open letter on just concluded general elections

8/20/2019 Open letter on just concluded general elections

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National Resistance Movement

Office of the National Chairperson

Plot 10 Kyadondo Road Box 7778 Kampala Tel: 346295 – 346279

The NRM has always been a revolutionary

organization, aiming at four principles: patriotism

(non-sectarianism and no gender chauvinism), Pan-

Africanism, social-economic transformation and

democracy.

We started by conducting, successfully, two wars of

resistance (1971-79 and 1981-86). We won those

wars because we had a correct ideology, strategy and

a just cause. Since 1986 we have successfully

defended the revolution against a whole spectrum of

counter-revolutionaries and terrorists, manysponsored by external forces. We, therefore, as in

the resistance wars, used bullets to successfully

defend the Revolution. Since we were in the open

society by this time, we had also, through

democracy, to defend the Revolution using ballots.

In the election for the CA (1993), the GeneralElections of 1996, 2001, 2006 and 2011, the people,

working with the NRM, successfully defended the

Revolution. Even in the present exercise, again, the

people of Uganda, so many petty contradictions

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notwithstanding, have stood with the NRM to defend

the Revolution. We have won a resounding victory of

about 65% in the Presidential elections and 282

NRM MPs elected. We have delivered a knock-out inspite of the evil-minded falsehoods and demagoguery

of the opposition. I say 65% because many of the

455,175 invalid votes were NRM votes. How did I

know this? I knew this because at Mafudu, the Late

Wapa’s place, my young brother Mbabazi beat me by

5 votes. Yet 45 invalid votes were all mine. How were they invalid? It was because my supporters

ticked on the symbol (the bus) or even on the

candidate. The intention of the voter would be clear.

This was due to not sensitizing our agents and even

the election officials. This ended up taking away

about 5% of our votes. This, however, is not a new

phenomenon. Even in the past elections, we got

these types of losses for NRM, probably not on the

same magnitude. Without this organizational

weakness, our vote should be around 65% for the

President in this week’s vote. Even then, that

should not have been the vote we should have gotgiven the work NRM has done, especially in the area

of infrastructure (roads, electricity, schools, health

centres, piped water, etc.) and also in the area of

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peace and security. We should have got 80% in my

opinion. However, that potential high score was

undermined by some mistakes of some of our

leaders. One long standing mistake has been poorsupervision of government services e.g. health care

and the stealing of drugs from health centres.

Wherever I went during the campaigns, the youthful

population of our children and grand-children was

complaining about this – stealing of drugs by health

workers, absenteeism by the same workers,negligence and even asking for bribes. In Kassanda

Health Centre, these accusations were confirmed

when I sent, subsequently, an investigation team.

We were about to arrest the health workers but the

public forgave them. This is all due to poor

supervision by both the technical staff (PS, CAO,

Gombolola Chief, Town Clerk, etc.) and also by the

political class. Why should it be difficult to check on

the drugs even by the political class in the area?

The argument that health workers are poorly paid is

nonsensical because the workers in private hospitals

are paid less than in government hospitals. Yet they

work efficiently. This irritates the public alot in spiteof their support for the NRM. Dr. Diana Atwiine’s

Unit has arrested 227 health workers. The problem,

however, is the leniency of the Courts. They release

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these people. I have talked to the Chief Justice

about this.

The other contradiction within the NRM was onaccount of the Primaries. There was alot of alleged

rigging by some of the actors. To compound this

problem, our Electoral Commission did not get time

to exhaustively investigate and rectify these

allegations. Sometimes, it would involve the misuse

of the security forces or bias by the RDCs. I,personally, investigated two situations and provided

some remedy which stabilized the political situation

in the two areas. One situation was Kanungu

(especially Kinkizi West) and the other situation was

in Bukono Constituency of Namutumba. In

Kanungu, it was clear that the Primaries’ results of

the MP candidate for Kinkizi West and the LCV

Chairperson had been altered in favour of other

people because the winners were thought to be “pro-

Mbabazi”. This was very wrong. How were they

“pro-Mbabazi”? The allegation was that during the

day, they are pro-NRM but during the night they are

pro-Mbabazi. Even if that was the case, this was notthe correct way to handle it. The correct way would

have been to patiently investigate these allegations

and, if confirmed, discipline those leaders, including

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expelling them from the Party – transparently and

openly. Any other approach is wrong and clique-

formation. I caused Tanga- Odoi and some other

people to investigate and establish the truth. Josephine Kasya and Kaberuka had won the

primaries and were, therefore, the flag-bearers. The

good vote we got from Kanungu has confirmed the

correctness of this truthful approach.

My first rally in the Busoga area was at KibbalePrimary School, Kibbale sub-county, Bukono

Constituency. As I was departing from the rally, the

flag-bearer, Micheal Saire, told me that “a woman”

who had stood in the primaries had caused a section

of the constituency to boycott the rally that had just

ended. I did not pay much heed because the rally

was, in any case, massive as most of our rallies

were. It was only some days later that somebody

else told me that “the woman” that had caused a

section of the constituency to boycott my rally was

my own daughter, Namuganza, that had been one of

my most loyal youth cadres for a long time. On

account of that, I had appointed her Deputy RDC,Luwero. I, however, did not even know that she had

resigned the Deputy RDC-ship. When I addressed

my very first campaign rally at Zirobwe, I had

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searched for her in the crowd by looking around

(Kurondesa amaisho) without seeing her. I thought

that she may be sick or something and did not think

much about it. Only now to hear that she was “the woman” that had ‘Kujemesa’ people (make people

boycott) from attending my rally at Kibbale Primary

School. I, immediately, looked for her and she came

to see me in Jinja only to tell me of stories of bias by

the concerned officials and even Police arrests of her

supporters, etc. To complicate matters for the Kaliro – Namutumba area, there was also the issue of the

Kyabazinga where some of our leaders in the area

had taken sides in that non-political issue. The area

had become very hostile politically to the NRM on

account of the mistakes of our actors. The rally I

addressed at Kaliro on the 24thof December, 2015,

was the worst of the whole campaign. Probably, only

5,000 people attended – almost similar to the one of

the IK people in Kaabong where there were only

2,051 voters. I sat with Namuganza and we talked.

Eventually, she brought me all the youth that had

been alienated (their leaders) and the royal councils

of Busiki and Bukono to whom I explained that theNRM never involved itself in the issue of whether

there should be traditional leaders in any area and,

if so, who? These were none of our business and

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have never been. It was for the wanainchi of the

concerned areas. They only needed to follow the law.

These groups, whom I met while in Masindi, were

satisfied and went back to clarify the situation. Ourrecent scores in Namutumba and Kaliro of 81.86%

and 70.14% respectively, were a direct result of this.

Namuganza had been told by some persons in the

NRM that if her group wanted to go away, they can

go away. The NRM will continue, without them!!

Why should any NRM person alienate anybody because of the selfishness of the individuals? This is

not acceptable.

The other mistake is the selfishness and dishonesty

of some of the NRM leaders. When money is sent to

do political work, these leaders steal it. The moneythat was sent to help the Village Committees to buy

stationery was stolen by some leaders. The masses

come to know about it and they, really, get annoyed.

Those who stole that money must refund it or be

arrested. It is not only the dishonesty; but there is

the attitude of only undertaking missions for money.

No money, no mission. This mercenary attitude isun-NRM and not acceptable.

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No sooner had I pacified the Namuganza group than

the youth that had remained loyal to the NRM

started complaining as to why I had met the “bad”

group, etc., etc. I had also to meet this group andtalk to them about winning back anybody that may

be disgruntled or even the ones who had never

supported us before.

That is the correct politics: “unite the many, to defeat

the few and isolate the enemy to the maximum”, Mao Tse Tung used to say. Yet here in Uganda, some

groups seem to say: “alienate as many as possible

and remain with a few”. I reject that mistaken view.

I am for the Maoist principle of uniting the many.

It is some of the leaders that demand money. The

wanainchi walk to and from the rallies on foot. They

demand nothing; they stand in the sun while the

leaders are in hired tents. Of course, we could not

manage tents for everybody. What is interesting,

however, is that the masses are hungry for the word

of the NRM while some of the leaders are hungry for

money. To show that the masses are hungry for the word of the NRM, even the rallies that were held on

Sundays, were massively attended. The thirst by the

leaders for money through politics needs to be

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rejected totally. In a few cases, we need money if the

distance is far; no more than that. Politics is about

mission, not money. It is voluntary association of

people who share the same mission. It is notemployer-employee relationship. We must be sisters,

brothers or comrades-in-the struggle for the mission

of patriotism, Pan-Africanism, social-economic

transformation and democracy. This, indeed, was

the spirit during the bush war and soon after. Our

people would work voluntarily because they couldsee that we were working voluntarily – we, the

leaders. This spirit was undermined by the ego-

centric MPs that were misusing their presence in

Parliament and the vague Constitution of 1995 on

the issue of remuneration for Public Servants to

award themselves huge salaries. This selfishness

and short- sightedness transformed the MP job from

being a mission – oriented job to being a rewarding

job for the individuals involved. This caused the

others, the generality of our membership, to say that

if politics is for personal gain, we need our own

share. This mercenarism must be wound

backwards, starting with the leaders.

Nevertheless, there is need to use production to

cater for the welfare of our long serving cadres and

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leaders at the local level, the army veterans as well

as the Luwero war civilian veterans. The Secretary

General should take the lead in this as should have

been the case in the past. The districts are now,mainly, small: Lwengo, Kalangala, Buvuma,

Kyankwanzi, Kiboga, Buyende etc. The Aruas, the

Kaseses, the Mubendes etc. are few. There is an

Administrative Secretary, fulltime party worker, in

each district. Why does not this Administrative

Secretary have the record of these long timemobilisers, party workers and local leaders

(especially the past ones) so that wealth creation

programmes are organized for them and, if

necessary, they are guided in those programmes.

With the lists, the Administrative Secretaries should

work with the Secretary-General who should, in

turn, work with the Wealth Creation department to

engage all these leaders and party workers in

gainful production. The disgruntlement of many of

these party workers also ate into our support. This

should not be the case.

Then, there is the problem of selfish leaders whoundermine fellow Movement leaders from their

common areas so as to remain “the only bulls in the

kraal” so that they have better chances of becoming

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Ministers. This is not a good sign in leaders. You

should not think about your own promotion but

about the mission and all those who support that

mission you regard as your comrade – in- arms. If you come from the same constituency, you should

have peaceful competition championing the same

mission. You tell the voters that you share the same

mission but they can choose whoever they think can

better execute the mission. This should be in the

primaries. Whoever is chosen in the totally freeprimaries, should get all your support. You should

be totally neutral among all the other contenders in

the primaries in your area and only support the

flag-bearers chosen transparently.

Then, there is the practice of some individuals trying

to be King-makers in their zones. They divide our

Movement people by taking sides among individuals

and trying to force candidates on the electorate.

This is very wrong. It is the NRM members who are

electing their flag-bearers – not you. Neither in

public nor in private should you ever express a

preference. As long as they publically declare loyaltyto the Movement, you welcome all of them. That is

the cut-off point for you – loyalty to the Party,

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publically declared. No other consideration should

enter your assessment of our members.

The issues of “efficiency”, “morality”,“presentability”, “reliability”, should be none of your

concerns as a senior leader in the area or a co-

leader. Those aspects are for the public to determine

– not you, not me. Our only yard-stick for the NRM

members should be loyalty publically declared. The

rest should be for the NRM membership. Once themembership have made their choice, you should,

unreservedly, support that choice.

Above, we have dealt with governance, organizational

and ideological issues. There are, however, social-

economic issues that also affect the politics. There

are, in particular, two issues that the opposition,

opportunistically, exploits. These are the issues of

poverty and jobs for the youth. The NRM has for

long had answers to these two problems. The

problem was that in the past, we did not yet have the

basics, the foundation, to tackle decisively these two

problems. We did not have the infrastructure (theroads, the electricity etc.) that was a necessary pre-

condition for more private investments, that would,

in turn, widen the tax base that would generate

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more revenue for the Government to tackle some of

those problems. Here below, again, is our tax

collection ever since 1986:

No Financial

Year

Collection in

UGX Bns

1 1985/86 2.84

2 1986/87 5.01

3 1987/88 18.32

4 1988/89 44.60

5 1989/90 89.576 1990/91 133.79

7 1991/92 180.46

8 1992/93 282.60

1993/94 373.35

1! 1994/95 506.99

11 1995/96 611.70

12 1996/97 728.3513 1997/98 797.43

14 1998/99 935.56

15 1999/00 978.00

16 2000/01 1,075.15

17 2001/02 1,212.47

18 2002/03 1,409.25

1 2003/04 1,642.06

2! 2004/05 1,923.52

21 2005/06 2,231.05

22 2006/07 2,625.74

23 2007/08 3.161.70

24 2008/09 3.662.32

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25 2009/10 4,205.69

26 2010/11 5,114.20

27 2011/12 6,208.35

28 2012/13 7,149.482 2013/14 8,031.03

3! 2014/15 9,713.81

By our correct policies, our tax collection now stands

at Shs.13,000bn which is about US$4bn. This is a

decent level of resource mobilization. It is not like inthe past when we had to depend on the donors for

the whole of the development budget. With the

increasingly more decent level of revenue collection,

in 2006, I insisted on prioritizing electricity, the

roads, education, health and defence. It is this

decision that has won the recent General Elections. Although the opposition, supported by the Aga

Khan’s Monitor newspaper and NTV television,

would do everything to paint a bleak and

deteriorating situation in Uganda, the population,

with our explanations, would, instead, see hope and

progress.

If the tarmac road has reached Oraba, Moroto,

Bundibugyo, Kisoro and the electricity has reached

all the 112 districts of Uganda except four (Kaabong,

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Nwoya, Kotido and Buvuma), things people never

dreamed of, surely other problems will also be

addressed. That was, indeed, my message. The

eight words: unity, strength, peace, development, wealth, skills, jobs and political stability. Had the

political class been more focused on the issue of the

wealth funds, our task of winning by 80%, instead of

the present 65%, would have been very easy. In the

new budget, we must, therefore, ensure the

Shs.1000bn for NAADS (wealth creation),Shs.234bn for the Youth Fund, Shs.234bn for the

Women Fund, Shs.180bn for Micro-Finance and

Shs.500bn for the Innovation Fund. This is, in

addition, to the present level of funding for the roads

Shs.3,400bn, Shs.2,900bn for electricity, etc.

We were able to give a knock-out on the first round

to the opposition, as we always do, because of,

mainly, four factors: promoting unity among the

people; peace; electricity; and the new tarmac roads

in areas that had never seen much development.

These gave hope to the people that even what is not

done will be done. Hence, the 65% support for thePresident and 70% support for the NRM MPs and

NRM leaning independents. The huge masses of our

children, our grand-children with our great- grand

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children in tow that I addressed in 305 rallies and

290 constituencies, plus a few elders in attendance,

were, on the one hand, happy with these factors:

unity, peace, tarmac roads and electricity. On theother hand, however, there were problems of the

corruption of Government accounting officers, poor

supervision of schools and health centres, badly

managed primaries, greedy politicians trying to be

warlords and hijack the authority of the people to

elect leaders of their choice, the moneylessness inmany families, the lack of jobs for the university

graduates that did Social Sciences and the poor

communication by the NRM Secretariat, the RDCs,

the Ministry of Information, etc. In some areas,

there was the question of cattle compensation for

cows lost in the wars, veterans pensions and the

chasing of hawkers from selling at the road sides

without an alternative. It is these weak points that

reduced NRM’s support from 80% to 65% - 70%.

The opportunistic and unserious opposition could

not realize that their demagoguery would be seen

through by the wanainchi. The NRM won in thefollowing zones: Karamoja – 91.4%; Bunyoro-76.4%;

Ankole – 74.8%; Sebei – 72.8%; Toro/Rwenzori –

69.7%; Busoga - 64.9%; Kigezi - 64.6%; West Nile –

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63.5%; Bugisu – 55%; Bukedi – 53.2%; Buganda –

52%; Teso – 52% and Lango– 50.7%. It only lost in

Acholi – 41% against FDC’s 42%. By solving the

residual problems, the opposition will be deposited where it belongs – the dust-bin of opportunism. The

masses could see the irreversible steps achieved.

Why could not the elite of the opposition do the

same?

In this article, I talk of moneylessness, rather thanpoverty. This is because the poverty statistics are

not easily understood by the public. Drawing the

poverty line is done scientifically, especially

biologically. They ask the question: What is the

necessary calories intake per person per day? They

then, add education, health access etc. and monetize

those elements. Obviously, food in Uganda is not

such an absolute unavailability. Yes, there is

stunted growth not because there is no food but

because people do not know what to eat because of

the lethargic Ministry of Health. Otherwise, the food

is there or can be there. That is absolute poverty,

scientifically defined, as at 56.4% in 1993 in the whole country and at 19.7% today. The problem,

therefore, is moneylessness. That is what people call

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obwavu, obwooro, can- not lack of food – nutritious

or otherwise.

Social – political – economic poverty means lack ofmoney. The poverty line of the IMF and the Ministry

of Finance is a biological categorization. The NRM

has established a strong base. The people saw that

base, recognized its importance and supported the

NRM, not just in the Presidential vote but with a

whooping number of 282 NRM MPs and scores ofNRM leaning Independents.

There is also the question of land grabbing by some

thieves and blind landlords that collude with some

authorities to evict bibanja owners. This problem

has two sides that must be handled correctly. First

of all, nobody should get land illegally. The five legal

ways of getting land are: being allocated a kibanja

by the mailo-owner or his agent(omusigire); buying a

kibanja from the one who got it from the first

method; the bona-fide occupants that were on that

land by 1983 or before; being the first to settle on

the public land (kutembuura) or buying from the one who did that; and having a leasehold or milo title.

The leasehold could only be acquired on uninhabited

land. A lease hold should not be acquired on a piece

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of land that is occupied; unless the occupants are

few and, on a willing buyer-willing seller basis, are

ready to accept compensation. If you do not fall in

these categories do not tell lies. We can look forother ways of helping you legally – e.g. a soft loan to

buy a few acres, etc. Myopic and opportunistic

politicians must be warned about encouraging

people to invade any land illegally. During the

campaign, for instance, I had two pieces of land that

had been occupied by people. One was the NationalHousing Corporation land at Kasokoso. This is

easier to deal with. NHC got this land in September,

1966 but did not develop it on account of the chaos

in the country. Meanwhile, the wanainchi came and

settled there, built permanent houses etc. Nobody

was there to restrain them. NHC is a public

corporation. The Government could assist to

compensate them so that they get other land to go

on with their projects. There is, however, the

question of the railway land that people settled on.

We have much less room for manoeuver here. The

country must have the railway. Nobody who claims

to be Ugandan should, either in public or privately,think that Uganda should not have a modern railway

because people illegally encroached on the railway

land and they “are our voters”. “Our voters” or those

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who “vote for the opposition” must be the first to

realize that Uganda needs a modern railway.

Anybody who does not see this, is an enemy of

Uganda’s future. If there is no other route for therailway, then the encroachers must leave. Some

assistance can be given to them if feasible. These

people should, however, have been talked to and

even the timing should have been agreed to and

discussed with them.

As far as the Forest Reserves are concerned, they fall

into two categories: the ecologically sensitive that

may be protecting rivers or part of the high rain

forest or the ones that were just gazetted for

producing fire-wood and timber. The latter are

easier to deal with – a compromise should be found

with the bona-fide encroachers. However, the

ecologically sensitive forests must be protected.

Nevertheless, no politician should encourage or

cover up illegal land-grabbing because endangering

security of legal owner-ship of property is a great

disservice to Uganda. It will discredit Ugandainternally and internationally. Our present success

and strength is, precisely, due to a good business

reputation. When we returned the 4000 properties

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of the Asians, Uganda gained a good reputation

internationally. Here below, read the list of the

biggest tax payers in Uganda.

TOP 100 TAXPAYERS IN UGANDAS/NO. NAME TOTAL TAX

1 MTN !"N#" $%M%T

458'706'552'944

2 N%$& BR&(&R%&) $T#

197'934'390'207

3 "%RT&$ !"N#" $%M%T

155'141'126'696

4 !"N#" BR&(&R%&) $T#

131'009'038'978

5 )T"NB%* B"NK +, $T#-

102'380'424'743

6 T.R.R. *&M&NT $T#

82'252'203'5

94

7 *&NTR/ B.TT$%N! *.- $T#-

78'879'404'573

8 B"!"$% &N&R!/ $%M%T

74'975'273'650

9 K"K%R" )!"R $%M%T

70'620'565'962

10 M&M& $%M%T

66'307'152'305

11 K%N/"R" )!"R $%M%T

62'498'406'168

12 *&NT&N"R/ RR"$ #&&$.PM&NT B"NK $%M%T

61'003'838'681

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13 )!"R *.RP.R"T%.N . !"N#" $%M%T

57'277'705'804

14 )T"N#"R# *"RT&R B"NK !"N#" $%M%T

56'387'929'9

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15 %M" *&M&NT $T#

54'440'445'780

16 *%%$ "%"T%.N "T.R%T/

49'098'386'859

17 T.T"$ & P !"N#" B- -

44'851'548'338

18 *R.(N B&&R"!&) $%M%T

44'507'704'067

19 BR%T%) "M&R%*"N T.B"**. !"N#"

42'046'858'109

20 N"T%.N"$ ).*%"$ )&*R%T/ N#

35'529'043'912

21 !"N#" R&&N& "T.R%T/

33'194'711'411

22 B%#*. !"N#" $%M%T

32'249'143'173

23 N"T%.N"$ ("T&R )&(&R"!& *.RP.R"T%.N

31'793'186'098

24 B"R*$"/) B"NK +, $T#-

30'006'673'720

25 *N..* !"N#" $T#

27'268'149'3

49

26 #* B"NK $%M%T

27'159'408'023

27 "R%*&$$ !"N#" $%M%T

24'389'713'741

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28 T.T"$ !"N#" $%M%T-

23'948'558'696

29 *R"N& B"NK $%M%T

22'853'853'9

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30 T& N&( %)%.N PR%NT%N! "N# PB$%)%N!*.RP.R"T%.N

22'491'305'734

31 T$$.( !"N#" .P&R"T%.N) PT/ $%M%T

20'156'730'917

32 #%"M.N# TR)T B"NK !"N#" $%M%T

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33 M$T%*.%*& !"N#" $%M%T

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34 $&" T.B"**. *.MM.#%T%&) +, $%M%T

18'180'931'741

35!"N#" &$&*TR%*%T/ TR"N)M%))%.N *.MP"N/$%M%T

16'922'047'493

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39 T./.T" !"N#" $%M%T

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40 T& B%$&& %N)R"N*& *. $T#

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42 !.$ *.R)& !R.P $%M%T

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43 M"K&R&R& N%&R)%T/ *.N*%$

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44 &R%*)).N "B !"N#" BR"N*

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45 )*$MB&R!&R .%$%&$# &")T&RN $%M%T

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46 TP) +!"N#", $%M%T

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47 B"KR&)" !R"%N M%$$%N! !"N#" $%M%T

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48 "!!R&K. %NT&RN"T%.N"$ PR.&*T) $%M%T

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50 R(&N.R% B.TT$%N! *.MP"N/

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51 "P %N)R"N*& !"N#" $%M%T

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52 B"NK . "R%*" !"N#" $T#

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53 )"#.$%N) P"%NT) +, $T#

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54 !"N#" *.MMN%*"T%.N) *.MM%))%.N

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5

The infrastructure funds, the Wealth creation funds

and the Social action funds (health, education, pay

for the elderly) are possible because of these taxes.

27


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Anybody who endangers this potential is an enemy,

knowingly or unknowingly.

The NRM Secretariat must be very active insensitizing our masses.

We have the capacity to resolve the residual

problems, one by one. That is why the opposition in

Uganda is an endangered species.

Yoweri K. Museveni

CHAIRMAN NRM, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC

OF UGANDA

open letter on just concluded general elections

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