older pedestrians in brisbane suburban settingseprints.qut.edu.au/16144/1/jennifer_bopp_thesis.pdfvi...

OLDER PEDESTRIANS IN BRISBANE SUBURBAN SETTINGS TWO CASE STUDIES TO INVESTIGATE THE CONCEPT OF A “SAFE AND ATTRACTIVE” PEDESTRIAN ENVIRONMENT Jennifer Bopp B.Des. St., B. Arch., Grad. Dip. Urban Design Submitted as a Requirement of Masters of Applied Science (Research) Faculty of Built Environment and Engineering QUEENSLAND UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY 2005

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KEY WORDS Road safety and older pedestrians Urban design theories and older pedestrians Sense of place and community Master planned communities Walkability Walking for health, transport, and recreation Older people and car-dependency Pedestrian-friendly safe suburbs

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ABSTRACT Older Australians walk for many reasons: health, recreation and transport. However, road safety statistics show that pedestrians over 65 represent one-third of Australia’s pedestrian deaths. As Australia’s population ages in place and older people take up a walking regime for health and transportation reasons, they need a supportive suburban setting. Urban design theories discuss such “pedestrian-friendly” concepts as sense of place, sense of community, responsive environments, traditional neighbourhood design, transit-oriented development, and crime prevention through environmental design. To investigate these concepts in relation to older pedestrians, this study brings together two areas of literature – research into older pedestrians in relation to urban design theories. Qualitative research methods were used in two case studies, to reveal how older people’s interpretation of their local walking environment relates to urban design theories concerning walkable suburbs. The two Brisbane suburbs of Bulimba and Forest Lake were chosen for study, as they have different histories, topographies, street patterns, and other variations. Analysis of key themes gathered from two focus group discussions, one from each suburb, revealed the significance for participants of social interaction when walking for health. A photographic exercise performed by the Forest Lake focus group provided pictorial information for analysis, and revealed participants’ interest in the lake’s fauna and flora, and in its ongoing maintenance. The study was limited by an unforeseen failure to obtain the cooperation of the Bulimba group in the photographic exercise. In support of the claims made in the literature review, it seems that when older pedestrians walk through suburban streets, they avoid steep hills, busy roads, and intersections where possible, and require footpaths with even surfaces and shelters. When walking for health reasons, participants in this study did not favour local streets, but preferred “natural” places designed exclusively for walkers. Forest Lake participants stated a preference for driving to places they deemed suitable for walking, which suggests a need for more detailed design attention to the urban design qualities of local streets, so that those older people without cars are not disadvantaged.

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C O N T E N T S Key Words ii Abstract iii Table of Contents iv List of Tables ix List of Figures x List of Boxes xi List of abbreviations used in this thesis xii Statement of original authorship xiii Acknowledgement xiv

Chapter One: An ageing population and suburban form 1 1.1 Background to research: walking in suburban settings 1

1.2 General research aims 4

1.3 Research problem 5

1.4 Research questions 5

1.5 Research method 5

1.6 Research approach – a case study strategy 7

1.7 Contribution to knowledge 10

1.8 Structure of the thesis 11

1.9 Conclusion 11

Chapter Two: Older pedestrians 13 2.1 Introduction 13

2.2 ‘Ageing in place’: a broader concept 13

2.3 The Australian Pedestrian Charter 14

2.4 Ageing impacts 15

2.5 Pedestrian safety – what the statistics reveal 17

2.6 Older pedestrians 18

2.7 Walking in neighbourhood streets 21

2.8 Current and future research 22

2.9 Political comment 24

2.10 Falls while walking 24

2.11 Conclusion 25

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Chapter Three: Urban design theories and walkability 27 3.1 Introduction 27

3.2 Urban design 30

3.3 Sense of place and sense of belonging 32

3.4 Sense of place in Australia 33

3.5 Suburbia 35

3.6 A language for describing the built environment 38

3.7 Neighbourhood 39

3.8 Walkable neighbourhoods and crime prevention 43

through environmental design (CPTED)

3.9 Traffic-calming measures 45

3.10 Urban villages and transit-oriented development (TOD) 48

3.11 Walking for transport 53

3.12 Conclusion 54

Chapter Four: Case study methodology 57 4.1 Introduction 57

4.2 Focus group discussions 59

4.3 Limitations of focus groups 60

4.4 Photographic exercise 61

4.5 Questions and prompts for focus group discussions 62

4.6 Organising focus group discussions 63

4.7 How the Bulimba focus group was organised 63

4.8 How the Forest Lake focus group was organised 64

4.9 Bulimba focus group discussion 65

4.10 Forest Lake focus group discussion 65

4.11 Data gathering and comparative analysis 66

4.12 Towards a methodology for interpreting the needs 67

of older pedestrians in suburban settings

4.13 Conclusion 70

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Chapter Five: An overview of the case study suburbs 71 5.1 Introduction 71

5.2 Two contrasting suburbs 71

5.3 Bulimba: an established suburb 79

5.4 Bulimba and walkability 82

5.5 Urban renewal in Bulimba 84

5.6 Forest Lake: a new master planned community 85

5.7 Forest Lake: location and history 86

5.8 Forest Lake and walkability 87

5.9 The lake 89

5.10 Hike and bike trails 89

5.11 Differences between Bulimba and Forest Lake 90

5.12 Questions about Forest Lake 91

5.13 Conclusion 92

Chapter Six: Findings from the case studies 93 6.1 Introduction 93

6.2 Participants in this study 94

6.3 Thematic data analysis 96

6.4 Composition of focus groups influences topics discussed 97

6.5 Analysis from transcripts 102

6.6 Health reasons for pedestrian activity 102

6.7 Social and recreational reasons for pedestrian activity 105

6.8 Transport reasons for pedestrian activity 109

6.9 Findings common to both focus group discussions 112

6.10 General findings 113

6.11 Cultural background of participants 114

6.12 Enjoyment of pedestrian activity 117

6.13 Photographic exercise – waiting for the photographers 117

6.13.1 Forest Lake photographic exercise 118

6.13.2 Subjects depicted in the photographic exercise 119

6.13.3 Forest Lake photographic exercise – outcome 123

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6.13.4 Post-script to the Forest Lake photographic exercise 124

6.14 Reflections on the photographic exercise 124

6.15 Reflections on the case study methodology 125

6.16 Conclusion 126

Chapter Seven: Relating findings to theories 129 7.1 Introduction 129

7.2 Case study findings related to theories 129

7.3 Sense of place, neighbourhood, and the urban village 132

7.4 CPTED and traffic-calming 135

7.5 The Forest Lake photographic exercise 137

7.6 Conclusion 137

Chapter Eight: Final conclusions 139 8.1 Introduction 139

8.2 Limitations of this study 143

8.3 Inference 1 143

8.4 Inference 2 144

8.5 Critical findings 144

8.6 Conclusion 145

8.7 Recommendations for further research 147

Bibliography 150

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Appendices 161

Appendix 1 The European Charter of Pedestrians’ Rights 161 Appendix 2 Statement of Consent Form 162 Appendix 3 Prompts for Focus Group Discussions 163 Appendix 4 Bulimba Focus Group Discussion – 164 Actual Questions Asked Appendix 5 Forest Lake Focus Group Discussion – 166 Actual Questions Asked Appendix 6 List of 27 Photographs in Forest Lake Photographic 168 Exercise with captions provided by participants Appendix 7 Photographs from Forest Lake Photographic 169 Exercise – 16 Photos Appendix 8 Forest Lake Participants’ Additional Photographs 177 Appendix 9 Bulimba Focus Group Discussion Transcript 179 Appendix 10 Forest Lake Focus Group Discussion Transcript 209

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List of Tables

Table 2.1 Older Pedestrian Strategy Research 23 Item Priorities

Table 2.2 Older Pedestrian Strategy Action Priorities 23 Table 4.1 Schema of physical environmental factors 68 Table 5.1 Facts about the lake at Forest Lake 89 Table 5.2 Summary of differences between 90

Bulimba and Forest Lake

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List of Figures

Figure 1.1 A guide to the formulation of questions 8 and conclusions

Figure 3.1 Transit-Oriented Development (TOD) diagram 52 Figure 5.1 Brisbane and environs 72 Figure 5.2 Oxford Street, Bulimba, looking east to 74

hilly ground Figure 5.3 Oxford Street, Bulimba, looking west to 74

the river Figure 5.4 Forest Lake Village Shopping Centre 75 Figure 5.5 Forest Lake Boulevard 75 Figure 5.6 Forest Lake street layout 76 Figure 5.7 Bulimba street layout 78 Figure 5.8 Public transport: Federation style shelter 79 Figure 5.9 Heritage building: timber grandstand in 80

Memorial Park Figure 5.10 Oxford Street ‘café precinct’ 81 Figure 5.11 Oxford Street: two corner stores 400 metres 82

from ferry shelter Figure 5.12 Street surveillance: older style Bulimba house 83 Figure 6.1 “Bushes blocking the path” 120 Figure 6.2 “Swan (close-up)” 120 Figure 6.3 “One of the many new houses” 122 Figure 6.4 “Gardens at the front of lake” 122 Figure 7.1 The link between urban design theories, 130

design for ageing theories, and data gathered in the case studies.

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List of Boxes

Box 2.1 The Australian Pedestrian Charter 14 Box 2.2 Road fatalities among older pedestrians 20 Box 3.1 Generic elements of CPTED 44 Box 6.1 Themes in focus group discussions 97

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List of abbreviations used in this thesis ABS Australian Bureau of Statistics ATSB Australian Transport Services Board CBD Central Business District CPC Children’s Play Council CPTED Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design MUARC Monash University Accident Research Centre MUARCR Monash University Accident Research Centre Report SCIP Suburban Centre Improvement Programme (Brisbane City Council) STPP Surface Transportation Policy Project TOD Transit-Oriented Development

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STATEMENT OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP

The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted for a degree or diploma at any other higher education institution. To the best of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made. Signature:……………………………………………………………………… Date:…………………………………………………………………………….

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The completion of this dissertation would not have been possible without the assistance and guidance of two people. I express my gratitude and appreciation to: My principal supervisor, Dr Danny O’Hare for his guidance and encouragement throughout, and my associate supervisor, Dr Malgosia Zlobicki for her attention to detail and professionalism.

Jennifer Bopp 2005 Older pedestrians in Brisbane suburban settings.

Chapter One

Introduction: An ageing population and suburban form

1.1 Background to research: walking in suburban settings

Australia has an ageing population, and walking appears to be an

important part of older Australians’ suburban mobility and health

(Seaton and Wall 2001:18). In addition, walking is the easiest and least

expensive exercise for older Australians (Angley and Watkins 2001:63-

65). To promote healthy living through physical activity, walking is

encouraged by State and local government initiatives such as the Heart

Foundation’s (Qld) Just Walk It programme and the Brisbane City

Council’s Active and Healthy City project. However, to encourage older

people to walk for health reasons within their local area, it is necessary

to understand and provide for their special needs.

Research into the effects of ageing on the individual is extensive (Fisk

and Rogers 1997, Craik and Salthouse 1992) and assists with our

understanding of older pedestrians and their diminished physical and

cognitive abilities. However, research into what makes a supportive

suburban environment for older pedestrians has not been investigated

in relation to urban design theories. Many urban design theorists such

as Calthorpe (1993) and Katz (1994) discuss urban spaces like streets,

parks, and plazas, as places for everybody without specifically

identifying older pedestrians and addressing their needs.

The provision of a “safe and attractive” pedestrian environment

appears to be generally accepted by urban designers as essential to

good urban design. Some urban designers also suggest that safe and

attractive pedestrian environments encourage pedestrian activity

(Barton 2000:64 cited in O’Hare 2000 and Frank et al 2003:103). This

Jennifer Bopp 2005 Older pedestrians in Brisbane suburban settings.2

thesis is an exploration of this conjecture and it aims to reveal –

through qualitative research methods – what constitutes a safe and

attractive pedestrian environment for older Brisbane people within their

suburban setting. Safe footpaths and streets are a necessity for

accessing public transport stops, shopping centres, community

facilities, and parks and open spaces in suburban areas. However, it

seems that Australian streets are not safe places for older pedestrians,

as Road Safety statistics show that people over 65 years of age

represent one third of pedestrian injuries and fatalities (Australian

Transport Services Board (ATSB) Monograph #13 2003:1).

This research seeks to reveal information about pedestrian

environments in suburban settings that is of interest, or concern, to

older pedestrians. Such information may not have been available at the

design stage of existing suburbs, however, it could benefit the design of

pedestrian environments in future residential developments and master

planned communities, and assist with the improvement of existing

pedestrian places. Urban design theorists discuss the physical layout of

residential areas, and developers and local governments provide these

places for the community. However, newly established suburban areas

are rarely studied for insights into the success or failure of urban design

theories that discuss such concepts as sense of place, sense of

community, responsive environments, neighbourhood, and walkability.

A study of parks and urban open spaces undertaken in Greenwich,

Britain, revealed that “the most highly valued open spaces are those

which enhance the positive qualities of urban life: variety of

opportunities and physical settings; sociability and cultural diversity”

(Burgess et al 1988:455). Although the Greenwich study investigated

parks and urban open spaces exclusively, rather than all pedestrian

environments – and that includes footpaths and streets – the

Greenwich study provided inspiration for this thesis, and it is described

Jennifer Bopp 2005 Older pedestrians in Brisbane suburban settings. 3

more fully in Chapter Four: Case study methodology and Chapter Six:

Findings from the case studies.

More recently, research into pedestrian environments has been

undertaken in Australia. A Perth study into the environmental

determinants of walking found that access to public open space and

aesthetic and functional aspects of the neighbourhood environment

were positively related to walking. The study suggested that “the odds

of walking” decreased by half in those with limited access to attractive

public open space (Corti 1998 cited in Pikora et al 2002:188). Studies

by Corti et al (1995 and 1996) and Giles-Corti and Donovan (2002) led

to further research that examined a process for defining the variables to

be included in an observational tool to measure the physical

environmental influences on walking and cycling among adults in local

neighbourhoods (Pikora et al 2003). The research investigated

environmental determinants of walking and cycling for “healthy”

working adults aged 18-54 and developed a framework of four physical

environmental factors: functional, safety, aesthetic, and destination.

To date, there seems to be no research undertaken into older

pedestrians that is similar to the Pikora et al study (2003). This

Brisbane study – although limited to two suburbs and two focus group

discussions – involved participants aged 65 and over. Focus group

participants in this thesis discussed almost all the factors listed above,

and the Pikora et al (2003) framework of four physical environmental

factors is explored further in Chapter Four: Case study methodology

and Chapter 6: Findings from the case studies.

As the baby-boom generation ages in place – thereby increasing the

percentage of older people in suburban areas – it is necessary to

identify and enhance the positive urban design aspects of suburban

settings to provide attractive and safe pedestrian environments. This


thesis supports claims made in the literature review about “pedestrian-

friendliness” and “walkability”. It suggests that further research is

required into the provision of safe and attractive “walkable

neighbourhoods” for older people who do not own cars and walk to

local shopping areas, and are also dependent upon public transport

systems for their access to a wider community beyond their immediate

suburban setting.

1.2 General research aims

This thesis aims to investigate how safe and attractive pedestrian

environments for older people can be obtained in Brisbane suburbs. To

achieve this aim, the urban design principles that support the

pedestrian activity needs of older people in suburban settings require

investigation. Are there factors specific to climate and topography

supporting pedestrian activity in the over 65 age group that should be

taken into account by Australian urban designers? What then are the

implications for urban design theories, and for the development of

theories relating to design for ageing?

Many urban design theories appear to consider the requirements of

older pedestrians generally, however those theories that are particular

to the needs of older pedestrians in a sub-tropical suburban setting – a

Brisbane suburb – require exploration. Climate may be a factor that

influences an older person’s decision to walk in their suburb for health

or transport reasons. Additionally, a sense of personal safety and

physical security within their suburban streets, and open spaces, may

also influence an older person’s attitude to walking – more than

aesthetic notions of an attractive pedestrian environment.

There may be other factors in Brisbane suburban settings that enhance

a sense of belonging and feelings of personal safety and security,

arguably important to the wellbeing of older pedestrians, which have


not been identified in the literature review. Focus group discussions

with pedestrians over 65 were undertaken to explore this possibility.

1.3 Research problem

This research investigates how suburbs can be designed or improved

to meet the needs of pedestrians aged over 65 years.

1.4 Research questions

a) What characteristics of older people should be taken into account to

support pedestrian activity in the over 65 age group?

b) What urban design theories and principles support the pedestrian

activity needs of older people in suburban settings?

c) How well does the urban design of existing suburbs meet the needs

of older pedestrians?

d) What are the implications for:

(i) urban design of suburban settings to fulfil the needs of

older pedestrians;

(ii) urban design theories;

(iii) development of theories relating to design for ageing; and

e) What constitutes a safe and attractive environment for the older

pedestrian?

1.5 Research method

Qualitative research methods have been used in this study to reveal

older pedestrians’ attitudes, observations, and requirements

concerning the experience of walking within their suburb. Qualitative

research is primarily concerned with explanation – it “sets out to

investigate attitudes, values and beliefs without the use of structured

survey techniques, which are designed to produce numbers” (Mackay

1993:311).


To investigate the significance of variation in local pedestrian

environments, and to explore the possibility that older people may

interpret their pedestrian experience similarly in suburbs that are quite

different, the two suburbs of Bulimba and Forest Lake were selected for

study. These suburbs also typify different designs for suburban

settings. Bulimba is older and ‘traditional’ in its grid street layout with a

strip of shops along both sides of Oxford Street – a ‘main street’ – while

Forest Lake is a new master planned community with a more modern

cul-de-sac street layout and a ‘big box’ shopping centre. (As the term

‘master planned community’ is now commonly used in urban

development practice, and increasingly recognised by the public as a

result of advertising and marketing campaigns, the term is used in this

thesis. There is, however, a growing critique of the term, for example

Sandercock (1998) that is acknowledged by the researcher.)

To reveal older pedestrians’ attitudes to their pedestrian environment,

two focus group discussions with 6-8 people over 65 were conducted –

one from each suburb. In this study, the focus group method is

considered an appropriate qualitative research approach, as it defines

topics broadly and covers contextual conditions, and not just the

phenomenon of the study (Yin, 1993: xi). As this study investigates the

contextual conditions of two suburbs, and broadly defines the

requirements of older pedestrians, the focus group method and

photographic exercise were chosen as suitable research methods.

Data collection involved the audio recording of focus group discussions

and a photographic exercise by focus group participants. The data

analysis process follows the “five modes” of organising the data:

generating categories, themes, and patterns; testing the emergent

hypotheses – drawn from the literature review in this study – against

the data; searching for alternative explanations of the data, and writing

the report (Marshall and Rossman 1995:113). Methodology is


discussed in more detail in Chapter Four and research findings are

explored in the final chapters of this thesis.

1.6 Research approach – a case study strategy

A case study strategy is appropriate for this research, as it “addresses

a situation in which the boundaries between phenomenon and context

are not clearly evident” (Yin 1984/1989:23 cited in Yin 1993:59). A

comparative study of two Brisbane suburbs is used to identify when,

where, and why older pedestrian activity seems to be in accordance

with the ideas and concepts discussed in urban design theories, and

when, where, and why older pedestrian activity varies from established

theories.

Due to the Brisbane climate and outdoor lifestyle, global theories about

pedestrian-friendly environments may not apply to Brisbane suburbs.

Older Brisbane people may not interpret and use their pedestrian

environments in the same way as the British, European, and North

American older populations. From investigations of urban design

literature, one suburb may appear to conform more closely than

another to the notion of a ‘pedestrian-friendly’ place based on its urban

form and structure, however, this study may reveal that it is not seen as

such by local residents. There may be factors influencing older

pedestrian behaviour in a Brisbane suburban setting that are revealed

in the data gathering and analysis process of this study, which were not

explored in the literature review.

Maybe the older pedestrians at Forest Lake consider hills to be less of

a challenge than the Bulimba focus group, and perhaps Forest Lake

focus group participants walk due to an inadequate public transport

system in their suburb. Focus group participants from each suburb may

give similar responses to all aspects of the discussion about their

pedestrian activity, thus providing broad principles for older pedestrians


Figure 1.1 A guide to the formulation of questions and conclusions

Urban DesignTheories

Research intoOlderPedestrians

Questions for Bulimba FocusGroup Discussion

Bulimba Focus Group Discussion

Refine Questions forForest Lake Focus GroupDiscussion

Forest Lake Focus Group Discussion

PreliminaryConclusions re UrbanDesign Theory

Conclusions re OlderPedestrian Research

Conclusions, Questions, and Research Directionsfor Urban Design Theory and Practice


that can be applied to any suburban context. However, the purpose of

this comparative case study is explanation, rather than explicit

comparison.

As stated in the background to this research, urban design theorists

discuss the physical layout of residential areas, and developers and

local governments provide these places for the community. New

suburban areas are rarely studied for insights into the success or

failure of urban design theories, and this research seeks to reveal

information about pedestrian environments in suburban settings of

interest or concern to older pedestrians. Such information may not

have been available at the design stage of existing suburbs, but it may

be used to improve existing pedestrian places, and assist with the

design of the pedestrian environment in future residential

developments and master planned communities.

Two focus group discussions of older pedestrians, one from each

suburb, were gathered to explore topics such as perceived sense of

safety and security, and falls while walking. Topics about pedestrian

safety and security were derived from Chapter Two: Older pedestrians.

Questions about walkability, public spaces, built form, and the aesthetic

aspects of ‘place’ were derived from urban design theories and

discussed in Chapter Three: Urban design theories and walkability.

The flowchart (Figure 1.1) is a guide to the formulation of questions and

conclusions for the focus group discussion process, and it shows the

two areas – urban design theories and research into older pedestrians

– separated at the top of the page. This thesis also separates these

two areas in the literature review, concentrating on older pedestrian

road safety statistics in Chapter Two, and urban design theories about

walkability in Chapter Three.


1.7 Contribution to knowledge

The impact of the built environment on people’s physical activity, such

as walking and cycling within their suburb, is the topic of a recent

investigation in the US by Frank et al (2003). The authors suggest that:

In making a decision about whether or not to walkor bicycle, people will factor into their decision notonly considerations related to distance andaccessibility – how close destinations are to eachother as well as how easy it is to reach them by aparticular mode – but also a slew of intangiblesas well, including safety and attractiveness.(Frank et al 2003, p. 103)

It is significant that Frank et al (2003) consider safety to be an

“intangible”. In this thesis, pedestrian safety is not regarded as an

intangible aspect of the pedestrian environment for older people in

Brisbane, although it may be an intangible aspect of their pedestrian

experience – if personal dangers are imagined. The literature review,

Chapter Three: Urban design theories and walkability, investigates

theories from the “intangible” to the “tangible” and includes pedestrian

safety – whether imagined or real – as a tangible aspect of the

suburban pedestrian environment for older people.

When ageing baby-boomers – a generation that has become so

dependent on the motor car for mobility – surrender their driver’s

licence “the personal cost of relinquishing a car may, for the individual,

far outweigh the safety consequences [of driving with diminished

physical and cognitive abilities]” (McKenzie and Steen 2002:194).

Urban designers discuss transit-oriented development (TOD), urban

villages, and walkable neighbourhoods, as if only urban form – and

access to transit stops – influences an individual’s transport activity.

Some insights into car-dependence among older people in Brisbane

suburban settings may also be revealed in this research.


Thus, this thesis seeks to develop an understanding of older people in

Brisbane and their use of local pedestrian environments by bringing

together two areas of literature that are quite separate: urban design

theories and research into the special needs of older pedestrians. The

findings from this study should lend support to urban design theories

that discuss pedestrian-friendly concepts like compact urban form,

responsive environments, sense of place, sense of belonging, sense of

community, and walkable neighbourhoods.

1.8 Structure of the thesis

Chapter One discusses the reason for undertaking the research and

contains the introduction, outlines the background, and establishes the

research aims and method. Chapter Two: Older pedestrians, and

Chapter Three: Urban design theories and walkability, represent the

literature review that investigates older pedestrians, urban design

theories, and pedestrian-friendly or ‘walkable’ suburban settings.

Chapter Four discusses the case study methodology and explores

qualitative research methods used in this thesis.

Chapter Five: An overview of the case study suburbs looks into the

suburbs of Bulimba and Forest Lake, and discusses their differences.

Chapter Six presents findings from the case studies through an

analysis of themes and topics evident in the data gathered at Bulimba

and Forest Lake. Chapter Seven discusses the case study findings in

relation to urban design theories and theories for ageing, and Chapter

Eight contains the final conclusions and recommendations for further

research.

1.9 Conclusion

Australia has an ageing population, and as walking appears to be an

important aspect of older people’s suburban mobility and health, this

thesis explores what constitutes a safe and attractive pedestrian


environment for them. Urban design theories about pedestrian-friendly

places may provide insights for the improvement of existing suburban

settings, residential areas, and the design of master planned

communities, to encourage older residents to walk for transport or

health reasons. In this study, the two quite different Brisbane suburbs

of Bulimba and Forest Lake are investigated from the perspective of

older pedestrians.

However, before urban design theories can be explored, it is necessary

to gain an understanding of the older pedestrian – the topic for

discussion in the following chapter. Later chapters discuss the case

study findings and seek to reveal what measures can be taken by local

governments and developers to enhance pedestrian environments to

create pedestrian-friendly suburban settings for older people.


Chapter Two: Older pedestrians

2.1 Introduction

A study of older pedestrians and their suburban setting is important for

several reasons. Firstly, the broader concept of ‘ageing in place’, if

implemented by government, has the potential to assist older people to

remain in their home, within their suburb. Secondly, Australia like most

Western nations has an ageing population, and as older people

surrender their driver’s licences, the number of people over 65 years

who walk on residential streets to access local facilities and public

transport will increase. Thirdly, walking is an inexpensive means of

physical exercise that is appropriate for older people – it is not

strenuous – and it is likely that older people will walk in their local area

for health reasons. Fourthly, older people represent a significant

number of pedestrian injuries and fatalities.

2.2 ‘Ageing in place’: a broader concept

As the population ages, some older people may wish to remain in their

local communities, “maintaining the friendship and support networks,

which are so vital to psychological and physical health” (Roberts

1997:104). ‘Ageing in place’ is a philosophy usually associated with the

aged care industry where “residents of an aged care home are able to

remain in the same environment as their care needs increase”

(Commonwealth Department of Health and Ageing 2002:3). Such a

narrow definition is broadened in this research to include the residential

context of older people’s lives in everyday suburban settings.

When land and building costs for aged care establishments exceed the

cost of aged care provided within private homes, the Australian

government may consider the concept of ‘ageing in place’ in its

broadest context. Already some older Australians are ageing within

their homes due to the assistance of Home and Community Care


packages (Zlobicki 2004 pers. comm.). An older population ageing in

their homes within their local suburban community – and not just within

aged cares institutions – may be how Australian society will age. The

‘neighbourhood’ would then become an important ‘domain’ in the life of

older people, and their safety and security as pedestrians within their

neighbourhood may be a significant aspect of their daily wellbeing.

2.3 The Australian Pedestrian Charter

In 1988, The European Parliament adopted The European Charter of

Pedestrians’ Rights (refer Appendix 1) which includes older people and

their right to walk through urban areas that allow for social contact. The

Australian Pedestrian Charter (refer Box 2.1) was written after the

National Pedestrian Summit held in Sydney in September 1999. The

Australian Pedestrian Charter discusses accessibility, sustainability and

the environment, health and wellbeing, and personal safety and

security.

Box 2.1 The Australian Pedestrian Charter

The Australian Pedestrian Charter seeks to:

1. Create a physical, social, economic, legal and psychological context in whichmore Australians will be encouraged to walk more often and to walk further.

2. Re-assert the rights and freedoms which pedestrians once enjoyed but which arenow being usurped and threatened by private motorised traffic and theinfrastructure that supports it.

3. Promote the personal, social and environmental benefits of walking as a safe,healthy, enjoyable and accessible form of transport, exercise and recreation.

4. Encourage the planning, design and development of neighbourhoods in whichsafe, attractive and convenient walking conditions are provided as a fundamentalright.

5. Ensure that in the planning of our communities, access to basic amenities andservices is not dependent on car ownership but is always available to those onfoot, bicycle, wheelchair and public transport.

Source: http://www.walk.com.au/pedestriancouncil/


The fourth aim of the Charter states: “Encourage the planning, design

and development of neighbourhoods in which safe, attractive and

convenient walking conditions are provided as a fundamental right”

[emphasis added]. The words “safe” and “attractive” echo those in

Barton (2000:64) and Frank et al (2003:103) discussed in Section 1.7

Contribution to knowledge. The Australian Pedestrian Charter is

concise and easy to read, but it does not specifically mention older

people. It does discuss the right to access basic community amenities

and services by foot, bicycle, wheelchair and public transport rather

than just by car (note aim number 5). Thus the Charter acknowledges

the possibility that older pedestrians are walking for transport as they

do not own cars, or have surrendered their driver’s licence.

Additionally, a wheelchair accessible pedestrian environment is a

requirement due to the potential mobility problems that older people

may have as they age in place.

The recent research into pedestrian and bicycle activity in Western

Australia (Pikora et al 2002 and 2003; Corti et al 1995 and 1996; Giles-

Corti and Donovan 2002) indicates that the pedestrian in a suburban

setting is now receiving attention. “Healthy” working adults aged 18-54

participated in the Pikora et al 2003 research, but older pedestrians

probably have requirements that differ from this age group. Changes in

population demographics may impact on Australia’s pedestrian profile,

and the impact of an ageing population needs to be assessed now.

2.4 Ageing impacts

Australia has an ageing population. Over the last 100 years, the

proportion of the population aged 65 years and over has risen from 4%

to 12% (Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) 2002). When those born

after the Second World War – the ‘baby-boom’ generation (1946-1964)

– reach retirement age, the number of older people in the population

will accelerate. “Over the period from 2011 to 2031, one million


Australians are projected to enter the ranks of those aged 65 plus”

(Kippen 1999:19).

There are three reasons for Australia’s ageing population. Firstly, as a

result of the declining birth rate, the proportion of people in older age

groups is increasing. Secondly, life expectancy is increasing, and

thirdly, the baby-boomers are ageing. It seems that about 90 per cent

of Australians now reach the age of 65, and at current mortality rates

they will live for another twenty years (Kippen 1999:19). Such a

demographic change may impact on the urban environment in a

number of ways. As older people ‘age in place’ by remaining in their

homes rather than moving into aged care facilities, the population of

older people in suburban areas will increase. Where older people live

affects their access to services, and this may impact on future planning

by governments as they take into account the special needs of older

people in relation to transport, community and health services, and

housing (House of Representatives Standing Committee for Long Term

Strategies 1992:27-28).

The baby-boom generation may have greater lifestyle expectations

than their parents, and could reach retirement age demanding quality

and choice in housing and services. Quality and choice in the built

environment extends to the physical detailing of streets and other

features of suburbs. To what extent urban settings require adjusting in

order to accommodate an increase in the number of older pedestrians

has not been investigated extensively in Australia. Human factor

research (Fisk and Rogers 1997, Craik and Salthouse 1992) provides

information about the ageing process that requires exploration. Neither

the biomedical nor the psychosocial correlates of ageing received

much attention prior to the 1970s, and much can be done in the design

of tasks, devices, systems, and environments to better accommodate

the ageing user (Fisk and Rogers 1997:3-4).


As ageing is often accompanied by negative changes in the human

condition, human factor research can play an essential role in

improving the quality of life for older people through better design

(Craik and Salthouse 1992:497). Age-related changes in human

capabilities, tendencies, and preferences need to be incorporated into

design principles or requirements (Fisk and Rogers 1997:5). Australian

research at the Monash University Accident Research Centre

(MUARC) produces many reports about pedestrian safety. MUARC

Report #157 (Oxley and Fildes 1999) investigates older pedestrian

safety, and seeks to incorporate age-related changes in human

capabilities into design principles to make suburban roads safer places

for older people (refer Section 2.8 Current and future research).

2.5 Pedestrian safety – what the statistics reveal

Due to age-related changes in human capabilities, older pedestrians

have a “high accident risk” and are over-represented in pedestrian

injuries and fatalities (Oxley et al MUARCR #81 1997:1). The high rate

of pedestrian fatalities in the over 65 age group in all developed nations

results from a number of factors. The most obvious factor is the

deterioration in perceptual, cognitive and physical skills associated with

ageing. Other factors include the older person’s greater frailty and risk

of death if hit by a motor vehicle, and the greater reliance of older

people on pedestrian travel (Australian Transport Services Board

(ATSB) Monograph #13 2003:1).

As Australia’s population ages, a major question about older

pedestrians requires consideration: What characteristics of older

people should be taken into account in urban design to facilitate safe

pedestrian activity in the over 65 age group? This chapter explores

current research into older pedestrians, particularly MUARC Report

#157 (Oxley and Fildes 1999) that discusses a strategy for future

research and action initiatives for older pedestrian safety.


It seems that pedestrians are represented in a significant proportion of

traffic-related fatalities. In the US, motor vehicle accidents involving

pedestrians represent just 2% of total crashes, but they result in 14% of

all traffic-related fatalities (cited in Surface Transportation Policy Project

(STPP) 1997:10). Australian statistics are similar. In 2001, there were

1,737 road deaths throughout the country, and about one-in-six (290)

were pedestrians. Males and females aged 65 and over were

represented with males aged over 85 years showing the highest rate

per 100,000 of that statistical group (ATSB Monograph #13 2003:1).

Statistics from the US reveal that “a person is more likely to be killed by

a stranger with a car than by a stranger with a gun in all but two of the

fifty states” (STPP 1997:11). This surprising statistic seems to result

from an American road safety programme that concentrates on driver

safety and improved road design, rather than pedestrian safety, which

tends to focus primarily on “telling pedestrians to get out of the way”

(STPP 1997:13). Research into pedestrian accidents reveals that

Australia has a lower pedestrian fatality rate than most other developed

nations (Cairney 1999:34). The recent reduction in speed limits in built-

up areas in Brisbane from 60 km/hr to 50km/hr is an attempt to address

the high rate of pedestrian injuries and fatalities in suburban streets.

Footpaths, ‘zebra’ crossings, and pedestrian signals are some of the

methods used to assist and control pedestrian activity, and research

continues into the effectiveness of such devices (Cairney 1999:35).

2.6 Older pedestrians

Australian research into pedestrian accidents shows “a high rate of

injuries and fatalities in 58 to 67 year olds and an extremely high rate

among those aged 68 and over” (Cairney 1999:10). The VicRoads

Walk-With-Care education programme was introduced in the early

1990s to inform older pedestrians in Victoria about the importance of

road safety, and web sites advising older people about safe pedestrian


activity have been set up by government agencies in Australia, UK, and

North America.

Of the 290 Australian pedestrian fatalities in 2001, 93 were people over

65 years, accounting for one third of Australia’s pedestrian deaths from

an age group that represents one eighth of the total population (ATSB

Monograph #13 2003:1). In the US, senior citizens make up 13% of the

population, but comprise 23% of pedestrian fatalities (STPP 1997:11).

The Australian statistic of approximately 33% of pedestrian fatalities in

the over 65 age group seems to indicate a greater risk for older

pedestrians in this country than in the US. This is unusual, given that

US research into Australian pedestrian safety seems to indicate that

Australia has a lower pedestrian fatality rate than most other developed

nations (Cairney 1999:34). The basis of the statistics could be different

in Australia than in the US, however, if the statistical basis is the same,

it seems that Australia may have a low pedestrian fatality rate

generally, but a high rate for those over 65 years.

The factors that cause the high rate of older pedestrian fatalities in

Australia compared with the US require investigation. Do older

Australians walk more than older Americans do, or are they more

careless? Maybe the usually warm Australian climate makes

pedestrian activity an attractive experience for older people, so they

choose to walk in neighbourhood streets for recreation, rather than stay

indoors. Older Australians may walk to and from public transport more

often than older people in the US, due to pleasant weather conditions,

or accidents may be occurring while the older pedestrian is walking for

health reasons, rather than as a means of transport. Investigations into

such issues by road accident researchers may provide

recommendations for the improvement of older pedestrian safety in

suburban settings however, it may be the condition of Australian


pedestrian environments that is causing the high rate of injuries and

fatalities.

Box 2.2 Road fatalities among older pedestrians

Key Facts

1. People aged 65 and older feature prominently among Australia’s pedestrian roaddeaths.

2. Pedestrian fatalities in this age group are potentially set to increase substantiallyas Australia’s population ages over the next few decades.

3. The greatest population increase is projected for the very elderly. If other factorsremain unchanged, by the year 2041 about one in every three older pedestrianfatalities will be aged 85 and older compared with about one in every five atpresent.

4. Examination of coronial records between 1996 and 1999 indicates that olderpedestrians were generally killed after coming into collision with a vehicle whileattempting to cross the road in an urban area – either on the far side of the roadfrom the point entered (43%) or on the near side (43%).

5. The deaths tended to be associated with complex traffic environments. Theyoccurred predominantly in urban areas (96% of cases), commonly took place oncarriageways with undivided streams of opposing traffic (64% of cases), and weremostly at locations subject to speed limits of 60 km/hr or less (81%).

6. Only a small proportion of the deaths (5%) stemmed from risky road use on thepart of the driver.

7. Primary responsibility for the collision was fully attributable to the pedestrian in72% of cases and partly attributable to the pedestrian in an additional 14% ofcases.

8. There was little evidence, however, of deliberately risky road use on thepedestrian’s part other than alcohol intoxication. About 11% of pedestrians had ablood alcohol concentration that would have made them ineligible to be in controlof a motor vehicle, a much lower incidence than among their younger adultcounterparts (60%).

9. The deaths were predominantly attributed to unexplained unintentional errors onthe pedestrian’s part. Although difficult to prove, perceptual, cognitive andphysical deteriorations were probably implicated in many of these errors.

10. These difficulties would have been exacerbated by the fact that only a smallproportion of fatal road crossings had been attempted at a traffic control – 15% atan intersection or pedestrian crossing controlled by traffic lights and 4% at apedestrian crossing without lights.

11. In at least 18% of cases, an intersection controlled by traffic lights or a pedestriancrossing had been available within 100 metres of the pedestrian attempting tocross the road but had not been used.

12. Pedestrian errors would be expected to have more serious consequences inconditions of reduced visibility. Although the deaths occurred predominantly onstraight stretches of road (86%) and in fine weather (88%), about one-thirdoccurred at night, dawn or dusk, mostly in circumstances of poor street lighting orno street lighting at all. This contrasts with the fact that the majority of travel byolder pedestrians occurs during daylight hours.

Source: ATSB Monograph #13 2003:2


2.7 Walking in neighbourhood streets

Road safety statistics seem to indicate that walking in neighbourhood

streets is a dangerous activity, especially for those over 65 years of

age. In the US, most pedestrians are killed by cars on neighbourhood

streets (STPP 1997:13). It seems that walking – the most basic and

inexpensive means of transportation – is a dangerous activity for older

people, and research into older pedestrians reveals a statistical profile

for traffic-related injuries and fatalities that appears to result directly

from a decline with age in almost all physical, perceptual, cognitive and

decision-making capabilities (refer Box 2.2 Key Facts).

Statistics are available for the time and place of an accident, and also

the apparent reason for an accident, however, the purpose for the

pedestrian activity is not noted. Taken from the ATSB Monograph #13

(2003) the “Key Facts” listed in Box 2.2 discuss road fatalities among

older pedestrians, and reveal their vulnerability. It appears that when

faced with complex traffic environments, the facts suggest that crossing

roads in urban areas is difficult for older people. Key Fact number 6

notes that only a small proportion of road fatalities involving older

pedestrians can be attributed to risky road use on the part of the driver.

Additionally, Key Fact number 9 seems to blame “unexplained and

unintentional errors” on the pedestrian’s part for a high percentage of

the fatalities. The Key Facts suggest that inconsiderate motorists, or

those who travel at speed, are not necessarily responsible for death

and injury among older pedestrians. It seems that older pedestrians

may not always be mindful of such road safety issues as crossing a

road at the pedestrian crossing, and the importance of wearing light-

coloured clothing when walking at night, dawn or dusk. Perhaps driver

training should include a programme that provides awareness of the

issues related to older pedestrians and road safety.


The Key Facts seem to indicate that for their own safety, older

pedestrians who walk for health reasons require an exclusive walking

area designed to meet their needs. However, the idea of separating

vehicles from pedestrians in completely pedestrianised environments

opposes urban design principles about the walkability of public places

where vehicles and pedestrians safely co-exist and enliven the street.

Significantly, the “Key Facts” do not seem to question the safety of the

pedestrian environment, but assume that the cause of a road accident

lies with the older pedestrian. It is not surprising that given this

apparent attitude, and the stark reality of statistical information about

older pedestrian injuries and fatalities, that many older people may

consider their suburban environment to be unsafe for walking.

The design of suburban streets for easy and efficient access by car and

other vehicular traffic should not be detrimental to the safety of

pedestrians of all ages. Footpath, streets, and urban spaces need to be

designed for walkability, so that the pedestrian can feel comfortable in

their local suburban environment. In the following chapter – Chapter

Three: Urban design theories and walkability – the methods used in

Europe to achieve ‘walkable neighbourhoods’ will be explored.

2.8 Current and future research

As stated in Section 2.4, research into human factors and the older

adult shows a decline with age in almost all physical, perceptual,

cognitive and decision-making capabilities (Fisk and Rogers 1997:119).

Investigations into pedestrian injuries and fatalities reveal that this

decline in the capabilities of older people is responsible for their over-

representation in road accidents involving pedestrians (Oxley et al

MUARCR #81 1997:1). Monash University Accident Research Centre

has prepared a list of priorities, reproduced in Table 2.1 and Table 2.2

to address significant issues. Table 2.1 concentrates on researching

older pedestrian behaviour in complex road environments, their travel


patterns, and their mobility needs (Oxley and Fildes MUARCR #157

1999:5).

Table 2.1 Older Pedestrian Strategy Research Item Priorities

.

Source: Oxley and Fildes MUARCR #157 1999:5

It seems that the complexity of road environments confuses older

pedestrians, and research into making roads safer places is necessary,

or older people will require separate environments designed to meet

their special needs when walking for health reasons.

Table 2.2 Older Pedestrian Strategy Action Priorities

.

Source: Oxley and Fildes MUARCR #157 1999:4


The Action Items (Table 2.2) emphasise the need for greater attention

to pedestrians rather than motorists, but some questions arise. Priority

number 4 seems to imply that the street is not for older pedestrians,

which is unreasonable when people of all ages use the footpath and

cross the street. Priority number 8 does acknowledge the walking

required at each end of public transport trips, and the need to provide a

safe and equitable pedestrian environment in such places. Some of the

priorities identified in Tables 2.1 and 2.2, and the information provided

in the list of Key Facts shown in Box 2.2, will be investigated by the

researcher when questioning study participants about road safety

issues. However, research into road safety and older pedestrians

discussed in this chapter seems to regard the pedestrian as the

problem, rather than the street environment, which is primarily

engineered for maximum and efficient traffic flow and considers the

pedestrian to be a hindrance to vehicular movement.

2.9 Political comment

Recent road safety information about older pedestrian deaths and

injuries has come to the attention of Senator The Honourable Ron

Boswell, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Transport and

Regional Services. In a media release dated 28th January 2003, the

Senator recommends a better understanding of motor vehicle collisions

involving older pedestrians and that this knowledge is “built into

standards for roadway design and into other road safety

countermeasures” (Boswell 2003:1).

2.10 Falls while walking

This chapter has highlighted road safety statistics that involve older

pedestrians, however falls while walking are also a concern for older

people. Research into falls among healthy, community-dwelling older

women in Australia reveals that 46% of falls occur in and around the

home with more than half of all falls occurring outdoors, away from


home. These falls are in categories of streets or parks (25%), steps

(not including steps on public transport) (12%), kerbs (6%), public

transport (6%), and shops (5%) (Hill et al 1999:5). Circumstances of

falls are in three main categories: tripping over an obstacle (35%),

steps and kerbs (25%), and slips (17%) with other factors (23%). The

research revealed that many falls occurred during the non-threatening

activity of walking, although commonly there were environmental

constraints that made the task more challenging, such as slippery or

darkened conditions (Hill et al 1999:47 emphasis added).

A major finding shows higher injury rates in older women categorised

as ‘vigorous’, rather than ‘frail’. In addition, loss of confidence, which

can develop subsequent to falls, was considered as much of an issue

as the injury sustained (Hill et al 1999:47). The research by Hill et al

(1999) recommends education programmes targeting falls prevention

in the healthy and active category of older women, and does not

discuss improvements to the built environment. However, it is evident

that safe pedestrian environments are required as such a high

percentage of falls among older women occurs in the public realm.

2.11 Conclusion

Australians of all ages walk, and pedestrian injuries and fatalities

continue to occur amongst the very young and the very old. Regardless

of the dangers associated with walking through local streets, it is an

inexpensive form of exercise for older people, and many also walk for

transport. The readily accessed local suburban setting – the

neighbourhood – may become the preferred walking environment for

older people. As Australia’s population ages, the number of older

pedestrian injuries and fatalities on suburban roads will increase. The

need to provide pedestrian-friendly environments for older people who

choose to age in their suburban setting is becoming a public safety

issue.


Road safety statistics reveal the extent of death and injury in the over

65 age group when involved in a collision with a motor vehicle in an

urban area. By avoiding road traffic, especially roads with two-way

traffic and no median strip, older pedestrians are safer, however, this

practice would conflict with urban design principles, which encourage

lively streets that include vehicular activity. It would not be economically

viable or practical to pedestrianise all suburban shopping areas to

ensure older pedestrian safety. Older people walk for many reasons,

and walking to the local shops is only one of their reasons for walking.

It seems that by keeping away from complex road situations in their

suburban setting, older pedestrians may avoid a collision with a motor

vehicle, but should such places continue to be constructed without

consideration for the special needs of older people? As Australia’s

population ages, traffic engineers should be required to design

pedestrian-friendly streets, particularly in new suburban areas. It seems

that State and local governments need to include older pedestrian

safety on the agenda when designing new roads and road

improvements in towns and suburbs throughout Australia.

Would the provision of safer roads and footpaths encourage and

support the pedestrian activity of older people, or are other factors

influencing an older person’s decision to walk in their suburban setting?

The next chapter contains an investigation of urban design theories

that describe social and cultural aspects of the built environment. An

exploration of such theories may provide insights into the nature and

composition of the public realm, as there may be factors – other than

safe streets – that create pedestrian-friendly suburban settings for older

people.


Chapter Three: Urban design theories and walkability

3.1 Introduction

The previous chapter explored older pedestrian safety and the

reduction in physical and cognitive skills of older people that should be

taken into account in urban design to facilitate safe pedestrian activity

in the over 65 age group. This chapter explores those urban design

theories that appear to support the pedestrian activity needs of older

people in suburban settings.

Once beyond the front gate of their home, the majority of older

pedestrians in suburban areas walk through public spaces. These are

the spaces inhabited by the community in their daily lives. Parks,

plazas, footpaths and streets are critical spaces in the built

environment because their amenity affects the quality of urban life.

Additionally, it has been suggested that walking is an important aspect

of older people’s mobility and health (Seaton and Wall 2001:18) and

urban design theories about pedestrian-friendly environments may

provide insights for the design of master planned communities to

encourage and support the pedestrian activity of older people. Urban

design theories may also provide direction for addressing the needs of

older pedestrians and those with a disability within the detailed design

and upgrading of existing public places and open spaces.

Historically, in most cities, towns and villages, the street has probably

always been a place of conflict between pedestrians and many other

means of transport, and streets continue to be a vital part of the public

realm. Today, the predominance and speed of motor vehicles has

made suburban streets more dangerous to pedestrians than in the

past. It is not surprising that many ‘pedestrian-friendly’ urban design

theories are based on the form of cities, towns and villages that existed

prior to the invention of the motor car. Perhaps urban design theorists,


mostly from Britain, Europe and the US, are also inspired by a ‘sense

of community’ that appears to be a part of places where the pedestrian

is predominant.

However, cobblestone streets in medieval town centres of Britain and

Europe are an example of how urban design theories that focus on

visual aesthetics may be at odds with the requirements of older people.

Some urban design theorists would approve of the ‘richness’ of

cobblestones as a road or pathway treatment, but cobblestones are an

uneven walking surface and a trip hazard for older pedestrians. It may

be that urban design theories, which focus on mobility and safety

issues rather than the aesthetics of built form (so often concerned with

character or heritage value) have the most practical application for

older pedestrians.

The Australian Pedestrian Charter presented in the previous chapter

highlights the reasons for pedestrian activity – walking for health and

recreation, and walking for transport. The Charter’s fourth aim

discusses “neighbourhoods in which safe, attractive, and convenient

walking conditions are provided as a fundamental right”. It is in the

Charter’s fifth and final aim that the “planning of our communities” is

discussed in a wider context where “access to basic amenities is not

dependent on car ownership but is always available to those on foot,

bicycle, wheelchair and public transport”. This particular aim of the

Charter may be the most difficult to achieve, as car-dependency seems

central to suburban life in Brisbane. The issue of car-dependency will

be discussed in this chapter and further explored in Chapter Five: An

overview of the case study suburbs.

Urban design theories recognise walking and cycling as activities that

encourage social interaction, and are healthy for the individual (Frank

et al 2003, Barton 2000 and Barton et al 2003). In addition, unlike


motor cars and buses, walking and cycling are means of transportation

that do not adversely affect air quality. The encouragement of

pedestrian activity and cycling contribute to a ‘sustainable’ urban form

through urban consolidation, evident in contemporary theories such as

New Urbanism (Calthorpe 1993, Katz 1994) introduced in the 1980s,

which also encourage community creation through neighbourhood

design (Calthorpe 1993, Barton 2000 and Barton et al 2003).

The concept of sustainable urban form borrows from the past, and The

Charter of the New Urbanism (Congress for New Urbanism 1996)

promotes the traditional model of the urban environment where context

is an important design consideration. One part of the charter advocates

architecture and landscape design that celebrates local history, climate,

ecology, and building practice. The charter also encourages the

development of neighbourhoods that are diverse in use and population,

physically defined, and designed for pedestrian and transit with

universally accessible public spaces.

‘Walkable neighbourhoods’ (Calthorpe and Fulton 2001, Barton et al

2003) ‘urban villages’ (Newman and Kenworthy 1991 and 1999, Energy

Victoria et al 1996, Brisbane City Council 1998) and transit-oriented

development (Calthorpe 1993) are explored in this chapter. There are

critics of urban consolidation, such as Troy (1996) cited in Forster

(1999) who reject the proposition that urban consolidation is necessary

for ecological sustainability, and regard urban villages and the ideas of

New Urbanism as “naïve and idealistic” (Forster 1999:166-169).

However, this thesis investigates the relevance of these concepts to

the wellbeing of older pedestrians in suburban settings, rather than

challenging the economic, environmental, or town planning success of

New Urbanism, although ideas that discuss community creation will be

explored. New Urbanism and urban consolidation may be regarded as

neo-traditional, but the emphasis on the pedestrian environment is


worth investigation, as today’s suburbs seem to be designed for easy

access by vehicles rather than for pedestrian convenience and safety.

Urban design theories reviewed in this chapter are placed in a specific

order. Those concepts that may be regarded as “intangible” and

romantic, such as sense of place, sense of belonging, and the

ubiquitous sense of community, are discussed firstly because they

seem to inspire a certain ideal about suburban life for many

Australians, and this ideal has shaped the local pedestrian

environment. The intricacy and detail of the public realm is examined in

the ideas of Cullen (1966) and Lynch (1960) and the concept of

“responsive environments” (Bentley et al 1985) which acknowledge the

social and visual complexity of urban settings, and the need for safe

“permeable” and “legible” built environments.

These concepts are followed by an investigation of the pragmatics of

pedestrian safety such as traffic-calming, the Woonerf or Home Zone,

and CPTED principles (Crime Prevention Through Environmental

Design). Finally, New Urbanism is explored, and walkable

neighbourhoods, the urban village, and transit-oriented development

(TOD) are discussed. This literature review begins with a brief

discussion about urban design as a discipline.

3.2 Urban design

Urban design has been described as a “relatively recent invention”

intended to mediate between the responsibilities of town planners and

architects, and it encompasses issues for which neither town planning

nor architecture claim responsibility: the design of public spaces (Frey

1999:9). A cursory overview of urban design theories seems to suggest

that the built environment is a physical place: a collection of buildings,

streets and open spaces, such as parks and the spaces between

buildings. Further investigation reveals that interpretation of the built


environment, and engagement with it socially, culturally, and even

emotionally, are also explored by urban designers (Bentley et al 1985,

Kunstler 1993, Calthorpe and Fulton 2001).

Unlike the architect, the urban designer does not merely manipulate

form to make space, but aims to create place through a synthesis of

the components of the total environment, including the social (Trancik

1986:114). An architect is usually involved in the design of individual

buildings, but an urban designer is concerned with ‘place-making’ and

context (Kunstler 1993, Calthorpe and Fulton 2001). The concept of

‘contextualism’ is an architectural term, developed in the 1980s, to

describe a belief that buildings and building developments should be in

context with their settings and embrace the cultural, social, and

historical aspects of a place (Bullock and Stallybrass 1988:173).

‘Context’ may also include public transportation systems, which operate

near or through a site, types of land use, and major connecting roads

or highways. These factors make context central to urban design as it

seeks to integrate culture and landscape.

As urban design includes open spaces such as parks, plazas and

streets, these places are enlivened by pedestrian activity. Thus, the

spaces between buildings become as important as the solid form of

architectural elements that surround them. These spaces are not just

the domain of the urban designer. Town planners, traffic engineers,

civil engineers, landscape architects, and architects are some of the

disciplines involved in the development of the public realm. To provide

coherence among these various disciplines, urban design theories

provide a language for reading, assessing, and shaping existing and

proposed urban places. It is the emphasis on place and the spaces

between buildings that generates urban design theories that seem

intangible – ‘sense of place’, and ‘sense of belonging’ – concepts that

require exploration.


3.3 Sense of place and sense of belonging

In art, architecture, landscape architecture, and urban design, ‘place’

has been discussed rigorously and there are many definitions for this

concept. Some writers regard place as built form. Norberg-Schulz

(1980) states: “place represents architecture’s share in truth” (1980:6).

He sees place as the “concrete manifestation” of humanity’s dwelling,

and our identity depends on our “belonging to places” (1980:6). Some

writers regard the two concepts – community and place – as

inseparable. ‘Place’ is seen as the vessel in which the ‘spirit’ of

community is stored, and ‘community’ is the catalyst that imbues a

location with a sense of place (Rypkema 1996:60).

Gussow, a conservationist and a landscape artist writes: “A place is a

piece of the whole environment that has been claimed by feelings”

(Gussow cited in Walter 1988:209). This definition reveals an emotional

connection with place that goes beyond an agricultural dependence

upon the earth. So ‘place’ is a part of the physical environment that has

meaning for people; it is more than a geographic location. Norberg-

Schulz (1980:5) writes with simplicity: “A place is a space which has a

distinct character”. This “distinct character” may manifest in the

physical form of the landscape or the built environment, or both. Some

people, such as artists and writers, seem to believe that this “distinct

character” is ethereal.

Perhaps artists and writers are more gifted than most theorists at

describing the qualities associated with genius loci: the presiding deity

of a place (The Concise English Dictionary). The English travel-writer,

Durrell in Thomas (1969), explores this concept in his essay

‘Landscape and Character’. He suggests that “the important

determinant of any culture is after all – the spirit of place”; he describes

people “as expressions of their landscapes” (1969:156-157) and he

considers the landscape to be “in pursuit of its own mysterious


purposes” (1969:163). Durrell’s romantic view of place identifies nature

as a dominant force shaping the “manners” of a culture, and human

beings “exist in nature, as a function of place” (1969:163). His

observations give place an intangible quality, and it is this elusiveness

that challenges an urban designer’s ability to enhance a place by

promoting the physical and cultural factors that produce its genius loci.

The concept of sense of place has been challenged, and Talen

(1999:1371) writes: “the term has more to do with individualised

meaning than with specific environmental characteristics”. However, it

could be argued that in a mass-market consumer-oriented society,

“individualised meaning” is a valuable sentiment, which allows for

personal expression and individual interpretation of culture. As older

people age in place they will continue to regard their suburban setting

as both a physical place and as a “manifestation of their culture”

(Norberg-Schulz 1980: vii) even if they are not overtly conscious of the

latter. It is their association with place and the local community that is

arguably significant for older people. If they can engage positively with

their suburban setting, they may consider it a place worthy of

pedestrian activity. However, other factors may make an aesthetically

pleasing pedestrian environment unattractive to older people, such as

fear for their personal safety, which is an issue that requires discussion

later in this chapter.

3.4 Sense of place in Australia

To describe the pioneer in the North American landscape, an American

author states poetically: “our culture must be our response to our place,

our culture and our place are images of each other and inseparable

from each other” (Berry 1977:22). These words seem to echo the

theme of Durrell’s genius loci and may also apply to the Australian

pioneer experience, however, when British and European settlers


arrived in Australia, they brought with them a foreign sense of place

and a European interpretation of the landscape.

The settlers worked the land and attempted to construct a cultural

landscape using the methods, materials, plants, and animals that they

brought from the Northern Hemisphere. As the land and climate were

often harsher than the ‘home’ country, the settlers’ battle with the

natural environment established an Australian mythology. This is a

mythology of “affirming nature over culture” and signifies a distinctive

Australian relationship with the landscape where “the openness and

friendliness of the Australian people is linked with the outdoors as the

natural location for social interaction” (Fiske et al 1987:43). The warm

Australian climate, especially in Brisbane, may contribute to a nature-

over-culture ideology as many people enjoy spending time in what is

now colloquially called ‘the great outdoors’.

Australian culture has not always been a response to place, or

geography and climate, and a complex attitude to the landscape has

often existed, especially when “underlying it all is the idea that Europe

(or England) is culture, and Australia is nature” (Fiske et al 1987:50).

This attitude has changed in recent years towards an appreciation of all

that is Australian, which includes the landscape, and the cultural

change can be read “as a shift towards the natural” (Fiske et al

1987:50).

In residential gardens, native trees and shrubs are now popular. They

require less maintenance than European species, and are perhaps an

affirmation of the “shift towards the natural”. Now, many Australians

aim to recreate a small part of the natural wilderness around their

homes, rather than maintain a contrived and planned English garden,

which was once imitated by many early settlers as they sought to

recreate a piece of Britain in Australia. The significance of natural


environments, and native gardens and parklands to older pedestrians

may not have been investigated in this country, however, the recent

cultural shift towards all things Australian, especially native vegetation,

may indicate a positive response to such open spaces by older

pedestrians in this study.

The Greenwich study by Burgess et al (1988) – a source of inspiration

for this research, and discussed in more detail in the following chapter

– investigated residents’ attitudes to open space and its significance in

their daily lives – their sense of belonging and sense of place. The

social sciences may consider a ‘sense of belonging’ to imply belonging

to a people, or a community of people. In urban design theories, a

sense of belonging to a place and ‘sense of place’ seem to describe an

association that an individual has with a specific geographic location –

urban or rural (Lang 1994:255). It appears that Lang discusses ‘urban’

or ‘rural’ with no mention of ‘suburban’, as if suburbia – that place

between urban and rural – does not arouse in people any sense of

belonging, or a sense of place, but suburbia is where most Australians

live. The many social, economic, political, and technological influences

that shape suburbia must also include the basic human need for a

‘sense of belonging’ and a ‘sense of place’.

3.5 Suburbia

The Anglo-Saxon idyllic view of rural life – “pastoralism” – asserts that

the country provides solitude, innocence, and happiness (Newman and

Kenworthy 1999:135-136). However, this view did not lead to a return

to village life, but has helped create the rationale for the suburban

lifestyle where distances are so great that “car-dependence is endemic”

(Newman and Kenworthy 1999:135-136). For privacy and escape from

the city, car ownership gives people the freedom to live at great

distances from where they work, shop, or partake in daily activities.

Ironically, the roads and highways engineered for this convenience


deprive the built environment of its compact urban form, which is so

essential for pedestrian activity.

The Anglo-Saxon anti-urban fear of overcrowding described by

Newman and Kenworthy (1999:136) may be simply a search for

privacy and seclusion on a plot of land that is a miniature version of a

rural retreat, but its impact on the pedestrian environment is profound.

In many suburban settings, public open spaces are often located at

some distance from local shops and facilities, which negates ease of

pedestrian access between them, and residents resort to using their

cars for transport rather than walking or cycling. In the US, car-

dependency is accused of creating a “crisis of human habitat” because

of “a slavish obeisance to the needs of automobiles and their

dependent industries at the expense of human needs” (Kunstler

1993:59-60).

Such a “slavish obeisance” to the automobile includes the freeway

networks that allow for the great distances between commercial

centres and residential areas. Additionally, the rigid segregation of

different land uses creates vast sprawling suburbs with no centre or

distinct boundaries, which are required for identifying a “place”

(Kunstler 1993:117). The history of suburban development in Australia

is similar to the US, and Forster (1999) writes that after the Second

World War, concrete and glass skyscrapers dominated cities. He

discusses slum clearance schemes; high-rise public housing projects

based on the ideas of the French architect, Le Corbusier, who

conceived of such buildings as “machines for living”; freeway networks;

and the rigid segregation of different land uses (Forster 1999:25).

It seems that after the Second World War, the built environment

became a place for the convenience and safety of the motorist at the

expense of pedestrian enjoyment and welfare. The widespread use of


the motor car resulted in “transportation engineering downgrading

streets from multi-faceted instruments of urban design to cogs in a

functional machine with a single purpose, to move automobile traffic as

efficiently as possible” (Frank et al 2003:153). How can suburban

residents develop a sense of belonging, or a sense of place, without an

attractive, safe, and accessible pedestrian environment?

When considering the social and community aspects of suburban life,

one writer describes it as “a dispersed, homogenous environment

expressed in routines devoid of spontaneity” (Lozano 1990:6). It is a

place of “functional simplification that has reduced personal contact

and the exchange aspects of community, and with them, a sense of

belonging” (Lozano 1990:6 emphasis added). There is criticism of the

notion that sense of belonging, and therefore emotional security, is tied

to a specific urban form. It is suggested that resident homogeneity, or

the length of time that residents live in suburbia, contribute to the

development of a sense of belonging, rather than urban form (Talen

1999:1371).

However, urban designers develop principles about place and place-

making by observing the behaviour of people in public spaces, and

they continue to regard the built environment as both a catalyst and a

backdrop for social interaction (Newman 1973, Whyte 1980) and

community formation (Calthorpe 1993, Katz 1994, Calthorpe and

Fulton 2001). It is likely that as Australians age in place, by remaining

in their house in the suburbs, their local environment will become the

backdrop for social interaction, especially if they take up a walking

regime within their suburb. To interpret older people’s attitudes towards

their local pedestrian environment, urban design theorists provide a

language for describing the built environment that requires exploration.


3.6 A language for describing the built environment

Urban design theorists believe built environments that offer complexity,

spontaneity, variety, and personal contact, create a setting for the

establishment of a sense of belonging, and a sense of community

(Kunstler 1993, Calthorpe and Fulton 2001). The importance of the

pedestrian’s perspective, as central to the understanding and

enjoyment of urban settings, becomes apparent in the writings of

Bentley et al (1985). The authors seek to reveal the subtlety and

complexities involved in amalgamating the physical and the cultural

aspects of a place and use the words: permeability, variety, legibility,

robustness, visual appropriateness, richness, and personalisation, to

describe the built environment. A “responsive environment” is one that

offers choices (Bentley et al 1985:9) and the authors believe that a

successful mix of the seven qualities listed above can create a good

urban place.

Other writers, such as Lynch (1960:10) discuss “imageability –

apparent, legible or visible” – adding more to the list of words and

concepts employed by urban designers in an attempt to describe and

develop coherent urban places. Lynch (1960) discusses the elements

of paths, edges, landmarks, nodes and regions as the “building blocks”

that firmly differentiate structures at the urban scale. “To heighten the

imageability of the urban environment is to facilitate its visual

identification and structuring” (Lynch 1960:95). He regards the path as

the continuous unifying element in the urban environment, thus

facilitating the visual identification of the urban environment by foot

(Lynch 1960:96).

Similarly, the urban design theorist, Cullen (1966) concentrates on the

pedestrians’ journey through a village, town or city. He assesses the

urban landscape with an intense eye for detail while never losing sight

of the wholeness of a place, and his personal observations of urban


space and built form are shown through sketches in pencil, ink and

watercolour, thus providing a pictorial assessment of existing places.

From this pictorial interpretation, which seeks visual coherence and

organisation in the jumble of buildings, streets, and spaces that make

up the urban environment, he derives his urban design theory about

“serial vision” (Cullen 1966:194).

Other words such as “immediacy” and “closure” are also used to

describe the pedestrian’s view of the built environment, and add more

to the language of urban design. Cullen (1966) is perhaps the most

subjective of all the theorists, believing that the only time the built

environment should be approached objectively and logically is when

health, amenity, convenience, and privacy are an issue. However,

there is logic in the form of the built environment, especially when it is

regarded as a collection of neighbourhoods.

3.7 Neighbourhood

Most people live in a neighbourhood of some description. People seem

to know what a neighbourhood is, but it is difficult to define as it is

perceived and experienced in different ways. This confusion probably

arises because the neighbourhood is a blend of two environments: the

physical and the social. People seem to identify with the concept of

neighbourhood, often regarding it as more than a particular piece of the

urban fabric. It is a place with a social function, and neighbourhoods

have existed in Western civilisation for centuries. Mumford (1961:24)

suggests that the order and the security of the village was carried over

into the city where it exists today as the neighbourhood.

The suggestion that a neighbourhood is a modern village is a

description that suits today’s marketing of new residential

developments and master planned communities, which will be


discussed in more detail later in this chapter. Neighbourhood has also

been described as a predominately residential area of a city that is:

(i) Characterised by its own economic,cultural, and social institutions (schools,churches, police and fire station, shoppingdistricts, community centres, and fraternaland charitable organisations);

(ii) typified by some tradition of identity andcontinuity; and

(iii) inhabited by people who perceivethemselves to be residents of theneighbourhood and participants in itscommon life.

(McLaughry (1980) cited in Hallman 1984, p. 16)

Thus the most comprehensive and succinct definition of neighbourhood

identifies four fundamental parts: a personal arena, a physical place, a

political community, and a little economy (Hallman 1984:14).

New Urbanism focuses on the neighbourhood, and includes it with the

district and corridor as a fundamental organising element within the

urban environment (Katz 1994: xvii). The neighbourhood concept is

also regarded as an alternative to suburban sprawl, as it consists of

housing, parks, and schools placed within walking distance of shops,

civic services, jobs and transit – a modern version of the traditional

town (Calthorpe 1993:16). Katz (1994) discusses the physical form of

neighbourhood, and claims that it has a “centre and an edge” with a

structure based on a “fine network of interconnecting streets” with

priority “given to public space and to the appropriate location of civic

buildings” (Katz 1994: xvii). These descriptions indicate an

understanding of the “legibility” (Lynch 1960) of neighbourhood form.

Regardless of how a neighbourhood is described or explained: the

residential environment is an important domain of quality-of-life

experiences, and good residential environments enhance life


satisfaction and the individual’s overall sense of wellbeing (Banerjee

and Baer 1984:1). British research suggests that although the “mobile

middle class” establishes “interest-based social lives”, this does not

preclude social and political involvement in the local area. For older

people, “research shows that the local physical environment is of prime

importance to their social life: it is their behaviour setting” (Bark, cited in

Gold and Burgess 1982:163-164).

A recent national survey in the UK that investigated definitions of

quality of life and its enhancement among people aged 65 and over

revealed that 81 per cent of respondents believed that good social

relationships gave their lives quality. Other important factors were

social roles and activities, health, psychological outlook and wellbeing,

home and neighbourhood, finances, and independence (Bowling et al

2003:269 emphasis added).

The New Urbanism notion of community development or enhancement

through neighbourhood design has been challenged: “the relationship

between town design and sense of community is largely without

empirical basis, and is therefore deficient” (Talen 1999:1362). The

argument for neighbourhood design facilitating social contact, and

hence a sense of community is based on “creating settings” that

support social contact through “proximity” (closeness) and “appropriate

space” where shared spaces are designed and placed to encourage

social interaction (Talen 1999:1363). It is also claimed that neither

people’s lifestyles nor their sense of affiliation coincide with

neighbourhood boundaries (Lang 1994:268 cited in Talen 1999:1367).

However, ‘neighbourhood’ appears to be a more tangible concept than

‘sense of place’, as it is possible to imagine a neighbourhood with

some kind of a physical form defined by boundaries – a place that

people recognise and may even feel affection for. If there is no


empirical basis for the idea that good urban design can create a

‘neighbourhood community’ (Talen 1999:1362), and if it is difficult to

measure ‘sense of place’ (Talen 1999:1371), perhaps attachment to

place is linked to a resident’s perception of their own safety and

security.

In this thesis, an investigation of older people’s feelings about their

neighbourhood security may indicate factors, which for them, contribute

to, or detract from, a good sense of place, or a sense of belonging to a

place. The issue of neighbourhood security adds a further dimension to

the concept of neighbourhood as a “personal arena” (Hallman

1984:14). Although an individual’s workplace and friendships do not

usually follow neighbourhood lines, neighbourhood organisations

demonstrate that people can co-operate at that level when it is

necessary to defend themselves (Lynch 1981:247). In Brisbane, the

“Neighbourhood Watch” programme is concerned with household

security and appears to fulfil the need for safety through local everyday

surveillance by residents of a neighbourhood – while encouraging

community participation.

There may be no empirical basis for New Urbanism theories

suggesting that the specific design, or configuration, of neighbourhoods

and public spaces encourages the development of a sense of

community. However, it is suggested that New Urbanism as a “social

doctrine” has a strong “intuitive appeal” that cannot go unnoticed (Talen

1999:1375) and it seems practical to provide neighbourhoods and

public places with urban design outcomes that offer space for social

interaction. Thus good urban design provides a backdrop upon which

social interaction is possible, and the concepts of ‘walkability’ and

‘walkable neighbourhoods’ (Barton 2000 and Barton et al 2003)

introduce a pragmatic interpretation of neighbourhood as a place for

the pedestrian, regardless of social or community interaction.


3.8 Walkable neighbourhoods and crime prevention through

environmental design (CPTED)

Many issues require investigation regarding the older pedestrian in

suburban settings. Firstly, there is the safety and attractiveness of the

pedestrian environment, and secondly, there is the accessibility of that

environment by foot. The idea of accessibility can be more than easy

access to a building or a place; it can also imply proximity – the walking

distance between places. A comfortable walking distance is set at 400

metres as an acceptable maximum to the bus or transit stop, and 800

metres to a commercial centre (Barton et al 2003: 119).

This ‘acceptable’ walking distance does not take into account the

nature of the terrain or topography, so it could be assumed that this

distance is acceptable for relatively flat ground with a well-maintained

level footpath. The provision of equitable access to buildings and public

places and spaces for those with a disability is now a part of building

legislation. It seems that the provision of acceptable distances for

pedestrian activity between transit stops, public buildings, and open

spaces does not have the strict regulations that apply to building

accessibility.

Most of the urban design theories discussed in this chapter concentrate

on the visual appeal and legibility of built environments, however

nobody is disposed to walk willingly through an attractive suburban

setting if they believe it to be unsafe. An older pedestrian may regard a

suburban setting as unsafe if they feel threatened by strangers, or are

afraid of tripping or falling on the walking surface, or have concerns

about vehicular activity close to the pedestrian environment. The road

safety statistics discussed in the previous chapter illustrate why older

pedestrians should be afraid of vehicular activity close to their

pedestrian environment, and the introduction of traffic-calming


measures, which resolve some of the conflicts between pedestrians

and vehicles, are discussed below in Section 3.9.

The background paper to The National Strategy for an Ageing Australia

(Bishop 1999:27) suggests: “It is important to ensure that urban

planning and crime prevention initiatives support older people’s actual

and perceived personal safety and physical security”. Arguably, the

personal safety of older pedestrians has a significant influence on their

desire to walk within their local suburban setting. To ensure pedestrian

safety, it is suggested that pedestrian environments should achieve the

five “C’s”: connected, convenient, comfortable, convivial and

conspicuous (The Institution of Highways and Transportation (1999)

cited in Barton et al 2003:118-119). These “criteria for network design”

recommend the connecting of buildings and places to form a

comprehensive pedestrian environment that is legible and comfortable.

Such criteria should be central to the design of any master planned

community. Research into crime prevention through environmental

design (CPTED) for older people (Bell Planning Associates 1999) and

defensible space (Newman 1973; Zelinka and Brennan 2001) suggests

that attention to detail in the built environment is required for the

personal safety and physical security of older pedestrians (Box 3.1).

Box 3.1 Generic elements of CPTED

These elements should be taken into account in development design and thedevelopment assessment process:

• Casual surveillance opportunities and sightlines• Land use mix and activity generators• Definition of use and ownership• Exterior building design• Lighting• Way finding• Predictable routes and entrapment locations

Source: Taken from Brisbane City Council Crime Prevention ThroughEnvironmental Design CPTED) Planning Scheme Policy


Under the heading of “comfortable”, the Institute of Highways and

Transport (1999) discuss “sense of surveillance and safety” (Barton et

al 2003:119). As a CPTED principle (refer Box 3.1) this sense of

surveillance is also referred to as ‘casual surveillance’, ‘natural

surveillance’, or ‘eyes on the street’. Pedestrian activity in a suburb

increases the opportunity for more “eyes on the street, it enhances

social interaction, and helps foster a sense of ownership” (Zelinka and

Brennan 2001: 262).

Natural surveillance implies the ability of a resident to look onto the

street from their front verandah or from those rooms in their house that

front the street. This principle can be applied in reverse when the

pedestrian is looking at the house and the activity around it from the

street. Hence the street is under surveillance by residents and

pedestrians, and criminal activity in the neighbourhood or accidents in

the street can be readily detected.

This principle of street surveillance by residents is not possible in

neighbourhoods where high walls block the view of the street from the

house, and obstruct a pedestrian’s view of the house from the street.

However, fenced suburban enclaves, and ‘gated communities’, are

evident in many Brisbane suburbs – a design concept that is counter to

CPTED principles, listed in Box 3.1. The application of CPTED

principles to neighbourhoods with busy local streets may not ensure

the safety of older pedestrians, and traffic-calming measures may be

required to improve pedestrian safety for people of all ages.

3.9 Traffic-calming measures

To lessen the dominance of vehicles on the street, and enhance

pedestrian safety, traffic-calming techniques were first employed in

European cities. As a broad overall transport policy, traffic-calming

aims to decrease car-dependence and the impact of cars on the


environment. It aims to reduce traffic accidents, especially those that

involve pedestrians, ameliorate noise and air pollution from cars,

encourage public transport use – and bicycle and pedestrian activity –

and seeks to reclaim road space for living space (Newman and

Kenworthy 1991:95-96). Traffic-calming began in the Netherlands in

the late 1960s and early 1970s with the Woonerf (“living yard”). This

new street design was a response from planners to the growing

deterioration in living conditions due to traffic impacts in closely settled

inner city areas, and takes design input from residents, sociologists,

land use planners and urban designers (Newman and Kenworthy

1991:95-96).

The safety of older people, and children, in neighbourhood streets has

been a consideration in European countries for many years. However,

the Woonerf concept was only recently adopted in the UK, after the

death of a young pedestrian, and given the name “Home Zone”

(Children’s Play Council (CPC) 2003:1). In Ealing, local residents have

selected specific streets to slow and restrict traffic for the safety of

pedestrians (Living Streets – Home Zones 2003:1). Traffic is also

slowed to discourage drivers from thinking that they own the road – it is

a shared public space where it is also believed that the increased

number of people on the street will reduce street crime and fear of

crime (CPC 2003:3). Additionally, the Ealing group of residents

established a Home Zone to counteract a variety of problems in the

area that included “rat-running, lack of parking space, personal safety

and an unattractive street environment” (Living Streets – Home Zones

2003:1-2).

The Home Zone concept has not been adopted in Brisbane suburban

settings (although there are some examples of traffic-calming designed

to prevent heavy traffic from ‘rat-running’ through local streets)

probably because its success is based on urban density, which is not


high in Brisbane. Less comprehensive traffic-calming measures such

as the reduction of traffic speeds from 60km/hr to 50km/hr and footpath

extensions have been employed on public roads in Brisbane,

particularly in the suburban centre improvement programmes (SCIPs)

conducted by the Brisbane City Council. Traffic speeds for upgraded

Brisbane suburban centres are not as slow as for a Woonerf where

walking pace dictates vehicle speed, however, when combined with the

gaining of street terrain through footpath extensions for trees, café and

public seating – minor traffic-calming measures – the effect on the

public realm is dramatic. The photographs and sketches of Oxford

Street, Bulimba, in Chapter Five illustrate the positive effects of

footpath extensions on the streetscape, especially the opportunity for

additional planting and sheltered social activity close to the roadway.

The Brisbane suburb of Bulimba (explored in Chapter Five)

demonstrates how an upgraded commercial area with reduced traffic

speeds, and footpath extensions, can improve the quality of the

pedestrian realm. Additionally, suburban streets in Brisbane may never

be altered like the Woonerf where the construction of the street surface

makes no distinction between carriageway and footpath, and where all

users have equal rights. Such traffic-calming techniques are possible

within the private roadway systems of residential cluster developments

and large aged care facilities, however, traffic-calming should include

more than the installation of speed humps – it should be used to create

inviting pedestrian environments for people of all ages.

The domain of traffic engineers includes the design of efficient road

networks by controlling traffic speeds, traffic composition, road signage,

and pedestrian and vehicle zones. It is a challenge for urban designers

to integrate traffic engineering solutions with urban design principles –

to provide appropriate public spaces for older pedestrians – without

compromising the subtle components of a place that make it welcoming


and of human scale. The small-scale improvements to existing

suburban centres in Brisbane may make the centres more attractive to

the pedestrian as a destination, however, such changes do not

necessarily encourage walking as an alternative to car use. Over the

last decade, local governments in Australian capital cities have been

providing finance for the improvement of suburban centres to enliven

streets and shopping precincts, and these reinvigorated commercial

centres are often called ‘urban villages’.

3.10 Urban villages and transit-oriented development (TOD)

The word ‘village’ is popular today in urban design and development

marketing. This may be because it evokes images of a small, compact

community where buildings, roads and footpaths are scaled for the

pedestrian. Unlike the term ‘urban setting’ or ‘urban centre’, an ‘urban

village’ implies an environment for social and community interaction,

and not just a backdrop for commercial exchange. The traditional

village is simple, small and “single-minded in its purpose” (Sharp

1953:2) but today’s urban settings are far too populated, and varied, to

be so neatly described.

The modern term, ‘urban village’ is defined as “a medium to high-

density neighbourhood with a core of mixed uses and bustling

pedestrian character” (Barton et al 2003:24). Additionally, the authors

state that the term – urban village – is “normally applied to new

development” (Barton et al 2003:24). However, developers such as

Delfin employ the term ‘village’, when describing residential pockets

within the Brisbane master planned community of Forest Lake, which

will be explored further in Chapter Five.

In Australia, older suburban main street commercial areas appear to be

the new ‘urban villages’ and are receiving attention, in terms of financial

investment and streetscape improvements, from local governments


and government agencies. The “Urban Villages Project” in Melbourne,

and Brisbane’s “Living Villages: Council’s Suburban Centre

Improvement Projects”, are examples of this trend. In Melbourne,

existing urban centres with growth potential are classified as ‘urban

villages’ (Energy Victoria et al, 1996), and the Brisbane City Council

describes older suburban commercial centres, which are usually

located on a major arterial road, as “Brisbane’s living villages”

(Brisbane City Council 1998). It seems that the description of an urban

village containing mixed-use development does not apply in the

Brisbane context, as only commercial and residential uses are mixed –

light industrial or educational uses are usually not included.

A national survey by Honeywell (1998) for KPMG Consulting identifies

the “village” as one type of shopping place, and the “box” as another.

The box is a large, air-conditioned shopping complex surrounded by

car parking. The village is described as providing “human scale

buildings” and “creating a dialogue between cultural and commercial

activity”. It is also considered a place of “personal interaction” for

customers and meets their need for a “third place”. The concept of a

“third place” is not defined, however the context suggest that it means a

place other than home or work. Villages offer “engagement” in relation

to merchandise and outdoor elements such as fresh air and sunlight,

which involve the shopper’s sense of smell, touch, sight and sound.

The survey concludes that the “village” and the “box” shopping centres

perform different functions, and in the future the village will serve the

“constant” consumer, and the box will be the shopping centre for the

“occasional” consumer. As older Australians age in place and

surrender their driver’s licence, their local suburban shopping centre

may become their “constant” shopping place, especially if it is readily

and safely accessed by foot or public transport. To cater for “constant”

shoppers, such places need to offer necessary services like a bank,


post office, library, and health care facilities to attract older shoppers.

The sprawling, piecemeal growth of Brisbane appears to have resulted

in hubs of local commercial activity – urban villages perhaps – in the

older suburbs while some newer residential areas contain big box

shopping centres that are a focus of local commercial activity for many

surrounding suburbs. However, often the two types of shopping area

occur within a kilometre of each other, which is indicative of the

consumer demand for suburban shopping areas that provide facilities

that were previously only available in the Brisbane Central Business

District (CBD).

It is possible that some older people who do not own cars travel by taxi

to the larger commercial centres, as they probably provide a wide

range of essential services for them. Smaller suburban shopping

centres that may be within a walkable distance from most residents’

houses often lose the basic services that older people require, such as

banks and post offices. While local governments generally attend to the

community need for walkable neighbourhoods by maintaining parks,

footpaths, streets and street trees, and transport shelters, essential

services may not be provided close to home.

The Brisbane City Council has also adopted town planning codes and

policies that acknowledge the social and economic advantage of

strengthening the identity of suburban areas by preserving and

enhancing vernacular architecture and landscape form. Additionally,

the Queensland Department of Transport seeks to achieve a more

liveable society that is less dependent on the car, and has published

Shaping Up (1998) as a guide to the better practice and integration of

transport, land use and urban design techniques. The guide discusses

the provision of safe transport stops, and pedestrian and cyclists

pathways.


However, it is the connection, or networking, of pedestrian pathways,

as discussed earlier in this chapter, that requires attention from local

government and developers. A few Brisbane suburbs, in particular

those that are located along the river, have been retro-fitted with safe

and accessible pedestrian and bicycle networks, including river

boardwalks that connect residential areas with significant destinations

such as educational, commercial, and recreational places. For older

suburban residents who do not own cars, there is a need to access

shops and services easily, thus proximity and connectivity by foot,

bicycle, or public transport, are issues of concern for them. It is likely

that the retro-fitting of existing suburbs with pedestrian pathways to

facilitate connectivity may prove to be an expensive and sometimes

impossible task for local government, or developers.

Surprisingly, town planning requirements for new residential areas,

including master planned communities, do not generally allow for the

convenient corner store that is such an important part of the traditional

walkable Australian suburb. However, the Western Australian Planning

Commission Sustainable Cities Initiative introduced the Liveable

Neighbourhoods Community Design Code (1997) that discusses

“walkable catchments” and recommends a 400m walkable distance

from houses to neighbourhood facilities.

Many Brisbane suburbs are located beyond a walkable 400m to major

commercial centres or recreational places, as out-lying suburbs are

predominately designed for car-dependency rather than for public

transport use, which makes it difficult for older residents to reduce their

dependence on a car to meet general transport needs. Some urban

designers (Calthorpe 1993, Katz 1994) suggest that Transit-Oriented

Developments (TODs) have the ability to reduce car-dependency in

residential areas. Transit-oriented development is centred on a mixed-


use community within an average 600 metre walking distance of a

transit stop and core commercial area.

The TOD concept mixes residential, retail, office, open space, and

public uses in a walkable environment that makes it convenient for

residents – who may be employees in the TOD – to travel by transit,

bicycle, foot, or car (Calthorpe 1993:56). Unlike traditional

neighbourhood design with its grid street layout, TODs are configured

with a transit stop at the centre from which a semi-circular radius of

mixed land uses are so positioned that noise and other negative

impacts can be ameliorated, and all areas are accessible by foot (refer

Figure 3.1). TODs are located on or near existing or proposed transit

lines or bus networks, and Calthorpe and Fulton (2001) propose a

regional network of TODs connected by public transport.

Figure 3.1 Transit-Oriented Development (TOD) diagram

Source: Calthorpe (1993) p. 56

Critics of the TOD concept believe a possible inability to achieve high

non-residential density within the commercial core may be a “fatal


flaw”, which will result in almost exclusive use of the single-person

passenger car for travelling to work, due to inadequate transit use

(Williams 1991 cited in Atash 1994:55). Other criticisms of TODs

include the need to encourage new travel patterns in residents (Atash

1994:55) and the lack of clear commitment to infrastructure and

supporting land uses as a major barrier to implementation of TODs

(Ginn: 2004). Significantly, TODs seem to be planned for people of

working age, however, suburban residents over 65 have usually retired

from the work force, and their daily use of the local pedestrian

environment may be quite different from younger people.

3.11 Walking for transport

The ageing baby-boom generation may have special transport

requirements, as it is probably the first generation to enjoy widespread

private car ownership in their retirement. Older people are highly

dependent on their car for shopping, accessing services, to visit friends

or family, and for recreation, which are all significant purposes for

making trips, and contribute to the personal and social lives of older

people, as for all age groups (McKenzie and Steen 2002:197).

Clearly, pedestrian environments for older people should be networked

to essential services, or to efficient public transport that links to

essential services for those older people who cannot rely on friends,

family members, or taxis, to meet their transport needs. It appears that

the car-dependence of older people in Brisbane suburbs requires

further investigation. Additionally, it should not be presumed that older

people “will make a simple transition from car-dependence to public

transport dependence“, and a “more sophisticated understanding of

private/public transport use is required before any assumptions can be

made about the future travel choices of older people” (McKenzie and

Steen 2002:200-201).


However, the research by McKenzie and Steen (2002) does not negate

the need for safe and attractive pedestrian environments in suburban

settings, as walking is the least expensive form of exercise. A walking

regime will provide those older people who choose to age in place – in

the family home in the suburbs – with a measure of health and

wellbeing at minimal cost. This idea is promoted by the National Heart

Foundation of Australia in its publication Healthy by Design: a planners’

guide to environments for active living (2004) that incorporates design

considerations for “planning healthy and safe communities” (2004:23)

for pedestrians of all ages.

The provision of safe and attractive pedestrian environments for people

of all ages, and for those people who have limited or diminished

physical and cognitive skills, is central to the concept of universal

design. ‘Universal design’ is the design of products and environments

to be useable by all people, to the greatest extent possible, without the

need for adaptation and specialised design (The Center for Universal

Design Website). However, the following quotation discusses more

than universally useable pedestrian environments, or public transport

systems, and suggests additional design considerations:

An essential ingredient of planning beyond themodernist paradigm is a recognition of memory,desire, and the spirit as vital dimensions ofhuman settlement, and a sensitivity to culturaldifferences in the expression of each.(Sandercock 1998, p.230)

3.12 Conclusion

Most urban design theories about traditional neighbourhood form,

urban villages and transit-oriented development are based on

examples of cities, towns, villages and suburbs in Britain, Europe or the

US, however, Australian suburban settings are different from these. In

particular, Brisbane suburban settings do not have the population


density of traditional European town centres where pedestrian activity

enlivens streets and public open spaces. Additionally, Brisbane

suburbs may have qualities that set them apart from suburbs in other

Australian capital cities, especially as the warm Brisbane climate

supports an outdoor lifestyle, and hence – pedestrian activity. However,

the sub-tropical heat and humidity in the warmer months may inhibit

walking. It seems that the history, as well as the topography, of each

suburb has a profound influence on the development of its built form

and pedestrian environment, and this is explored in Chapter Five.

New Urbanism theories suggest that sense of place, sense of

belonging, and sense of community can be developed and enhanced

by neighbourhood form. Critics argue that a sense of belonging to a

place may not necessarily result from neighbourhood form, but from

resident homogeneity, or the length of time that residents live in a

suburb. The notion of community as place-based is also questionable,

as communities of interest have no geographic boundaries. Thus,

without the founding of a ‘club’ or ‘group’ of walkers, the neighbourhood

form advocated by the New Urbanists would not in itself create a

‘community’ of walkers. However, it seems logical that a safe and

attractive pedestrian environment should support older people who

choose to walk in their suburban setting for transport, health, or

recreation reasons.

As the population ages, many older people will surrender their driver’s

licence to become public transport users and pedestrians. The ease of

transition for older Australians from car-dependence to public transport

use and pedestrian activity requires further investigation that is beyond

the scope of this thesis. However, opportunities exist within Brisbane

suburban settings for enhancing the pedestrian realm and promoting a

sense of place for suburban residents by upgrading the local ‘village’

shopping centre, and promoting the concept of walkable


neighbourhoods through footpath maintenance and street improvement

programmes. Safe pedestrian crossings, adequate street lighting, non-

slip pavements, suitable seating in public spaces and parks, and bus-

shelters are some of the improvements that enhance the ‘walkability’ of

a neighbourhood.

Pedestrian environments for older people should be networked to

essential services, or to efficient public transport that links to essential

services for those older people who cannot rely on friends, family

members, or taxis, to meet their transport needs. Urban design theories

about walkability and neighbourhood form require exploration, and the

following chapter describes the methods selected to reveal the

significance – to older pedestrians who participated in this study – of

urban design concepts, and ideas about the walkability of their

suburban setting.


Chapter Four: Case study methodology

4.1 Introduction

This thesis is an investigation of what constitutes a “safe and attractive”

pedestrian environment for older people in two Brisbane suburban

settings. Would the provision of “pedestrian-friendly” environments, as

described in urban design theories discussed in the previous chapter,

encourage older people to walk within their suburban setting for

transport, and for health and recreation reasons? Chapter One

introduced a quotation from Frank et al (2003:103) which implies that

safety and attractiveness are intangible aspects of the pedestrian

environment. To challenge the suggestion that safety is an intangible

aspect of the pedestrian environment – especially for older people –

Chapter Two presented some concerning statistics about older

pedestrian injuries and fatalities in Australia. Chapter Three (Urban

design theories and walkability) investigated such concepts as CPTED

and traffic-calming measures that may support the special needs of

older pedestrians in suburban settings.

As stated in the introduction to Chapter One: Urban design theorists

discuss the physical layout of residential areas, and developers and

local governments provide these places for the community. New

suburban areas are rarely studied for insights into the success or

failure of urban design theories, and this research seeks to reveal

information about pedestrian environments in suburban settings that is

of interest, or concern, to older pedestrians. Such information may not

have been available at the design stage of existing suburbs, but it may

assist in the design or improvement of pedestrian environments in

residential areas, and in master planned communities.

In this thesis, qualitative research methods are employed that are

expected to reveal the relevance of urban design theories to older


pedestrians in suburban settings, and highlight the significance of

safety issues for them. For older people, their perception of personal

safety and security within their suburban pedestrian environment

probably influences their decision to walk for transport or health and

recreation reasons. One European researcher of pedestrian activity in

relation to public transportation usage suggests that “it is impossible (or

very difficult) to measure those walking trips which have not been made

because of fear of accidents or assaults” (Hass-Klau 2001:84).

The emphasis on understanding how people make sense of their own

experience is one of the hallmarks of qualitative research (Groat and

Wang 2002:14) and this chapter is concerned with devising a process

for exploring the thoughts and feelings of older people about their

pedestrian environment in two Brisbane suburbs. In this thesis, the

case study method is considered an appropriate research approach –

due to the complexity and variety of information requiring exploration. It

is a research approach that defines topics broadly and not narrowly

and covers contextual conditions and not just the phenomenon of the

study (Yin, 1993: xi). The combination of focus group discussions, and

a photographic exercise for each focus group, was considered

appropriate for providing data that indicates consistency with urban

design theories about older pedestrians, which were investigated in the

literature review.

This thesis explores the concept of ‘walkability’ and aims to reveal the

characteristics and qualities of existing pedestrian environments in

Brisbane that create a ‘walkable neighbourhood’ for older people. The

photographic exercise by participants, as part of the data gathering

process, assumes that participants can observe and record aspects of

their pedestrian environment that are significant for them. It is believed

that the photographic images taken by older pedestrians in this study


give emphasis to themes and topics identified in the focus group

discussion transcripts.

Bulimba and Forest Lake are the two suburbs selected, and distinct

differences between them influenced their selection, and include

historical background, topography, street layout, shopping area design,

and their distance from the Brisbane CBD. The two suburbs are

investigated in more detail in the following chapter – Chapter Five: An

overview of the case study suburbs. This chapter discusses data

collection and analysis, and proposes a method for investigating older

people’s experience as a pedestrian within their suburban setting.

4.2 Focus group discussions

It could be said that qualitative research is looking more for quality than

quantity, more for information richness than information volume

(Erlandson et al 1993: 83-84). This study has sought quality and

information richness of data over quantity, and in the investigation of

context, focus group discussions are a quick and inexpensive method

of acquiring information from a wide range of people. In addition, the

informal nature of the focus group technique can elicit responses and

information that is not always received in the standard interview

procedure (Krueger 1988:44-46).

Focus group discussions allow participants to take an active role in the

discussion, and to present various interpretations of the topic. The

interaction between participants is important, as unexpected

information and impressions about personal experiences may be

revealed (Foddy 1993:189). It is anticipated that participants in this

study will discuss topics and themes about their local pedestrian

environment, which may not have been explored in the literature

review, for two reasons. Firstly, the age of the participants is significant,

as the Burgess et al study, UK (1988) and the Pikora et al research


project, WA (2003) included participants from younger age groups.

Secondly, the sub-tropical climatic conditions in Brisbane are different

from those in the UK and in Western Australia, which may influence

participants’ interest in walking for any reason.

4.3 Limitations of focus groups

One limitation of focus group discussions is that the researcher has

less control than with an interview, as participants’ interaction allows

group members to influence the course of the conversation. This can

result in detours and discussion of irrelevant issues. In addition, data

are difficult to analyse, and it can be difficult to assemble focus group

discussions (Krueger 1994:36). Before data for this thesis could be

collected, ethical clearance was required, and the researcher prepared

a Statement of Consent Form (refer Appendix 2).

The actual questions asked of each focus group reveal how topics flow

with the course of the discussion. Refer Appendix 3 for the ‘prompts’

selected by the researcher to cover topics of interest within the course

of the focus group discussions, however, the actual questions asked by

the researcher during the sessions were frequently quite different. The

actual questions asked during the Bulimba focus group discussion are

shown in Appendix 4, and Appendix 5 contains the actual Forest Lake

focus group discussion questions. The variations in the questions

asked result from “detours” in the focus group discussions, as noted by

Krueger (1994:36).

Focus group studies provide information about context, but seem to be

limited by it, as participants are likely to interpret questions in quite

varied ways and another group of participants may have a different

interpretation of the issues discussed. In addition, participants may

discuss a topic in a certain way, assuming that is what the researcher

wants to hear. Their answers may also reflect what they assume the


researcher will do with the information given, and so try to exercise

some control over the situation in which they find themselves (Foddy

1993:189). This was evident when the Forest Lake focus group

discussion became a forum for complaint about the maintenance of the

lake.

Participants may focus on different dimensions of the topic, or define

different dimensions as they choose (Foddy 1993:190). In this study,

broad interpretations were welcome, and participants provided their

own meaning to questions to reveal what is important to them in their

local pedestrian environment. Although focus group discussions were

undertaken in this research to investigate support for general principles

regarding older pedestrian safety, and the concept of ‘walkability’, as

explored in the literature review, interpretations of pedestrian

environments specific to Bulimba and Forest Lake were anticipated.

4.4 Photographic exercise

A photographic exercise was also chosen as a research technique that

may present visual information not given in focus group discussions, or

provide pictorial evidence, and substance, for those issues of either

delight or concern for participants. Each focus group was given a

disposable camera and asked to photograph the best and the worst

aspects of their walking environment. Cameras were to be returned

within two weeks. Two ‘disposable’ or ‘one-time-use’ cameras were

distributed, one to each focus group. Each camera was for outdoor use

only and contained 27 exposures. The Bulimba focus group

participants kept their camera at the Senior Citizens Centre where one

person controlled access to the camera. Repeated attempts were

made by the researcher to obtain from them a photographic record of

the positive and negative aspects of their pedestrian experience, but

none of the participants was interested in taking photographs. The


camera was collected unused from the Bulimba Senior Citizens Centre

several months after it had been left with participants.

The Forest Lake focus group was more enthusiastic about using the

camera. One couple took the disposable camera and spent several

weeks taking panoramic photographs of the lake and close-up shots of

pedestrian hazards such as broken concrete pathways, which they

described in a list they provided to the researcher (refer Appendix 6).

This pictorial information (refer Appendix 7) is discussed in Chapter

Six: Findings from the case studies. The couple who participated in the

photographic exercise had already taken shots of their daily walking

environment to send to children and grandchildren who lived interstate.

Copies of these photographs were given to the researcher, and some

of them have been reproduced in Appendix 8.

4.5 Questions and prompts for focus group discussions

Before the Bulimba focus group was organised, questions and prompts

were broadly devised from the literature review (refer Appendix 3)

however the primary aim of the opening questions was to establish a

dialogue with study participants. Preliminary questions concentrated on

describing a favourite walk, and discussing unpleasant aspects of

walking environments known to the participant. Preliminary prompts

included time and distance factors, walking alone, and cyclists,

skateboarders, joggers, and roller-bladers encountered on the walk.

In practice, the actual questions were expanded, and are far more

detailed and varied than the original draft described in the previous

paragraph (refer Appendices 4 and 5 for actual questions asked in

each discussion). Once the focus group discussion began, the

conversation ranged across different topics, and it was a challenge to

keep participants focused on one topic at a time and to encourage all

participants to speak freely. This was an outcome of the ‘natural’


conversational dynamic that was established as the focus group

discussion progressed. As data were collected from the Bulimba focus

group discussion, it became necessary to shift the focus of the

questions and inquiry. Data were later interpreted against information

about older pedestrians, urban design theories, and pedestrian-friendly

environments.

4.6 Organising focus group discussions

It was assumed that focus group participants from each suburb would

be drawn from local community clubs, such as sporting and social

clubs where there is a mix of men and women over 65 years. It was not

necessary for focus group participants to walk regularly within the

suburb, as part of an exercise regime, to be eligible to participate in the

research. Local pedestrian activity was considered an adequate reason

for participation in a focus group discussion.

It would seem that suburban walking groups could provide ready

access to focus group participants, but this access did not eventuate. In

the focus groups assembled, only one participant was a member of a

local walking group, and she was not recruited through that walking

group, but through the Bulimba Senior Citizens Centre. The difficulty of

finding focus group participants through walking groups was confirmed

in conversation with the co-ordinator for the Heart Foundation’s (Qld)

Just Walk It programme, Anthony Walsh, who informed the researcher

of the Foundation’s inability to gather participants for research into

older walkers.

4.7 How the Bulimba focus group was organised

The local walking group was contacted, but there was no response, so

the president of the Bulimba Senior Citizens Centre, Vilma Ward, was

contacted and asked if there were people over 65 years who attended

the centre, and who walked for any reason. By September 2002, a


group of people was gathered, and a day and time for the focus group

discussion was set for 1st October 2002 at the Senior Citizens Centre.

4.8 How the Forest Lake focus group was organised

The Forest Lake focus group participants were not as easy to gather as

the Bulimba participants, and firstly, walking clubs were contacted.

Local clubs and their telephone numbers are listed in The Lake News,

an independent monthly ‘news-magazine’, delivered free to all homes

in Forest Lake. The October 2002 edition provided names and

telephone numbers for Forest Lake community groups, and the Heart

Foundation’s Just Walk It group was contacted. Jenni Peart who

organised this group had access to the age of her group of walkers,

however nobody was over 65 years.

The names of contact people for other walking groups in the area were

provided by her, but again, there were no group members over 65

years who walked in Forest Lake. Some other walking club members

were over 65, but they did not walk in Forest Lake, but in the adjoining

suburb of Inala. Secondly, the 50 Plus Club was contacted, which also

had its telephone number in The Lake News. The president of the club

made several attempts to gather people over 65 years who walked in

Forest Lake for any reason, but not one person volunteered.

The final means of gathering focus group members involved visiting the

lake very early in the morning and asking walkers if they would

volunteer to participate in a focus group discussion. Two visits were

made to the lake before sufficient names were gathered to form a focus

group discussion. Potential participants were asked for their names and

telephone numbers, as well as an indication of what day they would be

available for an early morning discussion by the lake. A day was

selected and potential participants were then telephoned. Almost all of

the walkers contacted were able to attend the focus group discussion


held at the lake on 17th December 2002, and a total of eight

participants volunteered, comprising five men and three women. This is

a different composition from the Bulimba focus group where the women

outnumbered the men by two to one – four women and two men.

4.9 Bulimba focus group discussion

The Bulimba focus group discussion was conducted at 12:30pm on

Tuesday 1st October 2002 at the Bulimba Senior Citizens Centre.

Prior to the start of the focus group discussion, there was talk about

changing the participants, as many older people were gathered to

finalise a game of indoor bowls. It was during this time that Mary

(pseudonym) volunteered to join the discussion, and revealed that she

was born in Malta, and how she walked to the shops to tire herself for

her afternoon nap. Her description of her pedestrian experience is

discussed in more detail later in Chapter Six: Findings from the case

studies. Six people attended the Bulimba focus group discussion, two

men and four women.

4.10 Forest Lake focus group discussion

The Forest Lake focus group discussion was conducted at 6:45am on

Tuesday 17th December 2002 beside the lake at Forest Lake. The

participants are described in the following paragraph, and their names

have been changed. Three of the participants had their small dogs with

them, and told the researcher that they were going to continue their

morning walk when they felt they had said enough. These three men

had become friends from meeting up for a chat while walking their

dogs, which appeared to be of a similar breed. The three men – Mike,

Jeff and Paul were residents of the suburb and had British accents of

some kind – although they were not asked about their country of origin.


Three of the other participants were also friends from the adjoining

suburb of Inala – a married couple, Beth and Neville, and a woman

called Lyn. The researcher, at the lake a couple of weeks earlier, first

met these three participants who walked around the lake almost every

day. Another couple, Sue and Allen, also joined the focus group

discussions. They were residents of Forest Lake, and also had an

accent of some kind – perhaps Zimbabwean.

The actual questions asked were different from the Bulimba questions

(refer Appendices 4 and 5). This was due to a fine-tuning of the

Bulimba questions, but also because the Forest Lake focus group was

more eager to express their criticism and praise of Brisbane’s

pedestrian environments. Unlike the Bulimba focus group that often

had to be coaxed into speaking – especially when one participant,

Elaine who walked as a means of transport, dominated the discussion

– the Forest Lake participants complained about the condition of their

favourite pedestrian environment, the lake. It was difficult to direct the

course of the discussion, and as a result, topics of conversation vary

between the focus groups.

4.11 Data gathering and comparative analysis

Some field notes were obtained at Forest Lake when preliminary

lakeside discussions with potential focus group participants resulted in

a written record of information about why older people prefer to walk

around the lake, rather than through suburban streets. However, it

proved difficult to take notes while conducting focus group discussions,

and all focus group information was recorded on an audio tape-

recorder, so transcripts from audio recordings provided the basic

research data for analysis. For transcripts of the forty-five minute audio-

recorded focus group discussions, refer Appendix 9 for the Bulimba

transcript and Appendix 10 for the Forest Lake transcript.


Transcripts from the focus groups require analysis, as qualitative

research design seeks the “discovery of patterns of relationships

among specified variables of interest in a particular setting or

circumstance” (Groat and Wang 2002:15). After the first focus group

discussion at Bulimba, it was necessary to identify important patterns of

relationships – ‘themes’ – as well as noteworthy quotations, ideas, and

unexpected or unanticipated findings. The usefulness of questions and

the need for revision or adjustment of the questions was also

investigated. After the Forest Lake focus group discussion, it was

possible to compare and contrast the two focus group findings (Krueger

1994:149) and these findings are discussed in Chapter Six.

4.12 Towards a methodology for interpreting the needs of older

pedestrians in suburban settings

This study into older pedestrians draws inspiration from a research

project by Burgess, Harrison, and Limb (1988) that investigated

residents’ attitudes to open space in the London borough of Greenwich,

which consisted of three stages. Firstly, in-depth discussion groups

with residents from different localities in the borough were carried out.

Secondly, a neighbourhood-based survey – Greenwich is made up of

several neighbourhoods – was undertaken. Lastly, interviews were

conducted with twelve people from the leisure services and planning

departments of the local authority. The Greenwich research was

undertaken “to discover whether the beliefs, values, attitudes and

behaviours of urban residents accord with the newly advocated role of

public open spaces” (Burgess et al 1988:456). The first of the

Greenwich study themes stressed the vital importance for people of the

“sensory contact with nature and the natural world” (Burgess et al

1988:456). Additional themes included “the social and cultural

meanings embodied in open spaces”, and how open spaces “enhance

a sense of community” (Burgess et al 1988:456).


A further theme explored the “dark side of the landscape” – the

perceived fears and dangers lurking in urban open spaces – and the

final theme dealt with the management and accessibility of urban open

spaces (Burgess et al 1988:456). The Greenwich project

acknowledged and invited participants’ emotional responses to their

pedestrian environment, and the participants’ words reveal that public

open spaces provided for them a ‘sense of place’, or at least a special

place other than their home or work environment. It is the emphasis on

revealing the beliefs, values, and attitudes of the Greenwich project

participants that is significant when compared with the more recent

Western Australian research into pedestrian activity by Pikora et al

(2003) which investigated physical environmental factors (refer Table

4.1).

Table 4.1 Schema of physical environmental factors

PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS

FUNCTIONAL SAFETY AESTHETIC DESTINATION

Direct route Crossing aids Cleanliness Local facilities

Gradient Crossings Sights Parks

Intersection design Lighting Garden Maintenance Public transport

Intersection distance Verge width Parks Services

Kerb type Surveillance Pollution Shops

Other access points Trees Vehicle parking

Path continuity Architecture Bike parking

Path design Street maintenance

Path location

Path maintenance

Path surface

Path width

Street design

Street type

Street width

Traffic Control devices

Traffic speed

Traffic volume

Type of path

Vehicle parking

Source: (Shortened from Pikora et al 2003:1696)


In addition, this Brisbane study seeks consistency with Western

Australian research into pedestrian activity undertaken by Pikora et al

(2003) in reference to identifying the variables in the physical

environment that influence walking. Table 4.1 Schema of physical

environmental factors is taken from Pikora et al (2003) and illustrates

the framework of four physical environmental factors: functional, safety,

aesthetic, and destination. Unlike the Burgess et al (1988) Greenwich

project, which investigated the beliefs, values, and attitudes of the

participants, Pikora et al (2003) concentrate primarily on the physical

and functional aspects of the pedestrian environment. The “functional”

criteria relate to physical or structural aspects of the street or path;

“safety” involves personal and traffic safety; “aesthetic” includes natural

sights and architectural design; and “destination” relates to availability

of local facilities (Pikora et al 2003:1696).

The Physical Environmental Factors shown in Table 4.1 were selected

by Pickora et al in an attempt “to define carefully and to assign weights

to the variables in the physical environment that influence walking and

cycling” (Pikora et al 2003:1700). It is significant that many of the

Physical Environmental Factors are also discussed in CPTED

literature, which emphasises that the proper design and effective use of

the built environment can lead to a reduction in the fear of crime and

the incidence of crime (Crowe 2000). CPTED principles discuss the

maintenance and cleanliness of the built environment, foliage, lighting,

path design, sight lines and the predictability of pedestrian movement

along pathways, and casual surveillance – all listed in Table 4.1.

The Pikora et al study did not include people over 54 while the Bulimba

and Forest Lake participants were all over 65 years. Both the Burgess

et al study (1988) and the Pikora et al research project (2003) are

discussed as examples of how research into pedestrian environments

has been approached. These two research projects, neither conducted


in a sub-tropical climate, are quite different, and illustrate a variety of

data gathering and data analysis methods. However, in this thesis the

work of Pikora et al (2003) and Burgess et al (1988) are used as

authoritative sources of factors and feelings expressed by their study

participants about pedestrian environments, which suggest themes and

topics for exploration with the Bulimba and Forest Lake focus groups.

4.13 Conclusion

Urban design theorists discuss the physical layout of residential areas,

and developers and local government provide these places for the

community. Planned suburbs are rarely studied for insights into the

success or failure of urban design principles, and focus group

discussions were intended to reveal information about confusing

pedestrian access to local facilities, or difficult topography, which may

not have been evident at the design stage. In this thesis, the case

study was selected as an appropriate method to investigate the

complex relationship that older pedestrians, or older walkers, may have

with their suburb.

Qualitative research methods employed in this thesis may lack the

numbers and statistical evidence gathered in a quantitative study,

however, this research relies on analysing the multiplicity of thoughts

and criticisms provided by participants, which may limit its scope for

quantifiable material, but broaden its range of information gathered.

Given the diverse combination of factors that can influence an older

person’s decision to walk in their suburban setting, focus group

discussions within two Brisbane suburbs only represent an introduction

to the exploration of the question: What constitutes a safe and

attractive pedestrian environment for older people? The following

chapter investigates the suburbs of Bulimba and Forest Lake as

geographical and social places that depict different ways of

establishing a sense of place and a walkable neighbourhood.


Chapter Five: An overview of the case study suburbs

5.1 Introduction

This chapter explores the two case study suburbs of Bulimba and

Forest Lake in relation to the urban design theories discussed in

Chapter Three, especially those that apply to walkability and

neighbourhood form. It has been suggested that to maintain the identity

of a specific place as a manifestation of culture, development and

design frameworks must be based on an urban setting’s particular

history, culture, location and topography (Frey 1999:15). In this

chapter, the history, location, population size, street pattern,

topography, and primary shopping area design of each suburb will be

discussed, as these varied components establish the identity of a

place.

5.2 Two contrasting suburbs

Bulimba and Forest Lake are different suburbs with diverse identities.

Bulimba was established approximately 100 years before Forest Lake,

and its mix of uses, traditional grid street layout, and remnant working

class demographic reflect this historical difference. In addition, the

Brisbane River is a natural watercourse that forms a distinct edge to

Bulimba, whereas Forest Lake has an artificial lake at its centre.

Differences between the suburbs are illustrated in photographs and

diagrams of street layouts on the following pages. In addition to the

differences listed above that will be explored in this chapter, the

primary shopping areas within the two suburbs are quite dissimilar –

and as such places are a focus for pedestrian activity – they require

investigation. A map of Brisbane and its environs showing the location

of Bulimba and Forest Lake in relation to the Brisbane River and the

CBD is depicted in Figure 5.1.


Figure 5.1 Brisbane and environsSource: UBD


Oxford Street, Bulimba, is an active main street commercial area

(Figures 5.2 and 5.3). In contrast, The Village Shopping Centre at

Forest Lake is a ‘big box’ style of commercial centre in a ‘sea’ of car

parking (Figure 5.4). The main road into Forest Lake, Forest Lake

Boulevard (Figure 5.5) leads to The Village Shopping Centre. There is

a mix of shops and small offices throughout The Village Shopping

Centre, and the landscaped gardens are attractive. Its architectural

features include a clock tower, and shop fronts ‘addressing’ the car

parking area, thus creating a development that is somewhat

reminiscent of an old European town centre, which encircles a piazza.

Forest Lake Boulevard (refer Figure 5.5) cuts through the suburb like a

freeway system with two lanes of traffic travelling in each direction at a

speed limit of 70km/hr. Streets run off Forest Lake Boulevard and feed

into a series of cul-de-sacs (refer Figure 5.6). This is in contrast with

Bulimba and its main street, Oxford Street, which has a speed limit of

50km/hr, and a standard two-way carriageway that links into a grid

street layout (refer Figure 5.7).

Unlike the traditional street layout, as seen in Bulimba (refer Figure 5.7)

where houses front the main street, the houses in Forest Lake do not

address the boulevard, thereby separating the pedestrian from the

residential community. The extensive implementation of cul-de-sacs, as

seen in Forest Lake (refer Figure 5.6) has been accused of “sterilising”

residential environments by making them “too impermeable and lacking

in social interaction” (Newman and Kenworthy 1991:95). For Bulimba,

the pedestrian focus results from its traditional grid street layout and

typical ‘main street’ suburban shopping area design. This is evident in

the strip of shop fronts where awnings shade the footpath along each

side of Oxford Street, thus creating a sense of enclosure for the

pedestrian. Additionally, the traditional grid street pattern “has the

potential for prominent landmarks, greater permeability and ease of

orientation” (Newman and Kenworthy 1991:95).


Figure 5.2 Oxford Street, Bulimba, looking east to hilly groundSource: Researcher

Figure 5.3 Oxford Street, Bulimba, looking west to the riverSource: Researcher


Figure 5.4 Forest Lake Village Shopping CentreSource: Researcher

Figure 5.5 Forest Lake BoulevardSource: Researcher


All the photographs in this chapter were taken on a busy Saturday

afternoon by the researcher. The Bulimba photographs were taken

from the same place in Oxford Street. Figure 5.2 is looking east to hilly

ground and Figure 5.3 shows the street looking towards the Brisbane

River, which lies approximately 600 metres to the west. A hill to the

north, which is not visible in the photographs, provides a sense of

enclosure to enhance the country town appeal of this commercial strip.

Unlike Bulimba, Forest Lake does not provide a linear sense of

enclosure in its shopping area design, which is built to a more circular

plan with parking surrounding the shops (refer Figure 5.4). In the

developer’s brochure, Enjoyable Hike & Bike Trails, Forest Lake is

shown as planned for pedestrian activity with an extensive network of

Figure 5.6 Forest Lake street layoutSource: UBD


walking and bicycle paths. However, distances between the shopping

centre, the lake, and the majority of houses probably favour car, or

bicycle travel, which challenges the claim that Forest Lake is designed

for pedestrian activity.

Significantly, the populations of the two suburbs are quite different in

size. The 2001 Census of Population and Housing (Australian Bureau

of Statistics 2001) identifies the population of Bulimba as approximately

4,000. A general comparison of the Census data for the suburb of

Bulimba and the total Brisbane area show no significantly different

demographic characteristics, and throughout Bulimba there appears to

be a heterogeneous mix of people. The population of Forest Lake is

closer to 19,000 and this number is growing as the suburb expands.

The greater population in Forest Lake results from its ability to expand

into adjoining bush land.

If an ‘attractive’ pedestrian environment is one with aesthetically

pleasing architectural form, it appears that Bulimba and Forest Lake

offer quite different aesthetic qualities. Many of Bulimba’s pre-1946

houses are included in Brisbane City Council’s Demolition Control

Precincts, which protects them from demolition to some extent, and

encourages sympathetically designed infill development through the

application of the Residential Design Character Code. Such Council

codes aim to protect and enhance local architectural character in

Brisbane’s older suburbs, however new areas, like Forest Lake, rely on

covenants – that specify which external building materials are approved

for use, and planning codes that regulate building height and density –

to guide the character of each neighbourhood. As Delfin continues to

develop Forest Lake, its appeal to the older pedestrian is worth

investigation when compared with the more historic and established

suburb of Bulimba. The following section explores Bulimba – an

established suburb.


Figure 5.7 Bulimba street layoutSource: Brisbane City Council Bimap


5.3 Bulimba: an established suburb

This section is adapted from Bopp (2000).

It is Bulimba’s location that makes it a distinctive place in Brisbane and

gives it the charm of a quiet country town. In earlier times, Bulimba was

dubbed “the island” because of its isolation from the major arterial

roads of Brisbane. The river forms an edge to the north and west of the

suburb, and the water functions as a traffic barrier discouraging through

traffic, and yet the suburb is well served with public transport.

Figure 5.8 Public transport: Federation style shelter – Oxford Street ferry.(Sketch by researcher)

Within walking distance of the local shopping area there are two

separate bus routes into the city, a cross-river ferry to the suburb of

Teneriffe, and a high-speed “City Cat” catamaran into the city, which

stops along the river at ferry shelters (refer Figure 5.8).

Bulimba’s higher ground has views across the river and receives

cooling breezes in the humid summer months. Last century, this

topographical feature attracted wealthy families. Most of the grander

Queensland style houses, which were built on higher ground during the

late 19th century, have been restored. Entire streets, such as Duke


Street and Bulimba Street, which enjoy river and city views, are in the

process of extensive restoration. Although the elevated land attracted

wealthier families, Bulimba has always been a predominantly working-

class suburb with the shipbuilding and light industry along the river

providing work for many tradesmen.

The main street, Oxford Street, is on level ground, and it is easy to walk

from the post office to many facilities. Within ten minutes walk from the

post office are a large, tree-lined sports oval, grocery stores, various

restaurants and coffee shops, a cinema complex, a bank, a pub,

churches, a library, medical centre, solicitors’ offices, a book store,

several bus stops and a ferry stop. There are numerous heritage

buildings close to Oxford Street. These include timber churches, an

ornate grandstand in Memorial Park, and the Federation style shelter

for the ferry jetty at the river end of the street (refer Figure 5.8). Figure

5.9 illustrates the timber grandstand in Memorial Park, which is

surrounded by light industry along two street frontages.

Figure 5.9 Heritage building: timber grandstand in Memorial Park, adjacent to a lightindustrial area.(Sketch by researcher)

Alexander proposes seven detailed rules of growth, and one of those

recommends the design of “pedestrian space first, buildings second,

and roads third” (Alexander et al 1987:75). Bulimba, with its grid street


pattern laid out, level ground in the commercial area with concrete

footpaths on both sides of most streets, the Memorial Park edged by

trees, and slower traffic speed of 50km/hr, has created a precinct

where pedestrian space is considered paramount. This pedestrian

precinct extends from the centre of commercial activity in Oxford

Street, past the sporting area of the Memorial Park, past the corner

stores (refer Figure 5.11) to the ferry stop illustrated in Figure 5.8.

Figure 5.10 Oxford Street ‘café precinct’: note new kerb ramp for wheelchairs andstrollers.(Sketch by researcher)

Over the past decade, Oxford Street has developed into an

entertainment and café precinct. In 1997, the Brisbane City Council

improved the Oxford Street commercial centre with landscaping, street

furniture, and on-street parking. To keep pace with the popularity of the

precinct, the Balmoral Hotel has been refurbished three times since

1990. The cinema has increased its capacity, and is now a six-theatre

complex with an extensive car-parking building constructed exclusively

for its patrons. Opposite the cinema, new commercial buildings replace

post-war dwellings, and existing shop fronts have been upgraded.

The current building boom will further enhance the ‘main street’ design

by enclosing Oxford Street on both sides with additional two-storey


developments. The new Woolworth supermarket was designed to

integrate into the streetscape, and numerous street-front coffee shops

have opened, and they trade from morning until late into the evening. In

recent years, there has been an increase in residential unit construction

in the suburb, however, Bulimba continues to be a suburb that the

pedestrian can enjoy. Figure 5.10 illustrates a corner of the Oxford

Street ‘café precinct’, which was upgraded as part of a Brisbane City

Council Suburban Centre Improvement Programme (SCIP). Tables and

chairs are now located on the footpath outside Oxford Street cafes and

restaurants, and the pub also locates seating on the street.

5.4 Bulimba and walkability

Urban design theories that focus on ‘walkable neighbourhoods’, where

shops and public transport are no more than 400 metres from home,

are central to the Bulimba case study. New Urbanism theories claim

Figure 5.11 Oxford Street: two corner stores 400 metres from the ferry shelter.(Sketch by researcher)

that walkable neighbourhoods would lessen residents’ dependence on

their cars, and add to the conviviality of the street by increasing

pedestrian activity. Figure 5.11 illustrates two corner stores situated a

‘walkable’ distance of approximately 400 metres from the ferry shelter

and 500 metres from the Oxford Street post office.


New Urbanism theories consider the traditional grid street pattern to be

the most appropriate for achieving ‘walkability’ (Morris and Kaufman

1996:27). A mix of uses, socio-economic groups, and a variety of

building types are also fundamental for achieving the diversity

advocated in New Urbanism literature. These theories can be applied

to the suburb of Bulimba. For example, no one socio-economic group

dominates. From observation, professional couples who are recent

arrivals, live beside long-standing working-class residents. Some light

industrial activity is carried out within walking distance of houses and

shops. Multiple-dwelling units, and commercial buildings, are alongside

single-dwelling allotments, and the street layout is the traditional grid

pattern with buildings ‘addressing’ the street. Figure 5.12 illustrates a

traditional older style Bulimba house with an open front verandah that

looks onto the street – and achieves the CPTED principle of ‘casual

surveillance’.

Figure 5.12 Street surveillance: older style Bulimba house ‘addresses’ the street.(Sketch by researcher)

Bulimba as a neighbourhood is “typified by some tradition of identity

and continuity” (Hallman 1984:16). Heritage buildings give Bulimba an

architectural identity, and the traditional ship building industry provides

the suburb with an historical manufacturing base. It is therefore

appropriate to regard Bulimba as an example of compact urban form,


and the shopping centre on Oxford Street as its ‘village’ hub. The entire

suburb is within a 1,000-metre (1-kilometre) radius of its post office,

with most shops and services situated on both sides of Oxford Street

for almost 500 metres.

Just as urban design theories have embraced the concept of

neighbourhood, the Brisbane City Council uses the term in its

publication Bulimba District Local Area Plan: Plan Recommendations

(1997). The publication identifies three neighbourhoods within the

suburb: Bulimba North, Bulimba East, and Bulimba Central.

Neighbourhood boundaries are based on land use and physical

barriers such as main roads and parklands. This appears to be a

logical method for identifying areas, as the Council’s recommendations

deal with preferred development of residential type, bikeways, street

trees, and so on. The recommendations are also concerned with

heritage places, and maintaining the original character of Bulimba’s

built form.

For the purposes of this thesis, Bulimba is discussed as simply a

suburb. It is likely that residents consider themselves as belonging to

Bulimba, an area distinct from adjoining suburbs, rather than belonging

to neighbourhoods within the suburb. Boundaries imposed by Councils

may not necessarily represent the boundaries that residents perceive

within their local area, and in this study, focus group discussions may

reveal how older pedestrians identify with neighbourhood as a

geographic concept.

5.5 Urban renewal in Bulimba

Older suburbs in Brisbane were usually established with a greater mix

of uses than those suburbs located more than 10 kilometres from the

CBD. The attraction of a superior mix of services and facilities in the

inner and middle ring suburbs, compared with the fringe, is a factor that


influences the movement of people back into the older established

areas like Bulimba. State and local governments have encouraged this

trend to the inner city with new planning codes that reflect urban

consolidation policies (Newton and Bell, 1996:10) which are proceeding

now in Bulimba on former industrial sites.

Urban consolidation is possible in Bulimba where a large parcel of land

that once contained ship building activities and the Rheem factory, is

being developed as a comprehensive residential area, and small lot

housing and multi-dwelling units are under construction. A pedestrian

pathway is planned for the riverfront to link with parklands proposed for

the development site, thus enhancing the pedestrian-friendly appeal of

the suburb. There is additional urban expansion in the suburb, with a

recently completed housing estate known as ‘Portside’ located to the

north, and former industrial sites near Portside are destined for

residential development. Bulimba’s housing stock is undergoing

extensive refurbishment. A visual overview seems to indicate that most

of the older dwellings throughout the suburb have been renovated.

5.6 Forest Lake: a new master planned community

Forest Lake’s history seems to suit a description about the beginnings

of the modern suburb – as a “rural isolation ward” – an escape from the

ravages of the plague that swept through Europe in the thirteenth

century (Mumford 1961: 554). It is suggested that although public

sanitation has improved since the Middle Ages, “the objective of

creating healthy and spacious living conditions underlay much of the

physical development of Australian cities” (Troy 1995:21). Brisbane,

like Sydney, did have outbreaks of bubonic plague in the early 1900s

and in 1922, however the new suburb of Forest Lake seeks to be a

haven from what some people may perceive to be the hustle and bustle

of city living.


In addition, this master planned community, developed at some

distance from the city centre, is designed to provide the best a modern

suburb can offer – “a park-like setting for the family dwelling-house”

(Mumford 1960:560). Unlike Bulimba, Forest Lake did not evolve slowly

over time: it is a staged and master planned development. Perhaps, in

a world without the privately-owned motor car, Forest Lake would not

be able to flourish because of its distance from the CBD.

5.7 Forest Lake: location and history

The following information is based on an article by the developers of

Forest Lake, Delfin Ltd, published in 2000.

Forest Lake is located 18km drive from the Brisbane CBD along the

Centenary Highway. The area is in Brisbane’s western suburban fringe

and covers around 1,010 hectares of building land “designed to create

an integrated community for people of all ages and stages of the family

life cycle” where playgrounds, parks, hike and bike trails are developed

simultaneously with new housing areas to provide residents with

facilities. Forest Lake was originally part of the extensive Archerfield

Station that was purchased by Irish immigrant Michael Durack in 1882,

and it has been used for a number of productive activities, such as

cane growing, cattle grazing, and foresting.

In May 2001, ten years after its development, approximately 13,300

people lived at Forest Lake. The developer, Delfin Limited, anticipates

the suburb will soon accommodate 22,000 people in over 8,000 homes

and units. Forest Lake is made up of about 20 “villages” comprising six

different allotment types to “suit any budget and lifestyle” ranging in

size from 250m2 to 1,000m2. Delfin has co-ordinated the construction of

a large number of buildings and facilities in Forest Lake that include

shopping centres, three schools, three child care centres, tennis courts,

display homes in 5 display villages and a large recreational lake.


Until the end of the development, Delfin will continue increasing Forest

Lake’s facilities. Plans for the future include three new “villages”, a

State secondary school, another neighbourhood shopping centre, a

sports and recreational centre, a ‘boutique’ estate for the over 55’s, and

fast food and take-away outlets.

5.8 Forest Lake and walkability

Healthy neighbourhoods have these common traits: they are

pedestrian-friendly with a mix of uses, a clearly defined public domain,

and a reasonable range of housing types (Calthorpe and Fulton

2001:33). Forest Lake appears to have these qualities, however their

successful integration and the creation of a walkable suburban setting

requires investigation.

Unlike Bulimba, Forest Lake does not have a history of mixed uses or

significant work places for local residents. It is a ‘dormitory’ suburb with

houses, shops, schools and parklands for residents who generally

leave the suburb daily to work elsewhere, which furthers the

dependence on the car as the principal means of transport. The

walkability of the suburb for its residents is questionable, as

observation reveals very few people walking along the pedestrian

pathways that run beside the main street, Forest Lake Boulevard (refer

Figure 5.5 on page 75).

Many new master planned communities are designed with a cul-de-sac

type of street layout. Forest Lake follows this accepted standard and its

street layout reveals the suburb’s series of cul-de-sac developments

forming enclaves, which the developer calls “villages”. Some of the cul-

de-sac ends are linked to public open space (park) networks. However,

although the layout provides greater permeability for pedestrians than

for cars, the legibility of connections is poor. Additionally, designs

based on cul-de-sac enclaves can double the distance between home


and local destinations, and thereby deter residents from walking to

facilities (Barton 2000:65). This may explain the few pedestrians

noticed by the researcher along the Forest Lake Boulevard compared

with Oxford Street, Bulimba, which is always busy with pedestrian

activity. In addition, the softly rolling hills of Forest Lake do not provide

the sense of enclosure and small-scale village atmosphere evident in

the main street of Bulimba.

In contrast, Forest Lake Boulevard acts as a feeder road – like a

freeway – rather than as a traditional major road into a suburb. In

Forest Lake, the houses are accessed via cul-de-sacs, and each

residential construction stage is called a “village”. Most villages back

onto the Boulevard, rather than address it, thus reducing the

opportunity for residents to overlook the footpath (casual surveillance)

and improve a pedestrian’s sense of safety while enhancing the

conviviality of the street.

As discussed earlier in regards to Bulimba, New Urbanism theories

consider the traditional grid street pattern to be the most appropriate for

achieving ‘walkability’ (Morris and Kaufman 1996:27). The

appropriateness of cul-de-sac development to older pedestrian activity

in Forest Lake is therefore questionable. Although it is designed with a

cul-de-sac street layout, the developer has a policy of providing

pedestrian and cycle tracks throughout Forest Lake, and the

effectiveness of these tracks is worth investigation.

In terms of urban design theories, the residential “villages” in Forest

Lake do not have the various elements considered necessary to

compose a true ‘urban village’ where there is a mix of commercial,

retail, residential, leisure activities, and perhaps educational facilities. It

seems that, like the words ‘neighbourhood’ and ‘community’, the word

‘village’ is used too freely to describe aspects of new residential


developments. Perhaps developers aim to achieve “a small-scale …

‘walkable neighbourhood’ that also functions as a metaphor for

‘community spirit’ ” (Troy 1995:58).

5.9 The lake

The lake at Forest Lake takes up more than 10 hectares and is

designed for water sports, such as rowing, canoeing, paddleboats,

kayaking and sailing, but swimming is not allowed. Table 5.1 provides

further information about the lake.

Table 5.1 Facts about the lake at Forest Lake

.

Source: Forest Lake: The Living Forest Student Project/InformationBooklet, p.4

5.10 Hike and bike trails

Forest Lake is advertised as “Brisbane’s most liveable address” in the

developer’s brochure, Enjoyable Hike & Bike Trails. The brochure

contains a map of Forest Lake with the lake at its centre. Walking trails

are shown on the map, and described in paragraphs within the

brochure. Eight walks are described with the kilometres and time for

each walk shown, and this type of information is of assistance to those

who walk for health reasons.


The majority of hike and bike trails throughout Forest Lake are

approximately 2 metres wide, allowing for pedestrians and bicycles.

There are over 28km of hike and bike trails, with over 40km planned in

total, designed to provide for “easy and safe access to schools, shops

and parks”. It seems though, that the hike and bike trails may serve a

recreational purpose rather than providing a safe and comfortable

pedestrian link between the residential areas and the shopping centre.

5.11 Differences between Bulimba and Forest Lake

The differences between Bulimba and Forest Lake result from their

differences in location in relation to the Brisbane CBD, street layout,

history, topography, and so on. A summary of the differences between

the two suburbs is shown in Table 5.2. People are attracted to the

quaint and sheltered country town character of Bulimba with its main

street that includes coffee shops, restaurants, and cinemas located

within 10km of the Brisbane CBD.

Table 5.2 Summary of differences between Bulimba and Forest Lake

Forest Lake BulimbaHistory Established in the late 20th

centuryEstablished in thelate 19th century

Distance from CBD 20km approximately 10kmapproximately

Demographic Predominantly middleclass with ‘white-collar’employment outside ofthe suburb

Originally workingclass in localindustry, now a mixof professional andtradespeople

Street Layout Cul-de-sac GridMajor Road Forest Lake Boulevard as

an accessway only – forvehicles at 70km/hr

Oxford Street as a‘Main Street’ forvehicles travellingat 50km/hr

Uses Single – residential Originally mixed

Public Transport Bus only Bus and ferryservices

Source: Researcher


The ‘main street’ of Oxford Street functions as an active ‘people place’,

and it contrasts with the ‘big box’ supermarket at Forest Lake where a

sea of parked cars is evident. However, the developer of Forest Lake,

Delfin, has borrowed certain New Urbanism concepts in the formation

of Forest Lake’s shopping area. Firstly, it has called the supermarket

complex The “Village” Shopping Centre to engender notions of a small-

scale local development. Secondly, the Forest Lake shopping centre

has been given a clock tower to act as a landmark, thus providing

some legibility, especially for motorists. It is the differences between

the design and location of shopping areas within the two suburbs that

highlights the need for research into the significance, for older

pedestrians, of compact urban form with its focus on proximity to shops

and services.

5.12 Questions about Forest Lake

It seems that Forest Lake is an example of where “the pastoral anti-

urban tradition” has been “grafted into Anglo-Saxon cities by people

withdrawing behind suburban walls to escape the negative impact of

city living” (Newman and Kenworthy 1999:136). Forest Lake Boulevard

is not a boulevard in the sense that it is not a tree-lined avenue of

grand buildings that address the street. The wall of landscape

buffering, and the timber fences that attenuate the traffic noise of

Forest Lake Boulevard, inhibit the potential conviviality of the street and

focus residents’ attention inwards on residential “villages” located within

cul-de-sacs, which are essentially dead ends.

Within these residential pockets – “villages” – the developer aims to

cultivate a sense of community among residents, however, the notion

of establishing instant community is questionable. If community is a mix

of the social and the physical, as discussed in the literature review

(Chapter Three), can it occur successfully without a history or collective

memory to build upon? All communities began from scratch at one time


and grew organically – slowly shaping themselves to meet the

requirements of the residents (Mumford 1961:17). Would older

residents feel a part of such a new residential development, and is the

pedestrian environment friendly to older pedestrians? Are the cul-de-

sacs confusing, or does the network of bike and hike trails provide for

pedestrian-friendly legibility? Just like its artificial waterway, Forest

Lake is an invention, but as a new and developing suburb, its network

of hike and bike trails may be fashioned to meet the needs of older

pedestrians.

5.13 Conclusion

It seems that different urban design principles are evident in each of

the suburbs investigated. The influence of urban form, shopping area

design, mixed-use development, and street layout, on the walkability of

a suburb requires investigation. The suggestion that a walkable

neighbourhood offers easy access to local shopping facilities, reduced

car travel, local employment opportunities and informal social contact

that builds social capital (Barton et al 2003:104) requires investigation.

The next chapter – Chapter Six: Findings from case studies – explores

the transcripts of focus group discussions with older pedestrians who

participated in this study to reveal their thoughts about their suburban

setting and its ‘walkability’.


Chapter Six: Findings from the case studies

6.1 Introduction

This chapter interprets the data collected from the focus group

discussions and the one photographic exercise completed by three

Forest Lake participants. From the data analysis it was possible to

reveal ‘themes’ that parallel those investigated in the Greenwich Open

Space Project by Burgess et al (1988) discussed in Chapter Four

Section 4.12. In addition, focus group participants at Bulimba and

Forest Lake discussed many of the Physical Environmental Factors

identified by Pikora et al (2003) shown in Chapter Four, Table 4.1 on

page 68.

One of the great advantages of focus groups is that they give in-depth

data, as participants may provide additional background information

about the circumstances of the discussion topic (Krueger 1994:33).

This is evident in the audio-recorded transcripts from both focus

groups, as participants chatted through forty-five minutes of recorded

discussion and provided in-depth information about their walking

experiences in their local pedestrian environment (refer Appendices 9

and 10 for complete Bulimba and Forest Lake transcripts).

As noted in Chapter Four, focus groups can provide insight into

complicated topics where opinions or attitudes are conditional, or

where the area of concern relates to multifaceted behaviour or

motivation (Krueger 1994:45). In this study, the multifaceted behaviour

of older pedestrians and walkers provides some insights into the

relevance of urban design theories about ‘sense of community’ and

‘walkability’. It seems, though, that for older people, the devil may be in

the detail, as many focus group participants complained about the state

of footpaths and other public facilities such as drinking fountains and

bench seats.


In this chapter, the participants’ words ‘flesh-out’ themes and reveal

similarities with the Greenwich study by Burgess et al (1988) of

parklands and urban open spaces, as early in the focus group

discussions it became evident that participants in this study were more

concerned with enjoying the natural environment, than appreciating

buildings. The data analysis seems to challenge the Australian urban

designers’ interest in built form over landscape and open space,

especially when considering the needs of older pedestrians.

As with most qualitative research, the data analysis has not answered

all the research questions posed in Chapter One, and this study has

produced many more questions, thus emphasising the need for further

research. Areas for further research are mentioned in this chapter and

explored further in Chapter Eight: Final conclusions. Before discussing

the thematic data analysis, attitudes to pedestrian activity expressed by

participants in this study require investigation. In addition, differences in

the composition of the two focus groups influenced topics discussed,

and this is explored in Section 6.4.

6.2 Participants in this study – their attitude to the pedestrian

experience

The Greenwich Open Space Project by Burgess et al (1988) describes

themes that emerge from people’s feelings about urban open spaces,

rather than the physical nature of the pedestrian environment itself.

Burgess et al (1988) do, however, describe an immersion in nature by

younger participants who are probably escaping from a sense of

oppressive enclosure brought on by the urban congestion of London,

which greatly exceeds that experienced in Brisbane suburban settings.

Not one Bulimba or Forest Lake focus group participant described his

or her walking experience through a natural environment with the same

reverence as some Greenwich participants did (Burgess et al


1988:460). This difference may be due to their generation, as older

Brisbane walkers may be less open about their feelings than younger

UK participants. In addition, although the lake at Forest Lake has

natural beauty, which the participants in this study enjoyed, they

seemed to regard it as a domesticated and social place: it is a walk

through a tamed ‘wilderness’ that links the pedestrian via concrete

pathways into neighbourhood streets.

One of the themes in Burgess et al concerns the “dark side of the

landscape” and another theme involves the management and

accessibility of open spaces (1988:456). These themes merge in the

Brisbane study as it seems that one theme can trigger another, for

example, poor maintenance is considered a result of ineffective

management (refer Forest Lake focus group transcript Appendix 10). In

this study, an analysis of the focus group discussions on the topic of

walking as a means of transport in residential areas reveals that poor

maintenance of suburban streets creates a sense of unease for many

participants. This uneasiness may be fear of a fall, fear of a collision

with a motor vehicle, or fear of a dangerous stranger who may be

lurking in the shadows cast by overgrown trees and bushes (refer

Figure 6.1 on page 120 and Appendix 9 – Bulimba transcript).

The Pikora et al (2003) Physical Environmental Factors (refer Chapter

Four Table 4.1 on page 68) were mentioned in the focus group

discussions by participants in this study. It seems that those factors

that Pikora et al (2003) classify as “functional” such as gradient, path

design, path maintenance and path surface, the participants in this

study would perhaps classify under the heading of “safety” factors. It

did not seem possible to neatly categorise into ‘physical environmental

factor’ or ‘feeling’ factor the responses, and attitudes, of participants in

this study to questions raised by the researcher in focus group

discussions.


6.3 Thematic data analysis

The themes discussed in this thesis borrow from Burgess et al (1988)

and from Pikora et al (2003) however, this study acknowledges that the

two research projects provide different methodologies for investigating

urban open spaces and pedestrian activity. The work of Burgess et al

(1988) and Pikora et al (2003) are a source of themes for exploration

by the researcher in the focus group discussions. The themes identified

in the data and selected for discussion support the continued

investigation into older pedestrian safety and the urban design concept

of ‘walkability’.

The analysis of transcripts from audio-recorded focus group

discussions must take into account a number of considerations. It is

necessary to consider words, context, internal consistency, frequency

or extensiveness of comment, intensity of comments, specificity of

responses, and to find the “big ideas” (Krueger 1994:149). The data

analysis in this thesis concentrated on participants’ responses

generally – noting the intensity of interest in topics by the amount of

discussion generated.

In the search for “general statements about relationships among

categories of data” (Marshall and Rossman 1995:111), the researcher

intended to ask clear and direct questions, and to further question

participants during focus group discussions if responses to questions

seemed ambiguous. Many topics were raised in the first focus group

discussion at Bulimba, and it was possible to make “cautious

generalisations with the goal of understanding reality” (Krueger

1994:34). In this study, the “cautious generalisations” became themes

that were drawn from the Bulimba focus group discussion and later

incorporated into the Forest Lake focus group discussion questions.

The many topics discussed in the focus groups are listed in Box 6.1

and categorised into two themes: reasons for pedestrian activity and


aspects of the pedestrian experience. As discussed in Section 6.2,

Theme 2 – Aspects of the pedestrian experience – includes physical

aspects of the pedestrian environment.

Box 6.1 Themes in focus group discussions

Theme 1 Reasons for pedestrian activity

HealthSocial and recreationalTransport (Bulimba focus group only)

Theme 2 Aspects of the pedestrian experience

Topics

a) Design and maintenance of the pedestrian environmentb) Sharing the pedestrian environment with cars or cyclistsc) Engaging with the natural environmentd) Interest in the built environmente) Shelter and seatingf) Steep hillsg) Walking at night – lighting and personal securityh) Wearing special shoes or safety coloursi) Falls while walkingj) Larrikin behaviourk) Surrendering driver’s licence (Bulimba only)l) Other Brisbane parklands (Forest Lake group only)

Source: Researcher

A brief summary of how the composition of focus groups influenced the

topics discussed is outlined in the next section.

6.4 Composition of focus groups influences topics discussed

Differences in the focus groups were most evident when participants

discussed their reasons for pedestrian activity. The Forest Lake focus

group, recruited from the surrounds of the lake, had an obvious

selection bias for pedestrian activity in a natural setting. Due to this

selection bias, Forest Lake participants were walking for health reasons

rather than for transport, and their trip to the lake was often by car.

Participants in the Bulimba focus group discussion were recruited from


the Bulimba Senior Citizens Centre, which is within 400m of Oxford

Street, but only one of the participants lived in the suburb. It was

expected that the Senior Citizens Centre would attract local older

pedestrians as members, however this did not appear to be the case,

and maybe local pedestrians who are members of the Centre were

unwilling to join the focus group discussion.

The number of participants in the focus groups differed with six

participants in the Bulimba focus group and eight in the Forest Lake

discussion. There were more women than men in the Bulimba focus

group that comprised four women and two men. The Forest Lake focus

group had more male participants with five men and three women.

Three of the Bulimba participants – three women – did not drive and

walked as a means of transport to and from bus stops, and to visit

friends and family who lived nearby. General discussion about

pedestrian activity in local streets was possible, even if ‘local streets’

for Bulimba participants were located in suburbs that adjoin Bulimba.

These differences in composition of the focus groups did influence

participants’ responses to topics explored in the discussions.

Summary of Theme 1 Reasons for pedestrian activity

Half of the Bulimba focus group participants walked as a means of

transport, however, the Forest Lake focus group recruitment process

tended to select participants who walked for health reasons, social

interaction, and enjoyment of a natural setting, rather than those who

walked as a means of transport. Further research is required in Forest

Lake to investigate walking as a means of transport for pedestrians

over 65 years.


Summary of Theme 2 Aspects of the pedestrian experience

a) Design and maintenance of the pedestrian environment

Participants in both focus groups raised the topic of footpath and road

design, and their analysis of the problems experienced with local

footpaths and roads was extensive and detailed. The Forest Lake

participants criticised and praised their chosen walking environment

more than the Bulimba participants did, and they spoke with a strong

sense of ownership of their walking environment. Forest Lake

participants criticised Brisbane City Council regarding maintenance of

the lake and its environs, lake water quality, and footpath maintenance

generally. Bulimba focus group participants criticised the Brisbane City

Council regarding the public transport system and the poor condition of

footpaths, probably because many Bulimba participants walked as a

means of transport.

b) Sharing the pedestrian environment with cars or cyclists

It seemed that none of the participants wished to share the pedestrian

environment with anybody, other than walkers. One Forest Lake focus

group participant believed that Council ignored the pedestrian in favour

of the cyclist.

c) Engaging with the natural environment

Participants welcomed opportunities for engagement with the natural

environment. Forest Lake participants discussed the lake and the wild

life that it supported especially ducks and their ducklings, and other

water birds.

d) Interest in the built environment

Participants seemed to only show interest in buildings as commercial

places for shopping or social interaction rather than as places of

aesthetic appeal. A Bulimba participant spoke about looking at historic

buildings in Europe, but not in Brisbane.


e) Shelter and seating

Participants planned their walk to avoid the hottest part of the day, and

Bulimba participants would like more shelters and seating for

pedestrians and commuters. This is a particular issue in the summer

months for a hot and humid sub-tropical city like Brisbane.

f) Steep hills

Participants who walked for any reason avoided steep hills, and they

would alter their journey to avoid a steep incline.

g) Walking at night – lighting and personal security

Generally, participants did not walk at night, however, two male

participants in the Bulimba focus group walked in the early morning

darkness during the winter months. One male participant from the

Forest Lake group said he would walk at night if there were security

patrols around the lake. Bulimba participants expressed a greater fear

of walking at night, probably because most participants walked as a

means of transportation, and were female.

h) Wearing special shoes or safety colours

Female participants believed that they chose the right type of shoe for

safe walking. Male participants at Bulimba seemed to understand the

need to wear light colours, but did not necessarily wear light colours

when walking in winter.

i) Falls while walking

Falls were discussed at both focus group discussions, however, only

two female Forest Lake participants revealed that they had fallen while

walking. Female participants said that they selected the type of

footwear that was appropriate for them, and seemed to consider a fall

to be their own fault. Steep verges and cracked concrete footpaths are

a cause for concern, although participants tried to compensate for


difficult terrain by choosing appropriate shoes for the conditions. A loss

of confidence about pedestrian activity, subsequent to a fall, did not

seem to be an issue for the participants who had fallen.

j) Larrikin behaviour

Bulimba participants were concerned about larrikin behaviour,

especially in parks and other open spaces. Forest Lake focus group

participants expressed concern about larrikin activity that led to the

damage of public property, which they believed was due to drunken

behaviour, especially from young males.

k) Surrendering driver’s licence (Bulimba focus group only)

Bulimba participants accepted that the time would arrive when they

have to surrender their driver’s licence. They acknowledged that

walking would then be a primary means of transport for them, even if

only to access public transport. Three of the four women in the Bulimba

focus group discussion did not have their driver’s licence.

l) Other Brisbane parklands (Forest Lake group only)

Forest Lake focus group participants compared their walking

environment with other parklands available in Brisbane, such as the

Botanical Gardens, Southbank, and Roma Street Parklands, which are

all close to the CBD. Participants considered the lake at Forest Lake to

be the best place to walk in Brisbane. Easy accessibility from their

homes in the area, and availability of car parking spaces, seemed to be

the reasons for this preference.

Not all of the topics listed above have been ‘illustrated’ with the

participants’ actual words, and complete transcripts of the Bulimba and

Forest Lake focus group discussions are in Appendices 9 and 10. The

topics drawn from focus group discussions form the structure of the


following data analysis, and direct quotes from transcripts ‘flesh-out’ the

importance of each topic to participants.

6.5 Analysis from transcripts

The two focus group discussions began with opening sentences about

walking that were not the same, however, the participants’ reasons for

pedestrian activity, and their comments about their walking experiences

soon revealed similarities between the focus group discussions. The

names associated with the following quotations from the transcripts are

not the participants’ real names, and all names that appear in the

transcripts (refer Appendix 9 and Appendix 10) are pseudonyms.

6.6 Health reasons for pedestrian activity

The Bulimba focus group discussion began with, “Describe your

favourite walk”, which revealed the participants’ enjoyment of nature,

such as fresh air and birds singing, and of residential gardens. Later in

the discussion, the focus group participants disclosed that everybody

was walking for health reasons, and almost all participants had been

advised by their doctor to walk.

By contrast, the Forest Lake focus group discussion began with the

question, “Who’d like to say why they’re walking”, and the response

was that everybody walked for health reasons. However, the third

participant to speak revealed social and recreational reasons for

walking that were also disclosed by the Bulimba participants when they

described their favourite walk.

The Forest Lake focus group was asked in the opening question – why

did they walk? Those participants who walked for health reasons put it

simply:


I’ve got a valve in my heart, so I have to walk allthe time…I’ve got to walk for the rest of my life.(Neville)

The thing is, as you get older, and you stop work,you retire and stuff, the old saying, ‘Use it or loseit’, is very, very true. It’s very true, and you’ve gotto keep active. If you keep active…youknow…otherwise you sit in a chair and wait to die– don’t you? (Lyn)

Some participants had never walked for exercise until they were told to

walk by their doctor. Although the Bulimba focus group discussion

began with conversations about favourite walks, exercise for health

soon emerged as a reason for walking:

I walk for health…at least half an hour…for mycirculation. (Liz)

Another Bulimba participant chose to walk to her daughter’s house, for

exercise, rather than catch the bus, and Graham, who was the only

Bulimba resident in the focus group discussion, walked only for health

reasons, and said the following words before laughing at his

comments:

I only walk for exercise – walking is good for yourhealth, otherwise I wouldn’t walk. (Graham)

A Forest Lake walker said something similar:

There are some days I wouldn’t miss it (chuckles)but, basically I think I enjoy it. I know it is good foryou, and I feel good if I keep up my walking.(Allen)


Perhaps Jim, from the Bulimba focus group, provided the most

colourful description of the positive effects of walking for health reasons

when he said:

I retired about ten years ago…then within amonth I’d severely injured me back after doingsome climbing. And…ah…I found out I was inextreme pain, and I said, “I’m not going to copthis, I’m going to start walking”. So the first day Iwent out to the front garden – to the next doorneighbour and back again. Next day I went twohouses. Next day I went three houses. Slowlyincreased it to four and a half kilometres a day.Now, some mornings when I get up I say, “I’m notgoing to go for a bloody walk today, no way in theworld”. But…ah…I get out and I find I get backone hundred per cent. (Jim)

The Forest Lake participants were motivated to walk more for health

reasons than for social interaction. When asked if they would continue

their walking regime around the lake on their own if there was nobody

at the lake, they all replied unanimously, “yes”.

Summary of health reasons for pedestrian activity

a) Participants in this study walked primarily for health reasons, and on

the advice of their doctor several of them walked a measured

distance per day for exercise.

b) Many participants enjoyed the physical exercise and the sense of

wellbeing that walking provides them.

c) Some participants walked regularly for health reasons, but did not

enjoy the physical exertion of walking.


d) Participants believed that the need to continue an exercise regime

was more important than social interaction with people they met

while walking.

e) Those participants in this study who primarily walked for health

reasons began their morning walk as early as possible. They said

that the air is fresher, there is less traffic, the temperature is cooler,

and they had the rest of the day to enjoy when they arrived home.

This is important in a sub-tropical city.

f) Designated walking trails of a measured distance were appreciated

by many participants in this study, as they must walk a specific

distance per day for health reasons and can accurately determine

the distance of their daily walk, rather than guess their walking

distance through suburban streets.

g) Participants in this study who walked for health reasons seemed to

prefer environments designed exclusively for pedestrians, such as

the walking trails around Forest Lake, which provide opportunities

for engagement with the natural environment. Such places may be

‘artificial’, like the lake at Forest Lake, but the positive outcomes for

participants in this study appear genuine.

h) Some Forest Lake participants who owned cars would drive to a

place that they believed was right for walking, rather than walk in

their neighbourhood streets.

6.7 Social and recreational reasons for pedestrian activity

Participants seem to walk for health reasons combined with social

reasons. Mike, from the Forest Lake focus group, captured most

participants’ opinion about the many benefits of walking when he talked

about his daily walk around the lake:


It’s about three to three and a half kilometres allaround the lake, and I tend to do it at least once aday, sometimes twice depending what time. And Iwalk for my dog and also exercise for myself, andalso bumping into the people that you meetaround the lake. It’s good fun and you really meetsome nice people, and it’s a nice environment towalk around. (Mike)

From this walking regime, Mike got to know Paul and Jeff, and they

often met while walking their little dogs at the lake, so exercise and

social interaction combined to make walking for health reasons a

significant daily experience for the older people who participated in the

focus group discussions. Although walking for health reasons seemed

to provide participants with the motivation to begin a walking regime,

other factors, which added to their enjoyment of the walking

experience, became apparent early in the Bulimba focus group

discussion.

This may be due to the recreational theme implicit in the first question:

There might be a favourite walk that you reallyenjoy, and say you were just going to talk to afriend about it. What would you say to your friendabout this walk and what you really like about it?(Researcher)

This question did not mention health reasons for walking, so the

responses were about walking for pleasure. It seems that the time of

day – early in the morning when the air is fresh and the birds are

singing – is important to these participants.

Yes, my favourite walk is 5:30am of a morningbecause it is nice fresh air – not much pollutionaround. And it’s nice to walk and hear the birdssinging and greeting you. (Joan)


Residential gardens, rather than buildings, are of interest and the

following quotes reveal this fact:

Is there anything else about the walk? Is theresomething about the trees or the buildings thatyou like, or is it just always the fresh air and thebirds? (Researcher)

One Bulimba participant walked primarily as a means of transport, but

she did notice and enjoy residential gardens.

I like looking at…ah…Astor Street because thereare some beautiful little gardens there. One ladyhas got a whole lot of roses and orchids and it’sthe tiniest garden, but the prettiest. And ah…nowthe house next door has all been prettied up andits got a little water pond and…um…plastic waterlilies and a fan, and its driving a multi-colouredtoy windmill. And as the windmill moves the watermakes little waves and these duckies – yellowducks – look like they are going on a trip, and Ilove going up there. (Elaine)

The first male participant to speak from the Bulimba focus group also

discussed nature:

I like the birds and the bees. (Everybody laughs)It’s terrific early in the mornings, as one of ourother panel [participants] said. Five-thirty in themorning is a beautiful time of the morning,it’s…ah…sun gets up about quarter to six now,which spoils it a bit…got to get out earlier in themorning. The birds, the trees, the bats – we’vegot a bat colony around our way and it’s quitegood – a bit noisy – but it’s a part of nature.Buildings don’t turn me on at all – not at all –unless they’re about a thousand years old, andwe’ve got none here. Ah…um…birds, bees andon occasions you bump into somebody who is aregular walker and have a good conversation –cure all of the problems of the world and that’sabout it. (Jim)


These quotes indicate that walking in suburban streets is more than

exercise, or a means of transport, as participants seemed to enjoy

nature, plants and decorations evident in residential gardens. Buildings

were not discussed, and when asked by the researcher, one Bulimba

participant replied, “Buildings don’t turn me on, at all”. The opportunity

to meet other walkers and chat with them, discussed in the quote from

Jim, is confirmed by Liz who had something more to say:

Yeah. Well I haven’t been here very long, but thelength of time I’ve been walking, I’m getting toknow the people, and it’s nice to have a chat –discuss the weather and… (Liz)

Another social aspect of walking is revealed: it provides an opportunity

for older people who have just moved into a suburb to meet local

residents and establish a social network. Paul, a participant in the

Forest Lake focus group discussion confirmed the social benefit of

walking for older people who have just moved into a suburb:

I’ve lived in Forest Lake now – I came twelvemonths last March, and if I hadn’t bought my littledog and started walking around the lake, I don’tthink I would have had as many friends in ForestLake as what I’ve actually gotten now. You gointo these other areas and you walk, and a lot ofpeople say, “Good morning,” and that’s it. Whenyou walk around the lake at Forest Lake, here,you tend to stop, have a chat, you introduceyourself, and you make friends. It’s good for olderpeople who’ve just moved into the area. (Paul)

Summary of social and recreational reasons for pedestrian activity

a) Although participants in this study took up walking for health

reasons, they continued a walking regime because it offered

opportunities for social interaction.


b) For those participants who walked with one or more companions,

peer group bonding was one reason for walking, as other walkers

were often of a similar age, and participants spoke about the

opportunity for gossiping.

6.8 Transport reasons for pedestrian activity

The difference between a ‘pedestrian’ and a‘walker’ has been described thus – Walkers driveto their walk, whereas pedestrians walk to theirdrive. (Napier 2001, p.3)

Three of the women in the Bulimba focus group did not drive and

walked as a means of transport and exercise. Forest Lake participants

also walked the suburban streets for health reasons, but not for

transport. Participants from both focus groups complained about the

condition of footpaths. Elaine, from the Bulimba focus group did not

own a car and walked to the shops, bus stops, train station and so on.

Her complaints reveal how streets, designed primarily for motor

vehicles, do not suit the older pedestrian. Here she discusses the

footpath design adjacent to a roundabout constructed in a new

commercial/industrial estate, not far from her house and near to the

train station.

There’s a ramp built into the kerbing, and it’s toosteep for me, and I’ve got bifocals, so I walk oneither side of it. And…oh… it’s a wonder I haven’tbeen skittled avoiding that bit – it went in in ahurry sort of thing. And there’s no lines for aperson walking to, more or less, pull them up in ajerk and say “hey, don’t walk where you used towalk.” They got lines for the cars, but… (Elaine)

Forest Lake participants also complained about the lack of footpaths in

some suburban streets:


A lot of places – like – I came from Mt Ommaney,you don’t even have footpaths. If you walk firstthing in the morning, you’re walking on the grassverges, which is full of dew, and which isdangerous, so you’re actually walking down theside of the road. Again, it’s dangerous, wherehere [the lake and environs] it’s safe walkingaround. (Paul)

Forest Lake participants complained about the condition of existing

footpaths:

Before getting into the mall walking, I also was atthat stage living in the Mt Ommaney district. Itried walking the streets and the pavements, andwhere there are pavements they were at aridiculous angle, so that once you’ve done a walk,you had sore ankles, and – otherwise you walkedat the edge of the road and dodged traffic. It wasvery unacceptable. (Allen)

This information required a further sequence of questions:

With more and more walkers, it makes yourealise that the road [residential street] is a verydifficult place to walk… (Researcher)

It is not that they want more cars to drive on theroad, they forget about footpaths. (Neville)

So you feel they are ignoring the pedestrian andthe walker? (Researcher)

Oh…yeah. (Neville)And what about the older pedestrian – is thereanything you could just say now about what’sspecial about your requirements, you know. Haveyou got any ideas, or you don’t want to be treatedas different from other people, or…?(Researcher)

You feel safer walking around this area [the lakeat Forest Lake] because it’s got walkways andthings. (Jeff)


The above discussions illustrate the pedestrian/vehicular conflict felt by

older pedestrians when they walk through residential streets.

Participants believed that the pedestrian is ignored in favour of the

motor vehicle and cyclists, and that footpath maintenance is an

important issue. When asked about the provision of shelter and seating

at bus stops, a Bulimba participant had some complaints:

I stand…ah…I catch a 222 bus on Wynnum Roadto town, and…ah…to look to the bus coming, it’snot easy to see because of a morning you’relooking into the sun, and you’re trying to get thisdistinct shape. There’s no shadow, except thelittle teeny bit of the telephone pole – there’s noshade. There is a seat, but there’s no shade.(Elaine)

So, shade would be great. It would be great ifthere were stopping places with shade as well asbus stops? (Researcher)

Ah…yeah, I reckon, yeah – definitely. (Joan)

When you’re on Wynnum Road, you’ve got to bethere at the bus stop to hail them, and they’ve gota bit of speed up. They just go from one trafficlight to the next at full steam. (Elaine)

Okay. So, you think they didn’t acknowledge thatas a bus stop because it wasn’t sheltered…or?(Researcher)

Oh…they acknowledge it, but you’ve…The busgoes to Wynnum Plaza, which isn’t that far, but tocome back from Wynnum Plaza it goes way intoManly and round and round a whole lot of places,so it’s got a timing problem. There isn’t enoughtiming, so you’ve often got to wait there quite along time, and it’s very uncomfortable in that hotspell we just had in the last few days, I nearlysizzled…you know. (Elaine)

With no shade? (Researcher)


No shade…only the telephone pole shade(Researcher laughs), and I’d have to move outfrom there every time something bigger than autility would come. I’d have to hail it [bus] in ahurry because it’s coming down hill, and it getsspeed, and its heading for the next traffic lights ina hurry, so you’re ducking in and out of this tinylittle bit of shade. (Elaine)

Summary of transport reasons for pedestrian activity

a) The older pedestrian and the older walker are different, as noted in

Section 6.6. The difference relates to:

(i) Time chosen for walking – as early as possible for the

walker.

(ii) Route selected – those who walk for health reasons may

vary their journey, as they are not restricted to public

transport routes.

b) Participants who walked as a means of transport seemed to have a

regular walking route that they considered safe and not too hilly.

c) Participants who walked for health reasons walked on the

footpath/road only when there was no other choice – it may not be

their first choice. Hike and bike trails provided through bush land by

Brisbane City Council separate walkers from road traffic, and were

preferred to footpaths.

6.9 Findings common to both focus group discussions

The participants in this study seemed to have much in common,

although they walked through different pedestrian environments. It can

perhaps be expected that the Forest Lake group would favour a natural

setting, however, the Bulimba participants also discussed the pleasure


they derived from walking in bush land or looking at residential

gardens.

The following list is a summary of similarities that requires further

investigation:

a) Positive response to walking/bicycle trails provided through bush

land by the Brisbane City Council or developers;

b) wish to avoid the hot sun and hilly terrain;

c) enjoyment of social interaction when walking with companion/s;

d) enjoyment of nature, whether a residential flower garden or an

artificial environment such as the lake at Forest Lake;

e) lack of interest in streets, buildings or cars;

f) general preference for the open space and fresh air of a natural

setting; and

g) none of the participants seemed to be interested in discussing any

special needs relevant to people over 65, and did not respond to the

question about being treated differently from other pedestrians

because of their age. Perhaps older pedestrians prefer to regard

themselves as simply “pedestrians”, rather than “older pedestrians”.

6.10 General findings

Only one of the Bulimba focus group participants lived in Bulimba. He

said that there were no problems with walking in the suburb, except for

the steeper parts, and other participants who lived in nearby suburbs

agreed with him. He believed that the public transport system was very

good, and one of the female participants had bought a house near a


bus stop in an adjoining suburb so that she would have easy access to

public transport when it was time to surrender her driver’s licence. This

suggests support for urban design theories about transit-oriented

development (TOD) and sustainable urban design, discussed in

Chapter Three: Urban design theories and walkability.

It seemed that Bulimba focus group participants perceived their local

suburban setting to be a collection of parts, rather than a holistic place.

For Bulimba participants, their local suburban setting was composed of

uneven pathways, wheelie-bins on the footpaths, and dangerous

intersections, and they did not seem to ‘step back’ and perceive a

complete place. The one Bulimba participant who lived in Bulimba had

“no difficulties at all” about the suburb, although, if all of the participants

lived in Bulimba, there may have been some complaints. Forest Lake

participants, however, seemed to intellectually grasp the lake in its

entirety as a complete landscaped environment – probably because it

can be walked around and seen from higher vantage points – whereas

residential streets were regarded as “closed-in”.

Due to most participants’ complaints about physical aspects of their

pedestrian environment, this research provides strong support for the

argument that older people who walk for transport reasons, and older

people who walk for health and recreation, require pedestrian

environments that provide:

a) pathways and footpaths with even surfaces;

b) pathways and footpaths through environments that do not have

steep hills; and

c) shelter and seating along pathways and footpaths.

6.11 Cultural background of participants

Perhaps cultural background can influence an older person’s attitude to

pedestrian activity in their suburban setting. Australian suburbs have


been described as places where: “distance dislocates people from

family, friends, services and facilities”, and the “Anglo-Australian leisure

culture has not been related to festivals [and socialising] in the park or

street parties” (Troy 1995: 170-171). From this description of Australian

suburbs, it seems that an ‘urban village’ would suit people who grew up

in cultures that have a traditional urban form of walkable distances

between local facilities, public open spaces, and efficient public

transport systems.

Although the researcher did not ask the question of cultural

background, and only accents were used as a guide for cultural

background, it seems that only one focus group participant was from a

non-Anglo background – Mary from the Bulimba focus group. Mary,

who was born in Malta, had a somewhat different description of her

pedestrian experience, which she also discussed with the researcher

prior to the focus group discussion. Mary chose to walk to a medium-

sized shopping centre – not Bulimba – enjoy the atmosphere of the

shops and the people who shop there, and return home for what may

be described as a ‘siesta’. Mary indicated that she used the pedestrian

activity to tire her, so she could enjoy an afternoon nap. This type of

pedestrian experience may derive from her Mediterranean cultural

background. To illustrate what may be a European view of pedestrian

activity in a suburban setting, it is useful to explore Mary’s contribution

to the Bulimba focus group discussion about her walk to her local

shopping centre.

Mary: Yeah, I like to walk down to the shops.

Researcher: Ah…ha.

Mary: I do that almost every day.

Researcher: And what do you like about theshops – is it to go shopping?


Mary: Oh! Sometimes I don’t shop at all – I justwant to get out of the place, of mine – of the unit.And sometimes like to go down to Woolworths,down Woolies. I like that walk down toWoolworths.

Mary also walks at about 9am, which reveals that she is not following

an early morning walking regime like the Forest Lake participants – she

walks to a specific destination – a local suburban shopping centre.

Mary appears to like to walk as an experience in itself, which is

different from those older people who walk primarily for health reasons,

and sometimes seem to have to force themselves to go walking (for

example Jim and Graham, Section 6.6). Another significant point in

Mary’s transcript is that she tells the researcher she lives in a unit. It

seems that when Mary says, “Oh! Sometimes I don’t shop at all – I just

want to get out of the place, of mine – of the unit”, she is revealing her

need to escape the confines of her unit. This disclosure suggests an

opportunity for further research – into the ‘confinement’ of unit dwelling,

and if it engenders in older people a greater need for pedestrian

activity.

Later in the focus group discussion Mary reveals that she does not

have a car or a driver’s licence – she uses pedestrian activity as a

means of transportation. If Mary had not revealed to the researcher,

prior to the focus group discussion, that she walks to tire herself for an

afternoon nap, her pedestrian activity would perhaps be considered as

similar to Elaine’s – who also participated in the Bulimba focus group

discussion. Like Mary, Elaine does not drive or own a car. From her

accent, Elaine appears to be Australian-born, however, her pedestrian

experience is perhaps focused on getting from A to B safely and

comfortably, rather than the pleasure of exploring a shopping

destination (refer Appendix 9 for complete Bulimba transcript). Further

research is required to investigate the influence of cultural background


on an older person’s pedestrian activity, and to explore an older

person’s housing type. It seems that those who live in units may feel

the need to “get out of the place” more often than those who can potter

in their own backyard.

6.12 Enjoyment of pedestrian activity

The enjoyment of pedestrian activity, as a physical activity in itself – a

kind of outdoor gym workout – requires further research in Brisbane.

Just as there are ‘gym-junkies’, there may also be older people who are

‘pedestrian-activity-junkies’. Two female participants in the Bulimba

focus group (Elaine and Mary) indicated that they enjoyed the act of

walking in suburban streets. Neither of these two women possesses a

car, or a driver’s licence. Their enjoyment of pedestrian activity is

therefore crucial to their quality of life in a suburban setting, as their

pedestrian activity appears to be also their primary means of transport

– other than buses and trains.

Without their pedestrian activity, Elaine and Mary are potentially

housebound. When the researcher asked Elaine if she walked because

she did not own a car, she replied, “And I walk because I like to walk”

(refer Appendix 9). Perhaps the concept of a ‘gym-junkie’ has an

equivalent ‘walking-junkie’, and this concept requires further research,

as it may dispose older people to take up a healthy walking regime.

6.13 Photographic exercise – waiting for the photographers

The photographic exercise was expected to offer visual information to

supplement the focus group discussions, and provide pictorial

‘evidence’ of issues of either delight or concern for participants. Each

focus group was given a one-time-use camera, and asked to

photograph the best and the worst aspects of their walking

environment. Cameras were to be returned within two weeks.


Of the two cameras distributed, only one was returned used. Three

participants from the Forest Lake focus group took all 27 exposures of

35mm film. Sixteen of these photographs, which reproduce clearly and

best portray topics discussed by focus group participants, are shown in

Appendix 7. The camera was for outdoor use only, requiring sunlight

for successful shots. Due to overcast weather conditions, the

photographic exercise took about four weeks to complete, rather than

the anticipated two weeks.

The Bulimba focus group did not co-operate in the photographic

exercise, and the camera was collected from the Bulimba Senior

Citizens Centre several months after it had been left at the Centre,

despite many requests by the researcher for any focus group

participant to take some photographs. It seems that as Bulimba Senior

Citizens Centre members made up the focus group, they were subject

to the leadership of the Centre. The researcher could only

communicate with focus group members through the Centre’s leaders,

which made direct telephone communication with participants

impossible. The Forest Lake focus group was assembled from

volunteers, and there were no external power structures to inhibit direct

communication with participants.

6.13.1 Forest Lake photographic exercise

The Forest Lake participants who completed the exercise do not live in

the suburb, but in the adjoining suburb of Inala. Neville, one of the

participants in the photographic exercise had a heart valve

replacement, and he must walk everyday for health reasons. The lake

provided an ideal walking environment for him and his wife, Beth. The

early morning drive to the lake was a regular occurrence for them,

accompanied by a local friend, Lyn who also walks for health reasons.

Beth was one of the participants who revealed that she had tripped and

fallen while walking on the boardwalk at the lake, so she was aware of


those aspects of the pedestrian environment that could present a

hazard for older people.

6.13.2 Subjects depicted in the photographic exercise

The twenty-seven shots taken with the disposable camera were mixed

in subject matter, with several depicting aspects of the lake that are not

attractive. A notebook was returned with the camera, and it contained a

list of the subjects photographed. This list (refer Appendix 6) is in the

order written down by one of the participants, and her words also

appear as captions for each of the sixteen photographs reproduced in

Appendix 7 and in Figures 6.1-6.4.

Eight of the twenty-seven photographs show subjects that are

maintenance issues. They are: empty bottles and cartons floating in the

water, sludge on the lake surface, a broken concrete pathway, a nail on

a timber boardwalk, which stands above the top of the boards, litter on

a filtration device in the lake, and bushes growing across a concrete

pathway (refer Figure 6.1). These photographs reveal the significance

of maintaining a pedestrian environment to ensure the attractiveness –

and safety – of a setting for older people, as foliage blocking the sight

lines on a pathway is a CPTED issue.

One of these photographs shows two transportable toilets set up for the

Australia Day celebration, which the photographers note as a “lack of

adequate toilet facilities”. The permanent toilet facilities for the lake are

located across the busy Forest Lake Boulevard, and are difficult to

access. These photographs of maintenance issues represent “the dark

side of the landscape” (Burgess et al 1988:456). Five photographs

specifically show water birds, such as ducks and a black swan (Figure

6.2). Another six photographs are panoramic shots of the lake,

including canoeists, paddle-boats that are for hire and a metal dragon

water feature located in one part of the lake.


Figure 6.1 “Bushes blocking the path”

Source: Forest Lake participant – photographic exercise

Figure 6.2 “Swan (close-up)”



Three photographs depict buildings: a large lakeside brick home under

construction (refer Figure 6.3) the pavilion stage for outdoor

entertainment, and the Delfin real estate building with a coffee shop

that overlooks the lake. The participants described the real estate office

photograph as “gardens at front of lake near real estate office”, so the

gardens were the subject of interest, and not the building (refer Figure

6.4).

All of these photographs depict the lake at Forest Lake to be a special

place in the lives of these participants, and demonstrate the interest

that people have in the natural world. It did not seem to matter to these

participants that the lake was an artificial waterway – perhaps the

photographs are illustrating how nature is a special, attractive, and

open place that is separate from suburbia where the streets are

“closed-in”. This explains the concern that participants have with the

ongoing maintenance of the lake environment.

Four photographs depict facilities that are available to the public, such

as a fenced-off, colourful children’s play equipment area, a barbecue

bench, and a gym or exercise area for all age groups. The one

remaining photograph depicted a new war memorial located at the

edge of the lake. One subject was the “view from our breakfast table at

7.05am”. The “breakfast table” is a table with two bench seats made

from large timber boards. The participants bring breakfast with them

whenever they walk the lake, and enjoy the open air from the picnic

table. A final note captures the participants’ affection for their walking

environment:

It’s still a beautiful lake to walk around; birds arechirping. We are meeting people with dogs andgetting to know both. People do not know whatthey are missing. (Beth)


Figure 6.3 “One of the many new houses”


Figure 6.4 “Gardens at front of lake near real estate office”



When the photographic exercise was conducted, the lake and its fauna

and flora seemed to be so significant in the lives of these participants

that it was the subject of family photographs. The married couple –

referred to as Beth and Neville – provided the researcher with

additional photographs taken for relatives who live interstate. Almost all

of the additional eleven photographs have captions on the back, written

by Beth.

The additional photographs include two of Neville, and one photograph

of their grandson: “Jess on the jetty near all the steps”. Other

photographs show panoramas of lakeside houses and buildings on the

opposite bank, or depict water birds such as a pelican. Four of these

extra photographs are shown in Appendix 8.

6.13.3 Forest Lake photographic exercise – outcome

A positive outcome from the completed Forest Lake photographic

exercise is the pictorial evidence that reinforces the topics listed in the

theme “aspects of the pedestrian experience” raised in the focus group

discussion at the lake, but also a topic of conversation with the Bulimba

focus group. Except for shots of facilities and maintenance issues, all of

the photographs are panoramic shots of the lake, or close-ups of water

birds on the lake.

The photographs reveal the participants’ interest in the natural

environment over the built environment, but this is to be expected given

the bias inherent in the focus group selection process. As participants

over 65 could not be recruited from any of Forest Lake’s local walking

groups or seniors clubs, there was a selection bias for participants who

regard the lake, and not neighbourhood streets, as their walking

environment.


6.13.4 Post-script to the Forest Lake photographic exercise

Some time after Beth, Neville, and their friend Lyn, took part in the

exercise, their car broke down and they could not afford to fix it. The

early morning trips to the lake were no longer possible and these

participants began to walk in their local suburb of Inala. A park close to

their home became their substitute walking environment, and the

participants commented positively about the new, wide concrete

pathway through the park, which they used. This comment further

emphasises the importance of even and wide walking surfaces for

older people.

6.14 Reflections on the photographic exercise

It proved more difficult than anticipated to ask a participant to

undertake a photographic exercise. Despite repeated efforts to have

the disposable camera used and returned by the Bulimba focus group

participants, it became difficult to telephone the club president to ask

how the exercise was progressing. It seems that taking photos is not a

priority for this group of older people. However, the photographs taken

by three participants of the Forest Lake focus group provide a thorough

record of participant’s observations about the lake and its water-birds,

which are a constant source of interest for them. If the Bulimba focus

group participants had undertaken a photographic exercise then the

data for analysis would have been more comprehensive.

Research into older walkers has been described as difficult by the

State Co-ordinator of the Heart Foundation (Qld) Just Walk It

programme set up by the National Heart Foundation (Walsh 2002 pers.

comm.) Perhaps older people take their pedestrian environment for

granted and see no point in photographing it. The Forest Lake focus

group participants were more willing to take photos and, in addition to

the exercise, supplied a copy of photos of the lake taken at an earlier

time for friends and family who live interstate (refer Appendix 8).


6.15 Reflections on the case study methodology

It was noted earlier, in Chapter Four, that one limitation of focus group

discussions is the role of the researcher – who has less control than

with an interview – as participants’ interaction allows group members to

influence the course of the discussion (Krueger 1994:36). This

limitation did appear to restrict discussion topics to participants’ areas

of concern, such as footpath maintenance, although the researcher

was unable to direct the discussion to explore concepts like ‘sense of

place’. It was easier to discuss areas identified as significant to older

pedestrians, such as personal safety while walking in public places,

especially at night. Thus, comparing and contrasting the two focus

group findings was problematic given that the discussions with each

group led to different questions.

The limitations of case study selection became evident early in this

research, as only one Bulimba focus group participant lived in the

suburb. A lack of data in this study about the attitude of participants to

their local shopping experience implies that the significance of ‘urban

villages’ to older pedestrians requires further research. In addition, the

unanticipated lack of co-operation in the photographic exercise from

the Bulimba focus group limited the amount of data gathered in what

was intended to be multi-method research.

The Forest Lake focus group, recruited from the surrounds of the lake,

had an obvious selection bias for pedestrian activity in a natural setting.

Another minor limitation of focus group participants was perhaps a

cultural bias. Many participants from the Forest Lake focus group were

not born in Australia, and seemed to have British or Zimbabwean

origins. Only one male participant from the Forest Lake focus group

had an Australian accent, and he did not live in the suburb, but drove to

the lake daily from the adjoining suburb of Inala. Only one participant in

the study was from a European background – Mary from the Bulimba


focus group – and she did not live in Bulimba, but in an adjoining

suburb. Specific research into cultural aspects is beyond the scope of

the present study.

As with most qualitative data analysis, this study has generated many

questions. The limitations imply that there may be alternative

explanations for pedestrian behaviour, and the need for further

research becomes evident. This research would have been improved if

additional case study suburbs were selected with a greater range of

methods and data sources. In addition, the researcher did not

anticipate the lack of interest in the photographic exercise. Perhaps

some other kind of approach was required – such as a research

exercise that is presented as a recreational activity.

6.16 Conclusion

Some focus group participants walked to visit relatives, and their

pedestrian activity was a means of transport, however, they also

walked for health reasons, so it was not possible to clearly separate

walking for transport and walking for health. As revealed earlier in this

chapter (refer Section 6.5) it is not easy to separate walking for health

reasons from walking for social reasons, so pedestrian activity among

older people seems to serve many purposes. Forest Lake participants,

recruited from the surrounds of the lake, all walked for health reasons,

so further research is required to investigate walking as a means of

transport in that suburb.

Due to most participants’ complaints about their pedestrian

environment, this research provides strong support for the argument

that older people who walk for transport reasons, and older people who

walk for health and recreation, require specific physical factors in their

pedestrian environments. They require pedestrian environments that

provide pathways and footpaths clear of foliage with even surfaces;


pathways and footpaths through environments that do not have steep

hills; and shelter and seating along pathways and footpaths.

Both male and female participants considered residential gardens

decorated with flowers and ornaments to be of interest, and considered

them a valuable aspect of any walk. Forest Lake participants discussed

the maintenance of the lake and its environs and this has implications

for local governments and developers who should not underestimate

the importance to older people of landscaping and gardens in

pedestrian environments.

As stated in the introduction to this chapter, early in the focus group

discussions it became evident that participants in this study were more

concerned with enjoying the natural environment, than appreciating

buildings, and the photographic exercise illustrates participants’

enjoyment of local fauna and flora. The data analysis seems to

challenge the Australian urban designers’ interest in built form over

landscape and open space, especially when considering the needs of

older pedestrians.

Although only two focus group discussions were undertaken, with

limitations of method and data source, this investigation lends support

to the suggestion that natural places designed exclusively for

pedestrians and cyclists, rather than local streets, are the preferred

walking environment for older people who walk for health and

recreation. From the surrounds of the artificial lake at Forest Lake,

focus group participants were selected with an obvious bias towards

walking through a “natural” setting. However, the Bulimba group, who

did not have the same selection bias as the Forest Lake focus group,

also expressed an interest in walking along hike and bike trails

provided by Brisbane City Council through bush land areas.


Perhaps future generations of older Australians will perceive their

suburban setting as a holistic place navigated by a system of safe

pedestrian linkages through natural landscapes to buildings and urban

public spaces. In the next chapter, the case study findings will be

related to urban design theories and theories for ageing.


Chapter Seven: Relating the case study findings to

urban design theories and theories for ageing

7.1 Introduction

This thesis has explored theories for ageing and urban design theories

in Chapter Two and Chapter Three respectively, and Chapter Four:

Case study methodology discussed an approach for interpreting the

needs of older pedestrians, which concentrate primarily on a sense of

personal safety and physical security (Barton et al 2003; Frank et al

2003). Chapter Five explored the case study suburbs in relation to

walkability where the characteristics of, and differences between,

Bulimba and Forest Lake were discussed. Chapter Six analysed the

data collected, and focused broadly on the topic of walkability, and this

chapter relates those findings to older pedestrian safety and urban

design theories discussed in Chapters Two and Three.

7.2 Case study findings related to theories

The two case study areas of Bulimba and Forest Lake were selected

as they represent different types of suburban settings. Bulimba, the

older and more traditional of the two suburbs, seems to exemplify the

ideals of New Urbanism – a grid street layout, an efficient public

transport system, mixed use development, and a lively main street

commercial hub or ‘urban village’. Forest Lake, a master planned

community with a ‘big box’ shopping centre, does not have a pub,

library or cinema, but it does boast an artificial lake surrounded by

extensive parkland, which includes walking and bike trails, barbecue

areas, children’s playgrounds, and paddle boating activities. The

flowchart (Figure 7.1) illustrates diagrammatically the link between

urban design theories, design for ageing theories, and data gathered in

the case studies.


Figure 7.1 The link between urban design theories, designfor ageing theories, and data gathered in thecase studies.

UrbanDesignTheories

Design forAgeingTheories

Walking forExercise

Walking forPleasure

UrbanWalkability

Walking inSuburbanStreets

Walking inPublic OpenSpaces

Urban Design of SuburbanPedestrian Environments toFacilitate Safety and Attractiveness


Walking for exercise is not yet a focus of urban design theories,

although Frank et al (2003) indicate that it is becoming one, and public

open spaces and suburban streets discussed in urban design theories

should be a pleasure to walk through in terms of aesthetic appeal, and

provide a safe pedestrian environment that supports walking for

exercise. Design for ageing must respond to CPTED concerns and

older pedestrians’ perception of safety, which do not usually address

the aesthetics of a pedestrian environment. Urban design theories

discuss safety issues in relation to “eyes on the street” – casual

surveillance of the street – active street frontages, and clear sight lines,

and pedestrian activity is encouraged, as it enhances the conviviality

and safety of the street.

As urban design encompasses issues for which neither town planning

nor architecture fully claim responsibility, it becomes responsible for the

design and detailing of the public realm. This is a realm that has

existed since the formation of the earliest permanent settlements, and

for thousands of years it was a place designed almost exclusively for

the pedestrian. Since the introduction of the internal combustion

engine, streets, plazas, and other public places have become

dominated by motorised vehicular traffic. After the Second World War,

Australian cities sprawled until the distances between public places

expanded to such an extent that car-dependency – and the mobility

and convenience that it provides for those with access to a car – now

seems an irreversible part of suburban life for people of all ages.

The fact that Bulimba focus group participants did not all live in

Bulimba, although they were gathered from the Bulimba Senior

Citizen’s Club, challenges the notion that ageing in place implies that

older people will socialise within a walkable distance from their home.

Some of the Bulimba participants relied on other club members for

transport, and travelled as car passengers from adjoining suburbs.


Additionally, some participants in the Forest Lake focus group drove to

the lake from an adjoining suburb to walk in the early morning, enjoy

the surrounds, and have a picnic breakfast. Arguably, the notion that

older people who live in a pedestrian-friendly suburban setting will not

travel far by car for outdoor recreational experiences requires

investigation.

It may be that participants in this study regard walking for health as a

primary reason for their pedestrian activity, and walking for transport as

a secondary reason. The European-born participant in the Bulimba

focus group discussion was the only person who talked specifically

about her walk to the local shopping centre as pedestrian activity

primarily for transport and escape from home rather than for her health.

7.3 Sense of place, neighbourhood, and the urban village

The literature review (Chapter Three) investigated such urban design

concepts as ‘sense of place’ and ‘neighbourhood’. It was expected that

the focus group discussions would reveal the importance of these

concepts to older pedestrians, particularly for Bulimba participants,

which is the more established of the two case study suburbs. The lack

of Bulimba residents in the focus group discussion was an unforeseen

limitation in the data gathering process, and participants in the Bulimba

study did not speak of any suburb as “special”. Arguably, ‘sense of

place’ is a romantic concept that involves more than aesthetic appeal. It

is linked to memory and emotion that changes with each generation,

thereby requiring research based on extensive data collection, which

was not achievable in this study.

However, the need to belong to a community and a place appears to

be a basic human requirement that is acknowledged by urban

designers. Urban design theories discuss notions like ‘sense of place’

and ‘sense of belonging’, and urban designers seek to analyse,


enhance, and reproduce those qualities of existing urban settings that

make them attractive places for the pedestrian. As discussed in

Chapter Three: Urban design theories and walkability, critics argue that

a sense of belonging to a place may not necessarily result from

neighbourhood form, but from resident homogeneity, or the length of

time that residents live in a suburb. The notion of community as place-

based is also questionable, as communities of interest have no

geographic boundaries. Thus, without the founding of a ‘club’ or ‘group’

of walkers, the neighbourhood form advocated by the New Urbanists

would not in itself create a ‘community’ of walkers. However, it seems

logical that a safe and attractive pedestrian environment should support

older people who choose to walk in their suburban setting for transport,

health, or recreation reasons.

It was the Forest Lake focus group participants who lived in the

adjoining suburb of Inala, and not just those from Forest Lake, who

discussed a sense of belonging to a place, and sharing the pedestrian

environment seemed to inspire in them feelings of camaraderie. For

participants in the Forest Lake group, the sense of belonging was

brought about by the shared activity of walking in an outdoor

environment, rather than from living in the same suburb. Other than the

Forest Lake participants who lived in Inala, many of the Forest Lake

walkers were neighbours, in the sense that they lived within the suburb,

but the distance between their houses was not discussed. However, it

was the camaraderie of walking together that appeared to enhance

their sense of community and belonging to Forest Lake, and this

observation should be incorporated into the planning and design of

master planned communities.

Additionally, the street, as that part of the public realm in which a sense

of community can be enhanced, may not be fully exploited by

developers of master planned communities. Street patterns such as


those at Forest Lake, funnel traffic and pedestrians inwards to create

vehicular dead-ends in cul-de-sacs where direct links to adjoining

streets are only for pedestrians via a pathway. Thus the legibility of the

suburban street layout and the sense of movement that slow-moving

through traffic can provide, is lost. Noise attenuation methods that

include ‘walling-off’ the main street frontage along Forest Lake

Boulevard with a high timber fence, and a dense landscape buffer

between houses and the pedestrian trail, discourage interaction

between residents and pedestrians, which would usually add to the

conviviality of such a major street.

This research was limited in its ability to reveal how older pedestrians

regard the ‘urban village’ within their suburban setting, such as the

Oxford Street shopping area in Bulimba. The notion that older people

walk to their local shops frequently, and that it is a significant daily

experience for them, was not substantiated in this research.

Participants in this study walked for many reasons, and shopping was

only one reason for their pedestrian activity. Research into the older

pedestrian and their urban village requires the selection of focus group

participants who walk to the shops regularly. Thus, in this study, it was

not possible to gain any understanding of the urban village in relation to

older pedestrians. This was due to the limitation of the two focus group

gathering methods – the Forest Lake focus group was gathered from

the lake environment, which attracts older people who walk for health

reasons and recreation reasons within that setting.

‘Neighbourhood’ and ‘village’ are concepts that have a hold on people’s

imagination regarding their identification with a place and their ideas

about community. These concepts evoke comforting images of home,

school, local organisations, and the conviviality of the street.

Developers of master planned communities, as if inspired by New

Urbanism literature rely on the words ‘neighbourhood’ or ‘village’ to


suggest that their newly constructed environments provide old-

fashioned family security and local camaraderie. However, it is the

physical and convenience aspects of a residential area that probably

have the most appeal for older people who choose to walk through

their suburban setting for health or transport reasons. When choosing

to walk through a suburban setting, it seems that the local topography,

the maintenance and safety of the pedestrian environment, and the

proximity and availability of shops and facilities concern older people

more than a sense of place, or a sense of community.

7.4 CPTED and traffic-calming

Most participants in this study discussed the need for well-maintained

and unobstructed pedestrian pathways and footpaths as discussed in

the generic elements of CPTED explored in Chapter Three: Urban

design theories and walkability (refer Box 3.1 on page 44). It seems

that in the development of urban places and spaces, urban design

recommendations are considered less important than traffic

engineering requirements, which concentrate on volume, speed, flow,

peak traffic times, sight lines, visibility and ‘black spots’ for vehicles,

rather than creating safe and attractive environments for pedestrians.

Only the implementation of traffic-calming measures can provide for the

needs of pedestrians, and cyclists, over motorised transport. Brisbane

suburban streets do not have the density of European residential

centres where traffic through some streets has been slowed to a

pedestrian pace, however, the provision of safe pedestrian

environments should be an urban designer’s priority given the

discipline’s focus on walkability and the public realm. Often the major

road through a local shopping area provides a ‘main street’ commercial

centre, which is called an ‘urban village’ by the Brisbane City Council,

and street improvements are implemented, which include the traffic-

calming measures employed in the upgrading of Oxford Street,


Bulimba. Traffic-calming techniques used in Bulimba include the

reduction of traffic speed limits from 60km/hr to 50km/hr, and the

gaining of street terrain through footpath extensions for trees, and for

café and public seating. These measures have made Oxford Street a

popular pedestrian precinct. However, the linking for the pedestrian of

such attractive upgraded environments to local houses relies primarily

on the provision of level, well-maintained footpath surfaces and slopes

that are not too steep.

Some Forest Lake participants in this study seemed to regard the focus

group discussion as a forum for complaint, more than an opportunity for

discussing the best aspects of an existing suburban setting. This may

indicate that good urban design, which offers an aesthetically appealing

and safe pedestrian environment, is probably taken for granted by local

residents. The one Bulimba focus group participant who lived in

Bulimba said that he had no difficulties with the suburb, but did not

discuss what was good about his local area. It seems that when the

urban environment is considered unsafe, participants in this study were

willing to voice their concerns, but when the streets and public open

spaces appear to be appropriate for pedestrian activity, they have few

comments.

Given the road safety statistics for older pedestrians discussed in

Chapter Two, it is not surprising that the Forest Lake focus group

participants enjoyed the lake environment – designed exclusively for

walking and cycling. However, removing older people from suburban

streets and into pedestrian-only environments will not necessarily

reduce road accident statistics. The solution involves the detailed

design and maintenance of streets and walking surfaces, and the

integration of vehicular traffic into built environments that acknowledge

and protect pedestrians of all ages.


7.5 The Forest Lake photographic exercise

Although participants’ photographs of the lake at Forest Lake show

pathways and landmarks, such as the little war memorial (refer

Appendix 7) these are perhaps places of interest to the photographer,

rather than an older pedestrian’s acknowledgement and confirmation of

Lynch’s (1960) elements of “imageability” – paths, edges, and

landmarks. However, the children’s play equipment, and the barbecue

area were also photographed by the participants, and such places must

be of significance to older walkers.

Additionally, the concepts of “serial vision” and “enclosure” (Cullen

1966) were not evident in the photographic record, probably because

such ideas about reading the urban environment came from Cullen’s

experience of walking through compact, traditional English towns and

villages, whereas the lake environment at Forest Lake is quite open

and panoramic. However, the photographic exercise did reveal the

participants’ appreciation of the lake as a separate and special place

away from home, and the enclosed streets of suburbia. The lake and

its surround is for them a place that requires constant maintenance to

keep it pristine and safe, and thus a pleasure to walk through daily.

7.6 Conclusion

The tag of neo-traditionalism applied to New Urbanism theories

suggests a nostalgic return to a past urban life that is irrelevant in the

age of the motor car. Nevertheless, the traditional, compact suburb

would seem a practical and pedestrian-friendly environment for older

people. However, further research is required to investigate the

conjecture that the traditional and ‘compact’ neighbourhood design is

the most suitable urban form for older pedestrians.

The requirements of older pedestrians are more concerned with detail

than neighbourhood form, and include safe walking surfaces, shelter,


pathways clear of debris and foliage, and the slowing of motor vehicle

traffic speeds in suburban streets. Urban designers regard slow-moving

traffic as adding a sense of movement to a public place, but it seems

that some older people in this study consider traffic near a pedestrian

environment dangerous and noisy. However, Brisbane suburbs do not

have the population density that warrants the widespread development

of Home Zones (Woonerf) and the pedestrianisation of streets through

suburban shopping areas would be economically unviable. The recent

reopening to traffic of main streets that were previously pedestrianised

to create shopping malls in town centres, such as those in Redcliffe

and Rockhampton, demonstrates the importance of high population

density for the economic viability of pedestrianised commercial places.

Although walkable neighbourhoods and urban villages are discussed in

urban design theories – including the development and marketing of

master planned communities – issues of vehicular/pedestrian conflict

seem to be considered solely the domain of traffic engineers. Thus,

issues of pedestrian safety may remain unresolved, especially on busy

streets. It seems that participants in this study shared common views

about the safety and maintenance of their pedestrian environment

regardless of neighbourhood form, or local building aesthetics,

suggesting that the safety and functional amenity of the pedestrian

environment is highly significant for older people who choose to walk in

their suburban setting.


Chapter Eight: Final Conclusions

8.1 Introduction

This research set out to investigate how Brisbane suburbs can be

designed or improved to meet the needs of pedestrians aged over 65

years. A number of research questions were posed:

a) What characteristics of older people should be taken into account to

support pedestrian activity in the over 65 age group?

b) What urban design theories and principles support the pedestrian

activity needs of older people in suburban settings?

c) How well does the urban design of existing suburbs meet the needs

of older pedestrians?

d) What are the implications for:

(i) urban design of suburban settings to fulfil the needs of older

pedestrians;

(ii) urban design theories; and

(iii) development of theories relating to design for ageing.

e) What constitutes a safe and attractive environment for the older

pedestrian?

The first question was investigated in terms of road safety and aged-

related changes in human capabilities explored in Chapter Two, which

suggested that older pedestrians and vehicles are an incompatible

combination in suburban streets. However, research into older

pedestrian injuries and fatalities seems to concentrate on the

pedestrian’s actions that contributed to the accident, rather than their

right to walk safely through their neighbourhood without fear of cars.


It is unlikely, though, that the motor car will ever be banned from

Australian suburbs, so it is not possible to replicate the pedestrian

environment found in traditional European towns and villages in

Brisbane suburban settings. However, street maintenance, traffic-

calming measures, and neighbourhood design that incorporates

CPTED principles will assist with pedestrian safety.

The second question was more complicated, as before this study

began, it was conjectured – in accordance with the theories of New

Urbanism – that the traditional suburb of Bulimba would be the better

pedestrian environment for older people. After the focus group

discussions, and the completion of the photographic exercise, it

became evident that this may only be applicable to older pedestrians

who walk for transport, and benefit from a ‘compact’ suburban form.

Older people who take up walking for health reasons will probably

devise their own walking regime that is dependent upon their health

requirements, physical comfort, and personal sense of safety, and less

upon the design of their suburb. Some pedestrians who walk for health

reasons may choose to travel by car to a place outside of their

suburban setting that they deem suitable for walking.

Urban design theories contain such concepts as ‘place-making’, ‘sense

of place’, ‘responsive environments’, and ‘walkable neighbourhoods’,

which seem to imply that the urban landscape is composed primarily of

buildings. However, for participants in this study who chose to walk for

health reasons, the preferred places for walking were natural settings.

All the Forest Lake participants, and some from the Bulimba group,

wished to escape the “closed-in” streets of suburbia and explore places

designed exclusively for the pedestrian where the air is fresh, and

where nature is accessible.


Further research is required to determine if the majority of older

pedestrians – who walk for health reasons – would prefer to walk

through natural settings, as walking through neighbourhood streets,

and “mall walking” can also be part of the walking for health regime of

older people.

The third question was not answered sufficiently as Forest Lake

participants walked primarily for exercise around the lake, which is an

environment designed exclusively for walkers and cyclists. However,

complaints by participants in both focus groups concerning suburban

footpath design and maintenance, and the lack of shelter at local bus

stops, implies that the design of existing suburbs does not meet the

needs of older pedestrians.

The fourth question relates to the third question regarding the

implications of urban design fulfilling the needs of older pedestrians in

suburban settings. It seems that the reduction in physical and cognitive

skills experienced by older people, as part of the ageing process,

should influence the detailed design of pedestrian environments for

them. This became evident when discussions by participants

concentrated on concerns about footpath maintenance, rather than the

overall design of suburban settings in terms of building aesthetics,

street layout, or neighbourhood form.

However, the holistic design of master planned communities provides

an opportunity for integrating the requirements of older pedestrians into

residential areas at an early stage in the development, rather than

retrofitting safe pedestrian pathways to link local community facilities

after residential areas have been constructed. In addition, local facilities

could be located for easy access from public transport, and those

buildings and open spaces of importance to older people could be

grouped together. The provision of networked pedestrian pathways,


within safe and easy access to public transport to those buildings and

facilities of importance to older people, is probably the first principle of

urban design theories for a suburban population that chooses to age in

place.

Urban design theories use the word “connectivity” to describe

pedestrian and vehicular connections between places and spaces in

the built environment. The words “safe” and “attractive” are not enough

for describing a pedestrian environment that meets the special

requirements of older pedestrians. When older Australians surrender

their driver’s licence to become pedestrians and public transport users,

their safe and attractive pedestrian environment must be connected to

significant destinations; it must be part of a networked system that

includes an efficient public transport system with safe transit stops. It

may prove difficult and expensive to retro-fit existing suburban settings

to provide networked pedestrian and bicycle paths that connect with

public transport stops, however, master planned communities, which

are usually developed on a large vacant site, could be designed for

pedestrian connectivity and proximity to significant destinations.

The final question of what constitutes a safe and attractive environment

for the older pedestrian has a complex answer. Issues of personal

safety and physical security appear universal – footpaths with even

surfaces and gentle slopes, the trimming of bushes beside pathways,

the provision of shelter, lighting, and the control of larrikin behaviour

are major concerns. The issue of ‘attractiveness’ is difficult to answer

when discussing aesthetic appeal, as it means more than a well-

maintained and litter-free pedestrian environment. However, for older

pedestrians in this study, it seems that a safe and clean pedestrian

environment is an attractive pedestrian environment.


Perhaps, more than older people from other countries, Australians – so

used to enjoying the ‘great outdoors’ – expect the natural world to play

a part in their pedestrian experience. Often community health

initiatives, such as the Brisbane City Council’s Active and Healthy City

project promote the idea of everybody enjoying life in the city’s outdoor

open spaces. The apparent preference among older pedestrians in this

study for walking environments where nature predominates may be

particular to the current generation of people over 65 years. Future

generations may prefer more urban pedestrian environments, such as

those found in the traditional towns of Britain or Europe where

distances between places are short and pedestrians can stop for

coffee, or browse through shops that line the street.

8.2 Limitations of this study

As discussed earlier, this study was limited by the methods used to

gather focus group participants, and further research into pedestrian

activity within suburban streets is necessary (refer Section 8.7). Some

inferences can be drawn from this study that should be included in

future research into older pedestrians in suburban settings.

8.3 Inference 1

Traditonal ‘walkable’ suburbs, such as Bulimba, have the potential to

provide contextual details that could assist with the improvement, or

retrofitting, of existing suburban settings to make them older

pedestrian-friendly. However, participants in the Bulimba focus group

preferred to discuss what they did not like, rather than what they

appreciated within their suburban setting. In any future research on this

topic, specific questions should be asked about the best aspects of the

pedestrian environment, as they may be taken for granted by many

people.


Thus, to maintain an appropriate standard of pedestrian environment

for an ageing population, various design options of the environmental

factors described by Pikora et al (2003) (refer Table 4.1 on page 68)

may need to be tested. For example, the gradient of a pathway may be

considered by older pedestrians to be more critical than its surface

material, or in terms of proximity of destination, new shopping centres

could adjoin existing parkland, so that older people can take up a

walking regime in urban open spaces for health reasons with the

opportunity to shop nearby. Such ‘experimentation’ may be required, as

older people seem to notice physical aspects of the pedestrian

environment that are unsafe while positive qualities and innovative

improvements are taken for granted.

8.4 Inference 2

The great distances within suburbs and between suburbs in Brisbane

does not usually allow for safe pedestrian linkages to commercial

centres. Suburban residents may travel by car or taxi, as public

transport systems do not always link their required destinations. Thus

the significance of car-dependency is an important consideration in any

study that investigates older pedestrian activity.

8.5 Critical findings

Walking for health reasons and walking as a means of transport were

inseparable for older pedestrians in this study. The first focus group

discussion held at Bulimba revealed that it was not possible to neatly

separate those older pedestrians in suburban settings who walk for

transport reasons from older people who walk for their health, or for

recreation.

Some participants in the Bulimba focus group did not own a car (or

have a driver’s licence) and they walked primarily for transport.

Participants in both focus group discussions emphatically stated that


they walked for health reasons, and those with cars sometimes chose

to walk to a destination for the health benefits obtained from the

physical exercise of walking, rather than take a car or public transport.

Additionally, some participants in this study, who wished to walk for

health reasons, would drive to a place that they considered a safe and

attractive walking environment rather than walk through “closed-in” and

unsafe suburban streets.

A major difference between the Burgess et al project (1988) and this

study, is that the UK investigation into parks and open spaces did not

explore pedestrian/vehicular conflict. However, participants in this

Brisbane study responded to discussions about open space in a similar

manner to that revealed in the Burgess et al (1988) research. In both

focus group discussions, particularly the Forest Lake focus group,

nature was discussed enthusiastically, and the absence of motor

vehicles was a further attraction for Forest Lake participants (refer

Appendix 10).

8.6 Conclusion

In urban design theory, the neighbourhood is highlighted as an

important urban element. Urban designers regard the enhancement of

a local ‘sense of place’ and ‘sense of community’ as essential for the

creation of good urban places. Many local governments, such as the

Brisbane City Council – possibly influenced by New Urbanism – have

begun strengthening the identity of suburban centres through

community consultation and streetscape improvement programmes.

However, the importance of these urban design concepts to older

pedestrians in this study does not seem to be as significant as

perceived personal safety and sense of physical security.

Many master planned communities in Brisbane, such as Forest Lake,

Springfield Lakes and North Lakes, are built around a series of artificial


waterways. Houses usually edge the lakes, and parks and pedestrian

pathways seem to be more evident in these new communities, perhaps

due to planning codes that encourage the construction of ‘hike and

bike’ trails. However, it appears that for some participants in this study,

walking for health reasons is best enjoyed as an escape from suburbia

– an opportunity to ramble through nature. This type of walking

experience takes older people away from home, and provides a

change of scenery for them. Some older pedestrians in this study, who

walk for health reasons, may drive to ‘pedestrianised’ natural

environments regularly, rather than devise a close-to-home

neighbourhood walking route, thus emphasising the importance of car

ownership to older people in suburban settings.

Participants in this study who walked through suburban streets

expressed delight at seeing well kept residential gardens, and those

who ventured onto designated walking trails enjoyed the fresh air and

open spaces that are not available to them in many suburban settings.

Those participants, who walk as a means of transport, seem to devise

a regular walking route that is not too hilly, which avoids traffic hazards

such as road works and streets that do not clearly identify pedestrian

and vehicular areas. It seems that for older people who walk as a

means of transport, a road system which provides a distinct separation

between vehicular traffic, cyclists, and pedestrians, is required.

For participants in this study, pedestrian environments that offer even

walking surfaces, sheltered rest areas, and opportunities for interaction

with nature are preferred to suburban streets. Older pedestrians in this

study did not wish to walk after dark, and were concerned about larrikin

behaviour in parks and open suburban spaces. However, they did

enjoy the social aspect of walking, and many continued a walking

regime for their health, and for the pleasure derived from peer group

bonding. As walking contributes positively to the health and wellbeing


of older people, pedestrian environments that support safe physical

activity, social interaction, and access to nature should be provided

within, or near existing suburban settings.

Environments designed exclusively for walkers, such as the lake and

its surrounds at Forest Lake, seem to be overlooked in urban design

theories, perhaps because buildings do not form a significant part of

such places. However, in this study, such open spaces containing safe

pathways, artificial lakes, natural vegetation, and wildlife, seem to be

the places most appreciated by older people who walk for health

reasons. Dedicated pedestrian pathways with smooth surfaces, seating

– with picnic tables in public open spaces – shelter, and water

fountains are the basic requirements of such places.

8.7 Recommendations for further research

The following extensive list of issues requiring investigation

demonstrates the significance of the local suburban setting in the daily

life of older pedestrians. Recommendations for further research topics

are drawn from this study, and include:

1. Additional case studies (focus groups and photo exercises) in

Bulimba and Forest Lake, and in other Australian cities.

2. Investigations into older pedestrian injuries and fatalities involving

those who walk primarily as a means of transport.

3. A pilot Home Zone (Woonerf) study within a Brisbane suburb.

4. An investigation of the link between suburban walkability, street

safety, and footpath maintenance.


5. A study into the health benefits of “mall walking” for older people

compared with walking through a landscaped setting, such as the

lake surrounds at Forest Lake.

6. Older pedestrians and the importance of proximity to an ‘urban

village’.

7. The pedestrian activity of older people who live in multi-dwelling

housing compared with older people who live in a house

surrounded by a garden.

8. Cultural background and the older pedestrian’s expectations of their

suburban setting.

9. Older people, car ownership, and pedestrian activity related to

walking for health and walking for transport.

10.The cost of running a car and its influence on the pedestrian activity

of older people.

11.Car-dependence, older people in suburban settings, and their use

of alternative transport methods after relinquishing their driver’s

licence.

12.Older people in suburban settings: public transport and private

transport travel patterns within and beyond their suburb.

13.Older people in suburban settings: investigations, mapping, and

design recommendations for networked suburban pedestrian paths

and trails that link to significant destinations.


Compared with today’s population of people over 65, future

generations of older Australians may be more adventurous about

where they walk, more physically active, and may expect to walk

through more ‘urban’ places that offer a variety of social interaction

opportunities. Research into older pedestrians must be ongoing and

will probably change with the times, although the need for personal

safety and a sense of physical security in pedestrian environments will

remain a constant factor in any study. This thesis is an introduction to

the issues related to the built environment and its use by older

pedestrians. However, older Australians are accustomed to expect –

and have a right to expect – their pedestrian experience to include

aspects of the natural environment. Urban design theories for suburban

areas and master planned communities must embrace the

‘pedestrianised’ natural setting, and its contribution to the health and

wellbeing of older Australians.


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Appendix 1 The European Charter of Pedestrians’ Rights

(Adopted in 1988 by The European Parliament)

I. The pedestrian has the right to live in a healthy environment and freely to enjoy theamenities offered by public areas under conditions that adequately safeguard hisphysical and psychological well-being.II. The pedestrian has the right to live in urban or village centres tailored to the needsof human beings and not to the needs of the motor car and to have amenities withinwalking or cycling distance.III. Children, the elderly and the disabled have the right to expect towns to be placesof easy social contact and not places that aggravate their inherent weakness.IV. The disabled have the right to specify measures to maximise mobility, such as theelimination of architectural obstacles and the adequate equipping of public means oftransport.V. The pedestrian has the right to urban areas which are intended exclusively for hisuse, are as extensive as possible and are not mere ‘pedestrian precincts’ but inharmony with the overall organisation of the town.VI. The pedestrian has a particular right to expect;a) compliance with chemical and noise emission standards for motor vehicles whichscientists consider to be tolerable,b) the introduction into all public transport systems of vehicles that are not a source ofeither air or noise pollution,c) the creation of ‘green lungs’, including the planting of trees in urban areas,d) the control of speed limits by modifying the layout of roads and junctions (e.g. byincorporating safety islands etc.), so that motorists adjust their speed, as a way ofeffectively safeguarding pedestrian and bicycle traffic,e) the banning of advertising which encourages an improper and dangerous use ofthe motor car,f) an effective system of road signs whose design also takes into account the needsof the blind and the deaf,g) the adoption of specific measures to ensure that vehicular and pedestrian traffichas ease of access to, and freedom of movement and the possibility of stopping on,roads and pavements respectively (for example: anti-slip pavement surfaces, rampsat kerbs to compensate for the difference in the levels of pavement and roadway,roads made wide enough for the traffic they have to carry, special arrangementswhile building work is in progress, adaptation of the urban street infrastructure toprotect motor car traffic, provision of parking and rest areas and subways andfootbridges),h) the introduction of the system of risk liability so that the person creating the riskbears the financial consequences thereof (as has been the case in France, forexample, since 1985).VII. The pedestrian has the right to complete and unimpeded mobility, which can beachieved through the integrated use of the means of transport. In particular, he hasthe right to expect;a) an extensive and well-equipped public transport service which will meet the needsof all citizens, from the physically fit to the disabled,b) the provision of bicycle lanes throughout the urban areas,c) the creation of parking lots which affect neither the mobility of pedestrians nor theirability to enjoy areas of architectural distinction.VIII. Each Member State must ensure that comprehensive information on the rightsof pedestrians is disseminated through the most appropriate channels and is madeavailable to children from the beginning of their school career.

Source: http://www.pezh.gr/english/pedchart.htm


Appendix 2 Statement of Consent Form

Contact Information: Jenny BoppSchool of Design and Built EnvironmentD Block, Gardens Point CampusGPO Box 2434Brisbane Qld 4001Phone (07) 3348 7901 (H)

Project Title:Older pedestrians in Brisbane suburban settings: Two case studiesinvestigating the concept of a “safe and attractive” pedestrian environment.

Statement of consent:

I have read and understood the information provided, and have had anyquestions answered to my satisfaction.

I understand that I can contact the researcher if I have any additionalquestions.

I understand that I can withdraw from the study at any time, without commentor penalty.

I understand that I can contact the Secretary of the University Human researchEthics Committee on 3864 2902 if I have any concerns about the ethicalconduct of a project.

I understand that participation in this project involves being audio recorded,and that it is not possible to participate in the project without being recorded. Iunderstand that only members of the research team will have access to therecordings and they will be stored in a secure location.

I understand that names of participants will not be mentioned in your thesis,although their comments may be identifiable by other members of the focusgroup.

I agree to participate in this project.

Name____________________________

Signature_________________________

Date________

Source: Researcher


Appendix 3 Prompts for Focus Group Discussions

Discussion Topics

1. Describe your favourite walk, as if you are telling friend about it.

2. I’d like you all to discuss your experience of walking, as aneveryday means of getting around.

3. Is there anywhere that you walk that is not a pleasant experience?

Example of prompts and clarifications

Time factors?

Distance factors?

Do you walk alone?

Are there bikes, skateboarders, joggers, roller-bladers etc on the walk?How do you feel about them?

Is the walk to the bus/shops/or wherever is suggested, different from aleisurely stroll? How? Why?


Appendix 4

Bulimba Focus Group Discussion – Actual Questions Asked

There might be a favourite walk that you really enjoy, and say you were

just going to talk to a friend about it. What would you say to your friend

about this walk and what you really like about it?

Is there anything else about the walks. Is there something about the

trees or the buildings that you like, or is it just always the fresh air and

the birds?

Is there anything uncomfortable on the road or on the footpath when

you walk, or is it an easy walk.

You don’t mind being on your own? You go at a safe time?

What time of day would that be – in the morning?

Does anybody walk at night?

Or are you just feeling insecure on the steepness?

Are all roundabouts like that for you?

You don’t have any trouble with skateboarders?

Do you put on white clothes, or special clothes, special colours?

You wouldn’t think of wearing some reflective colours at all?

Has anybody had any bad experiences crossing roads?

Within this area, Oxford Street, are there any difficult places to walk?

So you would say that Bulimba is a pedestrian-friendly suburb?

When you get to the bigger roads like Wynnum and Creek, that is when

the problems start?

In Bulimba, there’s enough lighting?

You are happy with the lighting and the pedestrian environment?

There are no hills that worry you?

So it’s got to have a footpath?

You all walk because you like walking. Is time an issue or it doesn’t

matter how long it takes you because time doesn’t matter? You just

walk for pleasure and leisure?

You wear special shoes, so you don’t fall over?


If they didn’t have the walking paths, you wouldn’t do it?

Without a footpath, you’d actually walk on the road?

Forty-five to fifty minutes along Wynnum Road – would you do that in

the summer time too?

The rest of you walk for pleasure? Is that right, not just for exercise?

You walk to the shops, and that’s your exercise?

You live in a unit?

The trees should be clipped so you’re not injuring yourself?

More seating at the bus stop?

They are better than the footpath? [Council walking trails through the

suburbs]

There’s no vehicles – is that what it is?

Nobody just looks at buildings, like in England?

Have any of you ever thought that you were in trouble walking – that

there was some danger?

It’s flat – and is it lit a night?

In winter or just summer?

You’ve got a fixed pathway that you take?

You don’t have a car?

You don’t have a [driver’s] licence?

The buses that take you quickly into town are difficult to walk to?


Appendix 5

Forest Lake Focus Group Discussion – Actual Questions Asked

Who’d like to say why they’re walking?

How far does everybody walk in a day?

Would any of you walk if there weren’t any other people here?

If you walked before moving to Forest Lake, did you walk on the streets

in the residential areas?

Was it just within the shopping centre itself – in the mall? That is one of

those indoor walks, isn’t, where you are not out in the weather?

When you walk the street, you don’t have the distances mapped out.

Do you find that an issue?

Sore ankles were from the slope of the pavement?

You find that walking around here’s great because it’s perfectly flat?

Does anybody do a safety audit around here?

When it’s dangerous, or you know it’s dangerous, you wear special

shoes?

You feel they are ignoring the pedestrian and the walker?

What about the older pedestrian – is there anything you could just say

now about what’s special about your requirements?

You don’t feel that you can share that track with the cyclists?

Maintenance issues?

Drinking water?

If you had security patrolling would you consider walking at night, or do

you walk at night anyway?

Would you have moved here if there wasn’t a lake? Is it what really

drew you here – walking around the lake?

If there was more lighting, would you walk at night, or is this lighting

good enough?

Would this place be the same without the ducks?

Why do you think it’s better than Southbank?


Tables and chairs and shelter – is there enough of that around here?

You all walk in winter?

What time would you walk?

What stops you walking in the wet – just the rain?

There is no more reason to slip [fall] in summer than winter?

Do you all like walking? You’d really miss it if you never walked?

Has anybody else been told to walk [by their doctor]?

You never walk around the ordinary streets at all – you just find it too

messy [difficult]?

You walk around the streets when you’re not walking here, because

you’ve just got to keep walking?

So, you avoid steps and steep hills wherever you are? That’s whywalking here is good?


Appendix 6

List of 27 photographs in Forest Lake photographic exercise with

captions provided by participants

1. Two swans gliding on the lake

2. Swans and ducks with the island

3. Cardboard drink container thrown in lake

4. One of the nails sticking up on boardwalk

5. An overall view of the lake from Forest Lake Boulevard

6. Gardens at front of lake near real estate office

7. Canoeists and paddle boats

8. View from our breakfast table at 7.05am

9. Pavillion at lake near Forest Lake Boulevard

10.Exercises

11.Pavillion/Stage – outdoor entertainment

12.Playground area

13.Lack of toilet facilities (these were for Australia Day)

14.Filters

15.Mother duck with seven ducklings

16.Cracks in pathway in need of repair

17. “Lest We Forget” memorial for the soldiers

18.Sludge in water – oil on top of water

19.Empty bottles and ball (orange) in water

20.Dragon on water

21.One of the many new houses

22.Swan (close-up)

23.Barbecue area provided

24.Table and chairs

25.Bushes blocking the path

26.The dragon

27.The dragon with water spraying (not a good day, rainy, hope it

comes out)


Appendix 7 Forest Lake Photographic Exercise – 16 Photos

7.1 Gardens at front of lake near real estate office

7.2 One of the many new houses


Appendix 7 Photographic Exercise

7.3 View from our breakfast table at 7.05am

7.4 Barbecue area provided



7.5 “Lest We Forget” memorial for the soldiers

7.6 Playground area



7.7 Swans and ducks with the island

7.8 Swan (close-up)



7.9 Cardboard drink container thrown in lake

7.10 Bushes blocking the path



7.11 Cracks in pathway in need of repair

7.12 One of the nails sticking up on boardwalk



7.13 Empty bottles and ball (orange) in water

7.14 Filters



7.15 Sludge in water – oil on top of water

7.16 Lack of toilet facilities (these were for Australia Day)


Appendix 8 Forest Lake Participants’ Additional Photographs

8.1 (No caption by participant) Water bird with houses in background

8.2 Pelican on other side of the lake


Appendix 8 Forest Lake Participants’ Additional Photographs

8.3 View – duck and ducklings – steps and jetty in distance

8.4 Pelican and ducks on the other side of the lake


Appendix 9

Transcript of Bulimba Focus Group Discussion held at BulimbaSenior Citizen’s Centre on Tuesday October 1st 2002 at 12.30pm.

Researcher: So, my first question is going to be your favourite walk.You know this is in the area. There might be a favourite walk that youreally enjoy, and say you were just going to talk to a friend about it.What would you say to your friend about this walk and what you reallylike about it? Who is going to go first?

Joan: I’ll go first.

Researcher: Joan is going to go first.

Joan: Yes, my favourite walk is 5:30am of a morning because it is nicefresh air – not much pollution around. And it’s nice to walk and hear thebirds singing and greeting you.

Researcher: I understand. Yeah. Is there anything else about thewalks. Is there something about the trees or the buildings that you like,or is it just always the fresh air and the birds?

Elaine: I like looking at…ah…Astor Street because there are somebeautiful little gardens there. One lady has got a whole lot of roses andorchids and it’s the tiniest garden, but the prettiest. And ah…now thehouse next door has all been prettied up and its got a little water pondand…um…plastic water lilies and a fan, and its driving a multi-colouredtoy windmill. And as the windmill moves the water makes little wavesand these duckies – yellow ducks – look like they are going on a trip,and I love going up there.

Researcher: So do you have to be walking to see it, or could you see itfrom a car?

Elaine: Only as a passenger, and even then I think you’d miss itbecause there’s tall palms make up the dividing fence.

Researcher: Any other favourite walks – what about Jim?

Jim: I like the birds and the bees. (Everybody laughs) It’s terrific earlyin the mornings, as one of our other panel [participants] said. Five-thirtyin the morning is a beautiful time of the morning, it’s…ah…sun gets upabout quarter to six now, which spoils it a bit…got to get out earlier inthe morning. The birds, the trees, the bats – we’ve got a bat colonyaround our way and it’s quite good – a bit noisy – but it’s a part of


nature. Buildings don’t turn me on at all – not at all – unless they’reabout a thousand years old, and we’ve got none here. Ah…um…birds,bees and on occasions you bump into somebody who is a regularwalker and have a good conversation – cure all of the problems of theworld and that’s about it.

Researcher: Did you want to talk about that Liz – that you’ve got toknow the walkers.

Liz: Yeah. Well I haven’t been here very long, but the length of timeI’ve been walking, I’m getting to know the people, and it’s nice to havea chat – discuss the weather and…

Jim: We go further than that. We rubbish the government. (Somechuckles).

Liz: Ah. Do you?

Jim: Solve world politics.

Researcher: Oh…well – what about Graham? Have you got anythoughts on your walk?

Graham: No I haven’t.

Researcher: Or Mary – any thoughts?

Mary: Well, I like to walk.

Researcher: You like to walk?

Mary: Yeah, I like to walk down to the shops.


Mary: I do that almost every day.

Researcher: And what do you like about the shops – is it to goshopping?

Mary: Oh! Sometimes I don’t shop at all – I just want to get out of theplace, of mine – of the unit. And sometimes like to go down toWoolworths, down Woolies. I like that walk down to Woolworths.

Researcher: And what would it be about that walk that you enjoy?

Mary: The walking!


Researcher: It’s just the walking – and seeing people, cars, gardens?

Mary: Yeah gardens, houses. You know – I like to see the houses, andthe gardens – the front gardens – I like that a lot.

Researcher: Is there anything uncomfortable on the road or on thefootpath when you walk, or is it an easy walk.

Mary: No, it’s just the noise of the traffic.

Researcher: Oh – the noise of the traffic.

Mary: The noise of the traffic that’s all. (Laughs) Yeah, it’s all right.

Researcher: And you don’t mind being on your own? You go at a safetime?

Mary: No, I like it. I like…I walk – I go where I like anyway.

Researcher: And what time of day would that be – in the morning?

Mary: No not early – maybe from nine – from nine in the morning.Yeah.

Researcher: So, it’s a safe time. Does anybody walk at night?(General murmuring)

Mary: No – no not that one! It’s out for me. I don’t like it…that one.

Researcher: No?

Mary: It’s not safe anyway.

Researcher: Not even Graham or Jim?

Jim: No

Elaine: I did walk recently at night on the way home from a bus trip thatran later than we expected.

Researcher: So you did walk at night, Elaine. What did you think aboutit?

Elaine: I thought I’d stay on the bitumen, just away from the kerb, sothat if a car was coming I’d have more leeway to get away from it ifnecessary.


Researcher: So, when you say that, did you suspect that the car wouldeither run you down, or there would be dangerous people in the car?

Elaine: Many years ago when I came home on that same walk fromWynnum Road, two short blocks up in High Street. It was wintertime, itwasn’t very dark, and it was cloudy and…ah…there were four lads in acar. And there’s a park on the other side, and I think they were hangingaround because they came out of the park and they kept coming inclose, and I’d walk further and – you know – they’d zigzag back and itwas quite uncomfortable.

Researcher: So you think they were kind of menacing you a little bitand they were using the park as a screen from the houses? Or?

Elaine: There’s a lot of people just hang around the park just to seewhat mischief they can get into. But I’d like to speak about somethingelse.

Researcher: Yeah? Go for it.

Elaine: Of a weekend there’s practically no transport except the train.So when I walk down to the train on a Sunday, I’m sort of…um…justrelaxed and thinking of anything, and all of a sudden, a couple oftimes…um. They’ve recently put in a big round-about for traffic just as Iapproach the railway crossing for Cannon Hill Station, and I’m justcarefully – not carefully – just light-heartedly walking the way I’vewalked for over twenty years. And I thought…hay…I’d better get out ofhere – if a truck or a bus comes they’re going to skittle me because theround-about is so big – I think it’s called Southgate – and it take up awhole lot of space, so if I do what I normally do… There’s a ramp builtinto the kerbing, and it’s too steep for me, and I’ve got bifocals, so Iwalk on either side of it. And…oh… it’s a wonder I haven’t been skittledavoiding that bit. And there’s no – it went in a hurry sort of thing. Andthere’s no…lines for a person walking to – more or less…hay…pullthem up in a jerk and say ‘hay don’t walk where you used to walk’.They got lines for the cars, but…

Researcher: No pedestrian instructions.

Elaine: You’ve really got to go like this and look way over yourshoulder because the cars are going to be a lot faster than you, andthere’ll be a lot more for the housing of extra traffic going into thatestate along side the train line.They should make that little walking bit for a stroller and for apedestrian, so that they are not having to dig their heels in.


Researcher: So, it so steep that you could fall backwards or forwards?Or are you just feeling insecure on the steepness?

Elaine: I’ve got a balance problem and if I look at my feet I’m morelikely to…um…be giddy than if I’m looking where I’m going.

Researcher: What about a handrail?

Elaine: No. I think that would be too clumsy. It’s not that big a dip.(Pause) You’re walking and you’ve got to stride up and youcan’t…you’ve really got to suddenly pull up and you think about…isthere is traffic coming? And then there’s…

Researcher: I should have a look at it. And are all roundabouts likethat for you?

Elaine: Well, that’s the only one I really come in contact, but I noticethat when I walk from where I live down to the Kmart along WynnumRoad – the…um…little ramps there. I find that they are too steep forcomfort, because you’ve got to watch your cross traffic as well.

Researcher: I know those ramps.

Elaine: Yeah. They’re just short, but the shorter they are, the steeperthey are.

Researcher: And Elaine, do you walk because you don’t have a car?

Elaine: Yeah. And I walk because I like to walk.

Researcher: Okay.

Elaine: And if it’s hot, well…I just wait for a bus.

Researcher: Okay.

Elaine: Is it worth saying that on a four-day weekend there’s no bus222 or the other one. See you have to head down to the train if youwant to get out.

Researcher: That sounds…so the train’s required on the four-dayweekend?

Elaine: Mm. There is a bus service, a very, very good bus service inRichmond Grove, but the hills are really steep…in the air. Younow…and it’s even hard for some of the cars to get up to the top of


them…you know…from where I live. They usually skirt around thebottom.

Researcher: Right. Ah – that’s a shame. So, does anybody else havethings about their walk, or have walked in their area and foundsomething distressing?

Elaine: As I said before. I get very scared if a dog suddenly barksreally loud in my ear because sometimes there’s a hearing aid in it, andthat makes it even worse. And they might even have a bit of bagging tostop the dog seeing the people, but it can still see and there’s two ofthem. It scares me – my heart going pitter-pat.

Researcher: But they can’t get out of the fence, can they?

Elaine: There are other dogs…um…in Muir Street that have long legsand a low fence.

Researcher: Ah…right…and what about you Jim?

Jim: While I walk I also cycle, but one of the worst things I’ve comeacross while walking is a cyclist – they don’t ring their bells. They justfly up behind you. You could be miles away, thinking how wonderful lifeis – and zap. In fact, one of the regular walkers that I meetoccasionally, he said, “I’m going to carry a bar with me, and I’m goingto shove somebody…bar through somebody’s spokes one day.” Hesays, “It annoys me that much”. But uh…

Researcher: So there’s no other…skateboarders? You don’t have anytrouble with skateboarders?

Jim: No. I’ve never come across any skateboarders.

Liz: It might be a bit early for skateboarders. (Everybody laughs).

Jim: It might be a bit early…yeah…yeah…yeah…

Elaine: I lot of kiddies used to skateboard in my street and the streeteither side, because there’s is a lovely gentle slope down the hill.

Researcher: Ah…huh…and does that affect your walking?

Elaine: No not at all.

Researcher: So skateboarders are not a problem.


Elaine: It worries me that the little boy across the road who has juststarted school – he wears a grey or a black shirt, and there’s all thesetrees overhanging either side, so its dim.


Elaine: In the summer, sitting on the other side of the hill.

Researcher: So you can’t see him?

Elaine: It gets dark earlier. You can’t distinguish him from the bitumen.

Researcher: So you think he might get run over. Yeah…that’s a bitdangerous isn’t it? Did you tell him that – that he needs a better colour?

Elaine: His parents haven’t exactly mixed with anybody, and they’vebeen there a year. They don’t walk; they just whiz out in their car.


Elaine: I really don’t see them. Nobody has been able to…

Researcher: Tell him. That brings up an interesting topic though. Doyou put on white clothes, or special clothes, special colours?

Jim: You should wear something white.

Researcher: Yeah…they say that, don’t they?

Jim: You should wear something white…anybody walking about atnight-time on the roads, yes.

Researcher: And what about daytime – no special clothing – justspecial shoes?

Elaine: There is daylight on the other side of the hill, but we in theshaded side and kiddies really love that slope and I’d do the same thingis I was a kid, but you can’t distinguish their clothes from the bitumen.

Researcher: Right. So it is a danger to them.

Elaine: And there’s the added shadow of the overhanging trees, eventhe wheelie-bin has trouble – there’s so much trees meeting in themiddle of the road.

Researcher: Right, but that doesn’t bother you as a walker – the treesmeeting in the middle of the road.


Elaine: It worries me as an adult looking at a kid about to get skittled.

Researcher: But children are in danger…ah…that’s interesting.

Jim: In winter-time, I put on a dark tracksuit and wear a dark hat, adark cap – an old fisherman’s cap.

Researcher: Would you wear lighter colours?

Jim: I do in summer. I always wear lighter colours in summer,but…ah…winter-time, it’s either a maroon tracksuit or a dark bluetracksuit.

Researcher: But you don’t walk at night, though, do you Jim?

Jim: Ah…half-past five of a morning in winter.

Researcher: Oh…that’s dark.

Jim: It’s dark…yeah.

Researcher: You wouldn’t think of wearing some reflective colours atall?

Jim: Never given it a thought.

Researcher: Mm.

Jim: But I’m very careful crossing roads.

Researcher: Right – which brings up a good topic. Has anybody hadany bad experiences crossing roads? I suppose anybody does. Anyparticular place where you don’t like to cross the road?

Jim: It’s always best to be safe and cross at the crossing – at thesafest point. Wherever you cross, cross at the safest place.

Researcher: Yeah…and how do you know it’s the safest place? It’s thecrossing – or?

Joan: Common sense.

Researcher: (Laughs) Common sense.

Jim: What you think…what you think yourself, what you consider to bethe safest point to cross, yes.


Elaine: I know of one dangerous crossing at the corner of Creek andWynnum Road. The corner that has the service station, and there’s acouple of big metal containers – I think they’re to do with the lights, andthere’s also things about petrol and what price it is. And a vehiclecoming up Wynnum Road…a vehicle coming up Creek Road andturning left into Wynnum Road can’t see a pedestrian. And I’ve oftengot my own shopping trolley, and they just whiz around that corner andthey can’t see you because of this stuff – it’s in and around the cornerof the service station.

Jim: Of the truncated corner?

Researcher: As they take a left from Creek Road? Is that right?

Elaine: Yes, yes.

Researcher: And they can’t see.

Elaine: No, there’s solid signs…um…or solid metal boxes. You know.

Researcher: So, there’s sort of junk in the road (laughs) – roadsignage?

Elaine: On either side as I’m walking because you do a little crossingand then for safety sake, and then you press it…but that…that takes alot of traffic that Wynnum and Creek Road corner.

Jim: There are no lights there – it’s not controlled by lights. It’s turn leftat any time with care.

Elaine and Joan: Yeah. That little side bit there that the pedestrianwants to cross to get to press the button.

Researcher: Right. So it’s a dangerous place.

Elaine: I go there often in winter.

Researcher: I’ll have to check that one out because that one I can’tpicture in my mind – that one.

Elaine: I’m walking from Morningside end of Cannon Hill towards theKmart, and on the Kmart side they come up Creek Street and they turnleft into Wynnum Road, and they whiz around there in a hurry.

Researcher: Mm. I think I know.

Joan: At the service station – BP.


Researcher: Yes, I know now, and they take a left.

Elaine: Even if they’re looking, it’s not visible. You know.

Researcher: Ah.

Elaine: And you can’t…if you’re on foot because the crossing isn’topen for a pedestrian very long, you don’t want to hang around, youknow.

Researcher: No…that’s right. Some crossings the pedestrian…thesignage…you know, the pedestrian “beep…beep…beep” for crossingisn’t very long. You’re half way across the street and they’ve got thegreen.

Elaine: These vehicles are in a steady stream and then they shoot outat the last minute.

Researcher: Ah…right.

Elaine: You’ve already looked and there wasn’t any in that lane, andthere they are.

Researcher: Because they can take a left with care whenever theywant to.

Elaine: My little shopping trolley, which is about that size…you know.

Researcher: So you’ve got a shopping trolley, and you find that it’s fine– the trolley, but…

Elaine: I’m a bigger target for them to miss with a trolley, you know.

Researcher: (Laughs) So they can see you more clearly with thetrolley?

Elaine: But you can’t do a hop, skip and a jump so easy with a trolleybecause your trolley then becomes enlarged because…you know.

Researcher: (Laughs) You’ve got a trailer really, haven’t you!

Elaine: I just walk along and it’s just there, but if I do that – this is thething that becomes extended (gesturing about her length of body andarm).

Researcher: I see, the trolley’s along way from you, and…


Elaine: Instead of it taking up about that much space, it suddenly isthat much, and the car and me are both saying, “Oh what are you doingnow?”


Jim: You know what the fault there? Since it is a truncated corner, theyare not looking for pedestrians – they are looking to see if there is a carcoming the other way. That’s what causes the problem for anybodycrossing that part of the road. Yeah.

Researcher: Right. Well that’s good to know. Um…do you all walk inBulimba? It’s interesting that I’m actually doing my research on thesuburb of Bulimba, and I’m finding that there’s difficult areas outside ofBulimba, but within this area, Oxford Street, are there any difficultplaces to walk…at all?

Graham: No, they’re all very easy.

Researcher: Very easy?

Graham: No difficulties at all.

Researcher: So you would say that Bulimba is a pedestrian-friendlysuburb?

Graham: I would say so.

Researcher: Yeah…and when you get to the bigger roads likeWynnum and Creek Road that is when the problems start?

Joan: That’s right.

(Murmur from participants)

Researcher: There’s heavy traffic?

Mary: I tell you where it’s no good, where I try to cross I don’t see thecars coming…on Thynne Road. I don’t see the cars coming…all of thesudden there’s a car coming because there’s a bit of a hill down. All ofa sudden there’s a car. I get nervous there when I cross.

Researcher: That was Thynne Road, and the other road was?

Mary & Joan: Thynne Road near the Uniting Church.

Researcher: At the Uniting Church?


Mary: That’s where I cross. I don’t like it that much.

Joan: They should have more lights there too – of a night, becauseMary and I used to play bowls, and some nights we’d walk home, and itwould be about 9:30-10 o’clock, and there’s not enough lighting inPitson Street, the other street.

Mary: No, there’s not enough light.

Researcher: But in Bulimba – although you’ve probably never beenhere at night – there’s enough lighting.

Joan: I wouldn’t have a clue.

Graham: Yes, there’s good lighting in Bulimba.

Researcher: And you live around here, Graham?

Graham: Yes, have done since I was a little boy.

Researcher: Ah…right – you’re really a local.

Graham: (Laughs) Yeah.

Researcher: So you are happy with the lighting and the pedestrianenvironment.

Graham: Oh yes, it’s very good these days, yes Jenny.

Researcher: So there’s no hills that worry you?

Graham: No, not at this side, anyway. Oxford Street over that way(gesturing north) there’s plenty. North of Oxford Street it’s quite hilly outthat way, yes.

Liz: It’s very hilly, Brisbane.

Researcher: So, you find the hills…you avoid the hills?(General murmur of agreement)

Liz: And I avoid any place that hasn’t got a footpath.

Researcher: Right. So it’s got to have a footpath. Have you walkedaround Bulimba at all and noticed…

Joan: No…no…no. I’d have to drive the car over then and go for awalk, whereas I just walk down…


Researcher: What suburb are you in?

Joan: Morningside.

Researcher: Morningside. Right…it’s interesting that the people whoreally want to talk are the ones who live outside Bulimba becauseeverybody who lives in Bulimba is happy. Like, Graham, he’s happy.

Graham: Yeah.

Researcher: (Laughs) Because my study is on Bulimba, I’ll have toshift my suburb.

Jim: There might be some concern when they develop these areas.There’s going to be an extra 600 residents in there (gesturing toindustrial site towards river) and that’s without their motor cars, andmost of them will have two motor cars, so that’s a lot of extra carscoming in and out of this area. Some of the road designs mightn’t be socrash-hot.

Researcher: Yeah. They’re talking about bringing in traffic lights…uh.

Jim: Carr Street.

Researcher: Yeah – that’s right.

Jim: And some of the locals are trying to prevent people accessingfrom other roads.

Researcher: So there would be…stop the rat-running, or what everthey call it.

Jim: It’s expediency. That’s why roads are here – to filter traffic.

Elaine: Kate Street, Morningside, has a bus service through it. It’soften late because it can’t manoeuvre these gardens beds that havebeen obviously put in the road.

Liz: I only got a small car, but some of them are really hard tomanipulate.

Elaine: And the driver is saying that it is injuring the bus mechanismunderneath because they can’t get around it any other way.

Researcher: I see because the tyres bounce over those islands.


Elaine: That Kate Street, particularly, it makes the bus take about 55minutes, sometimes it’s a good twenty minutes late.

Researcher: Right, but it doesn’t bother you as a pedestrian, at all?

Elaine: Well I don’t ever walk there, I’m always in the bus by the time Iget there.

Researcher: (Laughs) Ah…ha.

Liz: I think they have walking paths there, in that area. Yeah.

Elaine: There’s a problem over my way. In Stanton Road there’s fellowwith a narrow allotment and he has two vehicles, and he parks themacross the walkway, and it’s pretty scary. There’s a lot of traffic –there’s two schools and a church that goes near there. And then infront of my house, well across the road from my house there’s a familythat drives trucks. There’s two huge trucks and a small truck – one ofthose – about the size of a combi-van, and for the last three monthsthere’s been about three other trucks. The workmen are digging outand building in underneath, and putting on a new front verandah.

Researcher: I see, so these vehicles are near the footpath where youare walking.

Elaine: They’re on the footpath day and night.

Researcher: They’re on the footpath and they’re an obstacle.

Elaine: They’ve got a bus inside, but they’ve made that liveable now.But they take that out every so often.

Researcher: So you have to go around the vehicles on the footpath tocontinue your walk?

Elaine: To get out of the house onto the street.

Researcher: To get out of the house! Ah…that’s a bit dangerous.

Elaine: And if I’m wanting a taxi, he’s got to stop down the road. WhenGladdie comes for me, she’s got to stop at a different stop every time.You just can’t stop near the house.

Researcher: Ah…ha. I thought it was illegal to park on the footpath.

Elaine: It is, but ah…I think they know someone.


Researcher: Ah, right – they might know somebody. Yeah.Ah…ha…I’ve got some other questions here about your walking. Youall walk because you like walking. Is time an issue…or does time…itdoesn’t matter how long it takes you because time doesn’t matter? Youjust walk for pleasure and leisure?

Liz: I walk for health. (Laughs)

Researcher: Liz and Joan walk for health.

Liz: I walk for health, at least half an hour, for my circulation.

Researcher: A half an hour a day for circulation?

Liz: Exactly, no more or lesser. I don’t like to walk any lesser. I makesure I’m walking for half an hour or more.

Researcher: So you wear special shoes, so you don’t fall over.

Liz: Yeah.

Researcher: Do you ever find it slippery, or gravelly?

Joan: No, if you’ve got good shoes you’re right. If they’re worn, yes youwill go for a slip.

Researcher: So you wear shoes like you’ve got on now Joan with thetread sort of thing, like car tyres. (Chuckles)

Joan: And, I walk four days a week.

Researcher: Four days a week.

Joan: For forty-five to fifty minutes.

Researcher: That’s quite a while – forty-five to fifty minutes.

Joan: Ah…yeah. I walk from Morningside to Cannon Hill, to mydaughters.

Researcher: Morningside to Cannon Hill. And is that a major road youwalk along, or back streets.

Joan: Yes, the Wynnum Road, but they have walkways to go.

Researcher: So if they didn’t have the walking paths, you wouldn’t doit?


Joan: Oh yes, I’d do it.

Researcher: Oh…you’d still do it?

Joan: I would.

Researcher: On the footpath, or…?

Joan: On the road, just the road.

Researcher: Oh! You’d walk on the road – because you don’t have acar?

Joan: No.

Researcher: So without a footpath, you’d actually walk on the road.

Joan: Yeah, right on the side of it.

Researcher: On the edge of the road.

Joan: On the edge of the road.

Researcher: You’d walk against the traffic – against the flow of thetraffic?

Joan: Well, you’re supposed to, aren’t you?

Researcher: Yeah…that’s right, just double-checking. (Everybodylaughs). So you can see the oncoming vehicles.

Joan: That’s right.

Researcher: Just checking on that one. So forty-five to fiftyminutes…ah…along Wynnum Road – would you do that in the summertime too?

Joan: Yeah, I’m doing it in the summer.

Researcher: Ah…ha. And so you’d take a hat and an umbrella.

Joan: Yes, I’ve got a sun-visor, and a navy hat now that will cover myhead – for my sun spots.

Researcher: So a sun-visor and a hat. All right, that’s good. So youcertainly think that walk is worth it even though there’s all those cars?


It’s the exercise, and saves you money as well. Is there a bus that doesthat trip?

Joan: Oh yes!

Researcher: So, instead of getting the bus…

Joan: It’s for exercise.

Researcher: For exercise, okay. Joan and Liz basically walk forexercise.

Joan and Liz: Yes.

Researcher: But the rest of you walk for pleasure? Is that right, not justfor exercise?

Mary: Yeah. Pleasure sometimes. I take it that I have to walk becausethe doctor orders to walk about thirty minutes a day.

Graham: I only walk for exercise.

Researcher: Ah…ha, so Graham walks for exercise, and so doesMary.

Graham: I only walk for exercise – walking is good for your health,otherwise I wouldn’t walk. (Laughs)


Mary: I tell you where I walk most – around the shops! You know whenI go to Cannon Hill, I keep going around, you know, all the time. I get sotired there.

Researcher: So you walk to the shops, and that’s your exercise.

Mary: Oh…yeah. I walk there a lot.

Researcher: Can you look through the shops?

Mary: Then I go to Save City and walk again there, and then when I gohome, I’m very tired.

Researcher: Oh good, so you’ve got your exercise.

Mary: Yeah…it’s exercise. When I’ve got nothing else to do, I just goon home.


Researcher: You live in a unit?

Mary: Yeah.

Researcher: So, are you the only person here, Mary, who lives in aunit?

Liz: And I live in a unit.

Jim: Just before I started walking for enjoyment, I retired about tenyears ago…then within a month I’d severely injured me back afterdoing some climbing. And…ah…I found out I was in extreme pain, andI said, “I’m not going to cop this, I’m going to start walking”. So the firstday I went out to the front garden – to the next door neighbour andback again. Next day I went two houses. Next day I went three houses.Slowly increased it to four and a half kilometres a day. Now, somemornings when I get up I say, “I’m not going to go for a bloody walktoday, no way in the world”. But…ah…I get out and I find I get back onehundred per cent.

Researcher: So, the walking does you a world of good and fixes yourback?

Jim: Yeah. Well, that’s why I ride the bike sometimes. When walkinghurts the back too much, I hop on the bike and it seems to put it backinto place somehow.

Researcher: Oh – that’s great.

Jim: I don’t do it by meself, I get one of the guys from the suburb to gowith me. Or, sometimes I do a bit of maintenance to help the son-in-lawout of a Saturday, and it’s usually heavy machinery.

Researcher: Home maintenance.

Jim: Yeah. And…ah…when I wake up Sunday morning, I’m that stiffand sore, I say, “I’m laying in”. But I do it seven days a week.

Researcher: Right – seven days.

Jim: And when I come back, I’m all loosened up again, and the bloodstarts pumping and I feel a lot better.

Researcher: Ah…that’s great, Jim – so, four and a half kilometres aday, seven days a week?


Jim: Yeah, except that I ride the bike – then I go up to ten and a halfkilometres.

Researcher: Mm…Except the bike, and that’s ten and a half Ks.

Jim: Which may be twice a week…once a week.

Researcher: Yeah…that’s good. I don’t even do that. (Laughs) Whatwas that Elaine?

Elaine: Everywhere there’s work done on the footpath for electricity, ortelephone, or even water meters. And not always carefully filled in, orthe rain can scour it out. Even if you tell the Council about this, they getback to you and say, “I’m sorry we can’t help you – that’s Telstra, orthat’s so-and-so’s job.”

Researcher: Ah…I see, and nobody owns the roadworks.

Elaine: And this was when I was working, I’d come home from thetrain, and it would be after six at night, and at winter-time and you reallyhad to be careful where you put your feet. But, I noticed there’s a spottoo, down Wynnum road where there’s a big hole. It’s in betweenMarsh Street and …uh…where they’ve just installed new lights. I forgetthe name of that street, but – ah – there’s a couple of spots there. Andalso, you got trees at night that hit you in the eyes…you…know.

Researcher: So, the trees should be clipped so you’re not injuringyourself?

Elaine: Opposite what used to be the…uh…what was thatCommonwealth building? It is halfway between the old shopping centreand the new shopping centre.

Jim: The Archives.

Elaine: Yeah – Government Archives.

Researcher: Ah…the Government Archives.

Elaine: They’re now something else. It’s right opposite the GovernmentArchives, there’s a lot of stuff and some of it’s thorny and it comes overeach way.

Researcher: Is that private property trees or local government trees?

Elaine: Both.


Researcher: Both local government trees – street trees, and um…

Elaine: But the worst ones are private gardens.

Researcher: Private gardens are the worst…ah…um. Okay, it’s goodto know about that. Does anybody…can they think of anything elsethey’d like to talk about. It doesn’t matter what it is, whether you likeyour bus stop or not…or something…more seating at the bus stop?

Elaine: I stand…ah…I catch a 222 bus on Wynnum Road to town,and…ah…to look to the bus coming, it’s not easy to see because of amorning you’re looking into the sun, and you’re trying to get this distinctshape. There’s no shadow, except the little teeny bit of the telephonepole – there’s no shade. There is a seat, but there’s no shade.

Researcher: So, shade would be great. It would be great if there werestopping places with shade as well as bus stops?

Joan: Ah…yeah, I reckon, yeah – definitely.

Elaine: When you’re on Wynnum Road, you’ve got to be there at thebus stop to hail them, and they’ve got a bit of speed up. They just gofrom one traffic light to the next at full steam.

Researcher: Okay. So, you think they didn’t acknowledge that as abus stop because it wasn’t sheltered…or?

Elaine: Oh…they acknowledge it, but you’ve…The bus goes toWynnum Plaza, which isn’t that far, but to come back from WynnumPlaza it goes way into Manly and round and round a whole lot ofplaces, so it’s got a timing problem. There isn’t enough timing, soyou’ve often got to wait there quite a long time, and it’s veryuncomfortable in that hot spell we just had in the last few days, I nearlysizzled…you know.

Researcher: With no shade?

Elaine: No shade…only the telephone pole shade (Researcherlaughs), and I’d have to move out from there every time somethingbigger than a utility would come. I’d have to hail it [bus] in a hurrybecause it’s coming down hill, and it gets speed, and its heading for thenext traffic lights in a hurry, so you’re ducking in and out of this tiny littlebit of shade.

Researcher: (Laughs) It’s a bit cruel, isn’t – expecting you to use atelegraph pole as shade?


Elaine: Yes, and this is often at fifteen to twenty minutes each time thatyou wait.

Researcher: Right – that’s a bit much, isn’t?

Elaine: Yeah…it is.

Researcher: Can anybody think of anything else, at all, in the area.Anything to do with time factors? So, time’s not an issue, you’re justdoing it all for the exercise, so if it takes you three quarters of an hour,or an hour, it doesn’t matter because you are there for the exercise. Butthere’s nothing that worries you about that extra time, unless it goesinto dark and into night? Is that right then, you might beworried…or…there’s going to be a storm and you need shelter…

Jim: Opposite way around. I won’t get back late, because it puts meoff. If I try to hurry…if I go early, I can enjoy my walk because I’m notmissing out on the rest of the day.

Researcher: Ah…ha. So, the earlier, the better – you’ve saved the day[light], and if it gets hotter later, you’re in the house, anyway, aren’tyou? So its early morning walks. So you might be up before the worstof the traffic? Would that be right?

Jim: When I feel tired I do a walking path rather than a bicycle track.

Researcher: You’d better tell me where that one is Jim.

Jim: It’s off Norman Avenue and it goes through Cavendish Road, andthen all the way through to Stones Corner.

Researcher: Ah! Right.

Jim: Yeah…and you can go further. I’ve ridden the bike right from ourplace as far as the Greenslopes Hospital, on a bicycle track, and onlyhit the road a couple of times.

Researcher: It’s a Brisbane City Council track?

Jim: Yeah.

Researcher: That’s great. Just recording – that was Jim telling usabout his bicycle track.

Jim: And walking track. You can walk the whole way through.


Researcher: Ah…huh. So you think that they’re a great idea – the CityCouncil…?

Jim: Oh! They’re fantastic.

Researcher: They’re fantastic. Ah…huh. So, they are better than thefootpath, do you think, Jim?

Jim: Oh…yeah…one hundred per cent.

Researcher: One hundred per cent because you’re not…

Jim: I’d get bored riding…walking around the footpath.

Researcher: Right. So, there’s no vehicles – is that what it is?

Jim: No vehicles.

Researcher: Mm…there’s birds, and trees.

Jim: A couple of crows, and birds and trees and bush – all that sort ofstuff.

Researcher: But you don’t care for buildings?

Jim: No.

Researcher: Does anybody here like the look of the buildings? I knowyou do, Mary, don’t you, you look at the shops?

Mary: Yeah, I do.

Researcher: But you are looking at all the goods for sale andeverything – are you – or, just the people?

Mary: Yeah.

Researcher: Yeah…but nobody just looks at buildings, like in England,or…?

Elaine: Out of the area I do. When I’m going across the Grey StreetBridge, and I’m looking at all the lovely…you know…riverscapes…onthe weekend.

Researcher: Ah…you look at the…‘riverscapes’? Yeah. So if therewas a walking track along the river, you’d really go for that, and lookacross the river, but you’ve got to get to the track, haven’t you? That’s


the thing. You’d have to be at Bulimba because they are talking aboutputting one in.

Joan: From Bulimba to the city?

Researcher: I don’t think it will go to the city. They’d love it to go to thecity, but they’d have to reclaim people’s backyards and things.

Jim: Carr Street to the ferry.

Researcher: Yeah…right along the waterfront. So, you’ll be able towalk along there. So, you’d like that one, more so than the footpaths,because there’s no vehicles – is that right?

Joan: (Yawns) Excuse me.

Researcher: (Laughs) Sorry (to Elaine who wants to speak).

Elaine: We supposedly have a lovely park…um…we’ve got a picnichappening there soon, but there is no way you can get there if youdon’t have a vehicle.

Researcher: Which park is that?

Jim: Down on the river…um.

Elaine: It’s got a beach.

Researcher: Oh! Colmslie!

Jim: Yeah…basically it’s Colmslie, not…Colmsie is a bit further down,this ones a bit up. Were the old [indistinguishable] boat place was.

Researcher: Closer than Colmslie.

Elaine: I can’t get there on my own, but I’d love to see the beach.

Researcher: So, you’d love to see the beach, but there is no way ofgetting there?

Elaine: I wouldn’t mind walking, but there’s a safety factor.

Researcher: Safety…yeah…have any of you ever thought that…youknow…you were in trouble walking – that there was some danger? Iknow that Elaine said that there was – with the young people.

Elaine: They were acting too stupid.


Researcher: Any one else felt…like you guys – have you ever been abit worried?

Graham: No, not at all.

Researcher: You haven’t been pestered by youths, at all?

Jim: No.

Researcher: No – that’s good.

Jim: One school break-up, end of term, there was about twenty orthirty kids on my walking track…ah…it’s near a creek bank, and all thissort of stuff, so. Uh…I walked up to them and said, “Well, a great dayfor it, isn’t?” and I got accepted as one of the mob.

Researcher: (Laughs) So, you were one of the youngsters too.Yeah…ah…that’s good.

Elaine: When you asked us if we walked at night, and I said I didn’t,but if I just walk up into the next block – from where I live – from thecrest of that hill, it’s in front of the church – a big church – you can seethe fireworks. So I go up there. If I can get a friend to go with me, I do.Gladdie was interested once. Anyway, I dress like a man – you know –I’ve got dark slacks.

Researcher: So, you dress like a man to disguise yourself at night?

Elaine: Yes, I got a whistle in me pocket and a torch in my hand, just incase. It’s not all that far. I mean there’s lights at the crossing, andthere’s a light outside the Church, but it’s so lovely to watch thefireworks from there.

Researcher: So, if there were safer walking tracks, but even at night Isuppose you’d consider them not so safe in the darkness – is that true?

Elaine: I did go out in the dark for that.

Researcher: But you’ve got street lights there, or not?

Elaine: Yeah. There is a street light on the corner. I live about four fromthe corner, and I think there’s about five to get up opposite the church.You just go over the crest of the hill.

Researcher: Right. So, it is not too far to walk, is it?


Elaine: No, it’s not the distance, but there’s a fair bit of traffic at thatcrossing.

Researcher: So, it’s the vehicles as well as…ah…just perhaps thedangerous stranger.

Elaine: There’s so many trees. Often the shadows, even with the streetlights make it shady – there’s spots of shade that you need to walkthrough to be free of the traffic.

Researcher: Right. So, the shade of the trees is a bit…

Elaine: There won’t be anything that will get me doing that at night.

Researcher: So, it seems unsafe? Yeah. So, if there were little lowhedges and garden beds – that would be safer than big trees withoverhanging branches? Is that true?

Elaine: Well the big trees and overhanging branches block out theoverhead lights.

Researcher: Oh. I see – the lights are dimmed by the trees.

Elaine: There’s a light outside my house, but it hardly touches myhouse, it hardly touches my footpath because of trees…and…all thefoliage. It’s like a big tunnel now, where I live.

Researcher: So, you think that’s dangerous. You wouldn’t ask theCouncil to cut the tree?

Elaine: Only to trim them.

Researcher: Only to trim them…I only mean…yeah…not destroy thetrees.

Elaine: They do look lovely. They make a lot of shade.

Researcher: Mm. In summer days, they’re beautiful – it’s just at night.Yeah. I hadn’t thought that they’d reduce the light. That’s a good point.

Elaine: People look and say, “Isn’t that lovely”. Well it is…youknow…it’s not that it’s not nice, but there’s a big safety factor at night.

Researcher: The safety of being seen by vehicles? People may belurking there, or something like that, and other people can’t see youthere. Yeah.


Jim: You talk about intimidation and concern. I went for a walk earlyone morning and just daylight, just daylight. Anyway, I could hear thesefeet coming up behind me, and I never took any notice, but I kept onwalking, and then all of a sudden they never got any closer…so. And Iwalked the full distance right around to Stanley Street…CavendishRoad and I turned around there, and here’s this young lady behind me.And she said, “I hope you didn’t mind me following you so close, butyesterday when I walked along here, there was a queer down inamongst the bushes.” So, she followed me, and as a result, for the nextfortnight I had company every morning on my walk. (Laughs)

Researcher: That’s a good story, Jim.

Jim: Yeah.

Researcher: Very good. Ah…so, are there any other things people canthink of saying? The tape in the machine is for forty-five minutes and Ididn’t check how long we’ve been talking now.

Joan: Ah…it must be close.

Researcher: Getting close? Because…um…yeah. The tape will runout soon. So…um…it’s interesting that everybody’s happy withBulimba, and I’m starting to think I might have to change the focus ofmy location.

Joan: Change the location?

Elaine: When I’m voting, I’d rather live in Bulimba.

Researcher: You’d rather live in Bulimba for walking?

Elaine: No, when I’m voting.

Researcher: You’d rather live in the voting area of Bulimba. I see whatyou mean.

Jim: It’s terribly big.

Researcher: Oh…now I remember it takes over a big area, Bulimba.Doesn’t it? Yeah. Ah…ha. I think I’ve asked all the questions, youknow…like, is there anywhere that you walk that is not a pleasantexperience. But Elaine told us about those problems, and because youtwo walk for exercise, you probably selected your tracks. Is that right?You’ve got Wynnum Road, Joan, and are there any other tracks, at all?No, that’s it.


Joan: No. I go the other side of Richmond Road, if I wanted to, but Iprefer to go on the Wynnum side.

Researcher: Why’s that?

Joan: Because of the tracks, the walkways.

Researcher: Oh. The walkways are there for you – already laid out.So, if you ever see a piece of country, or whatever, if it’s got a walkingtrack, that’s great, that’s where you’ll go. You won’t just venture off intothe unknown without a track? (Laughs).

Joan: Yeah…I go to help my daughter, so that’s one of the reasons Iwalk that way, too.

Researcher: Ah…ha. So, she’s at the end of the journey?

Joan: Yeah.

Researcher: Ah…ha…and what about Liz? What’s your daily walk? Isit through your area or…

Liz: Yeah…because I follow the footpath down Junction road.Otherwise I wouldn’t.

Researcher: The footpath’s there for you.

Liz: Yeah – exactly, and it’s flat.

Researcher: It’s flat – and is it lit a night?

Liz: Oh – yes it’s got street lights – it’s a major road junction.

Researcher: That’s right, but you don’t walk at night.

Liz: No…no…early morning – six o’clock.

Researcher: Early morning, six o’clock…ah…ha. So, the ladies – ifthey are walking in the morning, it’s with the light, but Jim gets up whenit’s dark in winter and…

Jim: Yeah…dark in winter.

Liz: I wouldn’t walk when it’s dark. I wouldn’t walk until the sun is up.



Graham: Six o’clock, I go walking at six o’clock.

Researcher: In winter or just summer?

Graham: Both winter and summer.

Researcher: Oh. Six o’clock winter and summer. So, it is still a little bitdark at 6:00am in…

Graham: Yes, it is, yeah.

Researcher: But it doesn’t bother you?

Graham: Ah…no…no. I walk purely for exercise…because the doctorsaid walking is good for you.

Researcher: It is…yeah.

Graham: Which it is, of course. And…ah…about twenty minutes.Twenty minutes each morning.

Researcher: Twenty minutes every morning…ah…ha. And you’ve gota fixed pathway that you take…?

Graham: Oh…I vary it.

Researcher: You vary your journey. And what are the things that youmight think about on your journey that you like? Is it, like Elaine said,the people’s houses and gardens?

Graham: Houses don’t interest me at all. I do enjoy the gardens,especially at this time of the year.

Researcher: Springtime.

Graham: When you see all these lovely flowers out in bloom.

Researcher: Yeah. It is a beautiful time to go walking, that’s for sure.

Graham: It is, yeah.

Mary: Ah…yeah.

Researcher: But it sounds as if Mary – you walk all the time any way.

Mary: Ah…yeah…everywhere. Everywhere – bus stops – everywhere.


Researcher: Because you don’t have a car?

Mary: No. I don’t drive. No. I don’t have a car.

Researcher: You don’t have a licence?

Mary: I used to have a licence, but here in Brisbane, no way, I don’tdrive.

Researcher: Oh. You don’t drive in Brisbane? And does everybodyhave a driver’s licence?

Mary: They go to fast.

Researcher: Joan has a driver’s licence?

Joan: I’ve got one that’s well and truly expired.

Researcher: And Elaine hasn’t got one, and you don’t want a driver’slicence, Elaine? The boys have got one, and Liz has got a driver’slicence. Ah…ha…right. And, so, if you gave up your licence you’d bewalking everywhere?

Liz: Depending on the buses!

Researcher: Depending on the buses – and are you happy with them?

Liz: I’ve only had one bus ride since I’ve been here. (Laughs)

Researcher: Ah! All right (everybody laughs). But it’s definitely…youwant the bus shelters, don’t you.

Liz: When I bought this place, where I’m in now, I made sure that I wasclose to a bus stop, so eventually when I give up my licence, I’ll be ableto catch the bus.

Researcher: Ah…ha. So, you are aware that one day you will give upyour licence, and you’re accepting that fact and therefore you’ve pre-planned with buses around you.

Liz: And shops.

Researcher: And shops…mm…mm.

Graham: [Now joining in the conversation about the driver’s licence].And should that occur, and when it occurs – yes.


Joan: I think they have good public transport in Brisbane – where welive.

Researcher: Yeah. Sort of from Wynnum Road, there’s a lot…

Joan: No, Thynne Road and Riding Road – at both ends. And thenwe’ve got the railway station – only twenty minutes walk.

Researcher: At Cannon Hill?

Joan: No, Morningside.

Researcher: Morningside, of course.

Elaine: Actually about the buses, I moved into Cannon Hill, and Imoved in near Wynnum Road, so I’d be sure to be able to get a bus.The buses that come early in the morning – they go express – thereally good ones. I mean, the 232 takes 55 minutes. If you want onethat will go straight into town, you’ve got to go to Richmond Road, andyou’ll be in hospital because you couldn’t climb the hill anyway. It’s alengthy walk, and it’s up hill.

Researcher: So the buses that take you quickly into town are difficultto walk to?

Elaine: When they were doing their new routes and that, they did askus to participate, and they did listen, and exchange lessons,but…ah…the 222 is not too bad. It’s fairly fast into the city and it doesgo along…but it only goes Monday to Friday. And if Friday and Mondayis a holiday, it doesn’t go at all. See you get Easter, and you get longweekends and Christmas, and you just can’t go anywhere, and that’swhen they put on a lot of functions.

END OF TAPE


Appendix 10

Forest Lake Focus Group Discussion held at the lake on Tuesday17th December 2002 at 6:45am.

Researcher: Here we are at the Forest Lake Focus Group. We’re justgoing to talk about our walking experience. Who’d like to say whythey’re walking?

Allen: I walk for exercise.

Neville: I’ve got a valve in my heart, so I have to walk all the time.

Researcher: So, you’re walking for exercise Neville? (Researcherlooks around the group) Everybody is walking for health and for theirheart. And how far does everybody walk in a day?

Paul: Around the lake.

Mike: It’s about three to three and a half kilometres all around the lake,and I tend to do it at least once a day, sometimes twice dependingwhat time. And I walk for my dog and also exercise for myself, and alsobumping into the people that you meet around the lake. It’s good funand you really meet some nice people, and it’s a nice environment towalk around.

Researcher: So, social interaction. Would any of you walk if thereweren’t any other people here? Would you still walk?

(All participants say, “Yes”)

Paul: Definitely, yes.

Researcher: You’d just be a bit lonelier that’s all.

Neville: I’ve got to walk for the rest of my life.

Researcher: Yeah. Neville’s got to walk for the rest of his life. Okay.

Paul: I’ve lived in Forest Lake now – I came twelve months last March,and if I hadn’t bought my little dog and started walking around the lake,I don’t think I would have had as many friends in Forest Lake as whatI’ve actually gotten now. You go into these other areas and you walk,and a lot of people say, “Good morning,” and that’s it. When you walkaround the lake at Forest Lake, here, you tend to stop, have a chat,


you introduce yourself, and you make friends. It’s good for older peoplewho’ve just moved into the area.

Researcher: And if you’ve walked before, Paul, or anybody else,before they moved to Forest lake, did you walk on the streets in theresidential areas?

(All participants agree)

Jeff: Yes, walked on the streets.

Sue: We walked at Mt Ommaney shopping centre. There’s a walkinggroup there, and we still do that on Wednesdays because of all thefriends we’ve made there when we were doing that for five years.Before we came to the lake, we walked there three times a week.

Researcher: Three times a week, and was it just within the shoppingcentre itself – in the mall? That is one of those indoor walks, isn’t,where you are not out in the weather?

Sue: It was approximately one kilometre.

Researcher: One kilometre all around the mall and the distance hasbeen tested [measured] on that because here you get the distancemapped out on the walking tracks. So, when you walk the street, youdon’t have the distances mapped out. Do you find that an issue?

Paul: A lot of places – like – I came from Mt Ommaney, you don’t evenhave footpaths. If you walk first thing in the morning, you’re walking onthe grass verges, which is full of dew, and which is dangerous, soyou’re actually walking down the side of the road. Again, it’sdangerous, where here, it’s safe walking around.

Researcher: That’s right.

Allen: Before getting into the mall walking, I also was at that stageliving in the Mt Ommaney district. I tried walking the streets and thepavements, and where there are pavements they were at a ridiculousangle, so that once you’ve done a walk, you had sore ankles, and –otherwise you walked at the edge of the road and dodged traffic. It wasvery unacceptable.

Researcher: So, these sore ankles were from the slope of thepavement?

Allen: Yes.


Researcher: Right. So it was hipped and sloped?

Allen: Well I think the thing is, they took the easy option when they putin the pathways in the first place. They built it to the slope of the landthat existed, instead of doing the extra and digging it out so that it wasperfectly flat.

Researcher: So, you find that walking around here’s great because it’sperfectly flat.

Allen: Oh! Apart from the traps.

Researcher: The traps?

Allen: Ah…inequalities – edges between the slabs which can causetripping, and in fact has caused falls.

Researcher: And…does anybody do a safety audit around here? Haveyou noticed anybody checking on the quality of the pavement?

Allen: We asked Council, and Council has got a task force inconjunction with Delfin (the developer) who are looking into it, and wenoticed some interesting white marks have been made on thewalkway…so…

Beth: Little arrows. (Laughter)

Allen: Hopefully it will be sorted out.

Jeff: I think a lot of the problem with the concrete around here is thedry weather we’re having too. I think we’re getting a lot of movementbecause even some of the roads are cracking with the dry, so…yeah Ithink that’s a problem, but eventually, hopefully, they’ll fix them up.They are getting dangerous.

Researcher: So, when it’s dangerous, or you know it’s dangerous, youwear special shoes? Is that right? Have you all taken care with yourfootwear?

(General agreement)

Allen: (Jokingly) You wear a crash helmet.

Jeff: You walk around it that’s all. [The uneven parts of the pavement]

Beth: I fractured two ribs last year. I tripped. I didn’t lift my feet enough,and I fell. I fell on the bridge, and then I fell again on the concrete just a


little bit further on. Whether the bridge fall put me off balance or not, Idon’t know, but I seem to…to me it was like the cement [concretesurface] wasn’t quite equal, and my foot…shoe sort of caught, andactually my foot come out of my shoe, and it was sandals. As I saidagain, it was my own fault for what I wore. (“No” from one of theparticipants, sounds like Allen) And I fell, straight…that was a year ago,and I felt that it was my own fault…so.

Allen: Did you report that to the Council?

Beth: No, I didn’t.

Sue: I fell about five weeks ago.

Researcher: More falling!

Sue: Yes (laughs) and I did a real crash down and I hurt my hip, myknee, my ribs…my shoulder.

Researcher: And it was the surface?

Sue: Yes, I just tripped on a little uneven bit, and I hit my head on theside. I hurt a rib, and I pulled a tendon.

Allen: A cartilage.

Sue: Yes, a cartilage.

Beth: I’ve got the x-rays to show where I broke. (Laughing)

Researcher: So, Beth’s got the x-rays as well.

Sue: I’ve got x-rays. (Laughing)

Researcher: And they’ve gone to all this trouble and you’re still findingthere are issues with the surface? So there needs to be a constant…

Allen: No. I don’t think they’ve gone to any trouble at all. They haven’tgone to any trouble. It’s only because some complaints have beenmade. Hopefully, something will happen between now and the end ofMarch.

Beth: I do think that perhaps, do you think the cement [concretesurface] might settle down a little bit in…in different places?

Researcher: Well, it changes with the weather.


Jeff: If we get some rain, it may help too, you know. Some heavy rain,it may…there’s a lot of clay in certain areas here. There’s shrinkagethere.

Beth: There’s a lot of movement and stuff here. You should wear theproper shoes, and I didn’t have them on. You know there’s a lot thatyou contribute yourself, too. If you have your proper shoes on, andlifted your feet…you wouldn’t.

Sue: I had the proper shoes on, but I was looking at the ducks.(Everybody laughs)

Researcher: You were distracted by nature. (Laughs)

Allen: I don’t think you should be invited to walk on publishedwalking/cycling tracks… One of the big draw cards to this area is “Lookat all our wonderful walking/cycling tracks”, and certainly dry weather,even not dry weather, there’s settlement, but I take the view that if youprovide a facility, and we talk about clay, Brisbane is clay. If you canbuild a beautiful, beautiful development like Forest Lake then you mustbe aware of all these things, and you should take the trouble to ensurethat the facilities that you provide are in good order, and not a threat.

Researcher: Yes that’s a good point. With more and more walkers, itmakes you realise that the road is a very difficult place to walk…thefootpath then…because…

Neville: It is now that they want more cars to drive on the road, theyforget about footpaths.

Researcher: So you feel they are ignoring the pedestrian and thewalker?

Neville: Oh…yeah.

Researcher: And what about the older pedestrian. Is there anythingyou could just say now about what’s special about your requirements,you know. Have you got any ideas, or you don’t want to be treated asdifferent from other people, or…?

Jeff: You feel safer walking around this area because it’s got walkwaysand things. I find a lot of places where Delfin’s still got control of it –they keep it in good condition. They’ve handed it over to the Counciland the Council’s tended to neglect it. You find a lot of thewalkways…you go around Woogaroo Street and you’ll find that thebush is actually walking over the walkway and half the walkway’s notthere anymore. It’s too thick.


Researcher: So, the Council’s neglecting its responsibility.

Jeff: In a lot of ways they don’t seem to have the maintenance here,which they should.

Mike: The labour here is all contract labour, and you can’t tell if theyare doing their job properly, or if the Council is saying, “You only have acertain amount of time.”

Researcher: It’s almost as if these kind of tracks require their own littlemaintenance band (crew) don’t they…that are dedicated to the track?

Allen: Apart from Forest Lake and mall walking, generally speaking, inthis city there’s no program to encourage walking. Ah…we seem tospend a humungous amount of money to encourage cyclists to getabout, and I can see those tracks lasting for two or three millennium atthe rate that they are used, but there’s nothing like that for pedestrians.

Researcher: You don’t feel that you can share that track with thecyclists?

Allen: You’re not allowed to.

Researcher: And at which locations are these ones.

Allen: All over the city. This is one of Lord Jim’s greataccomplishments, or the pressure groups’ great accomplishments.Remember the bridge across the river at Indooroopilly? I mean millionsof dollars. I’d hate to think what the cost is per cyclist.

Researcher: And you’d rather see that money spend on pedestrianactivity – pedestrian places?

Allen: Look, I’ve got nothing against that – why can’t they dosomething similar for pedestrians?

Researcher: Mm…I think that’s supposed to be a pedestrian bridge[Indooroopilly Bridge] a bit like the Goodwill Bridge in the city wassupposed to be a pedestrian bridge. Does everybody know that one?

(General agreement that they all knew the bridge)

Jeff: I helped to build it.

(General laughter)

Jeff: I did all the procurement. It cost a lot of money.


Researcher: It cost a lot of money that bridge, too.

Jeff: Getting back to the walkway though, I feel like as you were sayingAllen about the cyclists, they’ve done all their tracks in bitumen. Ifthey’d done walking tracks in bitumen, you’d have none of thisuneven…you might get cracks in it, or something like that. But it’s a loteasier to fix a bit of bitumen than it is to rip up a whole piece ofconcrete, and replace it with more concrete, which is going to do thesame possibly in an another three, or four, or five years time. Becausebitumen, once it’s down, especially on a pedestrian walkway, you’re notgetting heavy traffic, and even if it does dry and crack, and what haveyou, it’s not as dangerous as the bits and pieces of concrete that issticking up. And like I say – it’s a lot easier to fix.

Researcher: That’s interesting. I thought when I had spoken to peopleearlier that they were happy with the tracks.

(General murmur that they are happy with the tracks)

Researcher: Maintenance issues?

Sue: We just don’t want it to get worse.

Beth: We’ve been coming here for years and years and it’s a beautifulplace to walk.

Neville: We know where all the bumps are.

Researcher: So, you’ve got the bumps sorted out. (Laughs)

(General murmur about “the bumps sorted out”)

Beth: We do get carried away with the swans, sometimes, and don’tput our feet right.

Neville: Any new people coming here they wouldn’t see the bumps.

(General laughter about bumps and swans)

Lyn: I get very annoyed to see rubbish in the lake.

Researcher: Lyn doesn’t like to see the rubbish in the lake.

Lyn: No. There’s plenty of rubbish bins around. These people are solazy…oh…untidy and lazy. There was a shopping trolley in there theother day.


Researcher: A shopping trolley? It seems as if it’s such a special placethat it should have special maintenance people on it.

Lyn: It should! It should do.

Jeff: You find…ah…you find there’s more…I don’t blame the kids, butwhen school holidays are on, you find there’s more vandalism whenschool holidays are on.

(Loud agreement from some participants)

Lyn: You know, we were here the other morning, and the canoeingclub was here. Now, they seem to come…like they had preparation forall day, and they must stay here all day. And I thought to myself,“there’s no…there’s not too many places that there’s water available[drinking water fountains], have you noticed that when you walkaround. There’s one down there that doesn’t work.

Allen: Vandalised.

Lyn: Yeah…and there’s one over there.

Researcher: So, this is drinking water?

Lyn: Drinking water there’s not. Like if people come here for the day,and spend the whole day…canoeing club type of things…um…wheredo they get a drink, and they’ve got to cross the road to go to thetoilets.

Researcher: Is that where they are! I was wondered where the toiletswere.

Lyn: Poorly kept.

Neville: In bad shape too.

Jeff: You put the toilets over there and what happens to them? They’rewrecked.

Lyn: They’re vandalised.

Allen: Like the drinking fountain.

Mike: If you put them anywhere on the lake the same thing will happen.

Lyn: But could they be opened during the day and closed at night?


Jeff: They asked LB who is the Councillor for this area, and he wasconcerned that it was going to cost $75,000 for toilets up the other endof the lake, there. He was more concerned about the money than theactual convenience of the constituents in this area.

Lyn: Well I think, if you’ve got children…it’s too dangerous, especiallyon a weekend to cross that … [road]

Jeff: That was mentioned actually. Open them during the day, like a lotof toilets in Brisbane, and close them at night. And that stops the…likehe said he was concerned about drug abuse and all that sort of thing.Forest Lake’s not the only place where people congregate it’s thewhole of Brisbane. And the whole of Brisbane can come here if theywant to, but they haven’t got the facilities that you have in just anordinary little park as regards to toilet facilities, which are opened earlyin the morning and closed at night.

Lyn: Toilets and water… (Nods her head in agreement)

Allen: What is the concern about vandalism, which currently is morecommon in public toilets than anywhere else? And again, I cannotbelieve that in this day and age, I mean, 2002 for goodness sake, thatyou cannot build a structure, which is basically vandal-proof. Well, likea brick out house (chuckles).

Mike: Have you seen the toilets over there. They’ve ripped the toiletdoors off and the seats.

(Complaints continue about the vandalism of the toilets)

Jeff: With the vandalism. When we moved in here six and half yearsago, Delfin used to have Group 4 Security patrolling, and we hadnowhere near the problems we have now. But when they moved outand Brisbane City Council took over, I’ve never seen anyone. I’venever seen anyone patrolling.

Researcher: Right. Security patrolling was really helpful. If you hadsecurity patrolling would you consider walking at night, or do you walkat night anyway?

Mike: Yeah…I’d walk at night.

Researcher: You do…you walk at night?

Mike: I would. I don’t normally, but I would do so. The only thing is, ifyou get a group of them that’s been drinking, then you’ve got problems.If they had the security going it would make a lot of difference.


(Participants break into a discussion about youths, their disruptivebehaviour and the lack of policing, followed by a discussion about themaintenance of the lake, which previously had two dedicated staff witha little boat and waders cleaning the lake regularly)

Researcher: So, you moved into the area to enjoy the natural lake andthe ducks and everything, and at the same time…because you movedhere…you sort of expected it to be maintained. But would you havemoved here if there wasn’t a lake? Is it what really drew you here…thewalking around the lake?

(General agreement)

Mike: Yes.

Researcher: Mike was drawn here, and Jeff and Paul. Everybody wasdrawn here for the lake.

Beth: We don’t live here, we live in Inala and we travel here to walk.We were walking around the streets, but it’s very uneven, and here itwas much better for Neville, [her husband] so Lyn and I started offbringing Neville just straight after his operation and we’d do five or tenminutes walk, and then take him home. We gradually got to walkingright around the lake, and we’ve been coming ever since. So, we hadto do it for Neville in the first place, and now Lyn’s had op’s on her legs,so we have to do it for her too now.

Allen: We’ve noticed, and I’m sure a lot of other people here havenoticed, the large number of people who drive here to walk. So, walkingis not restricted to Forest Lake residents who are close to the lake, oreven Forest Lake residents, but people from all over; the same with thecanoeists who come down here, on the weekends, particularly.

Lyn: That’s quite a big club now, isn’t it, that canoeing club.

Researcher: There’s a lot of canoeists as well…I found out when Ilooked at Bulimba, or spoke to people at Bulimba, that they enjoyed thecycle tracks and the bike tracks. And then when I got here, I found outthat this was it – this is the place to be! And I don’t know if anybody hasyet realised that people actually go to these specific places and thereshould be more of them, and that you’ll actually make time in your day,and actually have a habit of walking. If you are provided with a placelike this, you just require that high maintenance and lighting. So, if therewas more lighting, would you walk at night, or is this lighting goodenough?

Sue: There was lighting, around the other side, but they broke them all.


Researcher: So, vandals are a problem…you need security as well.

Mike: you won’t catch anybody. It’s when everybody is asleep at abouteleven or twelve o’clock at night. You don’t know who to call.

(General discussion about how to deal with vandalism)

Allen: Something else, generally speaking within the city, the lack ofwalking facilities. We actually have a lot of parks set aside so that dogscan enjoy a bit of freedom from leashes and controls. So, that’sinteresting…we fall further, sort of…

Researcher: You feel that you pedestrians are even further down thelist?

(Laughter)

Allen: Cyclists first, dogs second, pedestrians nowhere.

(Laughter)

Researcher: I suppose they take it for granted that people walk withtheir dogs.

Beth: You must admit that the dogs do like to come off their leash,don’t they?

Researcher: So, would this place be the same without the ducks?

Lyn, Beth and Sue: I think that the ducks, and the swans and thepelicans…it’s lovely.

Lyn: The geese didn’t last very long, did they?

Researcher: Did somebody eat the geese?

Beth: Somebody must have taken the geese, he was a big fat fellow.Raise your hand if you took the geese.

(General laughter and discussion about the loss of the geese)

Mike: Just thinking about the Botanical Gardens, right in the city, that’sgot ducks…that’s well maintained. This is a lot bigger area, but withoutthe ducks and the maintenance…um…what difference does it make ifit’s here or in the city? Surely this is a better place, it’s more convenientto park, it’s a lot better as far as I’m concerned than going in the cityand paying parking fees to walk around the Botanical Gardens, which


are fine. But, when you look at this, compared with the BotanicalGardens, or even Southbank, this is far better. It’s quieter, it’s cleaner,it’s healthier and we need more places like this as far as I’mconcerned…in Brisbane.

Researcher: Why do you think it’s better than Southbank?

Mike: Because one, it’s not so crowded, two, you haven’t got to drivethere. The actual residents in and around Southbank there, I’d sayprobably eighty per cent of the visitors, actually drive to Southbank, asopposed to, like here, where I’d say probably maybe as much as fortyper cent of the people drive here, as opposed to the local residents.There’s people who walk here who live up the other end of the lake,and they walk down here. In the city, you’ve got parking problems, andthe Lord Mayor etc wants to keep cars out the city, so build moreplaces like this, out of the city, but maintain them.

Lyn: They’re trying to encourage people into the Roma StreetParklands, but where do you park?

(General discussion about the lack of parking at Roma StreetParklands)

Lyn: My son-in-law said to keep away from it.

Researcher: And why did he say that, Lyn?

Lyn: Apparently he had to walk through there one day. He had to goand meet some clients, and he said that it’s a place to keep out of.

Beth: I read in the Courier-Mail that there is in excess of more than onehundred people living in the Botanical Gardens.

Researcher: They just sleep there, do they?

(General discussion about the homeless in the Botanical Gardens)

Researcher: Do many people use that children’s playground?

Allen: Weekends mainly.

Researcher: A weekend thing. What about tables, and chairs andshelter…is there enough of that around here?

Beth: I’d like to see some cover…shade…to give us a bit of shade.

Lyn: Over some of the tables…yes. That would be nice.


Allen: It’s amazing what damage the vandals can do to the furniture.

Researcher: I think they test themselves against the furniture…youknow.

Allen: I could test the furniture against them – that would beappropriate.

(General discussion about a good, solid all-timber bench located on theother side of the lake that was destroyed by vandals over a period ofabout three weeks)

Jeff: I wouldn’t move into a house over there. (Pointing to the otherside of the lake)

Researcher: Why wouldn’t you move into a house over there?

Jeff: Well, what does that sign say, “no swimming, no diving, nofishing”, and yet, we’re on the school holidays now, and you’ll findtwenty or thirty lads over there even riding their bikes in off the jetty.

Researcher: They’ll ride the bike in, and take the bike for a swim?

Jeff: Yeah…they’re there every day brawling and shouting.

(General discussion about the noisy lads who swim in the lake)

Mike: There was a meeting for those who live around the perimeter ofthe lake. People were asked who was prepared to pay for securityaround the lake.

(Further discussion about the vandals at night-time, who are soberduring the day. It is said that because they are drunk at night, theycause a nuisance. In addition, they do not put their rubbish in the bin.Further discussion about dogs and picking up after them. Facilities fordog care are available at the lake, and horses sometimes walk aroundthe lake too. Then Paul and Jeff and Mike have to leave the discussionto continue to walk their little dogs, which are becoming restless)

Researcher: Have you all done your walks already?

Beth: Neville and Lyn have. I can’t walk at the moment…I’ve done myknee. I’ve got another five days to go. Then I’ll walk again.

Researcher: And you two have done your walk? [To Allen and Sue]


Allen: We were up bright and early this morning. We were back homeat five-to-six. You know, this time of year it gets very warm, veryquickly, and it’s lovely to get out early. I sometimes look at the clockwhen I think that there’s a lot to do, and I think, “Wow, we’ve done anawful lot and it’s half-past-seven.”

Researcher: Yeah. It is half-past-seven, and it’s a cool day.

Lyn: It’s starting to get hot now.

(General discussion about the need for daylight saving in Queensland)

Researcher: So, you still walk in winter? You all walk in winter?

Sue: We have a nice time in winter.

Beth: We walk a bit later in winter.

Researcher: What time would you walk then?

Beth: About seven, seven-thirty.

Researcher: And what stops you walking in the wet…just the rain.

Allen: We bring an umbrella.

Lyn: If it’s pelting down we don’t…not if it’s a big storm.

Beth: If the rain’s pelting down, you tend to have an accident. But if it’slight rain, you just bring an umbrella.

Researcher: That’s all you need in the light rain…yeah. And it’s verycool in winter too, isn’t. So, there is no more reason to slip (fall) insummer than winter.

Beth: You’ve just got to be careful.

Researcher: And, so do you all like walking? I mean, like, you’d reallymiss it if you never walked?

Allen: There are some days I wouldn’t miss it (chuckles) But, basicallyI think I enjoy it. I know it is good for you, and I feel good if I keep upmy walking.

Neville: I never walked in me life.

Researcher: Mm…but you were told to walk by your doctor, Neville.


Neville: I was told by me doctor.

Researcher: Has anybody else been told to walk? [By their doctor]

Beth: I’ve been told to walk all me life.

Researcher: All your life Beth? Get a wriggle-on, was it? (Laughing)

Beth: I didn’t feel I had to walk; I was busy with the kids.

(General discussion about running around after kids and grandchildren)

Lyn: The thing is, as you get older, and you stop work, you retire andstuff, the old saying, “Use it or lose it”, is very, very true. It’s very true,and you’ve got to keep active. If you keep active…youknow…otherwise you sit in a chair and wait to die – don’t you?

Allen: Yep...exactly.

Lyn: And there’s more to life than…and you’ll die a lot quicker, youknow.

Researcher: Do you find you get stiff, Lyn? Do your joints get stiff ifyou don’t walk Lyn?

Lyn: No…I’m pretty lucky that way…not at the moment. Yes, I’m prettylucky.

Researcher: I’m younger than all of you and I think I should walk allthe time. Is there anything else anybody would like to add to this[conversation]? You never walk around the ordinary streets at all – youjust find it too messy [difficult]?

Neville: I do.

Researcher: You walk around the streets when you’re not walkinghere, because you’ve just got to keep walking?

Beth: And we look at the new houses being built.(General discussion about the amount of walking required for censusworkers collecting forms)

Allen: I had no idea how steep the hills were in Durack.(This led to a discussion about stairs at the front and back of houses)

Researcher: So, you avoid steps and steep hills wherever you are? Isthat right? So, that’s why walking here is good?


Beth: Yeah.

Researcher: But there’s still a bit of a slope here, isn’t there?

Sue: There’s enough to make it interesting.

Lyn: That’s right, yeah.

Beth: It’s a bit of a challenge. [An enjoyable challenge]

(General agreement from other participants)

Lyn: They’re just little rises.

Allen: It’s gradual, as opposed to being very steep.

Neville: I often wonder about all the soakage getting into all theseplaces here from the lake.

(General discussion about the concrete around the lake and somecracking to the concrete surround, probably due to a dredge used atone time in the lake)

Allen: I find it frustrating that these things [dredging/building works] arehappening to the lake. We get a local newsletter thing, and it would benice to know that this is happening, and that this is planned.

Researcher: Is this a Council thing?

Allen: I presume so. We presume lots of things because nobody tellsus.

Researcher: So, it is as if the Council is not keeping in touch with thelocal people as much as it could.

Lyn: True.

The tape ends with a general discussion about those areas of the lakeenvironment that have been taken over by the Council, and have notbeen kept as well as Delfin (the developer) previously kept them.Participants stated that local people were caring for the area now, “anddoing the Council’s job”. Participants stated that there is an obviousdifference between those areas of the lake environment that Councilnow maintains compared with the higher standard achieved by Delfin.

END OF TAPE

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