ordering sherpa life through their rituals: symbolic

ORDERING SHERPA LIFE THROUGH THEIRRITUALS: SYMBOLICIINTERPRETATlVE

PERSPECTIVE(A REVIEW OF "SHERPAS THROUGH THEIR

RITUALS" BY SHERRY B. ORTNER)

Bishnu Prasad Dahal'

Background

Descriptive approach and interpretive approach are thecommonly used approaches in anthropological or cultural study.The descriptive approach/perspective help readers by describingthe cultural phenomena associated with particular culture. Thegoal of interpretative approach/perspective is to interpret or toopen the cultural events and phenomena into different meaningaccording to time, context and conditions. Among these two,first one tries to familiarize the readers with the particular culturewhile another tries to interpret the same culture into differentsituation with different meanings.

A symbol is something verbal or non-verbal, within aparticular culture (language, communication/conversation, signarticulation) that comes to stand for something else. The verbalsymbols are the linguistic, sign or some representation of certainmeaning. There are non-verbal symbols, such as flags, dress,etc., which stand for a nation's representation. Holy water is apotent symbol in Roman Catholicism. As is true of all symbols,the association between a symbol (e.g. water) and what issymbolized (holiness) is arbitrary and conventional. Water is not

Mr. Bishnu Prasad Dahal is an Anthropologist and has been associated withthe Department orSociology/Anthropolog). Patiln Multiple Campus. PatanT. U.. in a Capacity of Assitant Lecturer

B.P. Daha/lOrdering Sherpa Life... 231

intrinsically holier than milk, blood or other liquids. Holy wateris not chemically different from ordinary water (Kottak, 1994).Symbolic/Interpretive Anthropology as an alternative approachin anthropological theory or perspective was developed after1960s. There is no single paradigm of this theory orapproach/perspective because symbolic/interpretiveanthropology "as a level" was never used by its foundinganthropologists, Clifford Geertz and Victor Turner. Advocating adifferent approach Symbolic/lnterpretive anthropology orperspective criticizes the generalized view of culture assuggested by Functionalists in answering questions like, Howdoes institutions help to fulfill the needs of the society? How issocial life possible? What keeps society in equilibrium/order?Functionalists find the solutions of these questions howeverthey cannot interpret the symbols of the culture.' Symboli~Anthropology claimed that we can understand whole functionalphenomena using cultural materialism because all cultures havedifferent symbols.

Symbolic/Interpretive Anthropologists offer differentviews of culture asking about meanings of symbols and howthese symbols shape people's way or patterns of life. Soanthropologists, rather than describing the culture, must dig outthe meaning of the symbols that constitute the cultural whole.Culture is an abstract concept or adaptive strategy. Symbols usedin every day life (in culture rituals, festivals and important socialevents etc.,) carry out the meanings for operation of theparticular culture. Thus, investigation and interpretation ofmeanings used in the context of action (i.e. social action) is theprimary concern of Symbolic Anthropology.

Culture is not something locked inside people's head butrather is embodied in public symbols - symbols through whichthe members of a society communicate their own view. It isvalue orientation ethos (characteristic features of any culture andcommunity) to their further generations (by means ofsocialization). To anthropologists, they are social processes thatpass from generation to generation. For example wearing whitedress by a man symbolizes the death of his father or mother and

232 Occasional Papers

the dress if wore by a woman symbolizes the death of herhusband in Hindu culture.

For Geertz, reading culture is like doing archaeology;culture is exposed and explained layer by layer until it gives thesignificant meaning (i.e. interpretation understanding). By theinterpretative understanding of culture, Geertz also implies thecontext (situation, time, condition) of the symbols used.

The interpretation of Balinese cockfight is a classicalexample of Symbolic Anthropology or interpretive approach. ForGeertz. 'The Balinese Cockfight' is a symbolic event, whichoffers a window to Balinese culture through which it is possibleto see "What keeps Balinese society in order? There are twocontradictory relationships within the Balinese society. Heinterprets the event as a cultural "text" through which oneattempts to understand the inner nature of Balinese society. Thecockfight symbolizes the social relation (kin/village,community), conflict, rivalries between different communitiesand the social solidarity within a single Balinese community.Betting as a cockfight expresses the villagers' and kin's "wefeeling" which also relates to the existing labour, economic andritual cooperation between the members. It is not only the fightbetween two animals (cocks) but also between the twocommunities in the "game form".

Before going to documentation of the task of religiousrituals: first of all we have to define religion. Durkheim wasperhaps the first sociologist to recognize the critical importanceof religion in human societies. In his view "religion is acollective act and includes many forms of behaviors in whichpeople interact with others". Durkheim initiated sociologicalanalysis of religion by defining religion as a "unified system ofbeliefs and practices relative to sacred things". Compromisingthe definition put forward by Durkheim, I want to raise thequestion, "How can human societies be held together when theyare generally composed of individuals and social groups withdiverse interests and aspirations?" The probable answer may bethat "religious bonds often transcend these personal and diverseforces". But readers may have f1ll1her questions "Why shouldreligion provide the societal glue?" Religion provides societal

8. P. Dahal/Ordering Sherpa Life... 233

glue because it offers people meaning and purpose for their lives.It gives them certain ultimate values and end to hold in common.Although subjective and not al\\ays fully accepted, these valuesand ends help a society to function as an inteorated social

'"system. That's why people believe in religion either for "hope"or by "fear".

In fact religious rituals are practices required or expectedof members of a faith. Rituals usually honour the divine power(or powers) worshipped by believers; the) also remind adherentsof their religious duties and responsibilities.

Theo"etical Perspectives

Clifford Geertz - pioneering figure in the symbolicanthropology - recognizes anthropology as the science ofculture. Geertz's interpretive anthropology claims to be ascientific study, however it must be able to excavate or dig outthe meanings.

Symbols usually signify many things: to use Turner'sphrase (The Forest of Symbols, 1967) they are multi-vocal.According to Geertz, human behaviour is fundamentallysymbolic and therefore laden with meaning for social actors. Theprimary task of ethnographer is to understand the "webs ofsignificance" which people themselves have spun.

Symbolic/interpretive ethnography focuses on themeaning of behaviour and rely primarily on verbal data insupport of their interpretations. So, it is not inaccurate to saysymbolic ethnographies have been similar to neo-structural instyle.

Geertz in "thick description" argues the aim ofanthropology is to interpret the meaning of behaviour to explainactions and attitudes that appear puzzling. According to him,culture consists of "structures of significance". "frame ofinterpretation" or "socially established structures of meaning".For Geertz, culture is "context" and it is the object of theethnography to describe it.

Ortner's symbolic interpretation account of the Sherparituals thus provides a clear framework for conceptualizing thecultural-symbolism through Sherpa rituals. This frame provides


the clear cut picture of interplay between the "idealistic" and"realistic" explanations of social and cultural Sherpa I,~fe becauseit reveals the abiding issue to be not one of the anti-socialbehaviour" as opposed to their socio-cultural values (which ISthe "ideals" of Sherpas) but of "social behaviour" in society ..

Ortner's symbolic interpretation persuasivelydemonstrates that explanation demands not simply d,scernlllgsymbolic meanings of culture lhrough particular events, but alsoaccounting for how something as Improbable for symboliccommunication. Her work in general has sought to altlculate a"common ground" as early interpretive/symbolic theonsts hold.

Ortner's "Sherpa through their Rituals (1978)" allns tounderstand the nalllre of Sherpa society through an analySIS ofthe meanin"s of certain rituals in Sherpa culture. As such Itresembles Geertz's "cockfight" for the Balinese world. It alsoresembles Pritchard's structural analysis in "The Nuer". Oltner'sgoal in her ethnography is to "open" Sherpa culture to readers"unfolding it, revealing it, not only a sense of ~lIrface. andrhythm, but also a sense of inner connections and IIlteractlons.She approaches her goals by focussing on ntuals, because sheclaims that they are events that dramatize and make Sherpasocial life intelligible for both participants and observer.

The Argument of the EthnographyOrtner develops her analysis of the meanings embodied

in Sherpa rituals by identifying the problems of Sherpa life. Thebasic problem of the Sherpas is the challenge to the socIalstability and social solidarity of communal life. The pnnclples ofBuddhism el1couraoe tendencies towards Isolation andatomization that sh~ saw ..threatening the fabric of Sherpasociety". .The problem of social cohesiveness among the Sherpa ISmagnified by the lack of devices for conflict resolution. "TheSherpas have "no formal mechanism of SOCial control .. Itweakens the basis for community stability. So, WIth these fragderelationships within the community, nuclear families, andabsence of formal institutions that deal with SOCial control,

B.P. Dahal/Ordering Sherpa Life... 235

Ortner identifies the problem "What keeps things in order? Or"How Sherpa society possible?"

Ortner addresses these questions in two parts. She firstclaims that - the Sherpas depend on internalized constraints toprevent anti-social behaviors or disorder to maintain social order.However she observes, "inner constraints do not alwaysconstraint". Therefore, she looks elsewhere for the basis ofSherpa social order. In second part she finds it in their rituals:she concludes then that rituals resolve conflict by offeringsolutions to the problems. These solutions functionpsychologically. In this sense, rituals among the Sherpas servethe same function that cockfights do among the Balinese. Therituals are models of and models for social reality. Ortner'sinterpretation follows Geertz's paradigm "ritual manipulate andshape consciousness and they create meanings... "

Textual Organisation

Ortner uses the first chapter to introduce the readers tothe theory and methods of Symbolic Anthropology. In thesecond chapter, she states the analytical problems of her studythe problematic nature of the society and outlines the rituals thatprovide a means for resolving the conflicts and contradictions ofSherpa life and thereby contributes to social solidarity andstability. The next four chapters include the core of her symbolicanalysis - the meaning of Sherpa rituals: (i) Nyungne; (ii)Hospitality; (iii) Exorcisms; and (iv) Offering rituals. The briefdiscussion on these rituals being suitable is presented here.

Nyungne: Problems of Marriage, Family, andAsceticism

Ortner views Nyungne as the problem of marriage, family andasceticism. Four days holiday called Nyungne is observed once ayear in late spring and involves "becoming like monks" to gainreligious merit towards a good birth. The key vow of Buddhistasceticism is absenteeism from sexual relations. Nyungne is aperiod of atonement. It brings powerful merit to the participants.It involves fasting and abstentions experience, ascetic ethicvoluntary participation purely on individual basis. Nyungne

11.


begins with "Sang" ceremony; at the first day volunteer-sponsorsgive a big evening meal to the paltlclpants. From. second day,they recite Lamic text, tak111g refuse In the rellglOn and theyperform prostration, which is central to the observation of

Nyungne. . .From the "point of view of the Sherpas, the pOlIll of

observing Nyungne is to get merit (Dharma). They followabstention of food, drink and conversation, no sex, no work, nowearing of metal ornaments or leather. The rite is directed to theGod Cherenzi (Avalokeshawor). Pawa Cheranzl IS peaceful,compassionate God symbolizing that, initiating him grantssalvation. God himself does not erode away the Sill. Ideally,

yungne is a best way to merit making, but how do problemsarise in reality? Ortner claims that atomized family/closedhousehold syndrome proves it that familles are very closed andself-contained. A married couple by itself is responsible to have

and rely on no one's support.Cherenzi is the symbolic meaning of parental figure who

created the world. In Sherpa society, male mercy andcompassion are "feminine" attribute. So~ perfect parent's sexbrinos marriaoe and marriage seems excltmg but this pleasurewill~lOt last f~,ther. Marriage brings children and children bringjoy but children fail to reciprocate in one's declining years.According to Ortner, Children's marriage pose threat at vanous

levels in Sherpa society-f I " .. BOlld"i. For mother, rupture 0 t le Y111J

(compassion bond)Hard economic realities labor decreased,property divided and cattle shared

111. Marriage at six distinct stagesIV. Old couple - depend on the sonv. Friction of twO- in-lawsShe acknowledges that the crisis of children's marriages

and problems of the aged in Sherpa culture is a crisis of personalidentity as well as of personal survival. All these issues weresianaled by the symbolism of the Nyungne ritual.

" All these problems are resolved by offering rituals(Nyungne). Symbolically it involves extreme condensation of

B.P. Daha//Ordering Sherpa Life... 237

complex and profound feeling and meanings. In fact, Nyungnetransforms from worldly material life to merits of spiritual world.Nyungne offers satisfying refuge.

Hospitality: Problems of Exchange, Status, andAuthority

Why hospital ity is important in Sherpa society? Ortnerbelieves that there is a lack of cohesion in Sherpa society. Thekey fact of Sherpa social structure is its relative atomization intonuclear family units. A household will give a formal hospitalityat wedd111g, funeral, new year, etc. Hospitality is the mostgeneralized form of "being social in Sherpa society". At the coreof any hospitality event there is a material transaction: a hostgives food to his guests. Feeding is culturally considered to be anact of great power and they are manipulative work. In "Yangzi"transaction, an individual brings a token gift of beer or food andasks for a favour. According to Ortner, the symbols of hospitalityare to (i) maintain order in the status of hierarchy, (ii) produceorder in the political functions of party interactions, and (iii) thereciprocity.

Ortner begins her account with an analysis of a ritual(Nyungne) that addresses strains within the Sherpa family.Ideally the Sherpa family is autonomous and self-sufficient, acloses unit, differentiated from and opposed to the rest ofsociety. Its members are economically independent of otherfamilies, but dependent on one another and with strong ties toone another emotionally especially child and mother.In contrast to these ideals, in reality relations within the Sherpafamily are weakened (undermined) by several factors:-

(i.) Marriage: Children grow and got married andseparated learning emotionally and physically.

(ii.) New family creation causes economic problemsfor the old ones resulting in division of land,labour and cattle.

(iii.) Conflict between mother-in-law and daughter-inlaw


(iv.) The children take place for householder in place ofaged parents (parents do not feel to accept childrenas adults and hence their decision.

This discrepancy (difference) between ideal. and actualcreates tension/conflict/dis-equilibrium/disorder that IS supposedto be relieved in a ritual (Nyungne) atonement. 11 IS supposed tohelp the elders see themselves not as deprived but asapproaching religious/cultural Ideal autonomy. Cog11ltlvely andemotionally, loss is transformed mto gam. .'

The same forces of "atomism" disrupt relatiOnshIpsbetween families. Ortner argues that this threat is overcome bySherpa belief about hospitality, "a way of being social" that ISnormatively governed by rules of "etiquette". Sherpas arereluctant (unwilling) to engage in the exchange ofmatenal goodssuspicious (wary) of the attachments that it may generate. TIllSattitude weakens social relationshIps - a situatiOn that ISovercome in the Sherpa customs of Yangdi and hospitality thatfacilitates to regain order or equilibrium. Yangdl IS aninstitutionalized transaction consisting of a gift of food (or beer),which obligates its recipient to reciprocate with a favour of somesort. Ortner concluded that Yangdi is the baSIC mechanism forgenerating exchange in Sherpa society that hospitality,"dramatizes" order...... produces order and reproduces amechanism, Yangdi - for generating order " .

In sum, in chapter three and four, Ortner addresses antlrelational tendencies within and between families, the threat tofamily relationships and especially the feelings of lessexperienced by the elderly as the issues and the answer asembodied in the rituals of atonement. Between the families theissue is how to resolve the threat to communal relationsassociated with "atomism" and self-sufficiency, and the answeris embodied in the rituals of hospitality and institutionalized gIftgiving "Yandzi" to foster reciprocity between households.

But even with these efforts to overcome the tendencytoward atol~ism there are still obstacles to the maintenance ofsocial order. As, Ortner argues, the "forces of anarchy anddisruption periodically return in the form of demons to wreck,chaos and pollution in society. Therefore, she turns to an

B. P. Dahal/Ordering Sherpa Life ... 239

examination of the ritual mechanisms by which demons arecontrolled. She does this in the next two chapters: fifth and sixth.Chapter five describes the ritual of exorcism in which Sherpasdirectly confront, by symbolic means, the disruptive forcesrepresented by demons. Chapter six describes rituals of offerings(oblation) in which Sherpas attempt through acts of givingsimilar to those of "Hospitality" to persuade Gods to assist themin combating the demons that plague them.

Exorcism: Problems of Wealth, Pollution, andReincarnation

Exorcism held annually is connected with funerals. Inexorcism there is always direct enactment of confrontation withthe forces of evil. The "do dzongup" is a heterodox exorcism inwhich an effigy of tiger is made of mud and dough; a man leadsit and the other rides dragging the tiger away in a room. It isplaced on a plank and "road" is made of flour and driven awayby the Lama with the music and scenting and is destroyedfinally.The Gyepshi rite is an orthodox exorcism. Rich people do it theopposite of "do dzongup" because they lavish the demons byvaluable, beautiful and tasty offerings to pacify and gratify themrather than to threaten them.Demons are insatiably greedy, vicious, and predatory creatureswho roam the world causing troubles - illness, death, corruptionand destruction. They are everywhere in the world. In Buddhistideology, however, the demonic behaviour is the behaviour ofthe self. They should be driven away. Ascetic person defeatdemons by learning to control "quiet" and ultimately eliminatethese interior impulses. It is concentration and self-control. Ifdemons are greedy for material wealth, luxury and satisfaction soare the peoples. They are to be eliminated.

Offering Rituals: Problems of Religion, Anger, andSocial Cooperation

Offering rituals are done all-round-the year. The Godsare humanised, embodied in material world. Hen offering isobserved. 'Torma" is made, incense, music and sprinkling of


beer invites the God. All phenomena or mechanisms of ritualsact for maintaining the social order in fragile social relationshipswithout any formal social institutions.

An exorcism ritual helps the individual to overcome theanxiety produced by anticipation of physical deterioration anddeath. And an offering ritual tends individuals have insight intotheir emotions, thereby producing a constructive way of dealingwith their feelings of anger. Thus, the potential social disorderthat might be created by "death" or "anger" are overcome by therituals of exorcism and offerings and thereby the order ismaintained in the Sherpa society. Therefore the phrase "Sherpareligion is the religion of fear" as used by writer seems morerelevant in real life.

Claims and Data

The claims are repeatedly stated and systematicallyinterwoven.

1. Textual arrangement is good.2. The writer has included Sherpas' concepts, proverbs, myths,

legends and native terms.3. The argument of the monograph is nearly present.4. All arguments of the book are essentially correct,

sequentially presented and excellent theoreticalinterpretations.

Evaluation

There are some methodological pitfalls in spite of thegood arrangement of photographs, drawings, verbal dialogue,dialects, etc. representing various facts. No clear-cutmethodologies are addressed, so that graphical interpretationcould not be found. Ortner's cultural interpretation or analysis ofSherpa culture from an internal or emic view is not possible byusing traditional scientific methods of systematic observation,data collection and hypothesis testing used by pioneeringanthropologists like Radcliff-Brown, Malinowski, Geertz, etc.The account of ritual scenes does not provide evidence for theiralleged functions. Ortner presents no data about changes inattitudes or actions and about transformations. People are

8. P. Dahal/Ordering Sherpa Life... 241

supposed to be experienced. The claims are simply stated andrestated, again and again.

She could have shown some examples of where and howdis?rder was resulted due to less acts of hospitality and againsolidanty was mall1tall1ed through rituals.

Viewing Sherpa society only through their rituals canneither be understood at microscopic level nor can one analyzeSherpa social-cultural life in broader sense or macro level. TheSherpa society was studied with the help of the otherperspectives also. For example Stevens Stanley studied theSherpa society with the help of human ecological perspectives.H,s analysIs focused on the Sherpa subsistence with the changeIn the envllonmental conditions. Thus analysis of Sherpa societyonly through their ritual is not enough to open the Sherpa societyin the comprehensive or broader sense. The book has totallyfaded to analyse the Sherpa material life, Sherpa economy andenvironmental conditions. Her approach failed to try to analysethe material Sherpa culture while Julian Steward focused on theinterplay among the population, economic subsistence,technology and environment. He argued that the relationship ofthe material components of culture is primary and non-materialcomponents of culture are secondary. So rituals only cannot playthe prominent role for maintaining social order.

Thus, Ortner's account of the Sherpa based on a claimthat they exhibit antisocial tendencies that are contained by theirrituals is not grounded empirically. The conclusion could not beclaimed as drawn from the "Sherpas through their rituals" as shehas dealt with certain rituals only. The conclusions would havebeen different had that been drawn from "Sherpas through theweddings or any other institutions". For she herself says thatweddings have contrasting interpretations.

Ortner views "marriage)) as a problem in Sherpa lifebecause marriage produces children and higher the number ofchildren, less is the accessibility or availability of economic andenvironmental resource, social status etc, but Ortner ignores thepolyandry marriage practices of Sherpa. It is not clear that theyare either practicing polyandry marriage nor has developed othermeans. Many studies proved that population growth can generate


dynamism and economic prosperity rather than problems orpoverty. Growing population will adopt their changingconditions either by intensifying agriculture, adoption ofprobable cash crops, increasing use of marginal lands,developments of other sources of income or various kinds offertility control if possible.

Just as there are no data to support Ortner'sinterpretation of the psychological function of Sherpa rituals,there is little evidence to support her view of problematicfeatures of Sherpa society. She frequently used qualitative datarather than quantitative one. I think Ortner's idea is the synthesisof the idea of Functionalism and Symbolism as she uses thefunction of the rituals of the Sherpa society.

Her core analysis of "How Sherpa society is in Order?Or How Sherpa society is possible? Or Why Sherpas throughtheir rituals, why not through other institutions?" etc. provide theclear picture in theoretical level. She claims that Sherpas societyis atoministic; divided into isolated, antisocial nuclear familiesthemselves composed of individuals whose view of humannature is fundamentally penurious (poor) avaricious (greedy),materialistic and emphatically egocentric. But, this view is notbased on empirical facts.

Sacherer J. (1977) in his book "The Sherpa ofRolwaling: a Hundred years of Economic Change in Himalayas"has emphasized the adaptation of Sherpa to the harshenvironment of Rolwaling valley. Ortner's arguments do notreview Sacherer's analysis anywhere, even though his concepts,ideas, perspectives would definitely support her symbolicinterpretation. Hence her idea, concepts and interpretation cannotbe generalized and extended to all other Sherpa communities.

Similarly, Ortner ignored the new cultural adaptation ofSherpa's alternative cultural strategies. She has just expressedthem by the process of change, but she did not try to explain thechanging patterns of symbols in Sherpa life.

The disparity between the views of the Sherpas(insiders) and that of the analyzed project (outsiders) is anotherproblem. For example, while Ortner sees Sherpa parties as full of

B. P. Doha/IOrdering Sherpa Life... 243

competitions and tension; Sherpas describe them as having"fun".

Furthermore, she asserts that generosity is highly valued... but rarely practiced. This discrepancy between ideals and self,between thought and action raises problem. Should Sherpas beII1terpreted 111 terms of how they are supposed to behave or interms of how they actually behave?

REFERENCES

Bert, Patrick. (1998). Social Theory in the Twentieth Century, PolityPress in association with Blackwell Publishers, U.K.

Cuff E.C., Sharrock W.W., Francis D.W. (1990). Perspectives inSociology,Third Edition, Unwin Hyman Ltd. London

Geertz, Clifford (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures, Basic BooksInc.

KOlak, Conrad Phillip (1994). Anthropology: The Exploration ofHuman Diversity, Sixth Edition, McGraw Hill Inc.

Ortner, Sherry B.(1978). Sherpas through their Rituals, CambridgeUniversity Press

Ritzer, George (1996). Modern Sociological Theory, Fourth Edition,McGraw Hill Inc.

Turner, Victor (1976). The Forest of Symbols, Cornell UniversityPress

PART TIME FACULTY

23. Dilli Ram Dahal, Professor; Ph.D.(Anthropology) University ofHawii (Part Time from CNAS). '

24. Sunita Upreti (Banstola), Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology),Tnbhuvan Umverslty, MS (Sociology), Michigan StateUniversity, USA.

25. Janak Rai, Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (AnthropOlogy), TribhuwanUniversity (Part Time from Tri-Chandra Campus).

26. Dambar Chemjong; Assitant Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology)Tnbhuvan University, M. Phil. (AnthropOlogy), University ofBergan.

27. Udhav Rai, Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology), TribhuvanUniversity, M.S. (Applied Social Research), University ofManchester, London.

28. Suresh Dhakal, M.A. Assistant Lecturer; (Anthropology),Tribhuvan University, M.Phill.(Anlhropology), University ofBergan, Norway.

29. Pasang Sherpa, Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), TribhuvanUniversity (part time from Trichandra Campus)

30. Mrigendra Karki,. Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology),Tnbhuvan Umverslty (Part time from CNAS).

31. Man Bahadur Khatri, Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (AnthropOlogy),Tnbhuvan Umversity, M.Phil.(Anthropology), University ofBergan, Norway.

32. Madhusudan Sharma Subedi, Assistant Lecturer; M.A.(Sociology) Tribhuvan University, M.Phil. (Anthropology),University of Bergan.

33. Shambhu Kattel, Assistant Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology)Tnbhuvan University, M.Phil.(Amhropology), University ofBergan.

FACULTY OF THE DEPARTME T

I. Rishikeshab Raj Regmi, Professor and Chairperson, Departmentof Sociology/Anthropology; Ph.D. (Anthropology), Universityof Calcutta.

2. Kailash Nath Pyakuryal, Professor and Former Chairman andDean, Institute of Agriculture and Animal Sciences; Ph.D.(RuralSociology), Michigan State University.

3. Chaitanya Mishra, Professor and Former Chairman; Ph.D.(Sociology), University of Florida.

4. Ram Bahadur Chhetri, Reader, Ph.D. (Anthropology),University of Hawaii.

5. Kiran Dutta Upadhya, Reader, M.S.(Rural Sociology),University of the Philippines (Currently enrolled in the Ph.D.program in sociology at West Bengal University).

6. Krishna Bahadur Bhattachan, Lecturer and Former Chairman;Ph.D. (Sociology), University of California, Berkeley.

7. Padam Lal Devkota, Lecturer; Ph.D. (Anthropology) DelhiUniversity.

8. Om Gurung, Lecturer and Former Chairman; Ph.D.(Anthropology), Cornell University.

9. Phanindreswor Paudel, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology); BanarasHindu University.

10. Prabhakar Lal Das, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology) BhagalpurUniversity.

II. Laya Prasad Uprety, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology), TribhuwanUniversity, M.S. (Social Development), Ateno De ManilaUniversity, the Philippines (Currently enrolled in the Ph.D.program in Anthropology at Tribhuvan University, Nepal).

12. Tulsi Ram Pandey, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), TribhuvanUniversity. M.S. (Social Development) Ateno De ManilaUniversity, the Philippines (Currenlly enrolled in the Ph.D.program in Sociology at Delhi University, India).

13. Bhanu Bhakta Timsina, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology),Tribhuvan University.

14. Youba Raj Luitel, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), TribhuvanUniversity, M.S. (Gender studies) at Institute of Social Studies,the Netherlands.

15. Surendra Mishra, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), TribhuvanUniversity.

16. Saubhagya Shah, Lecturer; M.A. (Sociology), TribhuvanUniversity, Enrolled in the Ph.D. Program in Anthropology atHarvard University.

17.

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19.

20.

21.

Binod Pokharel, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology), TribhuvanUmverslty.

Keshab Kumar Shrestha, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology),Tnbhuvan University,. (Currently enrolled in the Ph.D. ProgramIII Anthropology at Tnbhuvan University).

Sam ira . Luitel, Lecturer; Ph.D. (Sociology), EdmintonUniversity, Canada.

Chinta Mani Pokhrel, Lecturer; M.A.(Anthropology), TribhuvanUniversIty.

Pratibha Gautam, Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology), TribhuvanUniverSity (On Deputation in Padma Kanya Campus).

34. Ram Bahadur K.C.; Assislant Lecturer; M.A. (Anthropology),Tribhuvan University (Part time from Patan Campus).

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OCCASIONAL PAPERS PLJBLICATIONSVOL.1

I. Nepal School of Sociology!AnthropologyDor Bahadur Bista

2. Sociology and Anthropology Curriculum and the Needs ofNepalK'rishna Bahadur Bhattachan.

3. "Romanticism" and Development" in Nepalese AnthropologyJames F. Fisher

4. Migration, Adaptation, and Socio-Cultural Change: The Case ofthe Thakalis in PokharaRam Bahadur Chhetri.

5. Native Strategies for Resource ManagementOm Prasad Gurung

6. Natural Causes and Processes of Poverty in Micro Settings TulsiRam Pandey

7. Factors Associated with Occupational Sociolization in RuralNepalKiran Dutta Upadhyay

8. Development and Underdevelopment A PreliminarySociological PerspectiveChaitanya Mishra

VOL. 2I. Sociology and Anthropology: An Emerging Field of Study in

NepalOm Gurung

2. The past and Future of Sociology in NepalBishnu Bhandari

3. Some Sociological Reflections on Development in the EasternHimalayasGopal Singh Nepali

4. Economic Modernization in a Chepang Village in Nepal GaneshMan Gurung

5. Culture and Resource Management for Subsistence : AnAnthropological PerspectiveBhanu Timseena

6. A Socio-economic profile of the Porters in the Central Mid-Hillsof NepalKiran Dutta Upadhyay

7. Employment, Working Conditions and Mode of Living : TheCase of Nepali Watchmen in Bombay

7.

8.

4.

Sherpa Buddhists on a Regional Pilgrimage: The Case ofMaratika Cave a HalaseEberhard BergBook ReviewHemant Humar Jha

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VOL. 5I. Ethnicity and Nationalism in the epali Context

A Perspective from EuropeUwe Kievelitz

2. The issue of National Integration in NepalAn Ethnoregional ApproachKrishna B. BhattachanKailash N. Pyakuryal

3. Bheja as a Strategic Cultural ConventionCommunity Resource Management in the Barha MagaratSuresh Dhakal

4. The Rajbanshis of RajgadhCommunity Adaptation in the Enviroment of Eastern TeraiHari P. Bhanarai

5. Kunna, Kola, and Kuri as Community ConceptsPatrilineage, Deities, and Inside-Outside Dichotomy among theRana TharusGanesh M. GurungTove C. Kittelson9.

8.

6.

5.

3.

2.

Television and the Child in Nepal: An Assessment of ViewingPatternsDyuti BaralMercantilism and Domestic Industry in West-Central Nepal:Significance for Anthropological Study of the CommunityStephen L. Mikesell and Jamuna Shrestha

Vol. 3I. Forestry and Farming System in the Mid-Hills of Nepal

Kiran Dutta UpadhyaySocio-Economic and Cultural Aspects of Aging in NepalRishikeshab Raj RegmiReligion, Society and State in NepalDipak Raj PantCommunity Development as Strategy to Rural DevelopmentKai lash PyakuryalNational Integration in NepalGanesh Man Gurung and Bishnu BhandariThe failure of Confidence MechanismTulsi Ram PandeyBuilding a New American Academic AnthropologyTom CoxAfro-American Sociologists and Nepali EthnographyStephen L. MikesellCase Studies on Domestic Servants: Reflection on Rural PovertySaubhagya Shah

9.

VOL. 4I. Anthropology, Development and Public Policy

Gerald D. Berreman2. Development Issues Raised during the "People's Movement" of

1990Krishna B. Bhattachan

3. Anthropological Perspectives on Grassroots Development inNepalPadam Lal Devkota

4. Deforestation and Rural Society in the Nepalese TeraiRishikeshab Raj Regmi

5. The Current Socio-Economic Status of Untouchables in NepalThomas Cox

6. Group Process for People's Participation in Rural Nepal:Reflections from a Micro Level StudyYouba Raj Luitel

VOL. 6I. Forest, People's Participation and Conflicts in Nepal

Dr. Rishikeshab Raj Regmi2. Restoration of Democracy and People's Empowerment in Nepal

Prof. Kailash N. Pyakuryal3. People-centered Development in Nepal: an Innovative Approach

Dr. Padam Lal Devkota4. Functions of an Organization in a Indigenous Irrigation System:

A Case Study from a Hill Village in NepalLaya Prasad Uprety

5. An Analysis ofThe Rural Poverty From People's Perspectives:A Case Study from Amarpur VDC of Panchthar DistrictBinod Pokharel

6. Environmental Pollution and Awareness in Pokhara City: ASociological PerspectiveDr. Biswo Kalyan Parajuli

7. An Anthropological Perspective on Shifting Cultivation: A CaseStudy of Khoriyo Cultivation in the Arun Valley of EasternNepalSuresh Dhakal

8. Social Engineering Approach to Air Quality Challenge: TheCase of KathmanduRamesh C. Arya

VOL. 7I. Anthropological Insights in the Delivery of Health Services in

Nepal Prof. Rishikeshab Raj Regmi2. Weberian Model of Social Stratification - A Viewpoint - Prof. Dr.

Kailash Pyakuryal3. Anthropology, society and Development in Nepal: A Native

Perspective Dr. Padam Lal Devkota4. Population Dynamics and Environmental Degradation in Nepal:

An Overview Laya Prasad Uprety5. Gender Roles and Activities Among the Rural Poor Households:

Case Studies from Hill Villages Mr. Binod Pokharel6. Exclusion, The Politics of Location and women's Property Rights

Debates in Nepal: A Discourse Analysis of Political ActivismYauba Raj Luintel

7. The Social World of Nepalese Women Dr. Samira Luitel8. Cultural Dimension of Pasture Resource Management in Nepal: A

Study ofGumba System oflhe Northwest Dolpa Mr. Dltirendra B.Parajllii

9. Emerging Methods in Research Participation and EmpowermentProcesses in Nepal Dr. Philip Tanner

(

NOTES TO CONTRIBUTORS

Occasional papers on Sociology and anthropology publishl.:s arliclcs.original research reports. review articles. book revil:\\. dissertation Jbstracts.professional announcement and other infonnation of interest in the an:as of thesociology and anthropology of epal and other Hillwlayan regions. Both theNepalese and foreign scholars may submit their articles.

Materials submincd should be in English or in Nepali. Authors lllllst takefull responsibility for the originality. contents, and opinion expressed in thesearticles. The copyrighted material which is (0 be reproduced in the articll:S must besuitably acknowledged.

Contributors are requested to send. ifpossible. their matcrial on computcrnoppy disks using IBM compatible word processing programs. Thc) Ill<l). howevcr.send copy of the manuscript separately. The text. notl;:s. and reli.:rl:nec~ should betyped double -spaced. All pages should be numbered. The title ofthc paper. author'sname. affiliations. and complete address should appear on the first page.

The anthropological style of refercncing i~ pn:fcrrcd. Tc;\t~ should referto notes numbered consecutively. Allnotcs and fOotl1otes should appear at the endof the paper. Book reviews should no!. ho\\cvcr. contain footnotes; 'III referencesshould be incorpormc in the text itself.

Citation in the text should include the amhor's Sllrn<lmc. ycar ofpublication, and page number. e.g. : (Sorokin. 1978:49). If tbe puhlications to becited is authored by more than two persons. thell lise tht: Sllnl<lllle of the first author.to be followed by et al. [I' the smne rclercnce is cited Illor.,: than once continuously.use ibid. After citing tbe full reference once. but gi\ ing the n:lcvant page number ifit is di ITercnL

Entries for the bibliogr<lphical list should follow the lollowlng orderauthor's name (surname. followed by full first llaille or initials). year or publication.the title of publication along with its edition Ilumber. place of publication. andpublisher's name. lrthe rerercnce is to ,111 article tonn an I:dilCd book. thell givc thename or the alit hoI' as suggested above. year or publication. tllc title or the article.tile title or tile book. l:ditor's lHlIllC. place or public'lIion. alld publisher's numc: e.g.Greenwold Stcphl:n 1978. "The I{ole or llle Priest in Ncwar society". Ilill1alayanAmhropology cd. James Fisher The I [aguc : Ivloutoll.

If the re!cn:ncc is ti'Olll a pcriodical. give the llaJm: or the author assuggested above. year or publication. the title of till: periodical with its volumcnumber. and pagc 111llllber e.g Gra) John. N. 1980. "IIYPcl'gamy. Caste <lndKinship among the Chhctris or Nepal". Contributions to Indian Sociology. 14: 1-34.

If the )ear nnd tllc place of publication arc missing usc n.d. nnd n.p.respectivel). The bibliographical list shoultl prclcrabl) includc only the works cited.Use double quote marks (" tI) \\hile quoting sentcnces ,lIld singh: quotes (' ') lor asingle \\ork/phmse. Use spellings as lollo\\ctl in the Nc\\ Webster Dictionary orOxford DicliolHlr). Contributes an.: rcqucstcd to maintain consistency throughouttheir articles.

All com:spondcnccs relnted to editorial and subscription should beaddressed10·

The ChnlrpcrsonCentral Dcpnrtlllcilt of Sociolog~IAnlhropolog~Tnbhman Uni\cr)lI)

Kin ipur. Kathmandu

ordering sherpa life through their rituals: symbolic

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