on brexit views from greece

8/16/2019 On Brexit Views from Greece

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WHY BREXIT?

A MESSAGE FROM TROIKA OCCUPIED GREECE

The EU's regime o o!e" #or$ers i" %&!i&( &"$ goo$s h&s me&" !ro$)%e rom

&ro)"$ he *or($ (oo$e$ Gree+ m&r+es, $esro-i"g &(( i"$ige"o)s !ro$)%io"o he !oi" o m&+i"g i e.i"%/

01 A!ri( 0234

“It became necessary to destroy the village in order to save it”.

5A" Ameri%&" Ge"er&( &er he $esr)%io" o he 6ie"&mese 6i((&ge Be" Tre

Aer &rri7i"g si. -e&rs &go i" M&- 0232, he Troi+& 8IMF,EU, ECB9 oo+ )((

%o"ro( o he Gree+ e%o"om- o &((ege$(- s&7e he %o)"r- rom #&"+r)!%-,

#) i" re&(i- #&"+r)!e$ he !eo!(e, #- s&7i"g he E)ro:o"e/ Aer he US's&+e 'W&r o" Terror' *hi%h (&)"%he$ g(o#&( i"er7e"io"s i" Agh&"is&" &"$ he

Ar *or($, he e.!(osio" o he Gree+ %risis &"$ he e"s)i"g oreig" e%o"omi%

s)!er7isio" *&s re;)ire$ o s&7e he Gree+ e%o"om- #- $esro-i"g i/

I here e7er *&s &" &rg)me" *h- Bre.i is "e%ess&r- i %&" #e o)"$ i" he

e.!erie"%e o Gree%e/ A sm&(( o)ris5#&se$ &gri%)()r&( e%o"om-, o" he

!eri!her- o E)ro!e, Gree%e


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$e# &re se i" o"$o" *hi%h %o"r&7e"es he "&io"&( so7ereig"- o Gree%e

&"$ is %o"si)io"/

I" he (o"ges re%essio" i" !e&%eime@s hisor- o &"- semi5$e7e(o!e$ s&e "o*

goi"g i"o is h -e&r, here h&s #ee" "o (e )! i" &)seri- &"$ %)s/ Wiho)

&%)&((- #ei"g i" & re&( *&r, o7er 12+ Gree+s h&7e so &r %ommie$ s)i%i$e,

$e&hs si"%e 0233 "o* o7er&+e #irhs, s%hoo(%hi($re" &i" i" s%hoo(s rom

m&(")riio", &"$ o7er 2 o &(( hos!i&( &%i(iies h&7e #ee" %)/ Tho)s&"$s

&re home(ess &"$ he o"(- re&( #oomi"g i"$)sries &re go($ s&(es o mo"e-

(&)"$erers, so)! +i%he"s, &(o"gsi$e #)rg(&ries *ih & m&ssi7e i"%re&se #oh i"

$omesi% &"$ im!ore$ !rosi)io"/ Des!ie 7oi"g i" & "e* go7er"me" i"

023, &(( is mo$es !ro!os&(s o e"s)ri"g he )"em!(o-e$ h&$ some orm o

i"%ome *ih ho)si"g #e"ei "e7er e7er &rri7e$/ A !rese", &%%or$i"g o

E)ros& s&isi%s, 00/4 o he Gree+ !o!)(&io" is #e(o* he oi%i&( !o7er-

(i"e, he (&rges !er%e"&ge i" &"- E)ro:o"e s&e, *hi(s 422,222 %hi($re" &re

#e(o* he !o7er- (i"e, &%%or$i"g o UICEF/ 3 o g(o#&( U %e(e#riies or

Gree+ MPs h&7e 7isie$ &"- o he o7e/ Re&( !o7er- $oes"' se((/

I" he re&(ms o r&$e )"io" righs e7er-hi"g h&s #ee" ri!!e$ &!&r, rom he

righ o sri+e 8re)r" o 3=2's )"& (&*s #&""i"g sri+es i" meros, e&%hers,

se&&rers e%/9, righs o %om!e"s&io" $)e o #ei"g ire$, he g)i"g o &((

*or+5#&se$ !e"sio" s%hemes &"$ &%)&( !e"sio" !&-me"s, &"$ he m&ss &rri7&(

o o)r ho)r(- !&r ime %o"r&%s *ih $iere"i&e$ r&es o !&- $e!e"$i"g o"

&ge/ The mi"im)m *&ge h&s #ee" re$)%e$ #- 12 o &ro)"$ 22 e)ro or hose)"$er 0, &"$ mos #osses, o &7oi$ "&io"&( i"s)r&"%e %o"ri#)io"s, !&-

&ro)"$ & hir$ o h& )"$er he (e/ A S-ri:& MP Mihe(ogi&""&+is s&i$ h&

re&( )"em!(o-me" is !ro#(- &ro)"$ 2 &"$ "o he oi%i&( 0, &s m&"-

(e&7e o"%e heir )"em!(o-me" !&- is o7er 8!&i$ or o"(- 4 mo"hs9 si"%e here

is "o !oi" i" h&7i"g &" )"em!(o-e$ s&)s/ 0

B&"+s 5 )se$ o #e 31, &re "o* $o*" o s-semi% o"es, &"$ &re (i"+e$ $ire%(-

o he ECB/ There@s "o more &" &gri%)()r&( #&"+ &"$ here is 122 #i((io" e)ro

i" #&"+ #&i(o)s/ This is he EU's !ro!os&( i" reso(7i"g he %risis, %e"r&(isi"g

mo"e- i" e*er &"$ e*er i"si)io"s &"$ i"ro$)%i"g %&!i&( %o"ro(s i" &"&((ege$ si"g(e %)rre"%- *ih "o* "eg&i7e i"eres r&es i" Br)sse(s #) 0

i"eres i" he mos e%o"omi%&((- $e7&s&e$ e%o"om- o he EU/ o&"s &"$

morg&ges &re "o* & $re&m o he !&s &"$ e%o"omi% &%i7i- is so $ire, h&

#&reri"g h&s re)r"e$ i" %er&i" !&rs o he e%o"om- &s h&s & "o"5!&-me"

%risis or m&"- *or+ers/ 22,222 (o&"s &re i" he re$ &"$ he Troi+& o" #eh&( o

he #&"+sers h&s #ee" !)shi"g or m&ss re!ossessio"s/ I@s


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U"$er erms o s)%%essi7e #&i(o)s 8*hi%h &re


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h&7e #ee" s&7e$ #- s)%%essi7e go7er"me"s )si"g & *i" r&%+ &!!ro&%h 8rio

!o(i%e &&%+s &"$ #&""i"g o sri+es9/ H&7i"g #ee" $ire%(- i" %o"ro( he

Troi+& h&s re7e&(e$ he &%)&( )(( "eo(i#er&( "&)re o he EU i" & !erio$ o

%&!i&(is $e%(i"e/ I *i(( so! & "ohi"g o er&$i%&e #&si% $emo%r&i% righs &

he *or+!(&%e/

Whe" Gree+s o%%)!ie$ heir s;)&res i" he s!ri"g5s)mmer o 0233, he rio

!o(i%e re!e&e$(- #&o" %h&rge$ hem &"$ $ro!!e$ so m)%h e&rg&s i" he *ho(e

o %e"r&( Ahe"s h& o"e %o)($ sme(( i or $&-s/ Dis!ers&( o &(( (egiim&e

!roess #- rio !o(i%e )si"g mo#i(e e&r g&s %h&rges, s)" gre"&$es &"$ #&o"

%h&rges h&s #ee" he "orm )"$er he Troi+&/

A(( he &rg)me"s i" Gree%e #- he go7er"me"s i" !o*er h&7e #ee" o %om!&re

he %o)"r- *ih B)(g&ri& &"$ o &rg)e h& Gree+s &re si(( #eer o/ Go"e &re

he $&-s o &(+i"g o) S*e$ish s-(e s&"$&r$s o (i7i"g 8(i+e he- $i$ $)ri"ghe 3=>2s9/ Re)r"i"g o re%o7er- is s)%h &


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Endnotes

3/ UICEF ig)res h!LLgree%e/gree+re!orer/%omL0231L2L01L)"i%e54222225

%hi($re"5#e(o*5!o7er-5(i"e5i"5gree%eL

0/ S+&i T6 33&m h A!ri(1/ eo(i#er&( Pe"sio"s i" er& o EU h!sLLgi&"&(-i%s/orgL2>5roi+&5s5*&r5o"5

ho)si"g5gree+5home(ess"ess5goes5m&i"sre&m

/ESTAT Gree+ s&isi% ser7i%e 422+ Gree+s h&7e emigr&e$

h!LLo$os$r&%hmis/#(ogs!o/grL0234L2L422222543>/hm(?s!reN#

/ 'Ko"r&' "e*s!&!er !/, 3=h A!ri(, 0234

4/ 42,222 Gree+ #)si"esses re(o%&e o B)(g&ri&

h!LLe)/gree+re!orer/%omL023L30L01L422225gree+5irms5re(o%&e5o5#)(g&ri&L/ Ho* he IMF #ro+e Gree%e E-e*i"ess Re!ors

h!sLL***/%re&es!&%e/%omL12244


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What is at stake in the Britishreferendum[1]

TAKIS FOTOPOULOS (010!"01#$

The struggle in Britain between those fighting for Brexit and those fighting

against it is a very unequal struggle.

The two sides in the struggle

On the one side there are the entire Transnational and British elites, i.e. theentire network of economic, political and media elites which run the Neworld Order of Neoliberal !lobali"ation# from the Nobel $aureateObama, who managed to bomb % countries in the first & years of hispresidency, to the transnational economic and political elites, such as thebusiness federations of !ermany, 'rance, (pain, the Netherlands and

Business)urope * representing organisations in + )uropean countries -which oined the /01s 2B3 to argue that )/ membership is an importantfactor in maintaining and attracting investment to the /0.

The reason the elites are fighting so hard against Brexit is because theyknow that a victory for Brexit could set in motion a domino effect that coulddemolish the )/. This is particularly the case now that an anti4)/ tsunami isblowing all over )urope, both in the (outh and in the North. 5 Brexit couldset in motion forces that could lead to the dismantling of the elites1 entireglobali"ation plan, which involves firstly the effective abolition of economic

and national sovereignty within economic unions like the )/ and, secondly,the unification of such unions through deals like the Transatlantic Trade and3nvestment 6artnership 7TT368, which puts at risk even the N9( - the maorsocial achievement of the post4war period. The end result of all this maywell be that, soon afterwards, poor Britons suffer the same fate as that of poor 5mericans, who now have the same life expectancy as the (udaneseaccording to a very recent study:;


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the /(, if not 2hina and 3ndia. This is what people in !reece, 6ortugal, (painand now throughout 'rance as well, are resisting.

(o, what is really at stake is the economic and national sovereignty of the)uropean peoples, not the democrati"ation of )urope, as its @$eftA

supporters assert in a very disorienting way.;&= Hemocracy presupposespeople1s sovereignty, and this sovereignty cannot be secured at the)uropean level. The people1s sovereignty can only be secured at the locallevel. )uropean sovereignty simply means the sovereignty of the unelectedeconomic and political elites running the )/, or at most, the more powerfulcountries within it. 'urthermore, democracy presupposesthe e%&n&mi% sovereignty of the people, i.e. their power to determine theirown monetary and fiscal policy, as well as control of their country1sresources, in a sovereign way. But this right disappears as soon as a countryoins the )/, or even worse, the )uro"one.

Towards a Democratic Community of Sovereign Nations[7]

'inally, from the point of view of the $eft, which is supposedly fighting forradical social change, such change is impossible in a globali"ed worldwithout economic and national sovereignty. hat we therefore need inBritain, in )urope and in the world as a whole, is to start building 6opular'ronts for National and (ocial $iberation 76'N($8, in every country which isintegrated into the New orld Order. (uch fronts would fight for therecovery of national and economic sovereignty and the self4reliance of each

country, in their struggle for the creation of a new democratic world orderbased on the values of solidarity and mutual aid, rather than the principle of competitiveness which has led to the present record level of inequality inthe distribution of wealth and income throughout the world, as well as to anecological disaster. (uch a process of recovery would necessarily involve thecreation of an alternative pole of sovereign self4reliant nations, and Brexit isa precondition for this.

O' TO T) ST*U++L),

;I= This brief text is based on Takis 'otopoulos1 solidarity statement for the ay


9/52

;+= olfgang unchau, @The revenge of globali"ation1s losersA, FinancialTimes, KI

;G= 5lan Eohnson on the )/ referendum# Ce1ve got the best lyrics, but we1re stillstruggling for a tune1 , The Guardian,


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BREXIT A TALE OF TO O!TIO"# $OR %T A TRO%A"

'OR#E FOR TTI!( !ART O"E

Aer Fr&"%e, Ire(&"$ &"$ Gree%e *here reere"$)m res)(s *ere eiher ig"ore$

or o7er)r"e$, i is "o* Bri&i"@s )r" o 7oe/

12 M&r%h 0234

Whe" i %omes o EU Reere"$)ms "ohi"g %&" #e &+e" & &%e 7&()e/ The-

migh o%%)r #) he res)( is )s)&((- he e.&% o!!osie o *h& he !eo!(e 7oe$

or/ Aer Fr&"%e, Ire(&"$ &"$ Gree%e *here reere"$)m res)(s *ere eiher

ig"ore$ or o7er)r"e$, i is "o* Bri&i"@s )r" o 7oe/ The o)%ome %&""o #e

$eermi"e$ rom "o* #) e7e" i Bre.i o%%)rs he res)( %o)($ #e & %&se o o)

o he r-i"g !&" i"o he ire/ This !o(ii%&( %(&ss, his !o(ii%&( ge"er&io"hro)gho) E)ro!e is %orr)! #e-o"$ &"-hi"g &"-o"e %&" im&gi"e/

O"(- o"e %o)"r- e7er go o) i" o"e !ie%e rom he EU Gree"(&"$/ A"$ is

oreig" !o(i%- *&s si(( %o"ro((e$ #- De"m&r+/ Ohers 8s)%h &s or*&-9 h&7e

h&$ o 7oe more h&" o"%e "o o


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*ih %o"i"e"&( E)ro!e o"(- #e%&)se E)ro!e@s !ere""i&( ;)esio" h&s &(*&-s

#ee" is )"ii%&io", &"$ he me&"s o &%hie7e h& h&7e &(*&-s so &r (e$ o &

mi(i&r- so()io" 8Rom&" Em!ire, &!o(eo", WW3 0, EU9/ The &% h& he

UK &%;)ire$ &er Fr&"%e he (&rges g(o#&( em!ire )"$er %&!i&(ism g&7e i

i"$e!e"$e"%e rom %o"i"e"&( E)ro!e &"$ & ro(e *hi%h %om!ei"gim!eri&(isms &s!ire$ o em)(&e/ Whi(s )"i-i"g he !(&"e )"$er is %o(o"i&(

erms i "e7er h&$ & re&so" o )"i- E)ro!e, #) hose em)(&i"g Bri&i"@s rise o

& g(o#&( s)!er!o*er, h&7i"g (os he sr)gg(e or he $i7isio" o he !(&"e,

%o)($ "o #) &&%+ he so)r%e o heir $ee& he em!ire & home/Th)s, *e

*ere (e$ o WW3/

Aer WW0 &"$ he !rese" s&es o he EU, $iere" "&io"s, *ih

$iere" hisories, &"$ i" !&ri%)(&r $iere" (&"g)&ges/ To i"egr&e &(( hese

i"o & si"g(e s&e e"i- (i+e he EU !ree"$s o $o i" he EU #)re&)%r&%- #-

r&"s(&i"g &(( $o%)me"s i" o"(- o)r (&"g)&ges, is #e-o"$ s)r$, &s "&io"s

*ere"@ &s+e$ *heher he- *&" o #e er&se$ i" s)%h & m&""er, "or sho)($ he-

#e/

The !ro


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hir$ ime &"$ i (oo+s (i+e he- &re goi"g o*&r$s & &s5r&%+ &!!ro&%h )si"g

errorism@ &s he e.%)se o &s5or*&r$ he !ro%ess 7i& e.e"$e$ s&e o

emerge"%ies *hi%h irs s&re$ i" Fr&"%e, &re "o* e.e"$e$ o Be(gi)m, &"$

soo" !ro#(- *i(( #e *hee(e$ o) i" m&"- more s&es/

As e"i" o#ser7e$ From he s&"$!oi" o he e%o"omi% %o"$iio"s o

im!eri&(ismi/e/, he e.!or o %&!i&( &"$ he $i7isio" o he *or($ #- he

&$7&"%e$Q &"$ %i7i(ise$Q %o(o"i&( !o*ers& U"ie$ S&es o E)ro!e, )"$er

%&!i&(ism, is eiher im!ossi#(e or re&%io"&r-/Qii

, and -

Germ&" im!eri&(ism h&7i"g (os he g(o#&( s%r&m#(e or %o(o"ies o Fr&"%e &"$

Bri&i" e"g&ge$ i" & *&r *ih hem o &%;)ire is %o(o"ies &"$ & he s&me ime

)"ie E)ro!e )"$er is (e&$ershi!/ I !&i$ & he&7- !ri%e or his i" 6ers&i((es

*here i *&s h)mi(i&e$ &"$ (os more h&" *h& i h&$ #eore he *&r/ O"%e

&g&i", & %o)!(e o $e%&$es (&er, he s&me e7e" is &+i"g !(&%e, #) his ime

*ih Fr&"%e o"#o&r$/ The irs *o &em!s *ere mi(i&r- !ro


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The Briish *ho esse"i&((- #e%&me Ameri%&@s %o)"se( i" heir rise o g(o#&(

(e&$ershi! he(!e$ s!iri o) 1r$ Rei%h &:is rom Germ&"- &"$ i"&)g)r&e$ &

%i7i( *&r i" Gree%e &s & #()e!ri" rom *hi%h &(( he !os5%o(o"i&( %o"(i%s

*o)($ $e7e(o! 8A(geri&, Ke"-&, C-!r)s e%/9, rehi(i&i"g o!e"(- Hi(er@s

1r$

Rei%h %o((or&ors &"$ h)"i"g $o*" &"$ +i((i"g Gree+ &"i5&:i !&ris&"s&"$ heir (e&$er Aris 6e(o)hiois/iii The Briish he" h&"$e$ o7er he rei"s o

he US, *ho i"&)g)r&e$ rom Ahe"s he Co($ W&r Tr)m&" Do%ri"e *hi(e

"&!&(mi"g !&ris&"s i" mo)"&i"s/ The 1 r$ Rei%h $i$"@ $ie, i rem&i"e$ $orm&"

)"i( i mor!he$ i"o he h *hi%h is *h& h&!!e"e$ o!e"(- &er he W&(( Sree

%r&sh o 022L>/ There is &(so some e7i$e"%e h& he 1 r$Rei%h !(&""e$ he

%re&io" o he h 53=42, he Ameri%&" Commiee o" U"ie$ E)ro!e *&s %re&e$/ Is

%(e&r &im *&s o h&7e Ameri%& %o"ro( he E)ro!e&" "&io"5s&es, %e"r&(ise !ro$)%io" &"$ $isri#)io", &"$ (i"+ hem $ire%(- *ih *h& *&s o%%)rri"g i"

he USA/7 A *ho(e series o Tre&ies h&7e o%%)rre$

• Br)sse(s Tre&- 3=>

• P&ris Tre&- 3=0

• Mo$iie$ Br)sse(s Tre&- o 3=

• Tre&- o Rome 3=>

• The merger o Tre&ies i" 3=4 8his *&s %&((e$ he Commo" M&r+e or

he E)ro!e&" E%o"omi% Comm)"i- 8EEC99/

• The M&&sri%h Tre&- o 3==0 h& (&i$ he re&( o)"$&io" so"es o he

EU

• Amser$&m Tre&- 3==

• The i%e Tre&- o 0221

• The Tre&- o is#o" h& *&s sig"e$ #- he EU mem#er s&es o" 31

De%em#er 022, &"$ e"ere$ i"o or%e o" 3 De%em#er 022=

3=1 Cr&sh

The 6ie"&m W&r &"$ he %r&sh h& o((o*e$ %re&e$ %o"$iio"s *here#-

Ameri%& i"sig&e$ ro)"$ (e $is%)ssio"s o %oor$i"&e i"$)sri&( !o(i%- *ihhe E)ro!e&" %o)"ries i" *h& *ere he US5EEC B)si"essme"@s Co"ere"%es

%h&ire$ #- he UK/ Bri&i" *&s &(*&-s Ameri%&@s #ri$ge o E)ro!e &"$ $es!ie

"o !h-si%&((- &+i"g !&r i" 6ie"&m, he ormer h&$ &$7isors here/7i

Thro)gho) he 3=2@s &"$ &er he %o((&!se o he US $o((&r &"$ he !os5*&r

Breo" Woo$s s-sem, Bri&i" *&s $ee!(- i"7o(7e$ *ih he A(&"i%is %o($

*&r &ge"$&, !)shi"g or e"r- i"o he EEC, #ei"g &%%e!e$ i" 3=1, &"$ he"

r&i-i"g his &greeme" i" & Reere"$)m i" 3=/

https://gianalytics.org/638-brexit-a-tale-of-two-options-or-just-a-us-trojan-horse-for-ttip-part-one#_edn3https://gianalytics.org/638-brexit-a-tale-of-two-options-or-just-a-us-trojan-horse-for-ttip-part-one#_edn4https://gianalytics.org/638-brexit-a-tale-of-two-options-or-just-a-us-trojan-horse-for-ttip-part-one#_edn5https://gianalytics.org/638-brexit-a-tale-of-two-options-or-just-a-us-trojan-horse-for-ttip-part-one#_edn6https://gianalytics.org/638-brexit-a-tale-of-two-options-or-just-a-us-trojan-horse-for-ttip-part-one#_edn3https://gianalytics.org/638-brexit-a-tale-of-two-options-or-just-a-us-trojan-horse-for-ttip-part-one#_edn4https://gianalytics.org/638-brexit-a-tale-of-two-options-or-just-a-us-trojan-horse-for-ttip-part-one#_edn5https://gianalytics.org/638-brexit-a-tale-of-two-options-or-just-a-us-trojan-horse-for-ttip-part-one#_edn6


14/52

I *&s &" iro"- o hisor- h& he #igges r&$e )"io", he TGWU, &"$ he

m&2@s &"$ 3==2@s &"$ *i(( #e &"&(-se$

i" P&r T*o/

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S2EhMX1OXLYhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S2EhMX1OXLY


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i h!sLL***/m&r.iss/orgL&r%hi7eL(e"i"L*or+sL3=3L&)gL01/hm

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& se%re meei"g & he M&iso" Ro)ge Hoe( i" Sr&s#o)rg o" A)g)s 32, 3=/

There, &:i oi%i&(s or$ere$ &" e(ie gro)! o Germ&" i"$)sri&(iss o !(&" or

Germ&"-'s !os5*&r re%o7er-, !re!&re or he &:is' re)r" o !o*er &"$ *or+ or & 'sro"g Germ&" em!ire'/ I" oher *or$s he Fo)rh Rei%h/Re&$

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16/52

BREXIT A TALE OF TO O!TIO"#$ OR A TRO%A" 'OR#E FOR

TTI!( !ART TO

Bre.i oers ho!e i" $esro-i"g he !ro%ess, #) here is "o g)&r&"ee h& &

e&7e 7oe *i(( #e im!(eme"e$ #&se$ o" !&s !erorm&"%e o EU 7oes/

3 A!ri( 0234

#ingle E*ro+ean Act and the 1yth o) 2#ocial E*ro+e3

The SEA 8Si"g(e E)ro!e&" A%9 &"$ is m&r+ei"g &"g(e 8De(ors@ !(&" or &

So%i&( E)ro!e9 esse"i&((- so($ he %o"%e! o & Big B)si"ess reorm o he EEC

#- !&-i"g (i! ser7i%e o (o)r righs &"$ s&"$&r$s &%ross he EU/ I" re&(i-, i

se he o)"$&io"s o e"s)re & r&%e o he #oom *&s %o$iie$ i" EU (&*i/

)s &s he origi"&( EEC *&s so($ o Bri&i" &s & *&- o r&isi"g (o)r s&"$&r$s

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17/52

&"$ $emo%r&%- 8*or+ %o)"%i(s *ere !romise$ o Briish (o)r #) i"se&$ i go

m&ss s&%+i"gs &"$ !ri7&is&io"s i" he %&r, see( &"$ %o&( i"$)sries9, "o* he

SEA *&s o)e$ &s & so()io" o Germ&"-@s e%o"omi% !ro#(ems &"$ &(( he

reg)(&io"s *ere $r&e$ #- mi"isries o Th&%her &"$ Koh(/ I %o$iie$, i" &

!&"5E)ro!e&" (e7e(, "eo(i#er&(ism/ This me&"s "o s&e s)!!or i" )i(i-,r&"s!or, r&i(, ro&$, !os&( ser7i%es or %omm)"i%&io", *ih he &im o

!ri7&i:i"g e$)%&io" &"$ he&(h, i/e/ he ro((#&%+ o he !os *&r %o"se"s)s o

)(( em!(o-me" &"$ s&e "&io"&(is&io"s/

Wh& esse"i&((- o%%)rre$ *&s he %re&io" o (&rge !ri7&e mo"o!o(ies *hose

i"r&sr)%)re &"$ or$er #oo+s h&$ mos(- #ee" )"$e$ #- he s&e o e&%h

%o)"r-, i/e/ he *or+i"g &.!&-er/ Whi(e Germ&" i"$)sri&( irms, Fre"%h )i(i-

%om!&"ies, &gri#)si"ess &"$ Bri&i"@s i"&"%i&( i"$)sr- g&i"e$ hro)gho) his

!erio$, Bri&i" *&s & he %)i"g e$ge o )rher e.!&"$i"g he "eo(i#er&( "&)reo he EU &"$ o"e %&" &rg)e h& i h&s "e7er sr&-e$ rom his !&h/ B- &((egi"g

(o)r s&"$&r$s *ere o #e m&i"&i"e$, he SEA *&s so($ o Germ&" &"$

Fre"%h *or+ers &"$ he Briish TUC 8Tr&$e U"io" Co"gress9 &$o!e$ hem #)

i" re&(i-, he Bris &"$ he Germ&"s %re&e$ &" EU i" heir !&s im&ge & "e7er

e.!&"$i"g, &(( $e7o)ri"g %or!or&e Em!ire h& *o)($ o"(- res *he" i oo+

o7er he !(&"e/

1aastricht and Lisbon Treaties

The Si"g(e E)ro!e&" A% *hi%h *&s !romoe$ &"$ i"sig&e$ #- Th&%her h&$o #e so($ i" Bri&i"/ M&&sri%h e"shri"e$ i" EU (&* he %ore i7e ree$oms o

he EU ree$om o mo7eme", ser7i%es, %&!i&(, (o)r &"$ #)si"ess/ A(mos

o)r o) o e7er- i7e (&*s em&"&e rom Br)sse(s &"$ he Tre&- o is#o",

*hi%h esse"i&((- )r"e$ he EU i"o & S)!ers&e/ Whe" Ire(&"$ $i$"@ &gree i

h&$ o 7oe *i%e o ge he Vrigh res)(/ I" hisori%&( erms "&io" s&es &re

$e)"% &"$ &(( he g&i"s o he #o)rgeois $emo%r&i% re7o()io"s &g&i"s he

&)o%r&%- i" Fr&"%e, Bri&i", e%/ h&7e #ee" hro*" o) o he *i"$o*/ O"e s&e

%&""o )"$o he $e%isio"s o he oher 0/ There is "o %h&"%e i" & mi((io" -e&rs

*e *o)($ h&7e 0> s&es i" )(( &greeme" &g&i"s he "eo(i#er&( or$er/

The EU i" is !rese" orm &"$ 7i& is sr)%)res, &(mos &(( o *hi%h &re

)"e(e%(e &"$ &!!oi"e$ i" he mo$er" e;)i7&(e" o G&)(ieers, is & o!5$o*"

e"i- *hose %e"r&( %ore is &"i5so%i&(ism, !ro5#ig #)si"ess &"$ )(r&5

re&%io"&r-/ The e7e")&( &im is o"e *or($ %)rre"%- &"$ o"e *or($ go7er"me"

&"$ i is his &im he g(o#&(is e(ies *or+ or i" E)ro!e &"$ i" e&%h !&r- h&

h&s re!rese"&io" i" "&io"&( P&r(i&me"s/ &io"&( so7ereig"- "o (o"ger e.iss

&"$ he $emo%r&i% righ o e(e%i"g go7er"me"s h& go &g&i"s Br)sse(s@ r)(es

8m&. 42 !)#(i% $e#, i"(&io" "o more h&" 3/ o E)ro &7er&ge, "&io"&(

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18/52

S-ri:& i" Gree%e, *hi%h *&s greee$ *ih "o %h&"ge *h&soe7er i" e%o"omi%

!o(i%- oher h&" V)rher &)seri-/

2British %obs )or British or4ers3The e(e%io" o B(&ir i" 3== &"$ he o!e"i"g o Bri&i"@s #or$ers 7i& s)$e"

immigr&io" rom "o"5EU %o)"ries, &s *e(( &s #ei"g irs o &%%e! he E&s

E)ro!e&" A%%essio" s&es i" 022, me&" h& #- 022 B(&ir@s i"&"%e (e&$er

&"$ s)#se;)e" PM, Bro*", %ir%)(&e$ he !se)$o !roe%io"is &"$ "&io"&(is

s(og&" Briish o#s or Briish Wor+ers@ o r- o &rres he h&emorrh&gi"g o

s)!!or o he o)r P&r- rom Bri&i"@s i"$)sri&(L!os5i"$)sri&( he&r(&"$s,

*here & s!(i"er rom he Tor- !&r- s&re$ o g&i" & o((o*i"g 8UKIP9/ There

"e7er *&s &"- i"e"io" i" !rioriisi"g %o)"ries h&7e


19/52

&re i", -o) s&"$ "o %h&"%e &s he- *i(( &+e he e%o"om- i" he $ire%io" he-

see i &"$ $esi(ise %)rre"%ies o heir &$7&"&ge/

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I he" *e" o & high he -e&rs &er he W&(( S/ Cr&sh re&%hi"g &(mos 3 E)ro

o 3// This !ro%ess h&$ o #e &rrese$, so & sm&(( %risis i" & sm&(( s&e o he

EU, i/e/ Gree%e *ih (ess h&" 0 o EU GDP, h&$ o #e m&g"iie$ #e-o"$ &((

!ro!orio"/ The %risis h&$ o go ")%(e&r o s&7e he Do((&r &"$ "o oher %o)"r-

i" he EU &%e$ 252 %om#i"e$ *&ge &"$ !e"sio" %)s *ih oi%i&(

)"em!(o-me" goi"g rom 33 o 0> *hi(s )"oi%i&((- & &ro)"$ 152

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%o)"ries, (e$ o he o!!osie $e7e(o!me" or he UK/ I "o* #e%&me & s&e

h&7e" or mo"e- (&)"$eri"g r&%+es rom &(( he E)ro %o)"ries/ M&ssi7e

&mo)"s o mo"e- rom Gree%e, I&(-, S!&i", e%/ *ere i"7ese$ i" he o"$o" !ro!er- m&r+e &(o"gsi$e R)ssi&", Chi"ese &"$ oher Aro5Asi&" o(ig&r%hsi7/

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or (o)r sho hro)gh he roo/ )s &s !rior o he W&(( S/ %r&sh &"$ he

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e"s o ho)s&"$s s&re$ &rri7i"g i" he UK/

E*ro /rash Im+act on the &7 As he UK im!ors more goo$s rom E)ro!e h&" he oher *&- ro)"$ &"$ i

si(( m&i"&i"s is o*" %)rre"%- &"$ %&" !ri" mo"e- (i+e & $r)"+e" s&i(or

s!e"$i"g i o" & "igh o), i h&s #ee" (e o s)!!or & !ro!er- #&se$ e%o"omi%

#oom &(mos simi(&r i" orm i "o i" si:e *ih h& *hi%h e.ise$ &er 3==

)"i( he W&(( S/ Cr&sh o 022L>/

Bri&i" !io"eere$ he i"&"%i&(is&io" o e7er-hi"g, &$o!i"g he US W&(( S/

mo$e( *here#- *e&(h %re&io" "o (o"ger me&" %re&i"g (o"g5erm 7&()e rom

!ro$)%i7e &%i7i-, #) ge"er&i"g shor5erm 7&()e )si"g i"&"%i&( re5

e"gi"eeri"g, *hi%h *&s o"(- !ossi#(e #e%&)se o & m&ssi7e i"%re&se i" hemo"e- s)!!(- 8$e# i"&"%i"g9/ He"%e, ho)se !ri%es #e%&me & orm o %o((&er&(

i" e"s)ri"g e7er i"%re&si"g (i7i"g s&"$&r$s, *iho) he re%o)rse o higher

*&ges *hi%h h&$ rem&i"e$ esse"i&((- s&i%, *hi(e &(( oher !ri%es h&$ go"e )!

8ho)si"g, r&"s!or, )i(iies, e%/9/

Whi(s i *&s !ossi#(e o" & *or+er@s *&ge o #)- & *ho(e ho)se i" %e"r&(

o"$o" i" he 3=2s, "o* o"e *o)($ h&7e o #e & R)ssi&" o(ig&r%h *ih &

%o)!(e o mi((io" !o)"$s s!&re/ This "e* e%o"om-, !ossi#(e !rim&ri(- $)e o

Bri&i" "o &$o!i"g he E)ro &"$ &s & %o"se;)e"%e o #ei"g he "e. #es hi"g

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20/52


21/52

%or!or&io"s h& r)(e he *or($/ The *ho(e o he EU #e%omes (i+e Gree%e i"

erms o so7ereig"-/ Origi"&((- he TTIP *&s o #e %&((e$ TAFTA 5

Tr&"s&(&"i% Free Tr&$e Agreeme", #) #&$ !ress o7er AFTA me&" he- h&$

o &7oi$ h& "&me, #) is %o"e" is i$e"i%&(/7i

US !h&rm&%e)i%&( %or!or&io"s &"$ he&(h %or!or&io"s h&7e re&%he$ he (imis

o heir $omesi% m&r+e e.!&"sio"/ The- "ee$ o go e(se*here/ Bri&i" h&s

go"e )rhes $o*" he !&h o !ri7&is&io" i" #oh he &io"&( He&(h Ser7i%e

&"$ he E$)%&io" s-sem %om!&re$ *ih he res o %o"i"e"&( E)ro!e/ o

oher %o)"r- o" he !(&"e h&s so($ more h&" 2 o is %om!&"ies o

oreig"ers/7ii The UK is he g(o#&(iss@ *e $re&m/

E7er- e7e" h& o%%)rs i" m&i"(&"$ E)ro!e, rom he &((ege$ errorism i" P&ris

&"$ Br)sse(s o he &((ege$ *&r re)gees &rri7i"g i" heir mi((io"s o" he shoreso Gree%e, shis he $e#&e or Bre.i/ The S&- I" %&m!, +"o*" &s Pro


22/52

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F&r the 8/&a/ist 4Left5 that emer8ed. ne&/iera/ism 9as :ust an ide&/&83&r a d&8ma. if n&t a 4d&%trine5 im2&sed 3 uns%ru2u/&us %a2ita/ists and4ad5 free;market e%&n&mists and 2&/iti%ians ass&%iated 9ith them,;+= This is the kind of reformist $eft which takes for granted globali"ationand its institutions such as the )/, the TO, the 3' and so on 7e.g. the@$eftA of the (yri"a Ppresently presiding over the catastrophe of the !reekpeopleP and 6odemos kind8.

5lternatively, an antisystemic version of the globalist @$eftA that emerged inparallel simply waits for the overthrow of capitalism to take care of globali"ation. This is the kind of globalist @$eftA which, using the theoreticaltools of the Ith and early th centuries that were based on nation4states,attempts to analy"e a new systemic phenomenon, the NO of neoliberalglobali"ation, which implies the phasing out of national sovereignty. (o, theyfight against @imperialismA in general and wait for the overthrow of capitalism to abolish the NO institutions, despite the fact thatimperialism, in the old arxist sense of the world that they invoke, hasdisappeared together with the effective decay of the nation4state, withwhich capital was intrinsically linked in the past:

Let, had, for instance, the acceleration of the integration process startedabout I> years earlier, i.e. in I%, when a )uropean 2ommission1s reportwas still foreseeing a )uropean /nion built on @indicative planningA at thecontinental level, a very different picture of )uropean integration might hademerged. 3n fact, the )uropean 2ommission1s report was accuratelyreflecting the essence of the social4democratic consensus, which had ustbegun breaking at the time. 3ts proposal amounted to a kind of @)uropean0eynesianismA that should have replaced national 0eynesianism, which hadalready become obsolete under conditions of increasingly free movement of capital.

9owever, the collapse of the social4democratic consensus, following theflourishing of the neoliberal trend in the I?>1s 7Thatcherism, Jeaganomics,about turn of itterrand etc.8, as a result of the rise of multinationals,brushed aside the proposals for a )uropean 0eynesian strategy. Thus, the

tendency that was encouraged by the economic and political elites andeventually prevailed in the )uropean /nion was one that identifiedeconomic unification with the radical shrinking of national control oneconomic activity. 2onsequently, the )uropean /nion1s executive power hasbeen confined to creating a homogeneous institutional framework thatallowed for unimpeded entrepreneurial activity, while, simultaneously,providing for some minimal guarantees 7those compatible with theneoliberal consensus requirements8 regarding the protection of theenvironment and labor.

Thus, the agreement for the single market rested on the main neoliberalassumption that the )uropean /nion1s economies were suffering from a lack

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of @structural adustmentA, that is, from structural deficiencies due toinflexibilities of the market mechanism and barriers to free competition.(uch barriers that were mentioned in the 2ecchini Jeport,;= on which theofficial ideology of the single market rested, were the various physical,technical and fiscal barriers that were assumed to obstruct the flow of commodities, capital and labor. 5s regards the capital market in particular,freeing this market from any controls, that is, the creation of conditions forthe easy and unrestricted flow of capital between countries, was consideredto be a basic requirement in this process. This is why the abolition of allforeign exchange controls has always been considered an essential conditionfor the @(ingle )uropean market of I+A.

9owever, the most important barriers were not the ones explicitlymentioned in the Jeport, but those implied by it and, in particular, theemphasis it placed on competition. These implied barriers were the@institutionalA barriers to free competition, that had been introduced by thesocial4democratic consensus and which the agreement for the (ingle arketundertook to eliminate Pa task brought to completion by the aastrichttreaty. (uch institutional barriers were the 0eynesian type of stateinterventionism to secure full employment, the large welfare state thatcreated fiscal problems, the labor unions1 @restrictive practicesA and thepublic corporations, which did not always act on the basis of micro4economic criteria to raise economic efficiency. These barriers, as long as thedegree of internationali"ation of the )uropean economies was still relatively

low, did not have a substantial negative effect on economic growth.9owever, once the growing internationali"ation of the economy and, inparticular, the enlarged mobility of capital ceased to be compatible with theimplementation of national macro4economic policies on 0eynesian lines,their negative effect on growth became evident, as manifested by thestagflation crisis of the I%>s which hit particularly hard the )uropeaneconomies.

The aastricht treaty, therefore, simply confirmed the overtly neoliberalcharacter that the 2ommunity had begun to acquire with the (ingle arket5ct. The improvement of competitiveness was the primary goal. To this goalbelong the mechanisms that were established by the )conomic and onetary/nion 7I4>


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/nion1s economy. Thus the aim of the new institutions was obvious# tomaximi"e the freedom of organi"ed capital, the concentration of which wasfacilitated in every way 7as it was witnessed, for instance, by the mass take4overs and mergers that took place in the late I?>s in view of the singlemarket8 and to minimi"e the freedom of organi"ed labor, through any meansavailable and, particularly, through the threat of unemployment.

(o, in the interest of enhancing competitiveness, the @)uropean idealA haddegenerated into a kind of @5mericani"ed )uropeA, where luxury andextreme poverty stand side by side and the comfortable life of a minoritywas a mirror image of the marginali"ation of the rest. Britain, which was thefirst )uropean country to embark on neoliberal policies, which were thenenshrined in the aastricht Treaty, was showing at the time the future imageof )urope. Therefore, the instituti&na/ frame9&rk that 9as esta/ished in)ur&2e %&nsisted &f a m&de/ in 9hi%h the %&ntinuati&n &f 8r&9thde2ended &n a 2r&%ess &f further internati&na/iin8 its e%&n&m3. thr&u8hthe destru%ti&n &f /&%a/ e%&n&mi% se/f;re/ian%e and the %&ntinua/e-2ansi&n &f e-2&rts t& %&2e 9ith a 8r&9in8


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capital 7i.e. the )urope4based multinationals8 to effectively compete withthose based in the /(5 or the 'ar )ast. 6articularly so if we take intoaccount the fact that the latter face much weaker institutional barriers dueto the lack of a social4democratic tradition in the /nited (tates and the 'ar)ast. Today, therefore, social democracy and the globalist @$eftA in general,have, no meaning either at the national level or at the transnational level.Thus, any attempt by )uropean social democrats or globalist @$eftistsA tochange the present institutional framework, in order to radically enhancethe state1s social role, or generally to expand national sovereignty, allowingstates to impose more social controls on markets than those based in the 'ar)ast or the /(5, would simply make )uropean multinationals lesscompetitive than those based in the rest of the world and would result in amass exodus of )uropean capital.

By the same token, a new, )urope4wide kind of 0eynesianism is not feasible,unless it is going to be combined with a self4reliant growth led by a highlyprotected market economy. But, such a solution is in direct contradiction tothe NO1s logic and dynamics. 3t is exactly for this reason that the proposalsto re4negotiate the )/ treaties, in order to introduce social4democratic aimsin the )uropean /nion, are equally utopian in the negative sense of theword, if not totally disorienting, as is the case with Daroufakis1 H3)


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very essence of neoliberal globali"ationA. ;?= No wonder that despite thecatastrophic financial crisis in >?, the liberali"ation of markets, includingthe financial ones, continued unabated and many analysts already predict arepetition of a similar crisis 7only worse as far as its effects are concerned8in the near future. Let, even today, members of the globalist @$eftA repeatthe same mantra, as if nothing happened in the last quarter of a century.Thus, as onbiot put it, in a supposedly @obectiveA article on Brexit#@By instinct, like many on the left, 3 am a )uropean. 3 recogni"e that manyissues Pperhaps mostP can no longer be resolved only within our borders.5mong them are grave threats to our welfare and our lives# climate changeand the collapse of the living worldR the spread of epidemics whose vectorsare corporationsR the global wealth4grab by the very richR antibioticresistanceR terrorism and conflictA. ;=

" Wh3 B*)=IT n&9>

3n view of the above, the answer to the question 3 raised at the beginning of this article on what has changed since I%G, when the first Britishreferendum on )/ membership took place, should be obvious. )U memer;states. f&//&9in8 the e%&n&mi% inte8rati&n a%hie= as if it is possible for anycountry within the )uro"one to implement different economic policies fromthose imposed by the )uro4elites: 3t is in this sense that nation4states haveonly a formal existence today, given that their national sovereignty haswithered away within the )/. 5 clear indication of this is the fact that,according to several studies on the matter, at least &GS of domesticlegislation of )/ member states has its origin in Brussels. Thus, as a recent@definitive studyA on the British case study showed 7a country which in fact

is much less dependent on the )/ than most other member countries8, @&.%per cent of the laws introduced in the /0 since I+ either originated from

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the )uropean /nion 7)/8 or are deemed to be )/ influenced by the 9ouse of 2ommons $ibraryA. ;II=

Thus, as a British analyst aptly described the loss of sovereignty of )/members within the framework of neoliberal globali"ation#

@This is the crux of the matter, namely the sovereign right of )uropeannations to form their own policies for their own people and expect otherstates to do the same within sovereign borders 7Q8 The )uro4proect is also astudy in the implementation of a Neo4$iberal Jegime which benefits thecorporations and which has seen small businesses vapori"e from the streets.!one is the butcher, gone is the baker, gone is the greengrocer selling localproduce and in come the Big (paces which offer fabulous ! goodssmothered and charged with chemicals, deep4fro"en meat products made inDietnam, and Eapan and 6eru and Nigeria, washed with ammonia,

compressed into blocks and fro"en for years before being marketed as I>>S6rime British Beef:A ;I,>>> obs.

2learly, in case Britain was a sovereign nation it could have imposed, longago, tariffs to protect its own industry from imported steel at an impossiblylow price because of the miserable wages being paid in countries such as2hina. 3n fact, within the )/, steel production is impossible, even if theTories were prepared to nationali"e it Pwhich is of course anathema notonly to them but even to @leftA wingers like 2orbyn and the rest of the$abor party that did not even dare to raise the issue: 5s a British systemic

paper put it# @)ven if hitehall was prepared to take control of Tata1s /0steel business, )urope1s strict rules on state aid could preclude it. ember

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states are not allowed to prop up or subsidi"e uncompetitivebusinesses.A;I=

Therefore, the obs of tens of thousands of people are condemned tooblivion, as it happened repeatedly in the recent past, as a result of

globali"ation and the consequent freeing and liberali"ing of markets, as wellas the privati"ations and general de4industriali"ation following the migrationof Transnational 2orporations 7TN2s8 to cheap cost @paradisesA. No wonderBritain today is a service economy with three quarters of its national outputproduced in the services sector. The result is that present growth is basedmainly on consumption, often on borrowed money, with official figuresshowing Britain having now the highest current account deficit since modernrecords began in I?.;IG=

This does not mean a capitalist crisis, as globalist arxists believe. 6rofits of

TN2s thrive from transferring their production cost, including taxes, tocheap labor andKor low4tax paradises. hat it means is that neoliberalglobali"ation destroys the productive structure of countries like Britain, asthe steel industry case showed. 5s a very recent investigation by a thinktank reported, since >>, the share of !H6 accounted for by foundationindustries 7i.e. industries supplying the basic goods Psuch as metal andchemicalsP used by other industries8 has fallen by +S in Britain vs. a fall bys, imports accounted for >S of /0 demand for basicmetals, today they account for >S of it:;I&= This is of course nothing newwithin the )/ marvellous world. 5 similar process has destroyed the !reekeconomic structure since the country entered the 2ommon arket in I?I,leading to a consumer society funded by borrowing, which inevitablycollapsed thirty years later and led to the present informal bankruptcy andthe consequent !reek economic and social catastrophe.;I%=

(o, the main factor which created a movement @from belowA for Brexit wasthe growing reali"ation by the British public that its national and economicsovereignty has been decisively eroded within the )/, forcing the elites,albeit reluctantly, to accept the demand for a referendum. 6articularly so

when one takes into account that Britons used to live in one of the strongestnation4states of the world and now are forced to watch powerless theeffective destruction of their industrial base, in the very place whereindustriali"ation was born. Needless to add that the @$eftAacademicKpoliticians supporters of the )/, such as 6iketty and Daroufakis7the two @left4wing gurus who try to save )uropeA, according to another )/acolyte;I?=8 have nothing to say about all this and the loss of nationalsovereignty but talk instead about a mythical and disorienting )uropean@sovereigntyA, which ust suffers from the present lack of internaldemocracy:

@ Bre-it as a 2re%&nditi&n f&r s&


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to stay in the )uropean /nion so that it can fight tooth and nail against the)/1s anti4democratic institutionsA.;=

Let, both the first option as well as his own third option are, in fact, falseoptions. The first one because fighting for national sovereignty does not of

course means withdrawing into the safe cocoon of the nation state, as heand some calamity @arxistsA suggest. 3t could well mean, instead, layingthe foundations for a new democratic world order of sovereign nations.

3n fact, sovereignty is a necessary condition 7though not a sufficient one8 forany radical social change, given that such a change is impossible within theNO of open and liberali"ed markets for commodities, capital and labor.Therefore, those like Daroufakis, Fi"ek and the @anarchistA ;


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On the other hand, Daroufakis1 supposed third option, i.e. to @fight toothand nail against the )/1s anti4democratic institutionsA in order todemocrati"e the )/, is another pure deception, as 3 briefly explained aboveand in more detail in a forthcoming book.;


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@Brexit would be the demonstration that if you have an anti4)uropeanprogram you can implement that programme 7Q8 3t would be a message sentto many anti4)uropean parties and to some anti4)uropean governments. 3twould have, especially in the medium term, quite dramatic implications. eare already seeing a domino effect with anti4)uropean parties gaining a lotof support, starting in 'rance.A;


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two blocs, i.e. the North 5merican and the )uropean capitalist blocs,presumably seeing them as a kind of imperialist states in conflict betweenthem for the division of markets: 9owever, $enin1s theory of imperialism wasof course based on nation4states, even if such states consisted of empires,such as the British )mpire, which were in constant explicit or implicitconflict between them for the division of markets Pa fact that led to twoworld wars.

But today1s blocs are by no means empires in this sense of the word, as theyconsist of elites based on transnational corporations with overlappingspecific economic interests and a common general interest# thereproduction of the NO of neoliberal globali"ation. 3t is the protection of this general interest that is the main function of the Transnational )lite 7T)8.This is why any military conflict between the states on which the T) is based7mainly the !% states and its associates in (candinavia, 5ustralia etc8 isinconceivable today and any differences between them, like those thatarose in connection to the 3raq war or (yria, were purely tactical and neverreflected any antagonistic conflicts. On the other hand, Jussia can hardly becharacteri"ed as an imperialist power, as some calamity @arxistsA do, ustbecause the Jussian people had created an informal patriotic front frombelow 7which includes from communists up to orthodox 2hristians8 to fightfor their national sovereignty.;+>=

The domestic front of the elites against Brexit was formidable. The entirepolitical elite, apart from a few exceptions, mainly in the Tory party, and of course /036, was against Brexit. 6articularly pro4)/ was the entire@progressiveA part of this elite i.e. the $abor party, the !reen 6arty, (ocial$iberals and the rest. Thus, whereas the Tory party is more or less split withabout GS of its embers of 6arliament 76s8 being in favor of BJ)3T andGGS against 7although 2ameron has selected a 2abinet which isoverwhelmingly pro4)/8 in the $abor 6arty only % of its percent against Brexit:;+I= !iven therefore the strong influence thatthe $abor party still exerts on trade unionists, we can conclude that if theBrexit proposal is thrown out this will be due mainly to the fact that theBritish @$eftA 7as well of course as the globalist @$eftA world4wide8 iscompletely integrated into the NO Pthe basic cause of its politicalbankruptcy.

The economic elite almost unanimously came out against Brexit, if weexclude from it the medium or small businesses or individual cases, withsome of them coming out publicly in favor of Brexit.;+


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'earA. The 2anadian governor of the Bo) and former !oldman (acksemployee, i.e. a man with impeccable links to the financial constituent of the T) Pwhich plays a crucial role in the exercise of economic violenceagainst the victims of globali"ation all over the worldP came out first todeclare that the prospect of leaving @is the biggest domestic risk to financialstability because, in part, of the issues around uncertaintyA, adding thatsome 2ity companies would leave the /0 in the event of Brexit. ;++= Thisforced even $ord $awson, the former chancellor, to say to the BB2 that itwas @quite wrong for a governor of the Bank of )ngland to enter the politicalfray in this way. 3 believe he is talking nonsense and if 3 may say so he wasdoing it for political reasons,A he said adding @3 think it would please the2hancellor of the )xchequer who appointed him.A;+= 3n fact, the governorof the Bank of )ngland was more interested in pleasing his former employer,!oldman (achs, rather than his political appointer 7who is also controlled by

the same economic elites8. Naturally, 2arney could defend himself that hesimply expressed the views of the Bank, which is true, although he omittedmentioning that several key senior positions within the Bank of )ngland arealso held by former !oldman officials:;+G= Needless to add that, following2arney, 9(B2 also said publicly that it might move thousands of obs from$ondon in the event of Brexit, while organ (tanley has warned that leavingthe )/ would trigger @a significant backlash against $ondon as a financialcentreA, and !oldman (achs itself 7rightly described by Boris Eohnson as@the people who engineered the biggest financial disaster of the lastcenturyA8 warned as far back as I+ that if Britain left the )/ @every

)uropean firm ;of investment banks= would be gone in very shortorder.A;+&= (imilarly, the rating agency oody1s took immediately part in the6roect 'ear by declaring that @Britain1s biggest companies could face acredit downgrade Ppotentially forcing up their borrowing costsP should the/0 vote to leave the )/ in Eune.;+%= Needless to add that the 2ity 7i.e. theBritish financial centre in $ondon8 came out in full support of the )/. Thus,The2ity/0, the financial services lobby group, declared on 'ebruary th#@embership of a reformed )/ and continued access to the single market isvital 7Q8 3t is also the preferred outcome for the maority of ourmembers.A;+?=

Of course, the campaign of the economic elites against Brexit has not beenonly rhetorical. They have also used their economic power in order toblackmail their working force. This method was particularly used by maorTN2s like B. 5s it was reported, the chief executive of Jolls4Joyce otor2ars, which is owned by B, has written to all its workers in Britain towarn that exit from the )uropean /nion would drive up costs and prices andcould affect the company1s @employment base.A The letter is one of six sentby bosses of each of B1s British companies, including ini, to their staff warning of the dangers of /0 withdrawal. Both Jolls4Joyce and B

admitted that emails and letters had been sent out to ?,>>> employees,including workers at car plants in !oodwood, est (ussex, and Oxford and,

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of course, B was among the signatories of a business letter Porgani"ed bythe governmentP backing )/ membership.;+= 6aul (tephenson, a Dote$eave spokesman gave an insightful explanation about this industrialblackmail#

@Big foreign multinational companies like the )/ because they spendmillions lobbying it in order to stitch up the rules in their favor Pforcingsmaller players out of business.A;>=

Needless to add that the campaign against Brexit has been fully using thestate mechanism to promote its stand, creating a scandal when it wasannounced that Um would be spend on leaflets to be sent to every /0 hometo promote the )/ case. 2ameron had of course no qualms about doing this,as he knows very well that a victory for Brexit will cost him his premiership,although this makes a mockery of the referendum. 5s if it was not enough

that the elite4controlled media 7particularly the TD channels, with BB2playing as always its role of the systemic medium par excellence8 clearlydiscriminate against the Brexit, 2ameron and the elites behind him decidedthat every home in the country will get an official leaflet. That is, a leafletbearing the official 9 government stamp, which supposedly is telling @thefactsA 7i.e. the @truthA8 about the )/ but in fact, repeating the )/ blackpropaganda. 9ere is how the BB2 described its contents#@The leaflet claims that a vote to leave the )/ would cause an economicshock that @would risk higher prices of some household goods and damageliving standardsA. 3t further claims that the only way to @protect obs,provide security, and strengthen the /01s economyA is by staying in the )/,arguing that leaving would create risk and uncertainty.A;I=

5s regards the BB2 role in particular, recent research by a media4monitoringgroup showed the shamelessly biased practice of this supposedly obectivemedium on the referendum. 5s the report mentioned, @one of the BB21sflagship news programs has shown a @strongA bias towards Britain staying inthe )uropean /nion 7)/8. 'rom the I+th of Eanuary to the IIth of archI&, News4watch analy"ed > editions of the popular current affairsprogram Newsnight. News4watch noted that


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and nationalists is the strict control of borders but only as far as it concernsthe movement of people and not also as regards the much more importantmovement of capital and commodities through the activities of TN2s. On theother hand, the real anti4globalists fight for genuine national sovereignty,which is incompatible with globali"ation and the integration of the countryinto the NO and its institutions, such as the )/, the TO, the 3' and theorld Bank, which preclude any policy of self4reliance that is the sufficientcondition for national sovereignty.

! What 9i// ha22en after Bre-it>

3 will not discuss here the possible economic effects of Brexit, as the mediaand @expertsA supporting the elites amply do in their effort to terrori"e theBritish people by enhancing the usual fear that many people feel when facedwith a possible radical change affecting their lives 7@the 6roect 'earA8. No

wonder that even a well known member of the globalist @$eftA 7heavilypromoted by its flagship, The !uardian8, who moved from an opposition tothe )/ to one supporting it once the referendum was announced, had toexclaim# @3 reect the use of 6roect 'ear by the government to frightenpeople into staying within the )/, backed by corporate titans warning of economic apocalypse if the vote swings the wrong way.A ;+= Let, the elites,despite the sensitivities of their supporters in the globalist @$eftA, knowwell their ob and they have no reason to abandon a highly successfultechnique that was tested again lately in !reece, in order to dissuade thevictims of globali"ation 7the vast maority of the !reek people8 from leavingthe )uro"one 7)/ was not even on the agenda8.

3 think it makes little sense to discuss the possible economic effects of Brexit on obs, incomes, prices and growth in general, unless one knowsexactly what sort of economic framework will be created in thereferendum1s aftermath. 5s no one knows at the moment the exact answerto this question, it is clear that the @predictionsA made on what will followBrexit amount to pure speculation, which is inspired by the motives 7i.e. thestand on Brexit8 taken by the @expertsA. 9owever, the fact that most so4called @expertsA 7mainly academic economists8 are strongly against Brexit isfar from surprising, particularly if one takes into account, apart from theirclass position which classifies them beyond the victims of globali"ation,their vested interests in the )/ 7e.g. the various )/ programs financing theirresearch and their trips all over the globe Pwell appreciated by themP toparticipate in conferences, seminars etc8.

2learly, what will follow a Brexit vote depends not only on what the Britishgovernment will or will not do, following such a radical decision by theBritish people, but also on how the )/, as well as the other economic blocs,will react and, most important, on how the TN2s themselves will react.

Obviously, their decisions on whether to stay in Britain or not will bedecisive in determining the new economic landscape. 3 therefore think that



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drawing conclusions on what will follow Brexit is meaningful only withrespect to two extreme cases# the case in which the reection of Brexit willbe followed by a continuation of the present model and, alternatively, thecase in which a real anti4globali"ation strategy would be adopted.

There is not much to be said about the former case, as the reection of Brexit will simply mean the continuation of present policies within the )/,although a problem might be created in case the )/ proceeds to anintegrated political union, i.e. the full integration of member states.5lthough Britain has the option not to accept such a radical decision, it isclear that in case all other member states decide to abandon even thepresent remnants of their national sovereignty Britain may indeed end uppolitically isolated from the rest of the /nion, although one of theadvantages of Britain staying in )urope is supposed to be that this is the bestway to avoid isolation.

5s regards the economic 7as well as the social, cultural and ecologicaleffects8 of a Brexit, they would obviously be radically different in caseBritain adopts a real anti4globali"ation policy than in the case a Brexit isfollowed by the introduction of a variation of the present model, e.g. in theform of the 2anadian or the Norwegian model and the likes. The former caseimplies a break not only with the )/ but also with the other transnationalinstitutions of the NO 7TO, 3', N5TO and so on8, whereas the latterimplies a continuation of the present reliance on TN2s, which of course aimto determine economic growth according to their own obectives of profitmaximi"ation. 9owever, any variation of the present model, even if itinvolves a Brexit, is highly unlikely that it will involve any significantlydifferent economic effects compared to the present situation. 6articularlyso if a Brexit is accompanied by a new agreement with the )/ as regardstrade 7which anyway even after Brexit will still be ruled by the TOregulations8 and the re4confirmation of the other treaties on the movementof capital and labor, which most likely will remain unchanged -Papartperhaps from the present British obligations as regards the movement of labor. Therefore, as we shall see in the last section, Brexit makes sense onlyif it signals a complete break with the NO of neoliberal globali"ation.

9owever, apart from the economic arguments about Brexit one has toconsider also the political arguments involved and particularly thepropaganda about peace supposedly secured by the )/. Thus, !ideonJachman, the well known Fionist chief foreign affairs commentator of the'inancial Times, 7who in a well4known >? article entitled @5nd now for aworld governmentA;= provided the ideological background for globalgovernance8, aptly put this case for Brexit#

@But, perhaps paradoxically, the fact )urope is in crisis actually strengthens

my own resolve to vote for Britain to stay inside the )/. 'or all its faults,the )/ champions ideas that are crucial to peace and freedom in )urope.



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These include co4operation between nations, the rule of law, the protectionof human rights and the promotion of free trade. Nationalist political forcesthat challenge all of these ideas are growing in strength across )urope, from'rance to 6oland, and they are united by their hostility to the supranational)/. Outside the )/, a hostile and freshly aggressive Jussia is cheering on thepossible collapse of the )uropean proect Pand is probably funding some of its most ardent internal opponents. !iven )urope1s bloody past and troubledpresent, helping to destroy the maor vehicle for )uropean co4operationcannot be a good idea. 3t is true that the crisis within the )/ may soonrequire a fundamental rethink of the organi"ation1s aims and methods, wellbeyond the minor changes that r. 2ameron is able to negotiate. 7Q8 3twould be a serious mistake for the /0 to undermine an organi"ation that,whether we reali"e it or not, is crucial to Britain1s own security.A ;G=

3 reproduced at length this view as, to my mind, it is in fact a monument of misinformation and distortion of truth, endemic among the practitioners of the 6roect 'ear. Of course the )/ is as much a champion of peace andfreedom as the /( and the other members of the T) are, which instigated orcarried out all the bloody wars of the last quarter of a century or so not uston 3raq, 5fghanistan, $ibya and (yria but even in )urope itself 7Lugoslavia8.;&= 3n fact, the only reason that wars among maor capitalist countries areinconceivable today is the high degree of economic interdependencebetween the TN2s based in these countries, which globali"ation itself created. 3t is this reason alone that precludes any wars between members of

the T) and not the economic unions such as )/ and Nafta etc, which havesimply been created to complete the opening and liberali"ation of marketsthat globali"ation requires Pin the process leading to a globali"ed world, asenvisaged by Jachman himself:

Therefore, the values mentioned by Jachman 7co4operation between nationsetc.8 refer only to the T) and its associate states and not to any statesquestioning its hegemony in any way, such as Jussia, 2hina and the 5rabstates based on national liberation movements 7e.g. Ba1athism8. ith allthese states peace and co4operation is impossible unless they submit to theT)1s authority. These are not of course intra4imperialist conflicts, asglobalist @arxistsA describe them confusing and disorienting the victims of globali"ation, but simply conflicts between those controlling the NO andthose refusing to be controlled by the T). This applies also to the case whena state 7e.g. Jussia8, aspires to oin as an equal member the T), notreali"ing that the only position offered to them in the NO is one of asubordinate member. 'inally, it is not surprising at all that Jachman adoptsthe misleading and disorienting ideology of globalist @$eftA 7Daroufakis andhis mentor (oros, 6iketty and the rest8 that the way out of the present crisisis not a break with the globali"ation institutions like )/ but, instead, an

attempt to @democrati"eA it @from insideA:

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# The stand &f the 8/&a/ist 4Left5 &n Bre-it

The result of the referendum in the Netherlands is very indicative of theexplicitly anti4)/ and implicitly anti4globali"ation wind blowing all over)urope and beyond at the moment. The way in which a conservative

newspaper like the $ondon Times described it is highly significant# @3n >Gthe Hutch voted against an )/ constitution and were dismayed when the$isbon treaty, in effect, introduced one by the back door. any other )/countries share this suspicion that the integration process has becomeautomatic and unquestioning.A;%= 3n other words, the Hutch simplyexpressed their indignation for the loss of any national sovereignty thatbecame particularly evident in the last ten years or so. hen they found outthat their elite 7as also the elites of all other )/ countries, without askingthem, decided to have an )/ association Treaty with the protectoratecreated in /kraine by the T) coup of I,;?= they presumably concluded@enough is enoughA. 5 clear movement @from belowA was set in motionwhen an 3nternet petition demanding a referendum on the issue 7using a newHutch law designed to promote democracy8 attracted more than >>,>>>signatures 7significantly more than the +>>,>>> required by the law8. 5s eventhe full pro4)/ BB2 had to admit, @from the start activists said this was achance for Hutch voters to express frustration at the )/, in particular whatthey see as its desire to expand despite democratic shortcomingsA. Let, theHutch voters completely ignored the stern warning by )/ 2ommission6resident Eean42laude Euncker, who had described the stakes in the run4up

to the vote as being high, warning that a @NoA vote could trigger a widercrisis in the


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fund billionaire 7sponsor of many N!Os8 !eorge (oros.;GI= Not accidentally,again at the same time, estern papers reported a new flare4up in/kraine: ;G


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oving further to the $eft, a number of communists, Trotskyites, tradeunionists and others signed a common declaration published in the flagshipof globalist @$eftA under the title @)/ is now a profoundly anti4democraticinstitutionA and concluding with the following statement#

@e stand for a positive vision of a future )urope based on democracy,social ustice and ecological sustainability, not the profit4making interests of a tiny elite. 'or these reasons we are committed to pressing for a vote toleave the )/ in the forthcoming referendum on /0 membership.A;G=

5s it is obvious from the text the issue of globali"ation and of economic andnational sovereignty is not even mentioned in it, despite a passing referenceto the Transatlantic Trade and 3nvestment 6artnership, which is mentionedas ust a bad Treaty that has to be abandoned. 3nstead, the non4democraticcharacter of the )/ is emphasi"ed 7exactly as Daroufakis and the rest of the

globalist @$eftA do8, the only difference being that this declaration asks alsofor a Brexit, presumably in the hope that a new @properA )/ will emerge outof this, i.e. a new @goodA capitalism in place of the present bad neoliberalone.

'urther to the @$eftA, the (ocialist orkers party 7which supported the$ibyan and (yrian @revolutionariesA, and up to a point even the /krainianones:8 took a stand, which can be well summari"ed by the following extractof an article in their theoretical organ#

@;(ocialists= shouldn1t feel compelled to back the austerity4driven, racist )/proect simply because the leave camp is led by such hateful figures as Nigel'arage, ichael !ove and Boris. 3n fact, it is important to note the racismand pro4business arguments dominating both camps. (ocialists have aresponsibility to put a principled internationalist, anti4racist, anti4austeritycase for a left exit. Neither should we be afraid that if Britain left the )/ itwould automatically benefit only the right. 7Q8 2rucially, a vote to leavewould destroy Havid 2ameron, tear apart the Tory party, weaken the )/proect and throw all kinds of questions up for debate. e vote to leave insolidarity with our brothers and sisters in !reece suffering under the )/

institutions Pas well as those risking death in the ed to reach 'ortress)urope1s shoresP as well as those risking death in the ed to reach 'ortress)urope1s shores.A;GG=

The purely tactical stand adopted on such a crucial issue 7to @destroy2ameron, tear apart the Tory partyA, etc8 is fully explained by the fact thatthis Trotskyite party, far from understanding the significance of globali"ationand national sovereignty, in fact adopts also the ideology of globali"ation of open borders 7promoted by (oros and the likes8 in blissful ignorance 7M8 of the significance of open borders in an internationali"ed capitalist market

economy on unemployment, wages, the 7remnants of8 the welfare state etc.

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9owever, the point implicitly raised by the stand of the British @leftA ingeneral on the issue of Brexit cannot ust be discussed in terms of the freetrade vs. protectionism debate, as the liberal 7or globalist8 @$eftA does 7seefor instance Eean Bricmont;G&=and $arry )lliott ;G%= of the !uardian8. Thepoint is whether it is globali"ation itself, which has led to the present masseconomic violence against the vast maority of the world population and theaccompanying it military violence. 3n other words, what all these trends hideis that globali"ation is a class issue.

This is the essen%e &f the ankru2t%3 &f the 4Left5. 9hi%h is ref/e%ted inthe fa%t that. t&da3. it is the ne&;nati&na/ist *i8ht 9hi%h has re2/a%ed theLeft in its r&/e &f re2resentin8 the


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mobili"ation of a social movement fully conscious of its aims and thestrategies to achieve them would be able to succeed. The social subect inthis movement would be the victims of neoliberal globali"ation and theconsequent de4industriali"ation, i.e. the unemployed, involuntary part4timers, or casual employees and @"ero4hour contractA workers on barelysurvival wages and the likes. 3n other words, all those who often haveabstained from the electoral game all these years, as they found themselveswith no political representation in estminster, following the effectiveinstitutionali"ation of neoliberal policies imposed by the transnationalcorporations controlling the economic policies of Thatcherites first, and thenthe Blairites, Brownites and the likes, who still dominate the $abor party.But it is not only the victims of economic violence exercised by the NO,through the opening and liberali"ation of markets 7particularly the labormarkets8 and of the opening of the borders, who are the victims of

globali"ation. (imilar victims are in other countries those subected tomilitary violence, through the aggressive policies of the T) 7of which the /0was a prominent member8 against Lugoslavia, 3raq, 5fghanistan, $ibya, (yriaand now possibly even Jussia. 3t is this combination of military and economicviolence, which has convinced the victims of globali"ation everywhere toturn against the NO of neoliberal globali"ation.

(uch a full mobili"ation of the victims of globali"ation never took place inthe past, even on the occasion of the (cottish independence referendum.3nstead, there was a full mobili"ation of those who benefit from

globali"ation and the T)1s aggressive policies. This is why the independencemovement was defeated, as the victims of globali"ation were never fullymobili"ed by a movement, which was ust a nationalist one. No wondertoday not only the (cottish nationalists but also the elsh and 3rishnationalists 7(inn 'ein8 are against Brexit, playing exactly the game of theestablishment 7i.e. the )nglish elites as part of the T)8 on this crucialreferendum. 3n other words, unless the victims of globali"ation in (cotland,3reland and ales reali"e that no real political independence 7i.e. politicalsovereignty8 can be materiali"ed without economic independence andsovereignty, they will continue to be the victims of globali"ation, either

under the British flag, or under their own national flags.

5t the same time in )ngland, not only a very significant part of the workingclass 7at work or not8 but also part of the middle class as well, which is alsosquee"ed at present as a result of globali"ation, have reali"ed that withouteconomic self4reliance, any political independence and self determination isimpossible in the era of neoliberal globali"ation. 3t is because of this realdanger that the elites and those benefiting from globali"ation face in the /0that the T) has mobili"ed all its supporters in the country 7the $abor 6arty,most of the 2onservative 6arty, the $iberals, the !reens, the (cots and the

elsh nationalist parties8 to avert any possibility of British exit from the )/.But exit from the )/ is, as 3 already stressed, only a necessary condition


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7although not a sufficient one as well8 for any political and economicindependence. 3n fact, the reason why Nigel 'arage1s 7/0368 social policiesdo not significantly differ from those of the Tories is exactly because he, like(almond 7the leader of the (cottish nationalist party during the (cottishreferendum8, represents much more the nationalist part of the bourgeoisierather than the victims of globali"ation as a whole. This, unlike theeconomic program for instance of the National 'ront in 'rance, which ismuch more to the $eft than (yri"a1s or 6odemos1 @$eftA: Let, due to the veryfact that significant parts of the working class in Britain have moved to /036lately, mainly because they bore the brunt of globali"ation 7unemployment,austerity policies, degradation of the welfare state and so on8, one couldhope that this party will introduce more radical social policies in the future,particularly if Brexit prevails in the referendum.

5s far as the political subect of this movement is concerned, it is obviousthat only if the present informal front which fights for a Brexit is formali"edafter Brexit into a 'ront for National and (ocial $iberation 7'N($8 it couldachieve the required huge mobili"ation, so that the aim of nationalsovereignty leads to self4reliance. (uch a front can be achieved @frombelowA or @from aboveA. The preferred option is of course the former, but incase this becomes unfeasible because the level of political consciousness of the victims of globali"ation and their will to fight is inadequate for this hugetask, then the only other possibility is for existing political forces to takeover the task of achieving sovereignty and self4reliance.

5 'N($ @from belowA could be organi"ed from among local assemblies,committees, groups and initiatives consisting of the victims of globali"ation7namely, the vast maority of the population8 who ought to oin as ordinaryciti"ens, irrespective of party affiliations and ideologies or religious andother differences, as long as they share the ultimate aim of national andeconomic sovereignty. The intermediate target should be the break with allthe transnational economic and political institutions of the NO such asTO, 3' and N5TO, so that the victims of globali"a

on brexit views from greece

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