicious and doubtful questioners intofollowing the flow of his logic as he expoundedthe need in Africa for socialism, one-partydemocracy, self-reliance, non-alignment. Healways made sense, at least in theory, and, sincewe knew he did not line his pockets with gold or pander to tribalism and racism, we always wishedhim and his poor country well. I turned to him atthe Seoul dinner and said, "Mr. Nyerere, when Iwas a young correspondent, and you were a young president, I interviewed you." "Well," he repliedwith a laugh, "I got out of my business. I hope yougot out of yours."In fact, the 74-year-old Nyerere is one of the fewAfrican leaders to get out of the business peacefully and voluntarily. He gave up the presidency in 1985 and retired to a farm in hisnative village of Butiama near Lake Victoria.Tanzania coins honor him in Swahili as Baba(Father) of the Nation and First President, and hestill wields a good deal of influence in national politics and in the settlement of internationalcrises. But, as I discovered in a recent visit toTanzania, most educated Tanzanians, though theyhave no bitterness, look on his reign as a failedone. The headmaster of a secondary school nearMoshi took down a couple of volumes of Nyerere'sold essays from a bookshelf after I asked aboutthem. "I'm sorry," he said as he handed them tome. "They are very dusty now that we have amultiparty state." No one reads Nyerere any more.A return to Tanzania after an absence of 25 years

left this visitor with an uncanny sense that littlehad changed. Foreign aid donors had improvedsome of the roads, and new, monstrously powerful buses hurtled down these roads at criminal speed.Swahili had helped unify the disparate tribes andgeography into a nation. The country now hadmore than 25 private newspapers to supplementthe two bland government and party newspapers.But the country remained dirt poor and devoid ofdevelopment. France and China had built twotextile plants for the government but neitherfunctioned. Women bought kangas - cotton

wraparounds with bright, flashy designs andSwahili slogans - that were imported from Kenyaand India. Nyerere used to exhort his people, "Wemust run while they walk." But most people hadstood still.

What went wrong? It is clear now that while Nyerere spun his ideas a quarter of a century ago,few of his people understood these ideas wellenough to implement them. In 1967, Nyererewrote a paper, "Education for Self-Reliance," thatwas a masterful critique of the ills of Africaneducation. School systems were creating an eliteclass of graduates who refused to work with theirhands and soon lost touch with the societies thatspawned them. Tanzania's Chief Education Officerthat year quoted huge gobs of the paper to me byheart. But, when I asked him for an example ofhow he intended to wipe out elitism in the schools,he replied, "Oh, yes, elitism is one of our problems

in the schools. But it is not a major problem. Thereare always a few students who come to school andfool around and refuse to study. We must deal withthose few students. We must discipline them -cane them or expel them." He had missed thewhole point of the paper.When I repeated this to Nyerere later that day, helaughed and said, "There can only be onemissionary in this country, and I am themissionary. But I can not tell them how to carryout my ideas. If I put in examples (in the paper),the Ministry of Education will follow those and donothing else. I want them to think of examples bythemselves."

The noted French agronomist Rene Dumont,author of "False Start in Africa", warned Nyererein those days that Tanzania was at too primitive alevel of development for its leaders to talk aboutsophisticated economic theories like socialism. But Nyerere did not listen. He nationalized the foreign banks, plantations and manufacturing plants whenhe did not have trained personnel to run them. He pushed out Peace Corps and missionary teachersfrom the secondary schools when he did not haveenough Tanzania teachers with adequate Englishto replace them. He pressured farmers into ujamaa villages even though Tanzanians found the idea ofcollective farming abhorrent. He undercut one of

Africa's most remarkable cooperatives - the coffeemarketing association near Mt. Kilimanjaro - because it did not fit into his theories. He brokerelations with Britain, Tanzania's chief aid donor, because the Organization of African Unity had setdown a ridiculous ultimatum on Rhodesia and hewanted the rest of the world to take Africa's wordseriously.There is a new optimism in Tanzania today.Evidently with Nyerere's acquiescence, his heirshave adopted multiparty democracy and the freemarket system and have engaged in a war on



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corruption. The old Swahili translation of freemarket - soko huria - had a negative air in the Nyerere era; it connoted uncontrolled capitalism,in short, capitalism at its worst. So the leaders areusing different Swahili words - soko huru - which

is supposed to mean free market with limits.In an upcountry town like Mbeya in the breathtaking highlands of southern Tanzania, whenyou sip Safari beer with local journalists, mostlystringers for the mushrooming newspapers in Dares Salaam, you find them eager, enthusiastic,hopeful and grateful for advice. But their trainingis inadequate, their English kind of halting, andtheir poverty obvious. My own optimism forTanzania is tempered by the memory of similarscenes with eager Tanzanians a quarter of acentury ago. They were just as enthusiastic thenfor African socialism as they are now for soko

huru. Tanzania is at so low a level of development

that capitalism may be no better as a panacea thansocialism was.I do not want to belittle Nyerere. His Tanzania iswarm, calm, gentle and united. Standing still inTanzania was a healthier experience than going backwards in neighboring Zaire, Burundi andRwanda. Tanzania was far better off with a benignsaint for a president than a rapacious tyrant. I stilladmire Nyerere a great deal. But the Tanzanianexperiment offers good evidence that saints do notreally make very good presidents.December 17, 1996featured on the OneWorld News Service December 19, 1996

nyerere press covarage 1999

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