Orientalism K

1NC

1NC KThe United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policyLewis lsquo2 [Jeff Lewis is Senior Lecturer in media and cultural studies in the School of Applied Communication RMIT University Melbourne Australia He is the author of Cultural Studies Iowa Journal of Cultural Studies 1 Pub Spring 2002 Acc 51516 httpwwwuiowaeduijcsculturalism-transculturalism]SC

At their most obvious and as we have noted above these language wars have centered on disputes over forms of self-ascription the respective sides of the war define themselves in terms of an heroic crusade and the protection and ldquoliberationrdquo of self-determined cultural values Less obvious perhaps are the ways in which the whole notion of the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo (and its constituent semiotic order) is both culturally constituted and simultaneously subject to discursive counter-claims and dispute In this sense the World Trade Center becomes implicated in both a direct material assault (economic spatial biological) as well as in a far more redolent and intense conflict over meaning Built in 1972 by the

Rockefeller dynasty the World Trade Center was configured as an ensign of American enterprise and the capitalist dream This propagated meaning seemed to inscribe itself more fully on the American imaginary following the terrorist bombings of 1993 The twin towers came to represent an heroic and defiant heritage proudly defining the Manhattan skyline in terms of a US economic political and moral primacy Amid the swarm of American economic and cultural exports the twin towers might be identified as the center of New York which is the center of

America and the globe But it is precisely this sort of ldquoexport of imagerdquo which renders the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo vulnerable to appropriation adaptation re-inscription and critical semiotic dispute It is quite clear therefore that the Trade Center assailants attached very different meanings to the towers and to the US generally than those intended by a remarkably introspective and insular American discursive hegemony The Trade Center and the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo have been offered to the world but the complexity of that world simply shatters the discursive borders that the American authorities (consciously or

not) might seek to impose Americarsquos power to coerce its ldquostrengthrdquo is critically limited by the freedom of others in the global ldquocommunityrdquo to make of their culture whatever they willmdashthat culture includes the torrent of elements actions and texts that the US so unrestrainedly

delivers to the world but whose meanings are open to dispute Clearly George Bushrsquos ldquoshockrdquo that anyone could ldquohate Americardquo betrays an extraordinary solipsism and incapacity to

understand this point The broad global dissemination of American commerce and culture seems to obscure the complex and often contradictory attitudes that this global presence engenders American foreign policy is textured by this same problematic the same

cultural ambit As the peoples of the Middle East dispute over territories that have been defined by colonial cartographers liberation movements and international arbiters they aspire to a conflux of contending and contiguous values drawn from a broad spectrum of cultural sources Accordingly and as Edward Said has

constantly argued the values of ldquofreedomrdquo and self-determination that Bush the free press and

First World authorities would bring to the region are unquestionably resonant for Middle Eastern peoples protection from terror is as important to Al Qaeda as it is to the people who

had been working in the Trade Center buildings on 911 However as Said also maintains the methods of delivery and the precise definition of these liberational values needs to accommodate the specific cultural characteristics of the peoples who are creating their lives and cultures within their specific social and historical contexts The reduction of the Trade Center to rubble represents the communicative disjunctures and problems of contiguous cultural

meaning-making as much as it is symptomatic of the inadequacies of American foreign policy airport security or CIA intelligence gathering This problematic of meaning-making and cultural contiguity is a critical factor in the formation of language war and power However as we have noted a configuration like the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo seeks to form itself as a super-text overriding and resolving the problematic through the imposition of a nodal and extraneous symbolic order The much-vaunted consensus of state media and public attitudes toward the 911 and Afghan war might seem to support an assertion that a symbolic order is being re-asserted against the threat of external challenge Our argument thus far would claim on the contrary that the divide between external and internal threat is obscured in a global cultural context American culture is necessarily de-bordered by its presence and integration with other world cultures challenges by Al Qaeda and others are formed through the integration of America into Middle Eastern cultural imaginings Similarly the agonisms which challenge American hegemony in world affairs may also be forged through trans-border affiliations for example between Muslims in the Middle East and Left or liberal intellectuals in America For many of these American intellectuals their embodiment in the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo is conditional and necessarily

ldquoamorphousizedrdquo by these identifications and contiguities with ldquoexternalrdquo peoples Beyond these ldquoexternalrdquo challenges to the nodalized ldquoUnited Statesrdquo we would suggest further that the notional consensus of state

media and public is both precarious and dubious In fact the carefully managed theatricizing of 911 and Afghan through what Luow refers to as a PR-izing of war clearly demonstrates that the American authorities themselves recognize that public opinion is fundamentally volatile and transient While critics like Noam Chomsky and Neil Postman have claimed that this volatility masks a more encased or essential gullibility recent theorization on audiences and media consumption would suggest that such views profoundly underestimate the creative and liberational capacity of viewing publics (see Morley Ang Lull) In fact the media-ization of politics and war illustrates a clear tension between the vulnerability and creativity of audiences-as-citizens This tension is clearly associated with the processes of

cultural televisualization (see Lewis 419-448) that is the transformation of reality through televisual imagery The volatility of public opinion reflects therefore the transient nature of imagery the imprecision of mediated politics and the disjunctive and incomplete character of televisual knowledge

The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalismYung-Wen rsquo15 [ldquoThe Void of Chineseness Contemporary Art and Cultural Diplomacy in Chinardquo International Journal of Social Science and Humanity Vol 5 No 11 November 2015 Acc 51616 Yao Yung-Wen ndash MA in China‟s diplomacy from Peking University MA in cultural studies at Goldsmiths College the University of London PhD candidate at the University of Nottingham httpwwwijsshorgpapers589-CH376pdf]SC

According to the prevailing postcolonial discourses it is problematic to claim an original and authentic cultural root to ldquoreturn tordquo given that disruptions and discontinuities of history global economic interdependence and international emigration all seriously challenge the concept of the nation state and the definition of national culture The assertion of a ldquosingular national identityrdquo became problematic when foreign cultural influences were internalised as part of everyday life The hybridity of contemporary Chinese society also challenged the idea of ldquocultural homogeneityrdquo When the CCP introduced a capitalist economy it was made clear that communism would no longer be the central belief that maintained China rsquo s social cohesion and national unity Joining the international community not only meant that China had to open and change its once-isolated system in order to be connected with international organisations and their rules but also placed China under the evaluation of a set of ldquouniversalrdquoWestern values It became urgent for the Party to reposition itself to deal with the external and internal demands of a new identity During the 1980s the significant Western cultural influence on Chinese society was deemed to be responsible for the Tiananmen crackdown in 1989 The lsquo85 Art NewWave also ended with controversy in the same year Chinarsquos avant-garde art like the student movements that were once regarded as liberal pursuits was to blame for causing social upheaval and chaos Contemporary Chinese art was officially banned from any public sphere as a consequence

With the advanced participation in the international community the CCP found it had to accept a set of universal values that ultimately influenced its domestic affairs and put its legitimacy in crisis By asserting that this set of universal values served ldquothe idea of the centrality of the Westrdquo the Party decided it was of crucial importance to ldquoemphasize and strengthen the study of the differences between Eastern and Western culturerdquo [3] The idea of Asian values was supported by the Chinese Government

which stated that Asia could provide an alternative to the Western way of life [3] In order to distinguish Chinese values from the Western-centred universal values traditional Chinese culture was re-evaluated as the authentic roots of China rsquo s own cultural values instead of a backward force which was how it had been labelled since the early twentieth century Also when socialism had become increasingly distanced from social reality the communist ideology was regarded by cultural nationalists as one of those Western theories that should be excluded from the

search for ldquoauthentic Chinese cultural rootsrdquo In other words in addition to the necessity of defining Chinarsquos global role as a ldquo Chinese nation rdquo the Party also needed to reconstruct its identity as representing the ldquoChinese peoplerdquo instead of the great proletarian class in order to continue the Partyrsquos legitimacy in ruling the country A ldquoChineserdquo China was certain to be antagonistic to the Western-centred ldquouniversalrdquo values However what exactly constituted ldquoChinesenessrdquo remained ambiguous This ambiguity is revealed in particular in discussions related to contemporary Chinese art In contemporary China the understanding of concepts such as cultural diplomacy nationalism postcolonialism modernity and contemporary Chinese art was often based on reinterpretations of those concepts that were consistent with China rsquo s national interests which were basically conflated with the Partyrsquos interests To put it another way things had to be

read in the ldquoChineserdquo way usually involving a nationalist sentiment Still ldquoChinesenessrdquo is an undefinable concept in contemporary China Therefore I argue that there is a void behind the concrete assertion of Chinarsquos official cultural identity Like China rsquo s nationalism identity became a political ideology influenced by Chinarsquos national interests however behind this identity is an ambiguous assertion of the glorious past and an ongoing anti-imperialist sentiment The

ldquoChinesenessrdquo promoted in contemporary Chinese art practices bears the same hollow face that is manifested in Chinarsquos cultural diplomacy It is difficult to grasp what constitutes the communally inspired vision of identity other than a powerful China nourished by the growing importance of ldquoChinesenessrdquo in defining China rsquo s cultural identity

Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposabilityMignolo 2k [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405 115-117]enrique Dussel an Argentinian philosopher associated with the philosophy of liberation has been articulating a strong countermodern argument I

quote from the beginning of his Frankfurt lectures Modernity is for many (for Jurgen Habermas or Charles Taylor for example) in essentially or exclusively European phenomenon In these lectures I will argue that

modernity is in fact a European phenomenon but one constituted in dialectical relation with a non-European alterity that is its ultimate content Modernity appears when Europe affirms itself as the center of a World history that it inaugurates the periphery that surrounds this center is consequently part of its self-definition The occlusion of this periphery (and of the role of Spain and Portugal in the

formation of the modern world system from the late fifteenth to the mid-seventeenth centuries) leads the major contemporary thinkers of the center into a Eurocentric fallacy in their understanding of modernity If their understanding of the genealogy of modernity is thus partial and provincial their

attempts at a critique or defense of it are likewise unilateral and in part false (Dussel [19931 1995 65) The construction of the idea of modernity linked to European expansion as forged by European intellectuals was powerful enough to last almost five hundred years Postcolonial discourses and theories began effectively to question that hegemony a challenge that was unthinkable (and perhaps unexpected) by those who constructed and

presupposed the idea of modernity as a historical period and implicitly as the locus of enunciationmdasha locus of enunciation that in the name

of rationality science and philosophy as serted its own privilege over other forms of rationality or over what from the perspective of modern reason was nonrational I would submit conse quently that postcolonial literature and postcolonial theories are constructing a new concept of reason as differential loci of enunciation What does differential mean Differential here first means a displacement of the concept and practice of the notions of knowledge science theory and understanding articulated during the modern periodreg Thus Dussels region alization of modernity could be compared with Homi Bhabhas both speak ing from different colonial legacies (Spanish and English respectively) Driven by the subaltern history of the margins of modernitymdashrather than by the failures of logocentrismmdashI have tried in some small measure In revise the known to rename the postmodern from the position of the postcolo nial (Bhabha 1994 175 emphasis added) I find a noteworthy coincidence between Dussel and Bhabha albeit with some significant differences in accent The coincidence lies in the very iui portant fact that the task of postcolonial reasoning (ie theorizing) is not only linked to the immediate political needs of decolonization (in Asia Al rica and the Caribbean) but also to the rereading of the paradigm of modi i n reason This task is performed by Dussel and Bhabha in different although complementary ways After a detailed analysis of Kants and Hegels construction of the idea of I nlightenment in

European history Dussel summarizes the elements that i onstitute the myth of modernity (1) Modern (European) civilization understands itself as the most developed the superior civilization (2) This sense of superiority obliges it in the form of a categorical imperative as it were to develop (civilize uplift educate) the more primitive barbarous underdeveloped civilizations (3) The path of such development should be that followed by Europe in

its own development out of antiquity and the Middle Ages (4) Where the barbarians or the primitive opposes the civilizing process the praxis of modernity must in the last instance have recourse to the violence necessary to remove the obstacles to modernization (5) This violence which produces in many different ways victims takes on an almost ritualistic character the civilizing hero invests his victims (the colonized the slave the woman the ecological destruction of the earth etc) with the character of being participants in a process of redemptive sacrifice (6) from the point of view of modernity the barbarian or primitive is in a state of guilt (for among other things opposing the civilizing process) This allows modernity to present itself not only as innocent but also as a force that will emancipate or redeem its victims from their guilt (7) Given this civilizing and redemptive character of modernity the suffering and sacrifices (the costs) of modernization imposed on immature peoples slaves races the weaker sex el cetera are inevitable and necessary (Dussel 119931 1995 75) the myth of modernity is laid out by Dussel to confront alternative interpietations While Horkheimer and Adorno as well as postmodernist thinkbull is such as Lyotard Rorty or Vattimo all propose a critique of reason (a v iolent coercive and genocidal reason) Dussel proposes a critique of the enlightenments irrational moments as sacrificial myth not by negating reason but by asserting the reason of the othermdashthai is by identifying postcolonial reason as differential locus of enunciation The intersection between tbi idea of a self-centered modernity grounded in its own appropriation of greco-Roman (classical) legacies and an emerging idea of modernity from the margins (or countermodernity) makes clear that history does not begin in Greece and that different historical beginnings are at the same time anchored to diverse loci of enunciation This simple axiom is 1 submit a bindinternal one for and of postsubaltern reason Finally Bhabhas project in lename the postmodern from the position of the postcolonial also finds lis niche in postsubaltern reason as a differential locus of enunciation

And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatredMorley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

What is of course significant about a world historical event like the Gulf War is how individual fantasies are drawn into a collective strategy of psychic defence The collective expulsion of fear becomes the basis for reaffirming group solidarity Membership of a social group of a society is never an easy or an uncomplicated matter belonging to it is associated with feelings of discomfort from indifference to resentment and anxiety At particular historical moments however such tensions are eased as

the collectivity reasserts itself through what following Didier Anzieu (1984) we might call the working of the lsquogroup illusionrsquo The group discovers its common identity at the same time as its individual members are able to avow that they are all identical in their fears and then that they are consensual in the defensive violence and hatred they direct against the threat that is lsquonot-usrsquo It is a moment in which the individual can fuse

with the group for a time at least the defence of individual identity can be displaced onto the collectivity And for as long as danger and threat can be projected from its midst the group experiences a sense of exultation through its new-found wholeness and integrity It was this exultation that infused the esprit de corps of the coalition nations in the Gulf War What it reflected was the pleasure of experiencing harmonious community and in joining in righteous struggle (the just crusade)

It was however like so many times before predicated on a consensual misrepresentation on the illusory belief that the dangers and threats were all simply lsquoout therersquo and that the crazy dog really was Saddam

Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoningMignolo 2K [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405]68-69The second opposition Khatibi attempts to undo (after the opposition between the Christian West and the Islamic East) and I would say the very foundation of his need for a double critique is the postcolonial situation in the Maghreb What did we do asks Khatibi reflecting on Maghrebian intellectuals attitude in the process of decolonization other than reproduce a rather simplistic version of Marxs thought on the one hand and the ideological theology of Arabic nationalism on the other ( 1 9 8 3 16) A way out of these dichotomies presupposes a double critique and the search for an other thinking that will go beyond certain limitations of Marxist thinking which maintains a geopolitics of knowledge according to the knowing

subject in the First World (the Occident) and the known subject in the dogmatism and Arabic nationalism An other thinking is formulated as a response to the large questions and issues that are shaking the world today to the questions emerging from the places where the planetarization of science of technique and of strategies are being disclosed (13) What emerges from this formulation is that an other thinking is no longer located in either of the two alternatives into which

Orientalism and later area studies organized the distribution of scholarly labor from the eighteenth century to the cold war An other thinking implies a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge as organized by both Occidentalism (as the overarching imagi nary and self-definition of the modern world system) and Orientalism (one particular instance in which the difference from the same was located) along with area studies and the triumph of the social sciences in the geopolitics of knowledge It also entails an effort to escape the domain of Western metaphysics and its equivalent the theological

realm of Islamic thought An other thinking locates itself in all of these and in none in their borderland (as Gloria Anzaldua frames it) The potential of an other thinking is epistemological and also ethical epistemological because it is constructed on a critique of the limitations of two metaphysical traditionsmdashthe Christiansecular Western and the Islamic Two historical moments are relevant here one the sixteenth century and the rearticulation ol the conflict between Christianity and Islam through the purity of blood principle (see the introduction) two the eighteenth century and the secularization of philosophy and

knowledge the formation of capitalism and the rise of French colonialism Thus a consequent description of an other thinking is the following a way of thinking that is not inspired in its own limitations and is not intended to dominate and to humiliate a way of thinking that is universally marginal fragmentary and unachieved and as such a way of thinking that because universally marginal and fragmentary is not ethnocidal (Khatibi 1983 19) Thus the ethical potential of an other thinking Dussel independently of Khatibi has

characterized modern instrumental reason by its genocidal bent He tries to reveal this in his concept of the myth of modernity Modernity includes a rational concept of emancipation that we affirm and subsume But at the same

lime it develops an irrational myth a justification for genocidal violence the

postmodernists criticize modern reason as a reason of terror we criticize modern reason because of the irrational myth it conceals (Dussel [1993] 1995 67) Interestingly Khatibi and Dussel not only coincide in their critique of modernity without knowing each other but both define their enterprise in relation to modernity and to European philosophers (Nietzsche I leidcgger Foucault Derrida for Khatibi Apple Marx Habermas Levinas II ii Dussel) The consequences of coloniality of power and subalternization iI knowledge can be perceived at work from the colonial difference nourishing Khatibis and Dussels ethical and epistemic reflections And this is the situation that an other thinking addresses at the same time that it opens i new perspective for a geopolitical order of knowledge production

Block

Framework

ROB---BurkeThe role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logicBurke rsquo98 [Edmund Burke Pub 1998 Acc 2016 III University of California Santa Cruz Theory amp Society 274 (August) 589-607]SCFirst some background The independence movements of the Middle East and North Africa--especially the Algerian revolution--provoked a debate about

orientalist knowledge in which the interventions of Jean-Paul Sartre and Frantz Fanon were crucial For Fanon the anti-colonial struggle was also a cultural struggle with liberation as its goal The publication of Edward Saids Orientalism (1978) recast the terms of the debate Following Michel Foucault Said portrayed orientalism as not just an academic discipline but as an ideological discourse inextricably involved with European power In the debate that followed neither Said nor his critics were always careful to distinguish the elements of the critique or the complex epistemological issues involved in part it is about the nature of Enlightenment thought and the epistemological underpinnings of scientific knowledge in part about the connections between particular scholars and orientalist institutions and imperialism Said argues that because all knowledge is the product of its age and necessarily contingent there can be no knowledge unaffected by the auspices under which it comes to be If this premise is accepted it follows that there can be no knowledge which is fully objective thus orientalism has no privileged claim to truth However Said and his supporters go further

arguing that because orientalism as a species of discourse was fatally entangled with imperialism the knowledge it produced was inevitably distorted if not willfully racist While there is much truth in these observations they are lacking in complexity Certainly orientalism as a discourse

could not but reflect the views of the ambient culture in which it flourished Thus some orientalists did place themselves in the service of European empires the fortunes of the field were frequently linked to imperialism and European assumptions of superiority to non-Europeans and of the progressive role of imperialism were widespread On the other hand it is important to note that some orientalists opposed imperialism or wrote favorably about Islamic culture and society that some Middle Eastern nationalists were themselves inspired by Western orientalist writings and that nationalist and

Muslim theological positions have their own biases and assumptions It is undeniable that as a species of Enlightenment discourse orientalism has been a carrier of basic Western notions of the European self and the non-Western other which generated unfalsifiable propositions about the superiority of Europeans to non-Europeans In this way orientalists participated in the elaboration of modern European cultural identity However it is only as a result of the subsequent development of Western thought that it is possible to raise these criticisms

Epistemology 1 st Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniquesOwen 02 (David Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton ldquoReorienting International Relations On Pragmatism Pluralism and Practical Reasoningrdquo Millennium Journal of International Studies Vol 31 No 3 httpmilsagepubcomcgireprint313653)

The first dimension concerns the relationship between positivist IR theory and postmodernist IR lsquotheoryrsquo (and the examples illustrate the claims concerning pluralism and factionalism made in the introduction to this section) It is exhibited when we read Walt warning of the danger of postmodernism as a kind of theoretical decadence since lsquoissues of peace and war are too important for the field [of IR] to be diverted into a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real worldrsquo12 or find Keohane asserting sniffily that Neither neorealist nor neoliberal institutionalists are content with interpreting texts both sets of theorists believe that there is an international political reality that can be partly understood even if it will always remain to some extent veiled13 We should be wary of such denunciations precisely because the issue at stake for the practitioners of this lsquoprolix and self-indulgent discoursersquo is the picturing of international politics and the implications of this picturing for the epistemic and ethical framing of the discipline namely the constitution of what phenomena are appropriate objects of theoretical or other forms of enquiry The kind of accounts provided by practitioners of this type are not competing theories (hence Keohanersquos complaint) but conceptual reproblematisations of the background that informs theory construction namely the distinctions concepts assumptions inferences and assertability warrants that are taken for granted in the course of the debate between for example neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists (hence the point-missing character of Keohanersquos complaint) Thus for example Michael Shapiro writes The global system of sovereign states has been familiar both structurally and symbolically in the daily acts of imagination through which space and human identity are construed The persistence of this international imaginary has helped to support the political privilege of sovereignty affiliations and territorialities In recent years however a variety of disciplines have offered conceptualizations that challenge the familiar bordered world of the discourse of international relations14 The point of these remarks is to call critically into question the background picture (or to use another term of art the horizon) against which the disciplinary discourse and practices of IR are conducted in order to make this background itself an object of reflection and evaluation In a similar vein Rob Walker argues Under the present circumstances the question lsquoWhat is to be donersquo invites a degree of arrogance that is all too visible in the behaviour of the dominant political forces of our time The most pressing questions of the age call not only for concrete policy options to be offered to existing elites and institutions but also and more crucially for a serious rethinking of the ways in which it is possible for human beings to live together 15 The aim of these comments is to draw to our attention the easily forgotten fact that our existing ways of picturing international politics emerge from and in relation to the very practices of international politics with which they are engaged and it is entirely plausible (on standard Humean grounds) that under changing conditions of political activity these ways of guiding reflection and action may lose their epistemic andor ethical value such that a deeper interrogation of the terms of international politics is required Whether or not one agrees with Walker that this is currently required

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

1NC

1NC KThe United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policyLewis lsquo2 [Jeff Lewis is Senior Lecturer in media and cultural studies in the School of Applied Communication RMIT University Melbourne Australia He is the author of Cultural Studies Iowa Journal of Cultural Studies 1 Pub Spring 2002 Acc 51516 httpwwwuiowaeduijcsculturalism-transculturalism]SC

At their most obvious and as we have noted above these language wars have centered on disputes over forms of self-ascription the respective sides of the war define themselves in terms of an heroic crusade and the protection and ldquoliberationrdquo of self-determined cultural values Less obvious perhaps are the ways in which the whole notion of the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo (and its constituent semiotic order) is both culturally constituted and simultaneously subject to discursive counter-claims and dispute In this sense the World Trade Center becomes implicated in both a direct material assault (economic spatial biological) as well as in a far more redolent and intense conflict over meaning Built in 1972 by the

Rockefeller dynasty the World Trade Center was configured as an ensign of American enterprise and the capitalist dream This propagated meaning seemed to inscribe itself more fully on the American imaginary following the terrorist bombings of 1993 The twin towers came to represent an heroic and defiant heritage proudly defining the Manhattan skyline in terms of a US economic political and moral primacy Amid the swarm of American economic and cultural exports the twin towers might be identified as the center of New York which is the center of

America and the globe But it is precisely this sort of ldquoexport of imagerdquo which renders the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo vulnerable to appropriation adaptation re-inscription and critical semiotic dispute It is quite clear therefore that the Trade Center assailants attached very different meanings to the towers and to the US generally than those intended by a remarkably introspective and insular American discursive hegemony The Trade Center and the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo have been offered to the world but the complexity of that world simply shatters the discursive borders that the American authorities (consciously or

not) might seek to impose Americarsquos power to coerce its ldquostrengthrdquo is critically limited by the freedom of others in the global ldquocommunityrdquo to make of their culture whatever they willmdashthat culture includes the torrent of elements actions and texts that the US so unrestrainedly

delivers to the world but whose meanings are open to dispute Clearly George Bushrsquos ldquoshockrdquo that anyone could ldquohate Americardquo betrays an extraordinary solipsism and incapacity to

understand this point The broad global dissemination of American commerce and culture seems to obscure the complex and often contradictory attitudes that this global presence engenders American foreign policy is textured by this same problematic the same

cultural ambit As the peoples of the Middle East dispute over territories that have been defined by colonial cartographers liberation movements and international arbiters they aspire to a conflux of contending and contiguous values drawn from a broad spectrum of cultural sources Accordingly and as Edward Said has

constantly argued the values of ldquofreedomrdquo and self-determination that Bush the free press and

First World authorities would bring to the region are unquestionably resonant for Middle Eastern peoples protection from terror is as important to Al Qaeda as it is to the people who

had been working in the Trade Center buildings on 911 However as Said also maintains the methods of delivery and the precise definition of these liberational values needs to accommodate the specific cultural characteristics of the peoples who are creating their lives and cultures within their specific social and historical contexts The reduction of the Trade Center to rubble represents the communicative disjunctures and problems of contiguous cultural

meaning-making as much as it is symptomatic of the inadequacies of American foreign policy airport security or CIA intelligence gathering This problematic of meaning-making and cultural contiguity is a critical factor in the formation of language war and power However as we have noted a configuration like the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo seeks to form itself as a super-text overriding and resolving the problematic through the imposition of a nodal and extraneous symbolic order The much-vaunted consensus of state media and public attitudes toward the 911 and Afghan war might seem to support an assertion that a symbolic order is being re-asserted against the threat of external challenge Our argument thus far would claim on the contrary that the divide between external and internal threat is obscured in a global cultural context American culture is necessarily de-bordered by its presence and integration with other world cultures challenges by Al Qaeda and others are formed through the integration of America into Middle Eastern cultural imaginings Similarly the agonisms which challenge American hegemony in world affairs may also be forged through trans-border affiliations for example between Muslims in the Middle East and Left or liberal intellectuals in America For many of these American intellectuals their embodiment in the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo is conditional and necessarily

ldquoamorphousizedrdquo by these identifications and contiguities with ldquoexternalrdquo peoples Beyond these ldquoexternalrdquo challenges to the nodalized ldquoUnited Statesrdquo we would suggest further that the notional consensus of state

media and public is both precarious and dubious In fact the carefully managed theatricizing of 911 and Afghan through what Luow refers to as a PR-izing of war clearly demonstrates that the American authorities themselves recognize that public opinion is fundamentally volatile and transient While critics like Noam Chomsky and Neil Postman have claimed that this volatility masks a more encased or essential gullibility recent theorization on audiences and media consumption would suggest that such views profoundly underestimate the creative and liberational capacity of viewing publics (see Morley Ang Lull) In fact the media-ization of politics and war illustrates a clear tension between the vulnerability and creativity of audiences-as-citizens This tension is clearly associated with the processes of

cultural televisualization (see Lewis 419-448) that is the transformation of reality through televisual imagery The volatility of public opinion reflects therefore the transient nature of imagery the imprecision of mediated politics and the disjunctive and incomplete character of televisual knowledge

The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalismYung-Wen rsquo15 [ldquoThe Void of Chineseness Contemporary Art and Cultural Diplomacy in Chinardquo International Journal of Social Science and Humanity Vol 5 No 11 November 2015 Acc 51616 Yao Yung-Wen ndash MA in China‟s diplomacy from Peking University MA in cultural studies at Goldsmiths College the University of London PhD candidate at the University of Nottingham httpwwwijsshorgpapers589-CH376pdf]SC

According to the prevailing postcolonial discourses it is problematic to claim an original and authentic cultural root to ldquoreturn tordquo given that disruptions and discontinuities of history global economic interdependence and international emigration all seriously challenge the concept of the nation state and the definition of national culture The assertion of a ldquosingular national identityrdquo became problematic when foreign cultural influences were internalised as part of everyday life The hybridity of contemporary Chinese society also challenged the idea of ldquocultural homogeneityrdquo When the CCP introduced a capitalist economy it was made clear that communism would no longer be the central belief that maintained China rsquo s social cohesion and national unity Joining the international community not only meant that China had to open and change its once-isolated system in order to be connected with international organisations and their rules but also placed China under the evaluation of a set of ldquouniversalrdquoWestern values It became urgent for the Party to reposition itself to deal with the external and internal demands of a new identity During the 1980s the significant Western cultural influence on Chinese society was deemed to be responsible for the Tiananmen crackdown in 1989 The lsquo85 Art NewWave also ended with controversy in the same year Chinarsquos avant-garde art like the student movements that were once regarded as liberal pursuits was to blame for causing social upheaval and chaos Contemporary Chinese art was officially banned from any public sphere as a consequence

With the advanced participation in the international community the CCP found it had to accept a set of universal values that ultimately influenced its domestic affairs and put its legitimacy in crisis By asserting that this set of universal values served ldquothe idea of the centrality of the Westrdquo the Party decided it was of crucial importance to ldquoemphasize and strengthen the study of the differences between Eastern and Western culturerdquo [3] The idea of Asian values was supported by the Chinese Government

which stated that Asia could provide an alternative to the Western way of life [3] In order to distinguish Chinese values from the Western-centred universal values traditional Chinese culture was re-evaluated as the authentic roots of China rsquo s own cultural values instead of a backward force which was how it had been labelled since the early twentieth century Also when socialism had become increasingly distanced from social reality the communist ideology was regarded by cultural nationalists as one of those Western theories that should be excluded from the

search for ldquoauthentic Chinese cultural rootsrdquo In other words in addition to the necessity of defining Chinarsquos global role as a ldquo Chinese nation rdquo the Party also needed to reconstruct its identity as representing the ldquoChinese peoplerdquo instead of the great proletarian class in order to continue the Partyrsquos legitimacy in ruling the country A ldquoChineserdquo China was certain to be antagonistic to the Western-centred ldquouniversalrdquo values However what exactly constituted ldquoChinesenessrdquo remained ambiguous This ambiguity is revealed in particular in discussions related to contemporary Chinese art In contemporary China the understanding of concepts such as cultural diplomacy nationalism postcolonialism modernity and contemporary Chinese art was often based on reinterpretations of those concepts that were consistent with China rsquo s national interests which were basically conflated with the Partyrsquos interests To put it another way things had to be

read in the ldquoChineserdquo way usually involving a nationalist sentiment Still ldquoChinesenessrdquo is an undefinable concept in contemporary China Therefore I argue that there is a void behind the concrete assertion of Chinarsquos official cultural identity Like China rsquo s nationalism identity became a political ideology influenced by Chinarsquos national interests however behind this identity is an ambiguous assertion of the glorious past and an ongoing anti-imperialist sentiment The

ldquoChinesenessrdquo promoted in contemporary Chinese art practices bears the same hollow face that is manifested in Chinarsquos cultural diplomacy It is difficult to grasp what constitutes the communally inspired vision of identity other than a powerful China nourished by the growing importance of ldquoChinesenessrdquo in defining China rsquo s cultural identity

Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposabilityMignolo 2k [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405 115-117]enrique Dussel an Argentinian philosopher associated with the philosophy of liberation has been articulating a strong countermodern argument I

quote from the beginning of his Frankfurt lectures Modernity is for many (for Jurgen Habermas or Charles Taylor for example) in essentially or exclusively European phenomenon In these lectures I will argue that

modernity is in fact a European phenomenon but one constituted in dialectical relation with a non-European alterity that is its ultimate content Modernity appears when Europe affirms itself as the center of a World history that it inaugurates the periphery that surrounds this center is consequently part of its self-definition The occlusion of this periphery (and of the role of Spain and Portugal in the

formation of the modern world system from the late fifteenth to the mid-seventeenth centuries) leads the major contemporary thinkers of the center into a Eurocentric fallacy in their understanding of modernity If their understanding of the genealogy of modernity is thus partial and provincial their

attempts at a critique or defense of it are likewise unilateral and in part false (Dussel [19931 1995 65) The construction of the idea of modernity linked to European expansion as forged by European intellectuals was powerful enough to last almost five hundred years Postcolonial discourses and theories began effectively to question that hegemony a challenge that was unthinkable (and perhaps unexpected) by those who constructed and

presupposed the idea of modernity as a historical period and implicitly as the locus of enunciationmdasha locus of enunciation that in the name

of rationality science and philosophy as serted its own privilege over other forms of rationality or over what from the perspective of modern reason was nonrational I would submit conse quently that postcolonial literature and postcolonial theories are constructing a new concept of reason as differential loci of enunciation What does differential mean Differential here first means a displacement of the concept and practice of the notions of knowledge science theory and understanding articulated during the modern periodreg Thus Dussels region alization of modernity could be compared with Homi Bhabhas both speak ing from different colonial legacies (Spanish and English respectively) Driven by the subaltern history of the margins of modernitymdashrather than by the failures of logocentrismmdashI have tried in some small measure In revise the known to rename the postmodern from the position of the postcolo nial (Bhabha 1994 175 emphasis added) I find a noteworthy coincidence between Dussel and Bhabha albeit with some significant differences in accent The coincidence lies in the very iui portant fact that the task of postcolonial reasoning (ie theorizing) is not only linked to the immediate political needs of decolonization (in Asia Al rica and the Caribbean) but also to the rereading of the paradigm of modi i n reason This task is performed by Dussel and Bhabha in different although complementary ways After a detailed analysis of Kants and Hegels construction of the idea of I nlightenment in

European history Dussel summarizes the elements that i onstitute the myth of modernity (1) Modern (European) civilization understands itself as the most developed the superior civilization (2) This sense of superiority obliges it in the form of a categorical imperative as it were to develop (civilize uplift educate) the more primitive barbarous underdeveloped civilizations (3) The path of such development should be that followed by Europe in

its own development out of antiquity and the Middle Ages (4) Where the barbarians or the primitive opposes the civilizing process the praxis of modernity must in the last instance have recourse to the violence necessary to remove the obstacles to modernization (5) This violence which produces in many different ways victims takes on an almost ritualistic character the civilizing hero invests his victims (the colonized the slave the woman the ecological destruction of the earth etc) with the character of being participants in a process of redemptive sacrifice (6) from the point of view of modernity the barbarian or primitive is in a state of guilt (for among other things opposing the civilizing process) This allows modernity to present itself not only as innocent but also as a force that will emancipate or redeem its victims from their guilt (7) Given this civilizing and redemptive character of modernity the suffering and sacrifices (the costs) of modernization imposed on immature peoples slaves races the weaker sex el cetera are inevitable and necessary (Dussel 119931 1995 75) the myth of modernity is laid out by Dussel to confront alternative interpietations While Horkheimer and Adorno as well as postmodernist thinkbull is such as Lyotard Rorty or Vattimo all propose a critique of reason (a v iolent coercive and genocidal reason) Dussel proposes a critique of the enlightenments irrational moments as sacrificial myth not by negating reason but by asserting the reason of the othermdashthai is by identifying postcolonial reason as differential locus of enunciation The intersection between tbi idea of a self-centered modernity grounded in its own appropriation of greco-Roman (classical) legacies and an emerging idea of modernity from the margins (or countermodernity) makes clear that history does not begin in Greece and that different historical beginnings are at the same time anchored to diverse loci of enunciation This simple axiom is 1 submit a bindinternal one for and of postsubaltern reason Finally Bhabhas project in lename the postmodern from the position of the postcolonial also finds lis niche in postsubaltern reason as a differential locus of enunciation

And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatredMorley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

What is of course significant about a world historical event like the Gulf War is how individual fantasies are drawn into a collective strategy of psychic defence The collective expulsion of fear becomes the basis for reaffirming group solidarity Membership of a social group of a society is never an easy or an uncomplicated matter belonging to it is associated with feelings of discomfort from indifference to resentment and anxiety At particular historical moments however such tensions are eased as

the collectivity reasserts itself through what following Didier Anzieu (1984) we might call the working of the lsquogroup illusionrsquo The group discovers its common identity at the same time as its individual members are able to avow that they are all identical in their fears and then that they are consensual in the defensive violence and hatred they direct against the threat that is lsquonot-usrsquo It is a moment in which the individual can fuse

with the group for a time at least the defence of individual identity can be displaced onto the collectivity And for as long as danger and threat can be projected from its midst the group experiences a sense of exultation through its new-found wholeness and integrity It was this exultation that infused the esprit de corps of the coalition nations in the Gulf War What it reflected was the pleasure of experiencing harmonious community and in joining in righteous struggle (the just crusade)

It was however like so many times before predicated on a consensual misrepresentation on the illusory belief that the dangers and threats were all simply lsquoout therersquo and that the crazy dog really was Saddam

Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoningMignolo 2K [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405]68-69The second opposition Khatibi attempts to undo (after the opposition between the Christian West and the Islamic East) and I would say the very foundation of his need for a double critique is the postcolonial situation in the Maghreb What did we do asks Khatibi reflecting on Maghrebian intellectuals attitude in the process of decolonization other than reproduce a rather simplistic version of Marxs thought on the one hand and the ideological theology of Arabic nationalism on the other ( 1 9 8 3 16) A way out of these dichotomies presupposes a double critique and the search for an other thinking that will go beyond certain limitations of Marxist thinking which maintains a geopolitics of knowledge according to the knowing

subject in the First World (the Occident) and the known subject in the dogmatism and Arabic nationalism An other thinking is formulated as a response to the large questions and issues that are shaking the world today to the questions emerging from the places where the planetarization of science of technique and of strategies are being disclosed (13) What emerges from this formulation is that an other thinking is no longer located in either of the two alternatives into which

Orientalism and later area studies organized the distribution of scholarly labor from the eighteenth century to the cold war An other thinking implies a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge as organized by both Occidentalism (as the overarching imagi nary and self-definition of the modern world system) and Orientalism (one particular instance in which the difference from the same was located) along with area studies and the triumph of the social sciences in the geopolitics of knowledge It also entails an effort to escape the domain of Western metaphysics and its equivalent the theological

realm of Islamic thought An other thinking locates itself in all of these and in none in their borderland (as Gloria Anzaldua frames it) The potential of an other thinking is epistemological and also ethical epistemological because it is constructed on a critique of the limitations of two metaphysical traditionsmdashthe Christiansecular Western and the Islamic Two historical moments are relevant here one the sixteenth century and the rearticulation ol the conflict between Christianity and Islam through the purity of blood principle (see the introduction) two the eighteenth century and the secularization of philosophy and

knowledge the formation of capitalism and the rise of French colonialism Thus a consequent description of an other thinking is the following a way of thinking that is not inspired in its own limitations and is not intended to dominate and to humiliate a way of thinking that is universally marginal fragmentary and unachieved and as such a way of thinking that because universally marginal and fragmentary is not ethnocidal (Khatibi 1983 19) Thus the ethical potential of an other thinking Dussel independently of Khatibi has

characterized modern instrumental reason by its genocidal bent He tries to reveal this in his concept of the myth of modernity Modernity includes a rational concept of emancipation that we affirm and subsume But at the same

lime it develops an irrational myth a justification for genocidal violence the

postmodernists criticize modern reason as a reason of terror we criticize modern reason because of the irrational myth it conceals (Dussel [1993] 1995 67) Interestingly Khatibi and Dussel not only coincide in their critique of modernity without knowing each other but both define their enterprise in relation to modernity and to European philosophers (Nietzsche I leidcgger Foucault Derrida for Khatibi Apple Marx Habermas Levinas II ii Dussel) The consequences of coloniality of power and subalternization iI knowledge can be perceived at work from the colonial difference nourishing Khatibis and Dussels ethical and epistemic reflections And this is the situation that an other thinking addresses at the same time that it opens i new perspective for a geopolitical order of knowledge production

Block

Framework

ROB---BurkeThe role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logicBurke rsquo98 [Edmund Burke Pub 1998 Acc 2016 III University of California Santa Cruz Theory amp Society 274 (August) 589-607]SCFirst some background The independence movements of the Middle East and North Africa--especially the Algerian revolution--provoked a debate about

orientalist knowledge in which the interventions of Jean-Paul Sartre and Frantz Fanon were crucial For Fanon the anti-colonial struggle was also a cultural struggle with liberation as its goal The publication of Edward Saids Orientalism (1978) recast the terms of the debate Following Michel Foucault Said portrayed orientalism as not just an academic discipline but as an ideological discourse inextricably involved with European power In the debate that followed neither Said nor his critics were always careful to distinguish the elements of the critique or the complex epistemological issues involved in part it is about the nature of Enlightenment thought and the epistemological underpinnings of scientific knowledge in part about the connections between particular scholars and orientalist institutions and imperialism Said argues that because all knowledge is the product of its age and necessarily contingent there can be no knowledge unaffected by the auspices under which it comes to be If this premise is accepted it follows that there can be no knowledge which is fully objective thus orientalism has no privileged claim to truth However Said and his supporters go further

arguing that because orientalism as a species of discourse was fatally entangled with imperialism the knowledge it produced was inevitably distorted if not willfully racist While there is much truth in these observations they are lacking in complexity Certainly orientalism as a discourse

could not but reflect the views of the ambient culture in which it flourished Thus some orientalists did place themselves in the service of European empires the fortunes of the field were frequently linked to imperialism and European assumptions of superiority to non-Europeans and of the progressive role of imperialism were widespread On the other hand it is important to note that some orientalists opposed imperialism or wrote favorably about Islamic culture and society that some Middle Eastern nationalists were themselves inspired by Western orientalist writings and that nationalist and

Muslim theological positions have their own biases and assumptions It is undeniable that as a species of Enlightenment discourse orientalism has been a carrier of basic Western notions of the European self and the non-Western other which generated unfalsifiable propositions about the superiority of Europeans to non-Europeans In this way orientalists participated in the elaboration of modern European cultural identity However it is only as a result of the subsequent development of Western thought that it is possible to raise these criticisms

Epistemology 1 st Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniquesOwen 02 (David Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton ldquoReorienting International Relations On Pragmatism Pluralism and Practical Reasoningrdquo Millennium Journal of International Studies Vol 31 No 3 httpmilsagepubcomcgireprint313653)

The first dimension concerns the relationship between positivist IR theory and postmodernist IR lsquotheoryrsquo (and the examples illustrate the claims concerning pluralism and factionalism made in the introduction to this section) It is exhibited when we read Walt warning of the danger of postmodernism as a kind of theoretical decadence since lsquoissues of peace and war are too important for the field [of IR] to be diverted into a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real worldrsquo12 or find Keohane asserting sniffily that Neither neorealist nor neoliberal institutionalists are content with interpreting texts both sets of theorists believe that there is an international political reality that can be partly understood even if it will always remain to some extent veiled13 We should be wary of such denunciations precisely because the issue at stake for the practitioners of this lsquoprolix and self-indulgent discoursersquo is the picturing of international politics and the implications of this picturing for the epistemic and ethical framing of the discipline namely the constitution of what phenomena are appropriate objects of theoretical or other forms of enquiry The kind of accounts provided by practitioners of this type are not competing theories (hence Keohanersquos complaint) but conceptual reproblematisations of the background that informs theory construction namely the distinctions concepts assumptions inferences and assertability warrants that are taken for granted in the course of the debate between for example neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists (hence the point-missing character of Keohanersquos complaint) Thus for example Michael Shapiro writes The global system of sovereign states has been familiar both structurally and symbolically in the daily acts of imagination through which space and human identity are construed The persistence of this international imaginary has helped to support the political privilege of sovereignty affiliations and territorialities In recent years however a variety of disciplines have offered conceptualizations that challenge the familiar bordered world of the discourse of international relations14 The point of these remarks is to call critically into question the background picture (or to use another term of art the horizon) against which the disciplinary discourse and practices of IR are conducted in order to make this background itself an object of reflection and evaluation In a similar vein Rob Walker argues Under the present circumstances the question lsquoWhat is to be donersquo invites a degree of arrogance that is all too visible in the behaviour of the dominant political forces of our time The most pressing questions of the age call not only for concrete policy options to be offered to existing elites and institutions but also and more crucially for a serious rethinking of the ways in which it is possible for human beings to live together 15 The aim of these comments is to draw to our attention the easily forgotten fact that our existing ways of picturing international politics emerge from and in relation to the very practices of international politics with which they are engaged and it is entirely plausible (on standard Humean grounds) that under changing conditions of political activity these ways of guiding reflection and action may lose their epistemic andor ethical value such that a deeper interrogation of the terms of international politics is required Whether or not one agrees with Walker that this is currently required

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

1NC KThe United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policyLewis lsquo2 [Jeff Lewis is Senior Lecturer in media and cultural studies in the School of Applied Communication RMIT University Melbourne Australia He is the author of Cultural Studies Iowa Journal of Cultural Studies 1 Pub Spring 2002 Acc 51516 httpwwwuiowaeduijcsculturalism-transculturalism]SC

At their most obvious and as we have noted above these language wars have centered on disputes over forms of self-ascription the respective sides of the war define themselves in terms of an heroic crusade and the protection and ldquoliberationrdquo of self-determined cultural values Less obvious perhaps are the ways in which the whole notion of the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo (and its constituent semiotic order) is both culturally constituted and simultaneously subject to discursive counter-claims and dispute In this sense the World Trade Center becomes implicated in both a direct material assault (economic spatial biological) as well as in a far more redolent and intense conflict over meaning Built in 1972 by the

Rockefeller dynasty the World Trade Center was configured as an ensign of American enterprise and the capitalist dream This propagated meaning seemed to inscribe itself more fully on the American imaginary following the terrorist bombings of 1993 The twin towers came to represent an heroic and defiant heritage proudly defining the Manhattan skyline in terms of a US economic political and moral primacy Amid the swarm of American economic and cultural exports the twin towers might be identified as the center of New York which is the center of

America and the globe But it is precisely this sort of ldquoexport of imagerdquo which renders the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo vulnerable to appropriation adaptation re-inscription and critical semiotic dispute It is quite clear therefore that the Trade Center assailants attached very different meanings to the towers and to the US generally than those intended by a remarkably introspective and insular American discursive hegemony The Trade Center and the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo have been offered to the world but the complexity of that world simply shatters the discursive borders that the American authorities (consciously or

not) might seek to impose Americarsquos power to coerce its ldquostrengthrdquo is critically limited by the freedom of others in the global ldquocommunityrdquo to make of their culture whatever they willmdashthat culture includes the torrent of elements actions and texts that the US so unrestrainedly

delivers to the world but whose meanings are open to dispute Clearly George Bushrsquos ldquoshockrdquo that anyone could ldquohate Americardquo betrays an extraordinary solipsism and incapacity to

understand this point The broad global dissemination of American commerce and culture seems to obscure the complex and often contradictory attitudes that this global presence engenders American foreign policy is textured by this same problematic the same

cultural ambit As the peoples of the Middle East dispute over territories that have been defined by colonial cartographers liberation movements and international arbiters they aspire to a conflux of contending and contiguous values drawn from a broad spectrum of cultural sources Accordingly and as Edward Said has

constantly argued the values of ldquofreedomrdquo and self-determination that Bush the free press and

First World authorities would bring to the region are unquestionably resonant for Middle Eastern peoples protection from terror is as important to Al Qaeda as it is to the people who

had been working in the Trade Center buildings on 911 However as Said also maintains the methods of delivery and the precise definition of these liberational values needs to accommodate the specific cultural characteristics of the peoples who are creating their lives and cultures within their specific social and historical contexts The reduction of the Trade Center to rubble represents the communicative disjunctures and problems of contiguous cultural

meaning-making as much as it is symptomatic of the inadequacies of American foreign policy airport security or CIA intelligence gathering This problematic of meaning-making and cultural contiguity is a critical factor in the formation of language war and power However as we have noted a configuration like the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo seeks to form itself as a super-text overriding and resolving the problematic through the imposition of a nodal and extraneous symbolic order The much-vaunted consensus of state media and public attitudes toward the 911 and Afghan war might seem to support an assertion that a symbolic order is being re-asserted against the threat of external challenge Our argument thus far would claim on the contrary that the divide between external and internal threat is obscured in a global cultural context American culture is necessarily de-bordered by its presence and integration with other world cultures challenges by Al Qaeda and others are formed through the integration of America into Middle Eastern cultural imaginings Similarly the agonisms which challenge American hegemony in world affairs may also be forged through trans-border affiliations for example between Muslims in the Middle East and Left or liberal intellectuals in America For many of these American intellectuals their embodiment in the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo is conditional and necessarily

ldquoamorphousizedrdquo by these identifications and contiguities with ldquoexternalrdquo peoples Beyond these ldquoexternalrdquo challenges to the nodalized ldquoUnited Statesrdquo we would suggest further that the notional consensus of state

media and public is both precarious and dubious In fact the carefully managed theatricizing of 911 and Afghan through what Luow refers to as a PR-izing of war clearly demonstrates that the American authorities themselves recognize that public opinion is fundamentally volatile and transient While critics like Noam Chomsky and Neil Postman have claimed that this volatility masks a more encased or essential gullibility recent theorization on audiences and media consumption would suggest that such views profoundly underestimate the creative and liberational capacity of viewing publics (see Morley Ang Lull) In fact the media-ization of politics and war illustrates a clear tension between the vulnerability and creativity of audiences-as-citizens This tension is clearly associated with the processes of

cultural televisualization (see Lewis 419-448) that is the transformation of reality through televisual imagery The volatility of public opinion reflects therefore the transient nature of imagery the imprecision of mediated politics and the disjunctive and incomplete character of televisual knowledge

The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalismYung-Wen rsquo15 [ldquoThe Void of Chineseness Contemporary Art and Cultural Diplomacy in Chinardquo International Journal of Social Science and Humanity Vol 5 No 11 November 2015 Acc 51616 Yao Yung-Wen ndash MA in China‟s diplomacy from Peking University MA in cultural studies at Goldsmiths College the University of London PhD candidate at the University of Nottingham httpwwwijsshorgpapers589-CH376pdf]SC

According to the prevailing postcolonial discourses it is problematic to claim an original and authentic cultural root to ldquoreturn tordquo given that disruptions and discontinuities of history global economic interdependence and international emigration all seriously challenge the concept of the nation state and the definition of national culture The assertion of a ldquosingular national identityrdquo became problematic when foreign cultural influences were internalised as part of everyday life The hybridity of contemporary Chinese society also challenged the idea of ldquocultural homogeneityrdquo When the CCP introduced a capitalist economy it was made clear that communism would no longer be the central belief that maintained China rsquo s social cohesion and national unity Joining the international community not only meant that China had to open and change its once-isolated system in order to be connected with international organisations and their rules but also placed China under the evaluation of a set of ldquouniversalrdquoWestern values It became urgent for the Party to reposition itself to deal with the external and internal demands of a new identity During the 1980s the significant Western cultural influence on Chinese society was deemed to be responsible for the Tiananmen crackdown in 1989 The lsquo85 Art NewWave also ended with controversy in the same year Chinarsquos avant-garde art like the student movements that were once regarded as liberal pursuits was to blame for causing social upheaval and chaos Contemporary Chinese art was officially banned from any public sphere as a consequence

With the advanced participation in the international community the CCP found it had to accept a set of universal values that ultimately influenced its domestic affairs and put its legitimacy in crisis By asserting that this set of universal values served ldquothe idea of the centrality of the Westrdquo the Party decided it was of crucial importance to ldquoemphasize and strengthen the study of the differences between Eastern and Western culturerdquo [3] The idea of Asian values was supported by the Chinese Government

which stated that Asia could provide an alternative to the Western way of life [3] In order to distinguish Chinese values from the Western-centred universal values traditional Chinese culture was re-evaluated as the authentic roots of China rsquo s own cultural values instead of a backward force which was how it had been labelled since the early twentieth century Also when socialism had become increasingly distanced from social reality the communist ideology was regarded by cultural nationalists as one of those Western theories that should be excluded from the

search for ldquoauthentic Chinese cultural rootsrdquo In other words in addition to the necessity of defining Chinarsquos global role as a ldquo Chinese nation rdquo the Party also needed to reconstruct its identity as representing the ldquoChinese peoplerdquo instead of the great proletarian class in order to continue the Partyrsquos legitimacy in ruling the country A ldquoChineserdquo China was certain to be antagonistic to the Western-centred ldquouniversalrdquo values However what exactly constituted ldquoChinesenessrdquo remained ambiguous This ambiguity is revealed in particular in discussions related to contemporary Chinese art In contemporary China the understanding of concepts such as cultural diplomacy nationalism postcolonialism modernity and contemporary Chinese art was often based on reinterpretations of those concepts that were consistent with China rsquo s national interests which were basically conflated with the Partyrsquos interests To put it another way things had to be

read in the ldquoChineserdquo way usually involving a nationalist sentiment Still ldquoChinesenessrdquo is an undefinable concept in contemporary China Therefore I argue that there is a void behind the concrete assertion of Chinarsquos official cultural identity Like China rsquo s nationalism identity became a political ideology influenced by Chinarsquos national interests however behind this identity is an ambiguous assertion of the glorious past and an ongoing anti-imperialist sentiment The

ldquoChinesenessrdquo promoted in contemporary Chinese art practices bears the same hollow face that is manifested in Chinarsquos cultural diplomacy It is difficult to grasp what constitutes the communally inspired vision of identity other than a powerful China nourished by the growing importance of ldquoChinesenessrdquo in defining China rsquo s cultural identity

Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposabilityMignolo 2k [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405 115-117]enrique Dussel an Argentinian philosopher associated with the philosophy of liberation has been articulating a strong countermodern argument I

quote from the beginning of his Frankfurt lectures Modernity is for many (for Jurgen Habermas or Charles Taylor for example) in essentially or exclusively European phenomenon In these lectures I will argue that

modernity is in fact a European phenomenon but one constituted in dialectical relation with a non-European alterity that is its ultimate content Modernity appears when Europe affirms itself as the center of a World history that it inaugurates the periphery that surrounds this center is consequently part of its self-definition The occlusion of this periphery (and of the role of Spain and Portugal in the

formation of the modern world system from the late fifteenth to the mid-seventeenth centuries) leads the major contemporary thinkers of the center into a Eurocentric fallacy in their understanding of modernity If their understanding of the genealogy of modernity is thus partial and provincial their

attempts at a critique or defense of it are likewise unilateral and in part false (Dussel [19931 1995 65) The construction of the idea of modernity linked to European expansion as forged by European intellectuals was powerful enough to last almost five hundred years Postcolonial discourses and theories began effectively to question that hegemony a challenge that was unthinkable (and perhaps unexpected) by those who constructed and

presupposed the idea of modernity as a historical period and implicitly as the locus of enunciationmdasha locus of enunciation that in the name

of rationality science and philosophy as serted its own privilege over other forms of rationality or over what from the perspective of modern reason was nonrational I would submit conse quently that postcolonial literature and postcolonial theories are constructing a new concept of reason as differential loci of enunciation What does differential mean Differential here first means a displacement of the concept and practice of the notions of knowledge science theory and understanding articulated during the modern periodreg Thus Dussels region alization of modernity could be compared with Homi Bhabhas both speak ing from different colonial legacies (Spanish and English respectively) Driven by the subaltern history of the margins of modernitymdashrather than by the failures of logocentrismmdashI have tried in some small measure In revise the known to rename the postmodern from the position of the postcolo nial (Bhabha 1994 175 emphasis added) I find a noteworthy coincidence between Dussel and Bhabha albeit with some significant differences in accent The coincidence lies in the very iui portant fact that the task of postcolonial reasoning (ie theorizing) is not only linked to the immediate political needs of decolonization (in Asia Al rica and the Caribbean) but also to the rereading of the paradigm of modi i n reason This task is performed by Dussel and Bhabha in different although complementary ways After a detailed analysis of Kants and Hegels construction of the idea of I nlightenment in

European history Dussel summarizes the elements that i onstitute the myth of modernity (1) Modern (European) civilization understands itself as the most developed the superior civilization (2) This sense of superiority obliges it in the form of a categorical imperative as it were to develop (civilize uplift educate) the more primitive barbarous underdeveloped civilizations (3) The path of such development should be that followed by Europe in

its own development out of antiquity and the Middle Ages (4) Where the barbarians or the primitive opposes the civilizing process the praxis of modernity must in the last instance have recourse to the violence necessary to remove the obstacles to modernization (5) This violence which produces in many different ways victims takes on an almost ritualistic character the civilizing hero invests his victims (the colonized the slave the woman the ecological destruction of the earth etc) with the character of being participants in a process of redemptive sacrifice (6) from the point of view of modernity the barbarian or primitive is in a state of guilt (for among other things opposing the civilizing process) This allows modernity to present itself not only as innocent but also as a force that will emancipate or redeem its victims from their guilt (7) Given this civilizing and redemptive character of modernity the suffering and sacrifices (the costs) of modernization imposed on immature peoples slaves races the weaker sex el cetera are inevitable and necessary (Dussel 119931 1995 75) the myth of modernity is laid out by Dussel to confront alternative interpietations While Horkheimer and Adorno as well as postmodernist thinkbull is such as Lyotard Rorty or Vattimo all propose a critique of reason (a v iolent coercive and genocidal reason) Dussel proposes a critique of the enlightenments irrational moments as sacrificial myth not by negating reason but by asserting the reason of the othermdashthai is by identifying postcolonial reason as differential locus of enunciation The intersection between tbi idea of a self-centered modernity grounded in its own appropriation of greco-Roman (classical) legacies and an emerging idea of modernity from the margins (or countermodernity) makes clear that history does not begin in Greece and that different historical beginnings are at the same time anchored to diverse loci of enunciation This simple axiom is 1 submit a bindinternal one for and of postsubaltern reason Finally Bhabhas project in lename the postmodern from the position of the postcolonial also finds lis niche in postsubaltern reason as a differential locus of enunciation

And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatredMorley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

What is of course significant about a world historical event like the Gulf War is how individual fantasies are drawn into a collective strategy of psychic defence The collective expulsion of fear becomes the basis for reaffirming group solidarity Membership of a social group of a society is never an easy or an uncomplicated matter belonging to it is associated with feelings of discomfort from indifference to resentment and anxiety At particular historical moments however such tensions are eased as

the collectivity reasserts itself through what following Didier Anzieu (1984) we might call the working of the lsquogroup illusionrsquo The group discovers its common identity at the same time as its individual members are able to avow that they are all identical in their fears and then that they are consensual in the defensive violence and hatred they direct against the threat that is lsquonot-usrsquo It is a moment in which the individual can fuse

with the group for a time at least the defence of individual identity can be displaced onto the collectivity And for as long as danger and threat can be projected from its midst the group experiences a sense of exultation through its new-found wholeness and integrity It was this exultation that infused the esprit de corps of the coalition nations in the Gulf War What it reflected was the pleasure of experiencing harmonious community and in joining in righteous struggle (the just crusade)

It was however like so many times before predicated on a consensual misrepresentation on the illusory belief that the dangers and threats were all simply lsquoout therersquo and that the crazy dog really was Saddam

Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoningMignolo 2K [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405]68-69The second opposition Khatibi attempts to undo (after the opposition between the Christian West and the Islamic East) and I would say the very foundation of his need for a double critique is the postcolonial situation in the Maghreb What did we do asks Khatibi reflecting on Maghrebian intellectuals attitude in the process of decolonization other than reproduce a rather simplistic version of Marxs thought on the one hand and the ideological theology of Arabic nationalism on the other ( 1 9 8 3 16) A way out of these dichotomies presupposes a double critique and the search for an other thinking that will go beyond certain limitations of Marxist thinking which maintains a geopolitics of knowledge according to the knowing

subject in the First World (the Occident) and the known subject in the dogmatism and Arabic nationalism An other thinking is formulated as a response to the large questions and issues that are shaking the world today to the questions emerging from the places where the planetarization of science of technique and of strategies are being disclosed (13) What emerges from this formulation is that an other thinking is no longer located in either of the two alternatives into which

Orientalism and later area studies organized the distribution of scholarly labor from the eighteenth century to the cold war An other thinking implies a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge as organized by both Occidentalism (as the overarching imagi nary and self-definition of the modern world system) and Orientalism (one particular instance in which the difference from the same was located) along with area studies and the triumph of the social sciences in the geopolitics of knowledge It also entails an effort to escape the domain of Western metaphysics and its equivalent the theological

realm of Islamic thought An other thinking locates itself in all of these and in none in their borderland (as Gloria Anzaldua frames it) The potential of an other thinking is epistemological and also ethical epistemological because it is constructed on a critique of the limitations of two metaphysical traditionsmdashthe Christiansecular Western and the Islamic Two historical moments are relevant here one the sixteenth century and the rearticulation ol the conflict between Christianity and Islam through the purity of blood principle (see the introduction) two the eighteenth century and the secularization of philosophy and

knowledge the formation of capitalism and the rise of French colonialism Thus a consequent description of an other thinking is the following a way of thinking that is not inspired in its own limitations and is not intended to dominate and to humiliate a way of thinking that is universally marginal fragmentary and unachieved and as such a way of thinking that because universally marginal and fragmentary is not ethnocidal (Khatibi 1983 19) Thus the ethical potential of an other thinking Dussel independently of Khatibi has

characterized modern instrumental reason by its genocidal bent He tries to reveal this in his concept of the myth of modernity Modernity includes a rational concept of emancipation that we affirm and subsume But at the same

lime it develops an irrational myth a justification for genocidal violence the

postmodernists criticize modern reason as a reason of terror we criticize modern reason because of the irrational myth it conceals (Dussel [1993] 1995 67) Interestingly Khatibi and Dussel not only coincide in their critique of modernity without knowing each other but both define their enterprise in relation to modernity and to European philosophers (Nietzsche I leidcgger Foucault Derrida for Khatibi Apple Marx Habermas Levinas II ii Dussel) The consequences of coloniality of power and subalternization iI knowledge can be perceived at work from the colonial difference nourishing Khatibis and Dussels ethical and epistemic reflections And this is the situation that an other thinking addresses at the same time that it opens i new perspective for a geopolitical order of knowledge production

Block

Framework

ROB---BurkeThe role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logicBurke rsquo98 [Edmund Burke Pub 1998 Acc 2016 III University of California Santa Cruz Theory amp Society 274 (August) 589-607]SCFirst some background The independence movements of the Middle East and North Africa--especially the Algerian revolution--provoked a debate about

orientalist knowledge in which the interventions of Jean-Paul Sartre and Frantz Fanon were crucial For Fanon the anti-colonial struggle was also a cultural struggle with liberation as its goal The publication of Edward Saids Orientalism (1978) recast the terms of the debate Following Michel Foucault Said portrayed orientalism as not just an academic discipline but as an ideological discourse inextricably involved with European power In the debate that followed neither Said nor his critics were always careful to distinguish the elements of the critique or the complex epistemological issues involved in part it is about the nature of Enlightenment thought and the epistemological underpinnings of scientific knowledge in part about the connections between particular scholars and orientalist institutions and imperialism Said argues that because all knowledge is the product of its age and necessarily contingent there can be no knowledge unaffected by the auspices under which it comes to be If this premise is accepted it follows that there can be no knowledge which is fully objective thus orientalism has no privileged claim to truth However Said and his supporters go further

arguing that because orientalism as a species of discourse was fatally entangled with imperialism the knowledge it produced was inevitably distorted if not willfully racist While there is much truth in these observations they are lacking in complexity Certainly orientalism as a discourse

could not but reflect the views of the ambient culture in which it flourished Thus some orientalists did place themselves in the service of European empires the fortunes of the field were frequently linked to imperialism and European assumptions of superiority to non-Europeans and of the progressive role of imperialism were widespread On the other hand it is important to note that some orientalists opposed imperialism or wrote favorably about Islamic culture and society that some Middle Eastern nationalists were themselves inspired by Western orientalist writings and that nationalist and

Muslim theological positions have their own biases and assumptions It is undeniable that as a species of Enlightenment discourse orientalism has been a carrier of basic Western notions of the European self and the non-Western other which generated unfalsifiable propositions about the superiority of Europeans to non-Europeans In this way orientalists participated in the elaboration of modern European cultural identity However it is only as a result of the subsequent development of Western thought that it is possible to raise these criticisms

Epistemology 1 st Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniquesOwen 02 (David Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton ldquoReorienting International Relations On Pragmatism Pluralism and Practical Reasoningrdquo Millennium Journal of International Studies Vol 31 No 3 httpmilsagepubcomcgireprint313653)

The first dimension concerns the relationship between positivist IR theory and postmodernist IR lsquotheoryrsquo (and the examples illustrate the claims concerning pluralism and factionalism made in the introduction to this section) It is exhibited when we read Walt warning of the danger of postmodernism as a kind of theoretical decadence since lsquoissues of peace and war are too important for the field [of IR] to be diverted into a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real worldrsquo12 or find Keohane asserting sniffily that Neither neorealist nor neoliberal institutionalists are content with interpreting texts both sets of theorists believe that there is an international political reality that can be partly understood even if it will always remain to some extent veiled13 We should be wary of such denunciations precisely because the issue at stake for the practitioners of this lsquoprolix and self-indulgent discoursersquo is the picturing of international politics and the implications of this picturing for the epistemic and ethical framing of the discipline namely the constitution of what phenomena are appropriate objects of theoretical or other forms of enquiry The kind of accounts provided by practitioners of this type are not competing theories (hence Keohanersquos complaint) but conceptual reproblematisations of the background that informs theory construction namely the distinctions concepts assumptions inferences and assertability warrants that are taken for granted in the course of the debate between for example neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists (hence the point-missing character of Keohanersquos complaint) Thus for example Michael Shapiro writes The global system of sovereign states has been familiar both structurally and symbolically in the daily acts of imagination through which space and human identity are construed The persistence of this international imaginary has helped to support the political privilege of sovereignty affiliations and territorialities In recent years however a variety of disciplines have offered conceptualizations that challenge the familiar bordered world of the discourse of international relations14 The point of these remarks is to call critically into question the background picture (or to use another term of art the horizon) against which the disciplinary discourse and practices of IR are conducted in order to make this background itself an object of reflection and evaluation In a similar vein Rob Walker argues Under the present circumstances the question lsquoWhat is to be donersquo invites a degree of arrogance that is all too visible in the behaviour of the dominant political forces of our time The most pressing questions of the age call not only for concrete policy options to be offered to existing elites and institutions but also and more crucially for a serious rethinking of the ways in which it is possible for human beings to live together 15 The aim of these comments is to draw to our attention the easily forgotten fact that our existing ways of picturing international politics emerge from and in relation to the very practices of international politics with which they are engaged and it is entirely plausible (on standard Humean grounds) that under changing conditions of political activity these ways of guiding reflection and action may lose their epistemic andor ethical value such that a deeper interrogation of the terms of international politics is required Whether or not one agrees with Walker that this is currently required

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

understand this point The broad global dissemination of American commerce and culture seems to obscure the complex and often contradictory attitudes that this global presence engenders American foreign policy is textured by this same problematic the same

cultural ambit As the peoples of the Middle East dispute over territories that have been defined by colonial cartographers liberation movements and international arbiters they aspire to a conflux of contending and contiguous values drawn from a broad spectrum of cultural sources Accordingly and as Edward Said has

constantly argued the values of ldquofreedomrdquo and self-determination that Bush the free press and

First World authorities would bring to the region are unquestionably resonant for Middle Eastern peoples protection from terror is as important to Al Qaeda as it is to the people who

had been working in the Trade Center buildings on 911 However as Said also maintains the methods of delivery and the precise definition of these liberational values needs to accommodate the specific cultural characteristics of the peoples who are creating their lives and cultures within their specific social and historical contexts The reduction of the Trade Center to rubble represents the communicative disjunctures and problems of contiguous cultural

meaning-making as much as it is symptomatic of the inadequacies of American foreign policy airport security or CIA intelligence gathering This problematic of meaning-making and cultural contiguity is a critical factor in the formation of language war and power However as we have noted a configuration like the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo seeks to form itself as a super-text overriding and resolving the problematic through the imposition of a nodal and extraneous symbolic order The much-vaunted consensus of state media and public attitudes toward the 911 and Afghan war might seem to support an assertion that a symbolic order is being re-asserted against the threat of external challenge Our argument thus far would claim on the contrary that the divide between external and internal threat is obscured in a global cultural context American culture is necessarily de-bordered by its presence and integration with other world cultures challenges by Al Qaeda and others are formed through the integration of America into Middle Eastern cultural imaginings Similarly the agonisms which challenge American hegemony in world affairs may also be forged through trans-border affiliations for example between Muslims in the Middle East and Left or liberal intellectuals in America For many of these American intellectuals their embodiment in the ldquoUnited Statesrdquo is conditional and necessarily

ldquoamorphousizedrdquo by these identifications and contiguities with ldquoexternalrdquo peoples Beyond these ldquoexternalrdquo challenges to the nodalized ldquoUnited Statesrdquo we would suggest further that the notional consensus of state

media and public is both precarious and dubious In fact the carefully managed theatricizing of 911 and Afghan through what Luow refers to as a PR-izing of war clearly demonstrates that the American authorities themselves recognize that public opinion is fundamentally volatile and transient While critics like Noam Chomsky and Neil Postman have claimed that this volatility masks a more encased or essential gullibility recent theorization on audiences and media consumption would suggest that such views profoundly underestimate the creative and liberational capacity of viewing publics (see Morley Ang Lull) In fact the media-ization of politics and war illustrates a clear tension between the vulnerability and creativity of audiences-as-citizens This tension is clearly associated with the processes of

cultural televisualization (see Lewis 419-448) that is the transformation of reality through televisual imagery The volatility of public opinion reflects therefore the transient nature of imagery the imprecision of mediated politics and the disjunctive and incomplete character of televisual knowledge

The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalismYung-Wen rsquo15 [ldquoThe Void of Chineseness Contemporary Art and Cultural Diplomacy in Chinardquo International Journal of Social Science and Humanity Vol 5 No 11 November 2015 Acc 51616 Yao Yung-Wen ndash MA in China‟s diplomacy from Peking University MA in cultural studies at Goldsmiths College the University of London PhD candidate at the University of Nottingham httpwwwijsshorgpapers589-CH376pdf]SC

According to the prevailing postcolonial discourses it is problematic to claim an original and authentic cultural root to ldquoreturn tordquo given that disruptions and discontinuities of history global economic interdependence and international emigration all seriously challenge the concept of the nation state and the definition of national culture The assertion of a ldquosingular national identityrdquo became problematic when foreign cultural influences were internalised as part of everyday life The hybridity of contemporary Chinese society also challenged the idea of ldquocultural homogeneityrdquo When the CCP introduced a capitalist economy it was made clear that communism would no longer be the central belief that maintained China rsquo s social cohesion and national unity Joining the international community not only meant that China had to open and change its once-isolated system in order to be connected with international organisations and their rules but also placed China under the evaluation of a set of ldquouniversalrdquoWestern values It became urgent for the Party to reposition itself to deal with the external and internal demands of a new identity During the 1980s the significant Western cultural influence on Chinese society was deemed to be responsible for the Tiananmen crackdown in 1989 The lsquo85 Art NewWave also ended with controversy in the same year Chinarsquos avant-garde art like the student movements that were once regarded as liberal pursuits was to blame for causing social upheaval and chaos Contemporary Chinese art was officially banned from any public sphere as a consequence

With the advanced participation in the international community the CCP found it had to accept a set of universal values that ultimately influenced its domestic affairs and put its legitimacy in crisis By asserting that this set of universal values served ldquothe idea of the centrality of the Westrdquo the Party decided it was of crucial importance to ldquoemphasize and strengthen the study of the differences between Eastern and Western culturerdquo [3] The idea of Asian values was supported by the Chinese Government

which stated that Asia could provide an alternative to the Western way of life [3] In order to distinguish Chinese values from the Western-centred universal values traditional Chinese culture was re-evaluated as the authentic roots of China rsquo s own cultural values instead of a backward force which was how it had been labelled since the early twentieth century Also when socialism had become increasingly distanced from social reality the communist ideology was regarded by cultural nationalists as one of those Western theories that should be excluded from the

search for ldquoauthentic Chinese cultural rootsrdquo In other words in addition to the necessity of defining Chinarsquos global role as a ldquo Chinese nation rdquo the Party also needed to reconstruct its identity as representing the ldquoChinese peoplerdquo instead of the great proletarian class in order to continue the Partyrsquos legitimacy in ruling the country A ldquoChineserdquo China was certain to be antagonistic to the Western-centred ldquouniversalrdquo values However what exactly constituted ldquoChinesenessrdquo remained ambiguous This ambiguity is revealed in particular in discussions related to contemporary Chinese art In contemporary China the understanding of concepts such as cultural diplomacy nationalism postcolonialism modernity and contemporary Chinese art was often based on reinterpretations of those concepts that were consistent with China rsquo s national interests which were basically conflated with the Partyrsquos interests To put it another way things had to be

read in the ldquoChineserdquo way usually involving a nationalist sentiment Still ldquoChinesenessrdquo is an undefinable concept in contemporary China Therefore I argue that there is a void behind the concrete assertion of Chinarsquos official cultural identity Like China rsquo s nationalism identity became a political ideology influenced by Chinarsquos national interests however behind this identity is an ambiguous assertion of the glorious past and an ongoing anti-imperialist sentiment The

ldquoChinesenessrdquo promoted in contemporary Chinese art practices bears the same hollow face that is manifested in Chinarsquos cultural diplomacy It is difficult to grasp what constitutes the communally inspired vision of identity other than a powerful China nourished by the growing importance of ldquoChinesenessrdquo in defining China rsquo s cultural identity

Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposabilityMignolo 2k [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405 115-117]enrique Dussel an Argentinian philosopher associated with the philosophy of liberation has been articulating a strong countermodern argument I

quote from the beginning of his Frankfurt lectures Modernity is for many (for Jurgen Habermas or Charles Taylor for example) in essentially or exclusively European phenomenon In these lectures I will argue that

modernity is in fact a European phenomenon but one constituted in dialectical relation with a non-European alterity that is its ultimate content Modernity appears when Europe affirms itself as the center of a World history that it inaugurates the periphery that surrounds this center is consequently part of its self-definition The occlusion of this periphery (and of the role of Spain and Portugal in the

formation of the modern world system from the late fifteenth to the mid-seventeenth centuries) leads the major contemporary thinkers of the center into a Eurocentric fallacy in their understanding of modernity If their understanding of the genealogy of modernity is thus partial and provincial their

attempts at a critique or defense of it are likewise unilateral and in part false (Dussel [19931 1995 65) The construction of the idea of modernity linked to European expansion as forged by European intellectuals was powerful enough to last almost five hundred years Postcolonial discourses and theories began effectively to question that hegemony a challenge that was unthinkable (and perhaps unexpected) by those who constructed and

presupposed the idea of modernity as a historical period and implicitly as the locus of enunciationmdasha locus of enunciation that in the name

of rationality science and philosophy as serted its own privilege over other forms of rationality or over what from the perspective of modern reason was nonrational I would submit conse quently that postcolonial literature and postcolonial theories are constructing a new concept of reason as differential loci of enunciation What does differential mean Differential here first means a displacement of the concept and practice of the notions of knowledge science theory and understanding articulated during the modern periodreg Thus Dussels region alization of modernity could be compared with Homi Bhabhas both speak ing from different colonial legacies (Spanish and English respectively) Driven by the subaltern history of the margins of modernitymdashrather than by the failures of logocentrismmdashI have tried in some small measure In revise the known to rename the postmodern from the position of the postcolo nial (Bhabha 1994 175 emphasis added) I find a noteworthy coincidence between Dussel and Bhabha albeit with some significant differences in accent The coincidence lies in the very iui portant fact that the task of postcolonial reasoning (ie theorizing) is not only linked to the immediate political needs of decolonization (in Asia Al rica and the Caribbean) but also to the rereading of the paradigm of modi i n reason This task is performed by Dussel and Bhabha in different although complementary ways After a detailed analysis of Kants and Hegels construction of the idea of I nlightenment in

European history Dussel summarizes the elements that i onstitute the myth of modernity (1) Modern (European) civilization understands itself as the most developed the superior civilization (2) This sense of superiority obliges it in the form of a categorical imperative as it were to develop (civilize uplift educate) the more primitive barbarous underdeveloped civilizations (3) The path of such development should be that followed by Europe in

its own development out of antiquity and the Middle Ages (4) Where the barbarians or the primitive opposes the civilizing process the praxis of modernity must in the last instance have recourse to the violence necessary to remove the obstacles to modernization (5) This violence which produces in many different ways victims takes on an almost ritualistic character the civilizing hero invests his victims (the colonized the slave the woman the ecological destruction of the earth etc) with the character of being participants in a process of redemptive sacrifice (6) from the point of view of modernity the barbarian or primitive is in a state of guilt (for among other things opposing the civilizing process) This allows modernity to present itself not only as innocent but also as a force that will emancipate or redeem its victims from their guilt (7) Given this civilizing and redemptive character of modernity the suffering and sacrifices (the costs) of modernization imposed on immature peoples slaves races the weaker sex el cetera are inevitable and necessary (Dussel 119931 1995 75) the myth of modernity is laid out by Dussel to confront alternative interpietations While Horkheimer and Adorno as well as postmodernist thinkbull is such as Lyotard Rorty or Vattimo all propose a critique of reason (a v iolent coercive and genocidal reason) Dussel proposes a critique of the enlightenments irrational moments as sacrificial myth not by negating reason but by asserting the reason of the othermdashthai is by identifying postcolonial reason as differential locus of enunciation The intersection between tbi idea of a self-centered modernity grounded in its own appropriation of greco-Roman (classical) legacies and an emerging idea of modernity from the margins (or countermodernity) makes clear that history does not begin in Greece and that different historical beginnings are at the same time anchored to diverse loci of enunciation This simple axiom is 1 submit a bindinternal one for and of postsubaltern reason Finally Bhabhas project in lename the postmodern from the position of the postcolonial also finds lis niche in postsubaltern reason as a differential locus of enunciation

And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatredMorley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

What is of course significant about a world historical event like the Gulf War is how individual fantasies are drawn into a collective strategy of psychic defence The collective expulsion of fear becomes the basis for reaffirming group solidarity Membership of a social group of a society is never an easy or an uncomplicated matter belonging to it is associated with feelings of discomfort from indifference to resentment and anxiety At particular historical moments however such tensions are eased as

the collectivity reasserts itself through what following Didier Anzieu (1984) we might call the working of the lsquogroup illusionrsquo The group discovers its common identity at the same time as its individual members are able to avow that they are all identical in their fears and then that they are consensual in the defensive violence and hatred they direct against the threat that is lsquonot-usrsquo It is a moment in which the individual can fuse

with the group for a time at least the defence of individual identity can be displaced onto the collectivity And for as long as danger and threat can be projected from its midst the group experiences a sense of exultation through its new-found wholeness and integrity It was this exultation that infused the esprit de corps of the coalition nations in the Gulf War What it reflected was the pleasure of experiencing harmonious community and in joining in righteous struggle (the just crusade)

It was however like so many times before predicated on a consensual misrepresentation on the illusory belief that the dangers and threats were all simply lsquoout therersquo and that the crazy dog really was Saddam

Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoningMignolo 2K [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405]68-69The second opposition Khatibi attempts to undo (after the opposition between the Christian West and the Islamic East) and I would say the very foundation of his need for a double critique is the postcolonial situation in the Maghreb What did we do asks Khatibi reflecting on Maghrebian intellectuals attitude in the process of decolonization other than reproduce a rather simplistic version of Marxs thought on the one hand and the ideological theology of Arabic nationalism on the other ( 1 9 8 3 16) A way out of these dichotomies presupposes a double critique and the search for an other thinking that will go beyond certain limitations of Marxist thinking which maintains a geopolitics of knowledge according to the knowing

subject in the First World (the Occident) and the known subject in the dogmatism and Arabic nationalism An other thinking is formulated as a response to the large questions and issues that are shaking the world today to the questions emerging from the places where the planetarization of science of technique and of strategies are being disclosed (13) What emerges from this formulation is that an other thinking is no longer located in either of the two alternatives into which

Orientalism and later area studies organized the distribution of scholarly labor from the eighteenth century to the cold war An other thinking implies a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge as organized by both Occidentalism (as the overarching imagi nary and self-definition of the modern world system) and Orientalism (one particular instance in which the difference from the same was located) along with area studies and the triumph of the social sciences in the geopolitics of knowledge It also entails an effort to escape the domain of Western metaphysics and its equivalent the theological

realm of Islamic thought An other thinking locates itself in all of these and in none in their borderland (as Gloria Anzaldua frames it) The potential of an other thinking is epistemological and also ethical epistemological because it is constructed on a critique of the limitations of two metaphysical traditionsmdashthe Christiansecular Western and the Islamic Two historical moments are relevant here one the sixteenth century and the rearticulation ol the conflict between Christianity and Islam through the purity of blood principle (see the introduction) two the eighteenth century and the secularization of philosophy and

knowledge the formation of capitalism and the rise of French colonialism Thus a consequent description of an other thinking is the following a way of thinking that is not inspired in its own limitations and is not intended to dominate and to humiliate a way of thinking that is universally marginal fragmentary and unachieved and as such a way of thinking that because universally marginal and fragmentary is not ethnocidal (Khatibi 1983 19) Thus the ethical potential of an other thinking Dussel independently of Khatibi has

characterized modern instrumental reason by its genocidal bent He tries to reveal this in his concept of the myth of modernity Modernity includes a rational concept of emancipation that we affirm and subsume But at the same

lime it develops an irrational myth a justification for genocidal violence the

postmodernists criticize modern reason as a reason of terror we criticize modern reason because of the irrational myth it conceals (Dussel [1993] 1995 67) Interestingly Khatibi and Dussel not only coincide in their critique of modernity without knowing each other but both define their enterprise in relation to modernity and to European philosophers (Nietzsche I leidcgger Foucault Derrida for Khatibi Apple Marx Habermas Levinas II ii Dussel) The consequences of coloniality of power and subalternization iI knowledge can be perceived at work from the colonial difference nourishing Khatibis and Dussels ethical and epistemic reflections And this is the situation that an other thinking addresses at the same time that it opens i new perspective for a geopolitical order of knowledge production

Block

Framework

ROB---BurkeThe role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logicBurke rsquo98 [Edmund Burke Pub 1998 Acc 2016 III University of California Santa Cruz Theory amp Society 274 (August) 589-607]SCFirst some background The independence movements of the Middle East and North Africa--especially the Algerian revolution--provoked a debate about

orientalist knowledge in which the interventions of Jean-Paul Sartre and Frantz Fanon were crucial For Fanon the anti-colonial struggle was also a cultural struggle with liberation as its goal The publication of Edward Saids Orientalism (1978) recast the terms of the debate Following Michel Foucault Said portrayed orientalism as not just an academic discipline but as an ideological discourse inextricably involved with European power In the debate that followed neither Said nor his critics were always careful to distinguish the elements of the critique or the complex epistemological issues involved in part it is about the nature of Enlightenment thought and the epistemological underpinnings of scientific knowledge in part about the connections between particular scholars and orientalist institutions and imperialism Said argues that because all knowledge is the product of its age and necessarily contingent there can be no knowledge unaffected by the auspices under which it comes to be If this premise is accepted it follows that there can be no knowledge which is fully objective thus orientalism has no privileged claim to truth However Said and his supporters go further

arguing that because orientalism as a species of discourse was fatally entangled with imperialism the knowledge it produced was inevitably distorted if not willfully racist While there is much truth in these observations they are lacking in complexity Certainly orientalism as a discourse

could not but reflect the views of the ambient culture in which it flourished Thus some orientalists did place themselves in the service of European empires the fortunes of the field were frequently linked to imperialism and European assumptions of superiority to non-Europeans and of the progressive role of imperialism were widespread On the other hand it is important to note that some orientalists opposed imperialism or wrote favorably about Islamic culture and society that some Middle Eastern nationalists were themselves inspired by Western orientalist writings and that nationalist and

Muslim theological positions have their own biases and assumptions It is undeniable that as a species of Enlightenment discourse orientalism has been a carrier of basic Western notions of the European self and the non-Western other which generated unfalsifiable propositions about the superiority of Europeans to non-Europeans In this way orientalists participated in the elaboration of modern European cultural identity However it is only as a result of the subsequent development of Western thought that it is possible to raise these criticisms

Epistemology 1 st Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniquesOwen 02 (David Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton ldquoReorienting International Relations On Pragmatism Pluralism and Practical Reasoningrdquo Millennium Journal of International Studies Vol 31 No 3 httpmilsagepubcomcgireprint313653)

The first dimension concerns the relationship between positivist IR theory and postmodernist IR lsquotheoryrsquo (and the examples illustrate the claims concerning pluralism and factionalism made in the introduction to this section) It is exhibited when we read Walt warning of the danger of postmodernism as a kind of theoretical decadence since lsquoissues of peace and war are too important for the field [of IR] to be diverted into a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real worldrsquo12 or find Keohane asserting sniffily that Neither neorealist nor neoliberal institutionalists are content with interpreting texts both sets of theorists believe that there is an international political reality that can be partly understood even if it will always remain to some extent veiled13 We should be wary of such denunciations precisely because the issue at stake for the practitioners of this lsquoprolix and self-indulgent discoursersquo is the picturing of international politics and the implications of this picturing for the epistemic and ethical framing of the discipline namely the constitution of what phenomena are appropriate objects of theoretical or other forms of enquiry The kind of accounts provided by practitioners of this type are not competing theories (hence Keohanersquos complaint) but conceptual reproblematisations of the background that informs theory construction namely the distinctions concepts assumptions inferences and assertability warrants that are taken for granted in the course of the debate between for example neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists (hence the point-missing character of Keohanersquos complaint) Thus for example Michael Shapiro writes The global system of sovereign states has been familiar both structurally and symbolically in the daily acts of imagination through which space and human identity are construed The persistence of this international imaginary has helped to support the political privilege of sovereignty affiliations and territorialities In recent years however a variety of disciplines have offered conceptualizations that challenge the familiar bordered world of the discourse of international relations14 The point of these remarks is to call critically into question the background picture (or to use another term of art the horizon) against which the disciplinary discourse and practices of IR are conducted in order to make this background itself an object of reflection and evaluation In a similar vein Rob Walker argues Under the present circumstances the question lsquoWhat is to be donersquo invites a degree of arrogance that is all too visible in the behaviour of the dominant political forces of our time The most pressing questions of the age call not only for concrete policy options to be offered to existing elites and institutions but also and more crucially for a serious rethinking of the ways in which it is possible for human beings to live together 15 The aim of these comments is to draw to our attention the easily forgotten fact that our existing ways of picturing international politics emerge from and in relation to the very practices of international politics with which they are engaged and it is entirely plausible (on standard Humean grounds) that under changing conditions of political activity these ways of guiding reflection and action may lose their epistemic andor ethical value such that a deeper interrogation of the terms of international politics is required Whether or not one agrees with Walker that this is currently required

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalismYung-Wen rsquo15 [ldquoThe Void of Chineseness Contemporary Art and Cultural Diplomacy in Chinardquo International Journal of Social Science and Humanity Vol 5 No 11 November 2015 Acc 51616 Yao Yung-Wen ndash MA in China‟s diplomacy from Peking University MA in cultural studies at Goldsmiths College the University of London PhD candidate at the University of Nottingham httpwwwijsshorgpapers589-CH376pdf]SC

According to the prevailing postcolonial discourses it is problematic to claim an original and authentic cultural root to ldquoreturn tordquo given that disruptions and discontinuities of history global economic interdependence and international emigration all seriously challenge the concept of the nation state and the definition of national culture The assertion of a ldquosingular national identityrdquo became problematic when foreign cultural influences were internalised as part of everyday life The hybridity of contemporary Chinese society also challenged the idea of ldquocultural homogeneityrdquo When the CCP introduced a capitalist economy it was made clear that communism would no longer be the central belief that maintained China rsquo s social cohesion and national unity Joining the international community not only meant that China had to open and change its once-isolated system in order to be connected with international organisations and their rules but also placed China under the evaluation of a set of ldquouniversalrdquoWestern values It became urgent for the Party to reposition itself to deal with the external and internal demands of a new identity During the 1980s the significant Western cultural influence on Chinese society was deemed to be responsible for the Tiananmen crackdown in 1989 The lsquo85 Art NewWave also ended with controversy in the same year Chinarsquos avant-garde art like the student movements that were once regarded as liberal pursuits was to blame for causing social upheaval and chaos Contemporary Chinese art was officially banned from any public sphere as a consequence

With the advanced participation in the international community the CCP found it had to accept a set of universal values that ultimately influenced its domestic affairs and put its legitimacy in crisis By asserting that this set of universal values served ldquothe idea of the centrality of the Westrdquo the Party decided it was of crucial importance to ldquoemphasize and strengthen the study of the differences between Eastern and Western culturerdquo [3] The idea of Asian values was supported by the Chinese Government

which stated that Asia could provide an alternative to the Western way of life [3] In order to distinguish Chinese values from the Western-centred universal values traditional Chinese culture was re-evaluated as the authentic roots of China rsquo s own cultural values instead of a backward force which was how it had been labelled since the early twentieth century Also when socialism had become increasingly distanced from social reality the communist ideology was regarded by cultural nationalists as one of those Western theories that should be excluded from the

search for ldquoauthentic Chinese cultural rootsrdquo In other words in addition to the necessity of defining Chinarsquos global role as a ldquo Chinese nation rdquo the Party also needed to reconstruct its identity as representing the ldquoChinese peoplerdquo instead of the great proletarian class in order to continue the Partyrsquos legitimacy in ruling the country A ldquoChineserdquo China was certain to be antagonistic to the Western-centred ldquouniversalrdquo values However what exactly constituted ldquoChinesenessrdquo remained ambiguous This ambiguity is revealed in particular in discussions related to contemporary Chinese art In contemporary China the understanding of concepts such as cultural diplomacy nationalism postcolonialism modernity and contemporary Chinese art was often based on reinterpretations of those concepts that were consistent with China rsquo s national interests which were basically conflated with the Partyrsquos interests To put it another way things had to be

read in the ldquoChineserdquo way usually involving a nationalist sentiment Still ldquoChinesenessrdquo is an undefinable concept in contemporary China Therefore I argue that there is a void behind the concrete assertion of Chinarsquos official cultural identity Like China rsquo s nationalism identity became a political ideology influenced by Chinarsquos national interests however behind this identity is an ambiguous assertion of the glorious past and an ongoing anti-imperialist sentiment The

ldquoChinesenessrdquo promoted in contemporary Chinese art practices bears the same hollow face that is manifested in Chinarsquos cultural diplomacy It is difficult to grasp what constitutes the communally inspired vision of identity other than a powerful China nourished by the growing importance of ldquoChinesenessrdquo in defining China rsquo s cultural identity

Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposabilityMignolo 2k [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405 115-117]enrique Dussel an Argentinian philosopher associated with the philosophy of liberation has been articulating a strong countermodern argument I

quote from the beginning of his Frankfurt lectures Modernity is for many (for Jurgen Habermas or Charles Taylor for example) in essentially or exclusively European phenomenon In these lectures I will argue that

modernity is in fact a European phenomenon but one constituted in dialectical relation with a non-European alterity that is its ultimate content Modernity appears when Europe affirms itself as the center of a World history that it inaugurates the periphery that surrounds this center is consequently part of its self-definition The occlusion of this periphery (and of the role of Spain and Portugal in the

formation of the modern world system from the late fifteenth to the mid-seventeenth centuries) leads the major contemporary thinkers of the center into a Eurocentric fallacy in their understanding of modernity If their understanding of the genealogy of modernity is thus partial and provincial their

attempts at a critique or defense of it are likewise unilateral and in part false (Dussel [19931 1995 65) The construction of the idea of modernity linked to European expansion as forged by European intellectuals was powerful enough to last almost five hundred years Postcolonial discourses and theories began effectively to question that hegemony a challenge that was unthinkable (and perhaps unexpected) by those who constructed and

presupposed the idea of modernity as a historical period and implicitly as the locus of enunciationmdasha locus of enunciation that in the name

of rationality science and philosophy as serted its own privilege over other forms of rationality or over what from the perspective of modern reason was nonrational I would submit conse quently that postcolonial literature and postcolonial theories are constructing a new concept of reason as differential loci of enunciation What does differential mean Differential here first means a displacement of the concept and practice of the notions of knowledge science theory and understanding articulated during the modern periodreg Thus Dussels region alization of modernity could be compared with Homi Bhabhas both speak ing from different colonial legacies (Spanish and English respectively) Driven by the subaltern history of the margins of modernitymdashrather than by the failures of logocentrismmdashI have tried in some small measure In revise the known to rename the postmodern from the position of the postcolo nial (Bhabha 1994 175 emphasis added) I find a noteworthy coincidence between Dussel and Bhabha albeit with some significant differences in accent The coincidence lies in the very iui portant fact that the task of postcolonial reasoning (ie theorizing) is not only linked to the immediate political needs of decolonization (in Asia Al rica and the Caribbean) but also to the rereading of the paradigm of modi i n reason This task is performed by Dussel and Bhabha in different although complementary ways After a detailed analysis of Kants and Hegels construction of the idea of I nlightenment in

European history Dussel summarizes the elements that i onstitute the myth of modernity (1) Modern (European) civilization understands itself as the most developed the superior civilization (2) This sense of superiority obliges it in the form of a categorical imperative as it were to develop (civilize uplift educate) the more primitive barbarous underdeveloped civilizations (3) The path of such development should be that followed by Europe in

its own development out of antiquity and the Middle Ages (4) Where the barbarians or the primitive opposes the civilizing process the praxis of modernity must in the last instance have recourse to the violence necessary to remove the obstacles to modernization (5) This violence which produces in many different ways victims takes on an almost ritualistic character the civilizing hero invests his victims (the colonized the slave the woman the ecological destruction of the earth etc) with the character of being participants in a process of redemptive sacrifice (6) from the point of view of modernity the barbarian or primitive is in a state of guilt (for among other things opposing the civilizing process) This allows modernity to present itself not only as innocent but also as a force that will emancipate or redeem its victims from their guilt (7) Given this civilizing and redemptive character of modernity the suffering and sacrifices (the costs) of modernization imposed on immature peoples slaves races the weaker sex el cetera are inevitable and necessary (Dussel 119931 1995 75) the myth of modernity is laid out by Dussel to confront alternative interpietations While Horkheimer and Adorno as well as postmodernist thinkbull is such as Lyotard Rorty or Vattimo all propose a critique of reason (a v iolent coercive and genocidal reason) Dussel proposes a critique of the enlightenments irrational moments as sacrificial myth not by negating reason but by asserting the reason of the othermdashthai is by identifying postcolonial reason as differential locus of enunciation The intersection between tbi idea of a self-centered modernity grounded in its own appropriation of greco-Roman (classical) legacies and an emerging idea of modernity from the margins (or countermodernity) makes clear that history does not begin in Greece and that different historical beginnings are at the same time anchored to diverse loci of enunciation This simple axiom is 1 submit a bindinternal one for and of postsubaltern reason Finally Bhabhas project in lename the postmodern from the position of the postcolonial also finds lis niche in postsubaltern reason as a differential locus of enunciation

And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatredMorley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

What is of course significant about a world historical event like the Gulf War is how individual fantasies are drawn into a collective strategy of psychic defence The collective expulsion of fear becomes the basis for reaffirming group solidarity Membership of a social group of a society is never an easy or an uncomplicated matter belonging to it is associated with feelings of discomfort from indifference to resentment and anxiety At particular historical moments however such tensions are eased as

the collectivity reasserts itself through what following Didier Anzieu (1984) we might call the working of the lsquogroup illusionrsquo The group discovers its common identity at the same time as its individual members are able to avow that they are all identical in their fears and then that they are consensual in the defensive violence and hatred they direct against the threat that is lsquonot-usrsquo It is a moment in which the individual can fuse

with the group for a time at least the defence of individual identity can be displaced onto the collectivity And for as long as danger and threat can be projected from its midst the group experiences a sense of exultation through its new-found wholeness and integrity It was this exultation that infused the esprit de corps of the coalition nations in the Gulf War What it reflected was the pleasure of experiencing harmonious community and in joining in righteous struggle (the just crusade)

It was however like so many times before predicated on a consensual misrepresentation on the illusory belief that the dangers and threats were all simply lsquoout therersquo and that the crazy dog really was Saddam

Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoningMignolo 2K [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405]68-69The second opposition Khatibi attempts to undo (after the opposition between the Christian West and the Islamic East) and I would say the very foundation of his need for a double critique is the postcolonial situation in the Maghreb What did we do asks Khatibi reflecting on Maghrebian intellectuals attitude in the process of decolonization other than reproduce a rather simplistic version of Marxs thought on the one hand and the ideological theology of Arabic nationalism on the other ( 1 9 8 3 16) A way out of these dichotomies presupposes a double critique and the search for an other thinking that will go beyond certain limitations of Marxist thinking which maintains a geopolitics of knowledge according to the knowing

subject in the First World (the Occident) and the known subject in the dogmatism and Arabic nationalism An other thinking is formulated as a response to the large questions and issues that are shaking the world today to the questions emerging from the places where the planetarization of science of technique and of strategies are being disclosed (13) What emerges from this formulation is that an other thinking is no longer located in either of the two alternatives into which

Orientalism and later area studies organized the distribution of scholarly labor from the eighteenth century to the cold war An other thinking implies a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge as organized by both Occidentalism (as the overarching imagi nary and self-definition of the modern world system) and Orientalism (one particular instance in which the difference from the same was located) along with area studies and the triumph of the social sciences in the geopolitics of knowledge It also entails an effort to escape the domain of Western metaphysics and its equivalent the theological

realm of Islamic thought An other thinking locates itself in all of these and in none in their borderland (as Gloria Anzaldua frames it) The potential of an other thinking is epistemological and also ethical epistemological because it is constructed on a critique of the limitations of two metaphysical traditionsmdashthe Christiansecular Western and the Islamic Two historical moments are relevant here one the sixteenth century and the rearticulation ol the conflict between Christianity and Islam through the purity of blood principle (see the introduction) two the eighteenth century and the secularization of philosophy and

knowledge the formation of capitalism and the rise of French colonialism Thus a consequent description of an other thinking is the following a way of thinking that is not inspired in its own limitations and is not intended to dominate and to humiliate a way of thinking that is universally marginal fragmentary and unachieved and as such a way of thinking that because universally marginal and fragmentary is not ethnocidal (Khatibi 1983 19) Thus the ethical potential of an other thinking Dussel independently of Khatibi has

characterized modern instrumental reason by its genocidal bent He tries to reveal this in his concept of the myth of modernity Modernity includes a rational concept of emancipation that we affirm and subsume But at the same

lime it develops an irrational myth a justification for genocidal violence the

postmodernists criticize modern reason as a reason of terror we criticize modern reason because of the irrational myth it conceals (Dussel [1993] 1995 67) Interestingly Khatibi and Dussel not only coincide in their critique of modernity without knowing each other but both define their enterprise in relation to modernity and to European philosophers (Nietzsche I leidcgger Foucault Derrida for Khatibi Apple Marx Habermas Levinas II ii Dussel) The consequences of coloniality of power and subalternization iI knowledge can be perceived at work from the colonial difference nourishing Khatibis and Dussels ethical and epistemic reflections And this is the situation that an other thinking addresses at the same time that it opens i new perspective for a geopolitical order of knowledge production

Block

Framework

ROB---BurkeThe role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logicBurke rsquo98 [Edmund Burke Pub 1998 Acc 2016 III University of California Santa Cruz Theory amp Society 274 (August) 589-607]SCFirst some background The independence movements of the Middle East and North Africa--especially the Algerian revolution--provoked a debate about

orientalist knowledge in which the interventions of Jean-Paul Sartre and Frantz Fanon were crucial For Fanon the anti-colonial struggle was also a cultural struggle with liberation as its goal The publication of Edward Saids Orientalism (1978) recast the terms of the debate Following Michel Foucault Said portrayed orientalism as not just an academic discipline but as an ideological discourse inextricably involved with European power In the debate that followed neither Said nor his critics were always careful to distinguish the elements of the critique or the complex epistemological issues involved in part it is about the nature of Enlightenment thought and the epistemological underpinnings of scientific knowledge in part about the connections between particular scholars and orientalist institutions and imperialism Said argues that because all knowledge is the product of its age and necessarily contingent there can be no knowledge unaffected by the auspices under which it comes to be If this premise is accepted it follows that there can be no knowledge which is fully objective thus orientalism has no privileged claim to truth However Said and his supporters go further

arguing that because orientalism as a species of discourse was fatally entangled with imperialism the knowledge it produced was inevitably distorted if not willfully racist While there is much truth in these observations they are lacking in complexity Certainly orientalism as a discourse

could not but reflect the views of the ambient culture in which it flourished Thus some orientalists did place themselves in the service of European empires the fortunes of the field were frequently linked to imperialism and European assumptions of superiority to non-Europeans and of the progressive role of imperialism were widespread On the other hand it is important to note that some orientalists opposed imperialism or wrote favorably about Islamic culture and society that some Middle Eastern nationalists were themselves inspired by Western orientalist writings and that nationalist and

Muslim theological positions have their own biases and assumptions It is undeniable that as a species of Enlightenment discourse orientalism has been a carrier of basic Western notions of the European self and the non-Western other which generated unfalsifiable propositions about the superiority of Europeans to non-Europeans In this way orientalists participated in the elaboration of modern European cultural identity However it is only as a result of the subsequent development of Western thought that it is possible to raise these criticisms

Epistemology 1 st Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniquesOwen 02 (David Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton ldquoReorienting International Relations On Pragmatism Pluralism and Practical Reasoningrdquo Millennium Journal of International Studies Vol 31 No 3 httpmilsagepubcomcgireprint313653)

The first dimension concerns the relationship between positivist IR theory and postmodernist IR lsquotheoryrsquo (and the examples illustrate the claims concerning pluralism and factionalism made in the introduction to this section) It is exhibited when we read Walt warning of the danger of postmodernism as a kind of theoretical decadence since lsquoissues of peace and war are too important for the field [of IR] to be diverted into a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real worldrsquo12 or find Keohane asserting sniffily that Neither neorealist nor neoliberal institutionalists are content with interpreting texts both sets of theorists believe that there is an international political reality that can be partly understood even if it will always remain to some extent veiled13 We should be wary of such denunciations precisely because the issue at stake for the practitioners of this lsquoprolix and self-indulgent discoursersquo is the picturing of international politics and the implications of this picturing for the epistemic and ethical framing of the discipline namely the constitution of what phenomena are appropriate objects of theoretical or other forms of enquiry The kind of accounts provided by practitioners of this type are not competing theories (hence Keohanersquos complaint) but conceptual reproblematisations of the background that informs theory construction namely the distinctions concepts assumptions inferences and assertability warrants that are taken for granted in the course of the debate between for example neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists (hence the point-missing character of Keohanersquos complaint) Thus for example Michael Shapiro writes The global system of sovereign states has been familiar both structurally and symbolically in the daily acts of imagination through which space and human identity are construed The persistence of this international imaginary has helped to support the political privilege of sovereignty affiliations and territorialities In recent years however a variety of disciplines have offered conceptualizations that challenge the familiar bordered world of the discourse of international relations14 The point of these remarks is to call critically into question the background picture (or to use another term of art the horizon) against which the disciplinary discourse and practices of IR are conducted in order to make this background itself an object of reflection and evaluation In a similar vein Rob Walker argues Under the present circumstances the question lsquoWhat is to be donersquo invites a degree of arrogance that is all too visible in the behaviour of the dominant political forces of our time The most pressing questions of the age call not only for concrete policy options to be offered to existing elites and institutions but also and more crucially for a serious rethinking of the ways in which it is possible for human beings to live together 15 The aim of these comments is to draw to our attention the easily forgotten fact that our existing ways of picturing international politics emerge from and in relation to the very practices of international politics with which they are engaged and it is entirely plausible (on standard Humean grounds) that under changing conditions of political activity these ways of guiding reflection and action may lose their epistemic andor ethical value such that a deeper interrogation of the terms of international politics is required Whether or not one agrees with Walker that this is currently required

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

search for ldquoauthentic Chinese cultural rootsrdquo In other words in addition to the necessity of defining Chinarsquos global role as a ldquo Chinese nation rdquo the Party also needed to reconstruct its identity as representing the ldquoChinese peoplerdquo instead of the great proletarian class in order to continue the Partyrsquos legitimacy in ruling the country A ldquoChineserdquo China was certain to be antagonistic to the Western-centred ldquouniversalrdquo values However what exactly constituted ldquoChinesenessrdquo remained ambiguous This ambiguity is revealed in particular in discussions related to contemporary Chinese art In contemporary China the understanding of concepts such as cultural diplomacy nationalism postcolonialism modernity and contemporary Chinese art was often based on reinterpretations of those concepts that were consistent with China rsquo s national interests which were basically conflated with the Partyrsquos interests To put it another way things had to be

read in the ldquoChineserdquo way usually involving a nationalist sentiment Still ldquoChinesenessrdquo is an undefinable concept in contemporary China Therefore I argue that there is a void behind the concrete assertion of Chinarsquos official cultural identity Like China rsquo s nationalism identity became a political ideology influenced by Chinarsquos national interests however behind this identity is an ambiguous assertion of the glorious past and an ongoing anti-imperialist sentiment The

ldquoChinesenessrdquo promoted in contemporary Chinese art practices bears the same hollow face that is manifested in Chinarsquos cultural diplomacy It is difficult to grasp what constitutes the communally inspired vision of identity other than a powerful China nourished by the growing importance of ldquoChinesenessrdquo in defining China rsquo s cultural identity

Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposabilityMignolo 2k [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405 115-117]enrique Dussel an Argentinian philosopher associated with the philosophy of liberation has been articulating a strong countermodern argument I

quote from the beginning of his Frankfurt lectures Modernity is for many (for Jurgen Habermas or Charles Taylor for example) in essentially or exclusively European phenomenon In these lectures I will argue that

modernity is in fact a European phenomenon but one constituted in dialectical relation with a non-European alterity that is its ultimate content Modernity appears when Europe affirms itself as the center of a World history that it inaugurates the periphery that surrounds this center is consequently part of its self-definition The occlusion of this periphery (and of the role of Spain and Portugal in the

formation of the modern world system from the late fifteenth to the mid-seventeenth centuries) leads the major contemporary thinkers of the center into a Eurocentric fallacy in their understanding of modernity If their understanding of the genealogy of modernity is thus partial and provincial their

attempts at a critique or defense of it are likewise unilateral and in part false (Dussel [19931 1995 65) The construction of the idea of modernity linked to European expansion as forged by European intellectuals was powerful enough to last almost five hundred years Postcolonial discourses and theories began effectively to question that hegemony a challenge that was unthinkable (and perhaps unexpected) by those who constructed and

presupposed the idea of modernity as a historical period and implicitly as the locus of enunciationmdasha locus of enunciation that in the name

of rationality science and philosophy as serted its own privilege over other forms of rationality or over what from the perspective of modern reason was nonrational I would submit conse quently that postcolonial literature and postcolonial theories are constructing a new concept of reason as differential loci of enunciation What does differential mean Differential here first means a displacement of the concept and practice of the notions of knowledge science theory and understanding articulated during the modern periodreg Thus Dussels region alization of modernity could be compared with Homi Bhabhas both speak ing from different colonial legacies (Spanish and English respectively) Driven by the subaltern history of the margins of modernitymdashrather than by the failures of logocentrismmdashI have tried in some small measure In revise the known to rename the postmodern from the position of the postcolo nial (Bhabha 1994 175 emphasis added) I find a noteworthy coincidence between Dussel and Bhabha albeit with some significant differences in accent The coincidence lies in the very iui portant fact that the task of postcolonial reasoning (ie theorizing) is not only linked to the immediate political needs of decolonization (in Asia Al rica and the Caribbean) but also to the rereading of the paradigm of modi i n reason This task is performed by Dussel and Bhabha in different although complementary ways After a detailed analysis of Kants and Hegels construction of the idea of I nlightenment in

European history Dussel summarizes the elements that i onstitute the myth of modernity (1) Modern (European) civilization understands itself as the most developed the superior civilization (2) This sense of superiority obliges it in the form of a categorical imperative as it were to develop (civilize uplift educate) the more primitive barbarous underdeveloped civilizations (3) The path of such development should be that followed by Europe in

its own development out of antiquity and the Middle Ages (4) Where the barbarians or the primitive opposes the civilizing process the praxis of modernity must in the last instance have recourse to the violence necessary to remove the obstacles to modernization (5) This violence which produces in many different ways victims takes on an almost ritualistic character the civilizing hero invests his victims (the colonized the slave the woman the ecological destruction of the earth etc) with the character of being participants in a process of redemptive sacrifice (6) from the point of view of modernity the barbarian or primitive is in a state of guilt (for among other things opposing the civilizing process) This allows modernity to present itself not only as innocent but also as a force that will emancipate or redeem its victims from their guilt (7) Given this civilizing and redemptive character of modernity the suffering and sacrifices (the costs) of modernization imposed on immature peoples slaves races the weaker sex el cetera are inevitable and necessary (Dussel 119931 1995 75) the myth of modernity is laid out by Dussel to confront alternative interpietations While Horkheimer and Adorno as well as postmodernist thinkbull is such as Lyotard Rorty or Vattimo all propose a critique of reason (a v iolent coercive and genocidal reason) Dussel proposes a critique of the enlightenments irrational moments as sacrificial myth not by negating reason but by asserting the reason of the othermdashthai is by identifying postcolonial reason as differential locus of enunciation The intersection between tbi idea of a self-centered modernity grounded in its own appropriation of greco-Roman (classical) legacies and an emerging idea of modernity from the margins (or countermodernity) makes clear that history does not begin in Greece and that different historical beginnings are at the same time anchored to diverse loci of enunciation This simple axiom is 1 submit a bindinternal one for and of postsubaltern reason Finally Bhabhas project in lename the postmodern from the position of the postcolonial also finds lis niche in postsubaltern reason as a differential locus of enunciation

And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatredMorley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

What is of course significant about a world historical event like the Gulf War is how individual fantasies are drawn into a collective strategy of psychic defence The collective expulsion of fear becomes the basis for reaffirming group solidarity Membership of a social group of a society is never an easy or an uncomplicated matter belonging to it is associated with feelings of discomfort from indifference to resentment and anxiety At particular historical moments however such tensions are eased as

the collectivity reasserts itself through what following Didier Anzieu (1984) we might call the working of the lsquogroup illusionrsquo The group discovers its common identity at the same time as its individual members are able to avow that they are all identical in their fears and then that they are consensual in the defensive violence and hatred they direct against the threat that is lsquonot-usrsquo It is a moment in which the individual can fuse

with the group for a time at least the defence of individual identity can be displaced onto the collectivity And for as long as danger and threat can be projected from its midst the group experiences a sense of exultation through its new-found wholeness and integrity It was this exultation that infused the esprit de corps of the coalition nations in the Gulf War What it reflected was the pleasure of experiencing harmonious community and in joining in righteous struggle (the just crusade)

It was however like so many times before predicated on a consensual misrepresentation on the illusory belief that the dangers and threats were all simply lsquoout therersquo and that the crazy dog really was Saddam

Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoningMignolo 2K [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405]68-69The second opposition Khatibi attempts to undo (after the opposition between the Christian West and the Islamic East) and I would say the very foundation of his need for a double critique is the postcolonial situation in the Maghreb What did we do asks Khatibi reflecting on Maghrebian intellectuals attitude in the process of decolonization other than reproduce a rather simplistic version of Marxs thought on the one hand and the ideological theology of Arabic nationalism on the other ( 1 9 8 3 16) A way out of these dichotomies presupposes a double critique and the search for an other thinking that will go beyond certain limitations of Marxist thinking which maintains a geopolitics of knowledge according to the knowing

subject in the First World (the Occident) and the known subject in the dogmatism and Arabic nationalism An other thinking is formulated as a response to the large questions and issues that are shaking the world today to the questions emerging from the places where the planetarization of science of technique and of strategies are being disclosed (13) What emerges from this formulation is that an other thinking is no longer located in either of the two alternatives into which

Orientalism and later area studies organized the distribution of scholarly labor from the eighteenth century to the cold war An other thinking implies a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge as organized by both Occidentalism (as the overarching imagi nary and self-definition of the modern world system) and Orientalism (one particular instance in which the difference from the same was located) along with area studies and the triumph of the social sciences in the geopolitics of knowledge It also entails an effort to escape the domain of Western metaphysics and its equivalent the theological

realm of Islamic thought An other thinking locates itself in all of these and in none in their borderland (as Gloria Anzaldua frames it) The potential of an other thinking is epistemological and also ethical epistemological because it is constructed on a critique of the limitations of two metaphysical traditionsmdashthe Christiansecular Western and the Islamic Two historical moments are relevant here one the sixteenth century and the rearticulation ol the conflict between Christianity and Islam through the purity of blood principle (see the introduction) two the eighteenth century and the secularization of philosophy and

knowledge the formation of capitalism and the rise of French colonialism Thus a consequent description of an other thinking is the following a way of thinking that is not inspired in its own limitations and is not intended to dominate and to humiliate a way of thinking that is universally marginal fragmentary and unachieved and as such a way of thinking that because universally marginal and fragmentary is not ethnocidal (Khatibi 1983 19) Thus the ethical potential of an other thinking Dussel independently of Khatibi has

characterized modern instrumental reason by its genocidal bent He tries to reveal this in his concept of the myth of modernity Modernity includes a rational concept of emancipation that we affirm and subsume But at the same

lime it develops an irrational myth a justification for genocidal violence the

postmodernists criticize modern reason as a reason of terror we criticize modern reason because of the irrational myth it conceals (Dussel [1993] 1995 67) Interestingly Khatibi and Dussel not only coincide in their critique of modernity without knowing each other but both define their enterprise in relation to modernity and to European philosophers (Nietzsche I leidcgger Foucault Derrida for Khatibi Apple Marx Habermas Levinas II ii Dussel) The consequences of coloniality of power and subalternization iI knowledge can be perceived at work from the colonial difference nourishing Khatibis and Dussels ethical and epistemic reflections And this is the situation that an other thinking addresses at the same time that it opens i new perspective for a geopolitical order of knowledge production

Block

Framework

ROB---BurkeThe role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logicBurke rsquo98 [Edmund Burke Pub 1998 Acc 2016 III University of California Santa Cruz Theory amp Society 274 (August) 589-607]SCFirst some background The independence movements of the Middle East and North Africa--especially the Algerian revolution--provoked a debate about

orientalist knowledge in which the interventions of Jean-Paul Sartre and Frantz Fanon were crucial For Fanon the anti-colonial struggle was also a cultural struggle with liberation as its goal The publication of Edward Saids Orientalism (1978) recast the terms of the debate Following Michel Foucault Said portrayed orientalism as not just an academic discipline but as an ideological discourse inextricably involved with European power In the debate that followed neither Said nor his critics were always careful to distinguish the elements of the critique or the complex epistemological issues involved in part it is about the nature of Enlightenment thought and the epistemological underpinnings of scientific knowledge in part about the connections between particular scholars and orientalist institutions and imperialism Said argues that because all knowledge is the product of its age and necessarily contingent there can be no knowledge unaffected by the auspices under which it comes to be If this premise is accepted it follows that there can be no knowledge which is fully objective thus orientalism has no privileged claim to truth However Said and his supporters go further

arguing that because orientalism as a species of discourse was fatally entangled with imperialism the knowledge it produced was inevitably distorted if not willfully racist While there is much truth in these observations they are lacking in complexity Certainly orientalism as a discourse

could not but reflect the views of the ambient culture in which it flourished Thus some orientalists did place themselves in the service of European empires the fortunes of the field were frequently linked to imperialism and European assumptions of superiority to non-Europeans and of the progressive role of imperialism were widespread On the other hand it is important to note that some orientalists opposed imperialism or wrote favorably about Islamic culture and society that some Middle Eastern nationalists were themselves inspired by Western orientalist writings and that nationalist and

Muslim theological positions have their own biases and assumptions It is undeniable that as a species of Enlightenment discourse orientalism has been a carrier of basic Western notions of the European self and the non-Western other which generated unfalsifiable propositions about the superiority of Europeans to non-Europeans In this way orientalists participated in the elaboration of modern European cultural identity However it is only as a result of the subsequent development of Western thought that it is possible to raise these criticisms

Epistemology 1 st Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniquesOwen 02 (David Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton ldquoReorienting International Relations On Pragmatism Pluralism and Practical Reasoningrdquo Millennium Journal of International Studies Vol 31 No 3 httpmilsagepubcomcgireprint313653)

The first dimension concerns the relationship between positivist IR theory and postmodernist IR lsquotheoryrsquo (and the examples illustrate the claims concerning pluralism and factionalism made in the introduction to this section) It is exhibited when we read Walt warning of the danger of postmodernism as a kind of theoretical decadence since lsquoissues of peace and war are too important for the field [of IR] to be diverted into a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real worldrsquo12 or find Keohane asserting sniffily that Neither neorealist nor neoliberal institutionalists are content with interpreting texts both sets of theorists believe that there is an international political reality that can be partly understood even if it will always remain to some extent veiled13 We should be wary of such denunciations precisely because the issue at stake for the practitioners of this lsquoprolix and self-indulgent discoursersquo is the picturing of international politics and the implications of this picturing for the epistemic and ethical framing of the discipline namely the constitution of what phenomena are appropriate objects of theoretical or other forms of enquiry The kind of accounts provided by practitioners of this type are not competing theories (hence Keohanersquos complaint) but conceptual reproblematisations of the background that informs theory construction namely the distinctions concepts assumptions inferences and assertability warrants that are taken for granted in the course of the debate between for example neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists (hence the point-missing character of Keohanersquos complaint) Thus for example Michael Shapiro writes The global system of sovereign states has been familiar both structurally and symbolically in the daily acts of imagination through which space and human identity are construed The persistence of this international imaginary has helped to support the political privilege of sovereignty affiliations and territorialities In recent years however a variety of disciplines have offered conceptualizations that challenge the familiar bordered world of the discourse of international relations14 The point of these remarks is to call critically into question the background picture (or to use another term of art the horizon) against which the disciplinary discourse and practices of IR are conducted in order to make this background itself an object of reflection and evaluation In a similar vein Rob Walker argues Under the present circumstances the question lsquoWhat is to be donersquo invites a degree of arrogance that is all too visible in the behaviour of the dominant political forces of our time The most pressing questions of the age call not only for concrete policy options to be offered to existing elites and institutions but also and more crucially for a serious rethinking of the ways in which it is possible for human beings to live together 15 The aim of these comments is to draw to our attention the easily forgotten fact that our existing ways of picturing international politics emerge from and in relation to the very practices of international politics with which they are engaged and it is entirely plausible (on standard Humean grounds) that under changing conditions of political activity these ways of guiding reflection and action may lose their epistemic andor ethical value such that a deeper interrogation of the terms of international politics is required Whether or not one agrees with Walker that this is currently required

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

of rationality science and philosophy as serted its own privilege over other forms of rationality or over what from the perspective of modern reason was nonrational I would submit conse quently that postcolonial literature and postcolonial theories are constructing a new concept of reason as differential loci of enunciation What does differential mean Differential here first means a displacement of the concept and practice of the notions of knowledge science theory and understanding articulated during the modern periodreg Thus Dussels region alization of modernity could be compared with Homi Bhabhas both speak ing from different colonial legacies (Spanish and English respectively) Driven by the subaltern history of the margins of modernitymdashrather than by the failures of logocentrismmdashI have tried in some small measure In revise the known to rename the postmodern from the position of the postcolo nial (Bhabha 1994 175 emphasis added) I find a noteworthy coincidence between Dussel and Bhabha albeit with some significant differences in accent The coincidence lies in the very iui portant fact that the task of postcolonial reasoning (ie theorizing) is not only linked to the immediate political needs of decolonization (in Asia Al rica and the Caribbean) but also to the rereading of the paradigm of modi i n reason This task is performed by Dussel and Bhabha in different although complementary ways After a detailed analysis of Kants and Hegels construction of the idea of I nlightenment in

European history Dussel summarizes the elements that i onstitute the myth of modernity (1) Modern (European) civilization understands itself as the most developed the superior civilization (2) This sense of superiority obliges it in the form of a categorical imperative as it were to develop (civilize uplift educate) the more primitive barbarous underdeveloped civilizations (3) The path of such development should be that followed by Europe in

its own development out of antiquity and the Middle Ages (4) Where the barbarians or the primitive opposes the civilizing process the praxis of modernity must in the last instance have recourse to the violence necessary to remove the obstacles to modernization (5) This violence which produces in many different ways victims takes on an almost ritualistic character the civilizing hero invests his victims (the colonized the slave the woman the ecological destruction of the earth etc) with the character of being participants in a process of redemptive sacrifice (6) from the point of view of modernity the barbarian or primitive is in a state of guilt (for among other things opposing the civilizing process) This allows modernity to present itself not only as innocent but also as a force that will emancipate or redeem its victims from their guilt (7) Given this civilizing and redemptive character of modernity the suffering and sacrifices (the costs) of modernization imposed on immature peoples slaves races the weaker sex el cetera are inevitable and necessary (Dussel 119931 1995 75) the myth of modernity is laid out by Dussel to confront alternative interpietations While Horkheimer and Adorno as well as postmodernist thinkbull is such as Lyotard Rorty or Vattimo all propose a critique of reason (a v iolent coercive and genocidal reason) Dussel proposes a critique of the enlightenments irrational moments as sacrificial myth not by negating reason but by asserting the reason of the othermdashthai is by identifying postcolonial reason as differential locus of enunciation The intersection between tbi idea of a self-centered modernity grounded in its own appropriation of greco-Roman (classical) legacies and an emerging idea of modernity from the margins (or countermodernity) makes clear that history does not begin in Greece and that different historical beginnings are at the same time anchored to diverse loci of enunciation This simple axiom is 1 submit a bindinternal one for and of postsubaltern reason Finally Bhabhas project in lename the postmodern from the position of the postcolonial also finds lis niche in postsubaltern reason as a differential locus of enunciation

And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatredMorley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

What is of course significant about a world historical event like the Gulf War is how individual fantasies are drawn into a collective strategy of psychic defence The collective expulsion of fear becomes the basis for reaffirming group solidarity Membership of a social group of a society is never an easy or an uncomplicated matter belonging to it is associated with feelings of discomfort from indifference to resentment and anxiety At particular historical moments however such tensions are eased as

the collectivity reasserts itself through what following Didier Anzieu (1984) we might call the working of the lsquogroup illusionrsquo The group discovers its common identity at the same time as its individual members are able to avow that they are all identical in their fears and then that they are consensual in the defensive violence and hatred they direct against the threat that is lsquonot-usrsquo It is a moment in which the individual can fuse

with the group for a time at least the defence of individual identity can be displaced onto the collectivity And for as long as danger and threat can be projected from its midst the group experiences a sense of exultation through its new-found wholeness and integrity It was this exultation that infused the esprit de corps of the coalition nations in the Gulf War What it reflected was the pleasure of experiencing harmonious community and in joining in righteous struggle (the just crusade)

It was however like so many times before predicated on a consensual misrepresentation on the illusory belief that the dangers and threats were all simply lsquoout therersquo and that the crazy dog really was Saddam

Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoningMignolo 2K [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405]68-69The second opposition Khatibi attempts to undo (after the opposition between the Christian West and the Islamic East) and I would say the very foundation of his need for a double critique is the postcolonial situation in the Maghreb What did we do asks Khatibi reflecting on Maghrebian intellectuals attitude in the process of decolonization other than reproduce a rather simplistic version of Marxs thought on the one hand and the ideological theology of Arabic nationalism on the other ( 1 9 8 3 16) A way out of these dichotomies presupposes a double critique and the search for an other thinking that will go beyond certain limitations of Marxist thinking which maintains a geopolitics of knowledge according to the knowing

subject in the First World (the Occident) and the known subject in the dogmatism and Arabic nationalism An other thinking is formulated as a response to the large questions and issues that are shaking the world today to the questions emerging from the places where the planetarization of science of technique and of strategies are being disclosed (13) What emerges from this formulation is that an other thinking is no longer located in either of the two alternatives into which

Orientalism and later area studies organized the distribution of scholarly labor from the eighteenth century to the cold war An other thinking implies a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge as organized by both Occidentalism (as the overarching imagi nary and self-definition of the modern world system) and Orientalism (one particular instance in which the difference from the same was located) along with area studies and the triumph of the social sciences in the geopolitics of knowledge It also entails an effort to escape the domain of Western metaphysics and its equivalent the theological

realm of Islamic thought An other thinking locates itself in all of these and in none in their borderland (as Gloria Anzaldua frames it) The potential of an other thinking is epistemological and also ethical epistemological because it is constructed on a critique of the limitations of two metaphysical traditionsmdashthe Christiansecular Western and the Islamic Two historical moments are relevant here one the sixteenth century and the rearticulation ol the conflict between Christianity and Islam through the purity of blood principle (see the introduction) two the eighteenth century and the secularization of philosophy and

knowledge the formation of capitalism and the rise of French colonialism Thus a consequent description of an other thinking is the following a way of thinking that is not inspired in its own limitations and is not intended to dominate and to humiliate a way of thinking that is universally marginal fragmentary and unachieved and as such a way of thinking that because universally marginal and fragmentary is not ethnocidal (Khatibi 1983 19) Thus the ethical potential of an other thinking Dussel independently of Khatibi has

characterized modern instrumental reason by its genocidal bent He tries to reveal this in his concept of the myth of modernity Modernity includes a rational concept of emancipation that we affirm and subsume But at the same

lime it develops an irrational myth a justification for genocidal violence the

postmodernists criticize modern reason as a reason of terror we criticize modern reason because of the irrational myth it conceals (Dussel [1993] 1995 67) Interestingly Khatibi and Dussel not only coincide in their critique of modernity without knowing each other but both define their enterprise in relation to modernity and to European philosophers (Nietzsche I leidcgger Foucault Derrida for Khatibi Apple Marx Habermas Levinas II ii Dussel) The consequences of coloniality of power and subalternization iI knowledge can be perceived at work from the colonial difference nourishing Khatibis and Dussels ethical and epistemic reflections And this is the situation that an other thinking addresses at the same time that it opens i new perspective for a geopolitical order of knowledge production

Block

Framework

ROB---BurkeThe role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logicBurke rsquo98 [Edmund Burke Pub 1998 Acc 2016 III University of California Santa Cruz Theory amp Society 274 (August) 589-607]SCFirst some background The independence movements of the Middle East and North Africa--especially the Algerian revolution--provoked a debate about

orientalist knowledge in which the interventions of Jean-Paul Sartre and Frantz Fanon were crucial For Fanon the anti-colonial struggle was also a cultural struggle with liberation as its goal The publication of Edward Saids Orientalism (1978) recast the terms of the debate Following Michel Foucault Said portrayed orientalism as not just an academic discipline but as an ideological discourse inextricably involved with European power In the debate that followed neither Said nor his critics were always careful to distinguish the elements of the critique or the complex epistemological issues involved in part it is about the nature of Enlightenment thought and the epistemological underpinnings of scientific knowledge in part about the connections between particular scholars and orientalist institutions and imperialism Said argues that because all knowledge is the product of its age and necessarily contingent there can be no knowledge unaffected by the auspices under which it comes to be If this premise is accepted it follows that there can be no knowledge which is fully objective thus orientalism has no privileged claim to truth However Said and his supporters go further

arguing that because orientalism as a species of discourse was fatally entangled with imperialism the knowledge it produced was inevitably distorted if not willfully racist While there is much truth in these observations they are lacking in complexity Certainly orientalism as a discourse

could not but reflect the views of the ambient culture in which it flourished Thus some orientalists did place themselves in the service of European empires the fortunes of the field were frequently linked to imperialism and European assumptions of superiority to non-Europeans and of the progressive role of imperialism were widespread On the other hand it is important to note that some orientalists opposed imperialism or wrote favorably about Islamic culture and society that some Middle Eastern nationalists were themselves inspired by Western orientalist writings and that nationalist and

Muslim theological positions have their own biases and assumptions It is undeniable that as a species of Enlightenment discourse orientalism has been a carrier of basic Western notions of the European self and the non-Western other which generated unfalsifiable propositions about the superiority of Europeans to non-Europeans In this way orientalists participated in the elaboration of modern European cultural identity However it is only as a result of the subsequent development of Western thought that it is possible to raise these criticisms

Epistemology 1 st Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniquesOwen 02 (David Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton ldquoReorienting International Relations On Pragmatism Pluralism and Practical Reasoningrdquo Millennium Journal of International Studies Vol 31 No 3 httpmilsagepubcomcgireprint313653)

The first dimension concerns the relationship between positivist IR theory and postmodernist IR lsquotheoryrsquo (and the examples illustrate the claims concerning pluralism and factionalism made in the introduction to this section) It is exhibited when we read Walt warning of the danger of postmodernism as a kind of theoretical decadence since lsquoissues of peace and war are too important for the field [of IR] to be diverted into a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real worldrsquo12 or find Keohane asserting sniffily that Neither neorealist nor neoliberal institutionalists are content with interpreting texts both sets of theorists believe that there is an international political reality that can be partly understood even if it will always remain to some extent veiled13 We should be wary of such denunciations precisely because the issue at stake for the practitioners of this lsquoprolix and self-indulgent discoursersquo is the picturing of international politics and the implications of this picturing for the epistemic and ethical framing of the discipline namely the constitution of what phenomena are appropriate objects of theoretical or other forms of enquiry The kind of accounts provided by practitioners of this type are not competing theories (hence Keohanersquos complaint) but conceptual reproblematisations of the background that informs theory construction namely the distinctions concepts assumptions inferences and assertability warrants that are taken for granted in the course of the debate between for example neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists (hence the point-missing character of Keohanersquos complaint) Thus for example Michael Shapiro writes The global system of sovereign states has been familiar both structurally and symbolically in the daily acts of imagination through which space and human identity are construed The persistence of this international imaginary has helped to support the political privilege of sovereignty affiliations and territorialities In recent years however a variety of disciplines have offered conceptualizations that challenge the familiar bordered world of the discourse of international relations14 The point of these remarks is to call critically into question the background picture (or to use another term of art the horizon) against which the disciplinary discourse and practices of IR are conducted in order to make this background itself an object of reflection and evaluation In a similar vein Rob Walker argues Under the present circumstances the question lsquoWhat is to be donersquo invites a degree of arrogance that is all too visible in the behaviour of the dominant political forces of our time The most pressing questions of the age call not only for concrete policy options to be offered to existing elites and institutions but also and more crucially for a serious rethinking of the ways in which it is possible for human beings to live together 15 The aim of these comments is to draw to our attention the easily forgotten fact that our existing ways of picturing international politics emerge from and in relation to the very practices of international politics with which they are engaged and it is entirely plausible (on standard Humean grounds) that under changing conditions of political activity these ways of guiding reflection and action may lose their epistemic andor ethical value such that a deeper interrogation of the terms of international politics is required Whether or not one agrees with Walker that this is currently required

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

What is of course significant about a world historical event like the Gulf War is how individual fantasies are drawn into a collective strategy of psychic defence The collective expulsion of fear becomes the basis for reaffirming group solidarity Membership of a social group of a society is never an easy or an uncomplicated matter belonging to it is associated with feelings of discomfort from indifference to resentment and anxiety At particular historical moments however such tensions are eased as

the collectivity reasserts itself through what following Didier Anzieu (1984) we might call the working of the lsquogroup illusionrsquo The group discovers its common identity at the same time as its individual members are able to avow that they are all identical in their fears and then that they are consensual in the defensive violence and hatred they direct against the threat that is lsquonot-usrsquo It is a moment in which the individual can fuse

with the group for a time at least the defence of individual identity can be displaced onto the collectivity And for as long as danger and threat can be projected from its midst the group experiences a sense of exultation through its new-found wholeness and integrity It was this exultation that infused the esprit de corps of the coalition nations in the Gulf War What it reflected was the pleasure of experiencing harmonious community and in joining in righteous struggle (the just crusade)

It was however like so many times before predicated on a consensual misrepresentation on the illusory belief that the dangers and threats were all simply lsquoout therersquo and that the crazy dog really was Saddam

Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoningMignolo 2K [Walter William H Wannamaker Professor of Literature and Romance Studies at Duke University Local HistoriesGlobal Designs 0691001405]68-69The second opposition Khatibi attempts to undo (after the opposition between the Christian West and the Islamic East) and I would say the very foundation of his need for a double critique is the postcolonial situation in the Maghreb What did we do asks Khatibi reflecting on Maghrebian intellectuals attitude in the process of decolonization other than reproduce a rather simplistic version of Marxs thought on the one hand and the ideological theology of Arabic nationalism on the other ( 1 9 8 3 16) A way out of these dichotomies presupposes a double critique and the search for an other thinking that will go beyond certain limitations of Marxist thinking which maintains a geopolitics of knowledge according to the knowing

subject in the First World (the Occident) and the known subject in the dogmatism and Arabic nationalism An other thinking is formulated as a response to the large questions and issues that are shaking the world today to the questions emerging from the places where the planetarization of science of technique and of strategies are being disclosed (13) What emerges from this formulation is that an other thinking is no longer located in either of the two alternatives into which

Orientalism and later area studies organized the distribution of scholarly labor from the eighteenth century to the cold war An other thinking implies a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge as organized by both Occidentalism (as the overarching imagi nary and self-definition of the modern world system) and Orientalism (one particular instance in which the difference from the same was located) along with area studies and the triumph of the social sciences in the geopolitics of knowledge It also entails an effort to escape the domain of Western metaphysics and its equivalent the theological

realm of Islamic thought An other thinking locates itself in all of these and in none in their borderland (as Gloria Anzaldua frames it) The potential of an other thinking is epistemological and also ethical epistemological because it is constructed on a critique of the limitations of two metaphysical traditionsmdashthe Christiansecular Western and the Islamic Two historical moments are relevant here one the sixteenth century and the rearticulation ol the conflict between Christianity and Islam through the purity of blood principle (see the introduction) two the eighteenth century and the secularization of philosophy and

knowledge the formation of capitalism and the rise of French colonialism Thus a consequent description of an other thinking is the following a way of thinking that is not inspired in its own limitations and is not intended to dominate and to humiliate a way of thinking that is universally marginal fragmentary and unachieved and as such a way of thinking that because universally marginal and fragmentary is not ethnocidal (Khatibi 1983 19) Thus the ethical potential of an other thinking Dussel independently of Khatibi has

characterized modern instrumental reason by its genocidal bent He tries to reveal this in his concept of the myth of modernity Modernity includes a rational concept of emancipation that we affirm and subsume But at the same

lime it develops an irrational myth a justification for genocidal violence the

postmodernists criticize modern reason as a reason of terror we criticize modern reason because of the irrational myth it conceals (Dussel [1993] 1995 67) Interestingly Khatibi and Dussel not only coincide in their critique of modernity without knowing each other but both define their enterprise in relation to modernity and to European philosophers (Nietzsche I leidcgger Foucault Derrida for Khatibi Apple Marx Habermas Levinas II ii Dussel) The consequences of coloniality of power and subalternization iI knowledge can be perceived at work from the colonial difference nourishing Khatibis and Dussels ethical and epistemic reflections And this is the situation that an other thinking addresses at the same time that it opens i new perspective for a geopolitical order of knowledge production

Block

Framework

ROB---BurkeThe role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logicBurke rsquo98 [Edmund Burke Pub 1998 Acc 2016 III University of California Santa Cruz Theory amp Society 274 (August) 589-607]SCFirst some background The independence movements of the Middle East and North Africa--especially the Algerian revolution--provoked a debate about

orientalist knowledge in which the interventions of Jean-Paul Sartre and Frantz Fanon were crucial For Fanon the anti-colonial struggle was also a cultural struggle with liberation as its goal The publication of Edward Saids Orientalism (1978) recast the terms of the debate Following Michel Foucault Said portrayed orientalism as not just an academic discipline but as an ideological discourse inextricably involved with European power In the debate that followed neither Said nor his critics were always careful to distinguish the elements of the critique or the complex epistemological issues involved in part it is about the nature of Enlightenment thought and the epistemological underpinnings of scientific knowledge in part about the connections between particular scholars and orientalist institutions and imperialism Said argues that because all knowledge is the product of its age and necessarily contingent there can be no knowledge unaffected by the auspices under which it comes to be If this premise is accepted it follows that there can be no knowledge which is fully objective thus orientalism has no privileged claim to truth However Said and his supporters go further

arguing that because orientalism as a species of discourse was fatally entangled with imperialism the knowledge it produced was inevitably distorted if not willfully racist While there is much truth in these observations they are lacking in complexity Certainly orientalism as a discourse

could not but reflect the views of the ambient culture in which it flourished Thus some orientalists did place themselves in the service of European empires the fortunes of the field were frequently linked to imperialism and European assumptions of superiority to non-Europeans and of the progressive role of imperialism were widespread On the other hand it is important to note that some orientalists opposed imperialism or wrote favorably about Islamic culture and society that some Middle Eastern nationalists were themselves inspired by Western orientalist writings and that nationalist and

Muslim theological positions have their own biases and assumptions It is undeniable that as a species of Enlightenment discourse orientalism has been a carrier of basic Western notions of the European self and the non-Western other which generated unfalsifiable propositions about the superiority of Europeans to non-Europeans In this way orientalists participated in the elaboration of modern European cultural identity However it is only as a result of the subsequent development of Western thought that it is possible to raise these criticisms

Epistemology 1 st Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniquesOwen 02 (David Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton ldquoReorienting International Relations On Pragmatism Pluralism and Practical Reasoningrdquo Millennium Journal of International Studies Vol 31 No 3 httpmilsagepubcomcgireprint313653)

The first dimension concerns the relationship between positivist IR theory and postmodernist IR lsquotheoryrsquo (and the examples illustrate the claims concerning pluralism and factionalism made in the introduction to this section) It is exhibited when we read Walt warning of the danger of postmodernism as a kind of theoretical decadence since lsquoissues of peace and war are too important for the field [of IR] to be diverted into a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real worldrsquo12 or find Keohane asserting sniffily that Neither neorealist nor neoliberal institutionalists are content with interpreting texts both sets of theorists believe that there is an international political reality that can be partly understood even if it will always remain to some extent veiled13 We should be wary of such denunciations precisely because the issue at stake for the practitioners of this lsquoprolix and self-indulgent discoursersquo is the picturing of international politics and the implications of this picturing for the epistemic and ethical framing of the discipline namely the constitution of what phenomena are appropriate objects of theoretical or other forms of enquiry The kind of accounts provided by practitioners of this type are not competing theories (hence Keohanersquos complaint) but conceptual reproblematisations of the background that informs theory construction namely the distinctions concepts assumptions inferences and assertability warrants that are taken for granted in the course of the debate between for example neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists (hence the point-missing character of Keohanersquos complaint) Thus for example Michael Shapiro writes The global system of sovereign states has been familiar both structurally and symbolically in the daily acts of imagination through which space and human identity are construed The persistence of this international imaginary has helped to support the political privilege of sovereignty affiliations and territorialities In recent years however a variety of disciplines have offered conceptualizations that challenge the familiar bordered world of the discourse of international relations14 The point of these remarks is to call critically into question the background picture (or to use another term of art the horizon) against which the disciplinary discourse and practices of IR are conducted in order to make this background itself an object of reflection and evaluation In a similar vein Rob Walker argues Under the present circumstances the question lsquoWhat is to be donersquo invites a degree of arrogance that is all too visible in the behaviour of the dominant political forces of our time The most pressing questions of the age call not only for concrete policy options to be offered to existing elites and institutions but also and more crucially for a serious rethinking of the ways in which it is possible for human beings to live together 15 The aim of these comments is to draw to our attention the easily forgotten fact that our existing ways of picturing international politics emerge from and in relation to the very practices of international politics with which they are engaged and it is entirely plausible (on standard Humean grounds) that under changing conditions of political activity these ways of guiding reflection and action may lose their epistemic andor ethical value such that a deeper interrogation of the terms of international politics is required Whether or not one agrees with Walker that this is currently required

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

knowledge the formation of capitalism and the rise of French colonialism Thus a consequent description of an other thinking is the following a way of thinking that is not inspired in its own limitations and is not intended to dominate and to humiliate a way of thinking that is universally marginal fragmentary and unachieved and as such a way of thinking that because universally marginal and fragmentary is not ethnocidal (Khatibi 1983 19) Thus the ethical potential of an other thinking Dussel independently of Khatibi has

characterized modern instrumental reason by its genocidal bent He tries to reveal this in his concept of the myth of modernity Modernity includes a rational concept of emancipation that we affirm and subsume But at the same

lime it develops an irrational myth a justification for genocidal violence the

postmodernists criticize modern reason as a reason of terror we criticize modern reason because of the irrational myth it conceals (Dussel [1993] 1995 67) Interestingly Khatibi and Dussel not only coincide in their critique of modernity without knowing each other but both define their enterprise in relation to modernity and to European philosophers (Nietzsche I leidcgger Foucault Derrida for Khatibi Apple Marx Habermas Levinas II ii Dussel) The consequences of coloniality of power and subalternization iI knowledge can be perceived at work from the colonial difference nourishing Khatibis and Dussels ethical and epistemic reflections And this is the situation that an other thinking addresses at the same time that it opens i new perspective for a geopolitical order of knowledge production

Block

Framework

ROB---BurkeThe role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logicBurke rsquo98 [Edmund Burke Pub 1998 Acc 2016 III University of California Santa Cruz Theory amp Society 274 (August) 589-607]SCFirst some background The independence movements of the Middle East and North Africa--especially the Algerian revolution--provoked a debate about

orientalist knowledge in which the interventions of Jean-Paul Sartre and Frantz Fanon were crucial For Fanon the anti-colonial struggle was also a cultural struggle with liberation as its goal The publication of Edward Saids Orientalism (1978) recast the terms of the debate Following Michel Foucault Said portrayed orientalism as not just an academic discipline but as an ideological discourse inextricably involved with European power In the debate that followed neither Said nor his critics were always careful to distinguish the elements of the critique or the complex epistemological issues involved in part it is about the nature of Enlightenment thought and the epistemological underpinnings of scientific knowledge in part about the connections between particular scholars and orientalist institutions and imperialism Said argues that because all knowledge is the product of its age and necessarily contingent there can be no knowledge unaffected by the auspices under which it comes to be If this premise is accepted it follows that there can be no knowledge which is fully objective thus orientalism has no privileged claim to truth However Said and his supporters go further

arguing that because orientalism as a species of discourse was fatally entangled with imperialism the knowledge it produced was inevitably distorted if not willfully racist While there is much truth in these observations they are lacking in complexity Certainly orientalism as a discourse

could not but reflect the views of the ambient culture in which it flourished Thus some orientalists did place themselves in the service of European empires the fortunes of the field were frequently linked to imperialism and European assumptions of superiority to non-Europeans and of the progressive role of imperialism were widespread On the other hand it is important to note that some orientalists opposed imperialism or wrote favorably about Islamic culture and society that some Middle Eastern nationalists were themselves inspired by Western orientalist writings and that nationalist and

Muslim theological positions have their own biases and assumptions It is undeniable that as a species of Enlightenment discourse orientalism has been a carrier of basic Western notions of the European self and the non-Western other which generated unfalsifiable propositions about the superiority of Europeans to non-Europeans In this way orientalists participated in the elaboration of modern European cultural identity However it is only as a result of the subsequent development of Western thought that it is possible to raise these criticisms

Epistemology 1 st Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniquesOwen 02 (David Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton ldquoReorienting International Relations On Pragmatism Pluralism and Practical Reasoningrdquo Millennium Journal of International Studies Vol 31 No 3 httpmilsagepubcomcgireprint313653)

The first dimension concerns the relationship between positivist IR theory and postmodernist IR lsquotheoryrsquo (and the examples illustrate the claims concerning pluralism and factionalism made in the introduction to this section) It is exhibited when we read Walt warning of the danger of postmodernism as a kind of theoretical decadence since lsquoissues of peace and war are too important for the field [of IR] to be diverted into a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real worldrsquo12 or find Keohane asserting sniffily that Neither neorealist nor neoliberal institutionalists are content with interpreting texts both sets of theorists believe that there is an international political reality that can be partly understood even if it will always remain to some extent veiled13 We should be wary of such denunciations precisely because the issue at stake for the practitioners of this lsquoprolix and self-indulgent discoursersquo is the picturing of international politics and the implications of this picturing for the epistemic and ethical framing of the discipline namely the constitution of what phenomena are appropriate objects of theoretical or other forms of enquiry The kind of accounts provided by practitioners of this type are not competing theories (hence Keohanersquos complaint) but conceptual reproblematisations of the background that informs theory construction namely the distinctions concepts assumptions inferences and assertability warrants that are taken for granted in the course of the debate between for example neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists (hence the point-missing character of Keohanersquos complaint) Thus for example Michael Shapiro writes The global system of sovereign states has been familiar both structurally and symbolically in the daily acts of imagination through which space and human identity are construed The persistence of this international imaginary has helped to support the political privilege of sovereignty affiliations and territorialities In recent years however a variety of disciplines have offered conceptualizations that challenge the familiar bordered world of the discourse of international relations14 The point of these remarks is to call critically into question the background picture (or to use another term of art the horizon) against which the disciplinary discourse and practices of IR are conducted in order to make this background itself an object of reflection and evaluation In a similar vein Rob Walker argues Under the present circumstances the question lsquoWhat is to be donersquo invites a degree of arrogance that is all too visible in the behaviour of the dominant political forces of our time The most pressing questions of the age call not only for concrete policy options to be offered to existing elites and institutions but also and more crucially for a serious rethinking of the ways in which it is possible for human beings to live together 15 The aim of these comments is to draw to our attention the easily forgotten fact that our existing ways of picturing international politics emerge from and in relation to the very practices of international politics with which they are engaged and it is entirely plausible (on standard Humean grounds) that under changing conditions of political activity these ways of guiding reflection and action may lose their epistemic andor ethical value such that a deeper interrogation of the terms of international politics is required Whether or not one agrees with Walker that this is currently required

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

Block

Framework

ROB---BurkeThe role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logicBurke rsquo98 [Edmund Burke Pub 1998 Acc 2016 III University of California Santa Cruz Theory amp Society 274 (August) 589-607]SCFirst some background The independence movements of the Middle East and North Africa--especially the Algerian revolution--provoked a debate about

orientalist knowledge in which the interventions of Jean-Paul Sartre and Frantz Fanon were crucial For Fanon the anti-colonial struggle was also a cultural struggle with liberation as its goal The publication of Edward Saids Orientalism (1978) recast the terms of the debate Following Michel Foucault Said portrayed orientalism as not just an academic discipline but as an ideological discourse inextricably involved with European power In the debate that followed neither Said nor his critics were always careful to distinguish the elements of the critique or the complex epistemological issues involved in part it is about the nature of Enlightenment thought and the epistemological underpinnings of scientific knowledge in part about the connections between particular scholars and orientalist institutions and imperialism Said argues that because all knowledge is the product of its age and necessarily contingent there can be no knowledge unaffected by the auspices under which it comes to be If this premise is accepted it follows that there can be no knowledge which is fully objective thus orientalism has no privileged claim to truth However Said and his supporters go further

arguing that because orientalism as a species of discourse was fatally entangled with imperialism the knowledge it produced was inevitably distorted if not willfully racist While there is much truth in these observations they are lacking in complexity Certainly orientalism as a discourse

could not but reflect the views of the ambient culture in which it flourished Thus some orientalists did place themselves in the service of European empires the fortunes of the field were frequently linked to imperialism and European assumptions of superiority to non-Europeans and of the progressive role of imperialism were widespread On the other hand it is important to note that some orientalists opposed imperialism or wrote favorably about Islamic culture and society that some Middle Eastern nationalists were themselves inspired by Western orientalist writings and that nationalist and

Muslim theological positions have their own biases and assumptions It is undeniable that as a species of Enlightenment discourse orientalism has been a carrier of basic Western notions of the European self and the non-Western other which generated unfalsifiable propositions about the superiority of Europeans to non-Europeans In this way orientalists participated in the elaboration of modern European cultural identity However it is only as a result of the subsequent development of Western thought that it is possible to raise these criticisms

Epistemology 1 st Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniquesOwen 02 (David Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton ldquoReorienting International Relations On Pragmatism Pluralism and Practical Reasoningrdquo Millennium Journal of International Studies Vol 31 No 3 httpmilsagepubcomcgireprint313653)

The first dimension concerns the relationship between positivist IR theory and postmodernist IR lsquotheoryrsquo (and the examples illustrate the claims concerning pluralism and factionalism made in the introduction to this section) It is exhibited when we read Walt warning of the danger of postmodernism as a kind of theoretical decadence since lsquoissues of peace and war are too important for the field [of IR] to be diverted into a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real worldrsquo12 or find Keohane asserting sniffily that Neither neorealist nor neoliberal institutionalists are content with interpreting texts both sets of theorists believe that there is an international political reality that can be partly understood even if it will always remain to some extent veiled13 We should be wary of such denunciations precisely because the issue at stake for the practitioners of this lsquoprolix and self-indulgent discoursersquo is the picturing of international politics and the implications of this picturing for the epistemic and ethical framing of the discipline namely the constitution of what phenomena are appropriate objects of theoretical or other forms of enquiry The kind of accounts provided by practitioners of this type are not competing theories (hence Keohanersquos complaint) but conceptual reproblematisations of the background that informs theory construction namely the distinctions concepts assumptions inferences and assertability warrants that are taken for granted in the course of the debate between for example neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists (hence the point-missing character of Keohanersquos complaint) Thus for example Michael Shapiro writes The global system of sovereign states has been familiar both structurally and symbolically in the daily acts of imagination through which space and human identity are construed The persistence of this international imaginary has helped to support the political privilege of sovereignty affiliations and territorialities In recent years however a variety of disciplines have offered conceptualizations that challenge the familiar bordered world of the discourse of international relations14 The point of these remarks is to call critically into question the background picture (or to use another term of art the horizon) against which the disciplinary discourse and practices of IR are conducted in order to make this background itself an object of reflection and evaluation In a similar vein Rob Walker argues Under the present circumstances the question lsquoWhat is to be donersquo invites a degree of arrogance that is all too visible in the behaviour of the dominant political forces of our time The most pressing questions of the age call not only for concrete policy options to be offered to existing elites and institutions but also and more crucially for a serious rethinking of the ways in which it is possible for human beings to live together 15 The aim of these comments is to draw to our attention the easily forgotten fact that our existing ways of picturing international politics emerge from and in relation to the very practices of international politics with which they are engaged and it is entirely plausible (on standard Humean grounds) that under changing conditions of political activity these ways of guiding reflection and action may lose their epistemic andor ethical value such that a deeper interrogation of the terms of international politics is required Whether or not one agrees with Walker that this is currently required

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

Framework

ROB---BurkeThe role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logicBurke rsquo98 [Edmund Burke Pub 1998 Acc 2016 III University of California Santa Cruz Theory amp Society 274 (August) 589-607]SCFirst some background The independence movements of the Middle East and North Africa--especially the Algerian revolution--provoked a debate about

orientalist knowledge in which the interventions of Jean-Paul Sartre and Frantz Fanon were crucial For Fanon the anti-colonial struggle was also a cultural struggle with liberation as its goal The publication of Edward Saids Orientalism (1978) recast the terms of the debate Following Michel Foucault Said portrayed orientalism as not just an academic discipline but as an ideological discourse inextricably involved with European power In the debate that followed neither Said nor his critics were always careful to distinguish the elements of the critique or the complex epistemological issues involved in part it is about the nature of Enlightenment thought and the epistemological underpinnings of scientific knowledge in part about the connections between particular scholars and orientalist institutions and imperialism Said argues that because all knowledge is the product of its age and necessarily contingent there can be no knowledge unaffected by the auspices under which it comes to be If this premise is accepted it follows that there can be no knowledge which is fully objective thus orientalism has no privileged claim to truth However Said and his supporters go further

arguing that because orientalism as a species of discourse was fatally entangled with imperialism the knowledge it produced was inevitably distorted if not willfully racist While there is much truth in these observations they are lacking in complexity Certainly orientalism as a discourse

could not but reflect the views of the ambient culture in which it flourished Thus some orientalists did place themselves in the service of European empires the fortunes of the field were frequently linked to imperialism and European assumptions of superiority to non-Europeans and of the progressive role of imperialism were widespread On the other hand it is important to note that some orientalists opposed imperialism or wrote favorably about Islamic culture and society that some Middle Eastern nationalists were themselves inspired by Western orientalist writings and that nationalist and

Muslim theological positions have their own biases and assumptions It is undeniable that as a species of Enlightenment discourse orientalism has been a carrier of basic Western notions of the European self and the non-Western other which generated unfalsifiable propositions about the superiority of Europeans to non-Europeans In this way orientalists participated in the elaboration of modern European cultural identity However it is only as a result of the subsequent development of Western thought that it is possible to raise these criticisms

Epistemology 1 st Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniquesOwen 02 (David Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton ldquoReorienting International Relations On Pragmatism Pluralism and Practical Reasoningrdquo Millennium Journal of International Studies Vol 31 No 3 httpmilsagepubcomcgireprint313653)

The first dimension concerns the relationship between positivist IR theory and postmodernist IR lsquotheoryrsquo (and the examples illustrate the claims concerning pluralism and factionalism made in the introduction to this section) It is exhibited when we read Walt warning of the danger of postmodernism as a kind of theoretical decadence since lsquoissues of peace and war are too important for the field [of IR] to be diverted into a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real worldrsquo12 or find Keohane asserting sniffily that Neither neorealist nor neoliberal institutionalists are content with interpreting texts both sets of theorists believe that there is an international political reality that can be partly understood even if it will always remain to some extent veiled13 We should be wary of such denunciations precisely because the issue at stake for the practitioners of this lsquoprolix and self-indulgent discoursersquo is the picturing of international politics and the implications of this picturing for the epistemic and ethical framing of the discipline namely the constitution of what phenomena are appropriate objects of theoretical or other forms of enquiry The kind of accounts provided by practitioners of this type are not competing theories (hence Keohanersquos complaint) but conceptual reproblematisations of the background that informs theory construction namely the distinctions concepts assumptions inferences and assertability warrants that are taken for granted in the course of the debate between for example neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists (hence the point-missing character of Keohanersquos complaint) Thus for example Michael Shapiro writes The global system of sovereign states has been familiar both structurally and symbolically in the daily acts of imagination through which space and human identity are construed The persistence of this international imaginary has helped to support the political privilege of sovereignty affiliations and territorialities In recent years however a variety of disciplines have offered conceptualizations that challenge the familiar bordered world of the discourse of international relations14 The point of these remarks is to call critically into question the background picture (or to use another term of art the horizon) against which the disciplinary discourse and practices of IR are conducted in order to make this background itself an object of reflection and evaluation In a similar vein Rob Walker argues Under the present circumstances the question lsquoWhat is to be donersquo invites a degree of arrogance that is all too visible in the behaviour of the dominant political forces of our time The most pressing questions of the age call not only for concrete policy options to be offered to existing elites and institutions but also and more crucially for a serious rethinking of the ways in which it is possible for human beings to live together 15 The aim of these comments is to draw to our attention the easily forgotten fact that our existing ways of picturing international politics emerge from and in relation to the very practices of international politics with which they are engaged and it is entirely plausible (on standard Humean grounds) that under changing conditions of political activity these ways of guiding reflection and action may lose their epistemic andor ethical value such that a deeper interrogation of the terms of international politics is required Whether or not one agrees with Walker that this is currently required

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

ROB---BurkeThe role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logicBurke rsquo98 [Edmund Burke Pub 1998 Acc 2016 III University of California Santa Cruz Theory amp Society 274 (August) 589-607]SCFirst some background The independence movements of the Middle East and North Africa--especially the Algerian revolution--provoked a debate about

orientalist knowledge in which the interventions of Jean-Paul Sartre and Frantz Fanon were crucial For Fanon the anti-colonial struggle was also a cultural struggle with liberation as its goal The publication of Edward Saids Orientalism (1978) recast the terms of the debate Following Michel Foucault Said portrayed orientalism as not just an academic discipline but as an ideological discourse inextricably involved with European power In the debate that followed neither Said nor his critics were always careful to distinguish the elements of the critique or the complex epistemological issues involved in part it is about the nature of Enlightenment thought and the epistemological underpinnings of scientific knowledge in part about the connections between particular scholars and orientalist institutions and imperialism Said argues that because all knowledge is the product of its age and necessarily contingent there can be no knowledge unaffected by the auspices under which it comes to be If this premise is accepted it follows that there can be no knowledge which is fully objective thus orientalism has no privileged claim to truth However Said and his supporters go further

arguing that because orientalism as a species of discourse was fatally entangled with imperialism the knowledge it produced was inevitably distorted if not willfully racist While there is much truth in these observations they are lacking in complexity Certainly orientalism as a discourse

could not but reflect the views of the ambient culture in which it flourished Thus some orientalists did place themselves in the service of European empires the fortunes of the field were frequently linked to imperialism and European assumptions of superiority to non-Europeans and of the progressive role of imperialism were widespread On the other hand it is important to note that some orientalists opposed imperialism or wrote favorably about Islamic culture and society that some Middle Eastern nationalists were themselves inspired by Western orientalist writings and that nationalist and

Muslim theological positions have their own biases and assumptions It is undeniable that as a species of Enlightenment discourse orientalism has been a carrier of basic Western notions of the European self and the non-Western other which generated unfalsifiable propositions about the superiority of Europeans to non-Europeans In this way orientalists participated in the elaboration of modern European cultural identity However it is only as a result of the subsequent development of Western thought that it is possible to raise these criticisms

Epistemology 1 st Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniquesOwen 02 (David Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton ldquoReorienting International Relations On Pragmatism Pluralism and Practical Reasoningrdquo Millennium Journal of International Studies Vol 31 No 3 httpmilsagepubcomcgireprint313653)

The first dimension concerns the relationship between positivist IR theory and postmodernist IR lsquotheoryrsquo (and the examples illustrate the claims concerning pluralism and factionalism made in the introduction to this section) It is exhibited when we read Walt warning of the danger of postmodernism as a kind of theoretical decadence since lsquoissues of peace and war are too important for the field [of IR] to be diverted into a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real worldrsquo12 or find Keohane asserting sniffily that Neither neorealist nor neoliberal institutionalists are content with interpreting texts both sets of theorists believe that there is an international political reality that can be partly understood even if it will always remain to some extent veiled13 We should be wary of such denunciations precisely because the issue at stake for the practitioners of this lsquoprolix and self-indulgent discoursersquo is the picturing of international politics and the implications of this picturing for the epistemic and ethical framing of the discipline namely the constitution of what phenomena are appropriate objects of theoretical or other forms of enquiry The kind of accounts provided by practitioners of this type are not competing theories (hence Keohanersquos complaint) but conceptual reproblematisations of the background that informs theory construction namely the distinctions concepts assumptions inferences and assertability warrants that are taken for granted in the course of the debate between for example neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists (hence the point-missing character of Keohanersquos complaint) Thus for example Michael Shapiro writes The global system of sovereign states has been familiar both structurally and symbolically in the daily acts of imagination through which space and human identity are construed The persistence of this international imaginary has helped to support the political privilege of sovereignty affiliations and territorialities In recent years however a variety of disciplines have offered conceptualizations that challenge the familiar bordered world of the discourse of international relations14 The point of these remarks is to call critically into question the background picture (or to use another term of art the horizon) against which the disciplinary discourse and practices of IR are conducted in order to make this background itself an object of reflection and evaluation In a similar vein Rob Walker argues Under the present circumstances the question lsquoWhat is to be donersquo invites a degree of arrogance that is all too visible in the behaviour of the dominant political forces of our time The most pressing questions of the age call not only for concrete policy options to be offered to existing elites and institutions but also and more crucially for a serious rethinking of the ways in which it is possible for human beings to live together 15 The aim of these comments is to draw to our attention the easily forgotten fact that our existing ways of picturing international politics emerge from and in relation to the very practices of international politics with which they are engaged and it is entirely plausible (on standard Humean grounds) that under changing conditions of political activity these ways of guiding reflection and action may lose their epistemic andor ethical value such that a deeper interrogation of the terms of international politics is required Whether or not one agrees with Walker that this is currently required

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

Epistemology 1 st Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniquesOwen 02 (David Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton ldquoReorienting International Relations On Pragmatism Pluralism and Practical Reasoningrdquo Millennium Journal of International Studies Vol 31 No 3 httpmilsagepubcomcgireprint313653)

The first dimension concerns the relationship between positivist IR theory and postmodernist IR lsquotheoryrsquo (and the examples illustrate the claims concerning pluralism and factionalism made in the introduction to this section) It is exhibited when we read Walt warning of the danger of postmodernism as a kind of theoretical decadence since lsquoissues of peace and war are too important for the field [of IR] to be diverted into a prolix and self-indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real worldrsquo12 or find Keohane asserting sniffily that Neither neorealist nor neoliberal institutionalists are content with interpreting texts both sets of theorists believe that there is an international political reality that can be partly understood even if it will always remain to some extent veiled13 We should be wary of such denunciations precisely because the issue at stake for the practitioners of this lsquoprolix and self-indulgent discoursersquo is the picturing of international politics and the implications of this picturing for the epistemic and ethical framing of the discipline namely the constitution of what phenomena are appropriate objects of theoretical or other forms of enquiry The kind of accounts provided by practitioners of this type are not competing theories (hence Keohanersquos complaint) but conceptual reproblematisations of the background that informs theory construction namely the distinctions concepts assumptions inferences and assertability warrants that are taken for granted in the course of the debate between for example neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists (hence the point-missing character of Keohanersquos complaint) Thus for example Michael Shapiro writes The global system of sovereign states has been familiar both structurally and symbolically in the daily acts of imagination through which space and human identity are construed The persistence of this international imaginary has helped to support the political privilege of sovereignty affiliations and territorialities In recent years however a variety of disciplines have offered conceptualizations that challenge the familiar bordered world of the discourse of international relations14 The point of these remarks is to call critically into question the background picture (or to use another term of art the horizon) against which the disciplinary discourse and practices of IR are conducted in order to make this background itself an object of reflection and evaluation In a similar vein Rob Walker argues Under the present circumstances the question lsquoWhat is to be donersquo invites a degree of arrogance that is all too visible in the behaviour of the dominant political forces of our time The most pressing questions of the age call not only for concrete policy options to be offered to existing elites and institutions but also and more crucially for a serious rethinking of the ways in which it is possible for human beings to live together 15 The aim of these comments is to draw to our attention the easily forgotten fact that our existing ways of picturing international politics emerge from and in relation to the very practices of international politics with which they are engaged and it is entirely plausible (on standard Humean grounds) that under changing conditions of political activity these ways of guiding reflection and action may lose their epistemic andor ethical value such that a deeper interrogation of the terms of international politics is required Whether or not one agrees with Walker that this is currently required

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

it is a perfectly reasonable issue to raise After all as Quentin Skinner has recently reminded us it is remarkably difficult to avoid falling under the spell of our own intellectual heritage As we analyse and reflect on our normative concepts it is easy to become bewitched into believing that the ways of thinking about them bequeathed to us by the mainstream of our intellectual traditions must be the ways of thinking about them 16 In this respect one effect of the kind of challenge posed by postmodernists like Michael Shapiro and Rob Walker is to prevent us from becoming too readily bewitched

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

AT Ivory TowerTheyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly Mason rsquo13 [Arthur Assistant Professor Justice and Social Inquiry School of Social Transformation College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Arizona State U ldquoCartel Consciousness and Horizontal Integration in Energy Industryrdquo Cultures of Energy Power Practices Technologies 2013 pp 136]

Consulting firms buoyed by venture capital operate like transnational entities in which their power relies on the strength of their networks Consequently emphasis in energy development increasingly is placed on global financial markets instead of structural positions within national political systems For the elative

isolation and elitism of these deciders who thinkpara big thoughts squirreled away in jaw-

droppingly expensive conferencespara located in elite resorts the performativity of knowledge creation suggests knowledge artifacts seem to materialize out of thin air The use of images ofpara strategy and transparency to ensure control over information is completepara suggesting knowledge is occluded and manipulable by the companies them-para selves Thus cartel consciousness is the reproduction of oligopoly through horizontal integration a type of clubbiness

that is strategically beneficial to participants and impenetrable to nonparticipants who remain vulnerable and at risk in the new world of energy insecurity

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

AT Role Playing GoodTheyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politicsRingmara rsquo15 [ldquoHow the world stage makes its subjects an embodied critique of constructivist IR theoryrdquo Erik Ringmara ndash Department of Political Science Lund University Sweden Journal of International Relations and Development (2016) 19 101ndash125 Published online 21 August 2015 Acc 51616 doi101057jird201533]SC

Let us return to matters of international politics The sovereign state as it is featured in theories of international relations or in the daily practices of politicians and citizens is presented as a person through the public performances in which it comes to appear There is nothing incidental or ornamental about these displays and the performances do not represent some off-stage entity that is more abiding and more real instead the performances are constitutive of the state as we know it There are two aspects to these theatrical displays corresponding to the two aspects mdash internal and external mdash through which sovereignty has been understood A first set of performances concerns the relationship between the state and its subjects and a second set the relationship between different states as they act and interact with one another on the world stage13In early modern Europe the first rulers who called themselves sovereign all faced the problem of how to gain legitimacy for their rule and they all responded by means of theatrical displays through which they came to appear before their subjects The arguments to back up their pretensions were performed and not merely stated (Nevile 2008 esp 209ndash63) It was only by means of a performance that a united sovereign entity could be imagined out of the various disparate inputs mdash institutions administrative practices legal claims territorial demarcations coercive mechanisms tax codes mdash associated with the exercise of state power As staged and impersonated by the king sovereignty eventually came to be believed Consider for example the elaborate coronation ceremonies intended to bedazzle the subjects (Strong 1977 Hunt 2008 Wills 2014) Or consider the ballet de cour performed at the French court where the sovereign himself danced the role of his country before the assembled courtiers (Apostolides 1981 41ndash65 Prest 2001 283ndash98) Or consider the Swedish king Gustav II Adolf who appeared in the role of Berik an ancient Gothic warrior in a ritual just at the time of his coronation in 1617 (Ringmar 2006

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

160) Or take the lsquoroyal progressesrsquo which took all early modern rulers on extended tours of their respective countries with dignified entries into every town along the way (Geertz 1985b 125 Strong 1999 42ndash62 Ringmar 2012 9ndash12)Despite what structural constructivists argue no nation ever wrote itself into existence they were instead all staged and performed The nation-state was everywhere presented and legitimated in much the same theatrical fashion Thus the American struggle for independence was designed as a public performance involving boycotts of British goods the burning of British warships tea being thrown into the Boston harbour and the defiant convening of a First Continental Congress Our aim as Thomas Paine has put it is lsquoto exhibit on the theater of the universe a character hitherto unknownrsquo (quoted in Saks 1989 361) lsquoDramarsquo the historian Eva Saks concludes lsquowas the revolutionariesrsquo own referent and medium for the founding of the American Republicrsquo (ibid 361) Or take the well-studied case of the performances that constituted the French Revolution (Ozouf 1976Hunt 1984) In elaborate public ceremonies gathering hundreds of thousands of citizens reason was fecircted and liberty exalted using recycled Greek and Roman imagery together with symbols mdash Phrygian hats the tricolour flag the guillotine mdash expressly invented for the purpose All over France people planted lsquoliberty treesrsquo sang the lsquoCarmagnolersquo and danced joyously together (Hunt 1984 64ndash78 cf McNeill 2008 59ndash60)The nation has continued to be performed to this day mdash through mass rallies in city squares in victory parades after wars and in celebrations after successful sporting events in angry demonstrations and in outpourings of shared grief (Garlick 1999 Pearsall 1999 365ndash93 cf Szakolczai 2012) The nation is singing the national anthem with one voice without individual expressions and the melody is simple enough for everyone to join in Neurophysiology can explain what is going on here As mirror-neurons fire in response to actions that they observe and are simultaneously engaged in our bodies become attuned to the situations they are in The basic physiological functions of people who go through the same movements recite the same words or sing the same tunes are gradually entrained that is they gradually come to adjust to one another (Phillips-Silver and Keller 2012 3) Without quite realising what we are doing we raise our fists shout slogans throw ticker-tape and wave flags These are physical reactions carried out by us to be sure yet they are in a sense not ours we could also say that they are the reactions of a shared public body It is more than anything in this public performance and in this public body that we come across ourselves as a nationThe second external aspect of sovereignty came to be imagined through a similar set of theatrical displays (Ringmar 2012 1ndash25) It is indeed striking

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

how the idea of the sovereign state appeared at the same time as the notion of a lsquoworld stagersquo on which it was placed as an actor The state as a sovereign entity among others was only conceivable in terms of its theatrical context (Berg 1985 Christian 1987 Yates 1987 Wills 2014) In its external capacity the state was impersonated by its ruler who acted and interacted with other rulers who in turn impersonated their states Indeed in early modern Europe sovereign rulers were often described in terms that may remind us of the stock-characters of a commedia dellrsquoarte performance Once these characters came to engage with one another the drama of international politics took shape as a story that unfolded in front of the eyes of audiences in each country who easily identified and identified with their respective characters We make sense of who we are by making sense of performances and we make sense of performances by making sense of our own role in them This is how we learned to cheer for our countriesThe world stage thus conceived was endlessly replicated in diplomatic meetings and in international conferences where ambassadors appropriately attired and bewigged played the role of their respective countries Occasionally mdash such as during the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Westphalia (1648) mdash the diplomats would themselves take to the stage to perform their version of peace (Grimm 2002 27ndash37) Although the twenty-first-century politicians are far less likely to don leotards our states still appear as actors on the world stage Reading newspapers or watching TV news we see presidents and various political leaders appearing in one or another of a relatively small set of roles Often athletes and celebrities perform similar roles impersonating their countries and interacting with other athletes and celebrities who impersonate theirs Or consider the latest news as it is performed in the financial pages of the papers lsquoIndia loosened its stranglehold on businessrsquo lsquoFrance fell into a recession and Germany pulled it outrsquo lsquoChina is to reduce its dependence on foreign energy reservesrsquo (Lakoff and Johnson 1999 42)As cognitive theory can help us explain it is through such staged interactions that international politics is possible to imagine Much as in the case of the sovereign subject there is no original version abiding and pre-given of which these performances are copies There is no world politics as it lsquoreally isrsquo outside of the events taking place on stage What we have instead are input spaces mdash states with territories and borders military hardware foreign ministry bureaucracies international organisations and much much more mdash but it is only through performance that these inputs are blended together as what we identify as lsquointernational relationsrsquo It is only once it is imagined and as it is imagined that international politics becomes real Here too the stage is presencing not representing The stage comes to constitute something that previously did not exist There are

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

other ways of imagining to be sure mdash other ways in which cognitive inputs can be blended together mdash but the theatre is by far the most powerful cognitive mechanism around

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

2NC Link

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

L ndash AidThe idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas Tuastad lsquo3 [August Third World Quarterly Vol 24 No 4 pp 591-599 Dag Tuastad ldquoNeo-Orientalism and the New Barbarism Thesis Aspects of Symbolic Violence in the Middle East Conflict(s)rdquo] jstor ldquoabstract imaginaries of hellip new barbarism thesisrdquo

ABSTRACT Imaginaries of lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness can be seen as closely connected the latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of backward cultures I regard this way of representing the violence of peripheralised peoples as a specific expression of symbolic violence new barbarism The lsquonew barbarismrsquo thesis implies explanations of political violence that omit political and economic interests and contexts when describing violence and presents violence as a result of traits embedded in local cultures New barbarism and neo- Orientalist imaginaries may serve as hegemonic strategies when the production of enemy imaginaries contributes to organization continuous colonial economic or political projects as can be witnessed in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict Symbolic power is power to construct a hegemonic version of reality The means of production in this sense is also the means to produce distorted images of dominated people Hence resistance also involves resistance to the imaginaries produced by the hegemonic power Palestinians are victims of symbolic violence in two ways The first is the lsquoterroristrsquo stigma with which the occupying power has rganiz Palestinian resistance rganizations if not the whole Palestinian population The second way is that described by Edward Said in Orientalism The imaginary of the lsquoArab mindrsquo by the Israeli writer Raphael Patai or by Sainia Hamadyrsquos imaginary of the temperament and character of Arabs that Said quotes The Arabs have demonstrated tm incapacity for me abiding unity They show lack of coordination and harmony in organization and function nor have they revealed an ability for cooperation Any collective action for common benefit or mutual profit is alien to them The Arab has little chance to develop his potentialities and define his position in society holds little belief in progress and change and finds salvation only in the hereafter lsquoThe production of such imaginaries dominated the writings of the early Israeli social science establishment as has been documented by Elia Zureik The focus was on the Palestinian as an individual actor on hisher psychology culture value system temperament and so forth Attachments to extended kinship systems rganiz lsquofamilismrsquo were interpreted as if Arabs were resistant to Western-style rganizationsnn and development and by implication to rganizationsn Raphael Patai in The Arab Mind is a telling example of this approach Patai leans on psychological cultural explanations when he describes the stagnation and backwardness of Arabs claiming that lsquothe problemrsquo is rooted in mental configurations as the title of his book suggests Arabs have a lsquosense of marginality which never allows an Arab to detach himself from his traditional culturersquo Patai writes-the Arab has a lsquoproclivity to blaming others for his own shortcomings and failure Since the West is the most readily available scapegoat it must take most of the blame with that goes inevitably most of the haterdquo Alroy building on Patai claims that Palestinian resistance against Israel is based on lsquobasic personality traits peculiar to Arab peoplesrsquo which refers to the notion that lsquothe Arabs are a fiercely vengeful peoplersquo 7 This imaginary of Arabs has significant political implications For example Waschitz asserts that lsquovarious social and communal groupsrsquo (the terms used when referring to Palestinians) lack the lsquopsychological readinessrsquo the cultural qualities that are needed to be members of a democratic society This is the underlying message of these interpretations of Arab social rganization Arabs or Palestinians do not have the lsquocivicrsquo ethos necessary for political communities The political implication is what Said has called the project of lsquo0rientalismrsquo lsquoThey cannot represent themselves they must be representedrsquo This is the quotation from Marx that is stated on the opening page of Orientalism A measure of the powerfulness of states is their ability to thwart attempts to unmask that powerrdquo lsquoTerrorismrsquo and lsquofamilismrsquo or lsquoArab mindrsquo labels equally serve as powerful inventions that rganizati continuous colonial economic or political projects The imaginaries of

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

lsquoterrorismrsquo and lsquoArab mindrsquo backwardness are closely connected The latter explains the former as irrational-violence thus becomes the product of a backward culture I will argue that this way of explaining the violence of peripheralised people in conflict is a form of symbolic violence a form that has been rganizations as the lsquonew barbarism thesisrsquordquo

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

L ndash Gender LiberationPeople interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the OtherCloud lsquo4 [Dana L Associate Professor of Communication Studies at the University of Texas ldquorsquoTo Veil the Threat of Terrorrsquo Afghan Women and the Clash of Civilization in the Imagery of the US War on Terrorismrdquo]Celeste Condit and John Lucaitesrsquos study of the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 demon-strates that the ideological content or meaning of an ideograph can shift over time in response to historical exigencies and struggle among groups attempting to claim the ideograph16 In the case of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 however the meaning of the ideograph has remained relatively stable across modern history Perhaps the exigencies calling the ideograph forth are so similar in each war that when the ideograph emerges in public discourse the phrasersquos meaning echoes the reified interpretations of the pas t Unlike the ideograph 1113088equality1113088 over which contest- ing groups successfully struggled the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 is an ideograph that is often managed and framed by discourses of a hegemonic elite Images are central to the constitution of meanings for the 1113088 clash of civiliza- tions 1113088 and should be

considered as ideographs in their own right As Winkler and Edwards have argued images can function as ideographs in public discourse when they are ldquoculturally-grounded summarizing and authoritative terms that enact their meaning by expressing an association of cultural ideals and experiences in ever- evolving and reifying form within the rhetorical environmentrdquo17 Either visual or verbal an ideograph is a commonplace abstraction that represents collective com- mitment it warrants power and guides behavior and it is culture bound18 Edwards and Winklerrsquos study of editorial cartoons concludes that some iconic or enduring easily-recognized images (such as the flag-raising at Iwo Jima) are themselves ideographs subject to appropriation contestation and shift in meaning over time Amplifying Edwards and Winklerrsquos claims I argue here that photographs and other images can enact ideographs visually and index or point to the verbal slogans capturing societyrsquos guiding abstractions The imagery of the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 may be uniquely suited to this role In setting up visual binary oppositions between US citizens and enemy Others it literally constitutes the clash between them Photographs of self and Other enact the clash when they are set alongside one another Paradoxically photographs render the abstraction of the ideograph concrete in what appears in a photograph to be an unmediated experience of reality Thus the visual ideograph is perhaps even a stronger inducement to national identification than its propositional counterpart Racialized images of the savage Other and gendered images of women as victims lurk in Western culturersquos symbolic repertoir e taking shape as the 1113088clash of civilizations1113088 in perennial

justifications for war As several theorists have noted gender nation and race are closely intertwined in colonialist discourses histori- cally 19 Among the features of a gendered nationalism is the idea of ldquosaving the brown women from the brown men rdquo 20 Although an enemy nationrsquos men often represent ldquothe enemyrdquo

the women (and children) of that same nation often are represented as victims needing rescue from the men of their society 21 In the 1113088 clash of civilizations 1113088 rhetoric as it appears in the U nited S tates womenrsquos oppression is a marker of an inferior society The rhetoric disregards womenrsquos oppression in the United States however which takes the form

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

of ideological constructions of a domesticated womanhood and economic disparity between men and women The condemnation on the part of US leaders of womenrsquos oppression only in those countries that are the targets of nation building is thus somewhat hypocritical In a visual rhetoric of abjection only another societyrsquos women are visible as the oppressed Because the contrasting visibility of self and Other establishes the 1113088 clash of civilizations it is necessary to understand the strategies and characteristics particular to visual discourse about the US war on terrorism

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

L ndash EconMilitaryAnd the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominancePan lsquo9 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoWhat is Chinese about Chinese Businesses Locating the lsquorise of Chinarsquo in global production networksrdquo Journal of Contemporary China 1858 Pub January 2009 Acc 42116 pp 7ndash25 DOI 10108010670560802431404]SC

According to Peter Navarro the author of The Coming China Wars Chinarsquos lsquounfair mercantilist trading practicesrsquo such as the China price the lsquogoing globalrsquo strategy and its voracious appetite for energy and resources constitute what he calls lsquoweapons of mass productionrsquo Testifying before the Congress-mandated USndashChina Economic and Security Review

Commission in early 2007 the University of California business professor charged that these lsquo weapons of mass productionrsquo have been allowing China to lsquoconquer one new export market after anotherrsquo 8 In this context many security analysts and practitioners agree that the economic challenge will have far-reaching military and foreign policy implications The Pentagon argues that the performance of Chinarsquos economy is a main driving force behind its domestic defense expenditures foreign acquisitions and indigenous defense industrial developments9 Indeed the emergence of Chinese businesses has been seen as a harbinger of the beginning of a historic power transition from the US to China Like previous power transitions in the international system it is argued

that the rise of China does not bode well for international peace and stability10 For Navarro coordinated centrally by the Chinese

government the mercantilist practices of Chinese businesses do not just help China gain increasing

economic and financial advantage over US businesses but also contribute to Chinarsquos rapid military modernization and lay the groundwork for the lsquocoming China warsrsquo11 At this juncture what is remarkable about these analyses of Chinese businesses and business practices is not so much their attention to the aspect of economic and military threat Rather for the purpose of this essay it is their grounding of Chinese businesses in an unproblematic fixed and more or less coherent actor called China whereby Chinese businesses acquire their Chineseness For example the China price is believed to be produced lsquoin the unique stew of Chinarsquos evolving business culturersquo12 and the conquest of the global market by Chinese products is often traced back to the Chinese government In the words of Hornig and Wagner the lsquodesk drawers of party strategists are filled

with detailed plans promoting national industries from automaking to biotechnologyrsquo13 Indeed frequently the assumption

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

of the Chineseness about Chinese businesses goes so far as to conjure up a scenario of a whole country engaged in concerted efforts of building national greatness through sustained economic development and aggressive business strategies To illustrate this point it helps to refer to a lsquobillrsquo metaphor used by some commentators with the bill symbolizing the costs incurred by the US as a result of the influx of lsquoChinesersquo cheap imports On the bill as the metaphor goes the costs for America apart from the big trade deficits with China also include lsquodomestic layoffs the relocation of entire industries cutbacks for research and development and the downfall of the oncealmighty dollarrsquo And the lsquopayeersquo lsquoA population of billionsrsquo14 In other words what is behind Chinese businesses is nothing short of the whole Chinese nation What is more mindful of some extensive business connections across mainland China Hong Kong Taiwan Singapore and the Chinese diaspora around the world some observers have been quick to draw the conclusion that the Chineseness of Chinese businesses takes on an even greater dimension lsquoGreater Chinarsquo or lsquoCultural Chinarsquo For example Shenkar argues that by putting those different pieces of the lsquoGreater Chinarsquo puzzle together you find unequaled potential a human resource pool that is not only the largest in the world but also includes a large number of scientists engineers and seasoned executives an advanced and rapidly progressing

technological infrastructure and a leading industry position in many emerging technologies15 Imagined in singular national andor cultural terms little wonder that the rapid development of Chinese businesses has been equated with the rise of China With the Chinese government seen as the majority owner of many firms it seems only logical to raise questions about lsquothe interrelationship between Chinese business interests and foreign policy objectivesrsquo16 Indeed given the allegedly homogeneous culturalethnic identity embedded in Chinese businesses the China challenge inevitably takes on a frightening quality To better capture the essence of the monolithic threat various reified imageries have flourished and pervaded the press ranging from lsquoChina Incrsquo and a lsquopirate nationrsquo through lsquojuggernautrsquo and lsquolocomotiversquo to lsquodragonrsquo and a cash-rich lsquopredatorrsquo While some may well be innocuous short-hand expressions there is much evidence that many such framings of Chinese businesses do not bother to conceal their overtone of looming inter-national rivalry To quote Navarro once again lsquoItrsquos one thing for America to lose much of its blue collar manufacturing base to China If

the US loses its white collar science and technology base too it will be Americans living the peasant life rather than the Chinesersquo17 Given that what is at stake here is potentially great power conflict it is important to take the understanding of Chinese businesses and their identity seriously

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

L ndash TerrorismThe 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossibleGraham 06 [Stephen Graham Professor at the University of Durham International Journal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30 Issue 2 Pages 255- 276 Cities and the lsquoWar on Terrorrsquo July 4 2006 httponlinelibrarywileycomdoi101111j1468-2427200600665xfull]SC

Whilst dramatic the imaginative geographies underpinning the lsquowar on terrorrsquo are far from original (see Driver 2001) In fact they revivify long-established colonial and Orientalist tropes to represent Middle Eastern culture as intrinsically barbaric infantile backward or threatening from the point of view of Western colonial powers (Gregory 2004a) Arab cities moreover have long been represented by Western powers as dark exotic labyrinthine and structureless places that need to be lsquounveiledrsquo for the production of lsquoorderrsquo through the ostensibly

superior scientific planning and military technologies of the occupying West By burying lsquodisturbing similarities between ldquousrdquo and ldquothemrdquo in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Otherrsquo such Orientalism deploys considerable lsquosymbolic violencersquo (Gusterson 1999 116) This is done crucially in order to produce bothlsquo ldquothe Third Worldrdquo and ldquothe Westrdquo rsquo (ibid 116)para The Bush administrationrsquos language of moral absolutism is in particular deeply Orientalist It works by separating lsquothe civilized worldrsquomdash the lsquohomelandrsquo cities which must be lsquodefendedrsquomdash from the lsquodark forcesrsquo the lsquoaxis of evilrsquo and the lsquoterrorists nestsrsquo alleged to dwell in and define Arab cities which allegedly sustain the lsquoevildoersrsquo who threaten the health prosperity and democracy of the whole of the lsquofreersquo world (Tuastad 2003) The result of such imaginative geographies is an ahistorical and essentialized projection of Arab urban civilization This as Edward Said (2003 vi) remarked just before the 2003 invasion of

Iraq is very easily worked so as to lsquorecycle the same unverifiable fictions and vast generalizations to stir up ldquoAmericardquo against the foreign devilrsquo The Orientalist notions of racial worth that helped to shape the real and imagined geographies of Western colonialism are particularly important foundations for the lsquowar on terrorrsquo (Gregory 2004a) As Paul Gilroy suggests thesepara old modern notions of racial difference appear once again to be active within the calculus [of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo] that tacitly assigns differential value to lives lost according to their locations and supposed racial origins or considers that some human bodies are more easily and appropriately humiliated imprisoned shackled starved and destroyed than others (2003 263)para Discourses of lsquoterrorismrsquo are crucially important in sustaining such differential values and binaried notions of human worth (Collins and Glover 2002) Central here is the principle of the absolute externality of the lsquoterroristrsquomdash the inviolable inhumanity and shadowy monster-like status of those deemed to be actual or dormant lsquoterroristsrsquo or those sympathetic to them (Puar and Rai 2002) The unbound diffusion of terrorist labelling within the rhetoric of the lsquowar on terrorrsquo moreover works to allow virtually any political opposition to the sovereign power of the US and its allies to be condemned as lsquoterroristrsquo lsquoWithout defined shape or determinate rootsrsquo Derek Gregory writes the mantle of lsquoterrorismrsquo can now be lsquobe cast over any form of resistance to sovereign powerrsquo (2003 219 original

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

emphasis) Those experiencing frequent lsquoterroristrsquo labelling by national governments or sympathetic media since 911 include anti-war dissenters critical researchers anti-globalization protestors anti-arms-trade campaigners ecological and freedom of speech lobbyists and pro-independence campaigners within nations like Indonesia allied to the US Protagonists of such a wide spectrum of opposition to transnational US dominance are thus all too easily dehumanized or demonized Above all they become radically delegitimized Who after all will speak out in favour of lsquoterroristsrsquo and their sympathizers para Once achieved this loose proliferation of lsquoterroristrsquo labelling works to legitimize ever-widening emergency and lsquoanti-terroristrsquo legislation It sustains increasingly militarized civil and law and order policing And it supports the construction of complex legal and geographical archipelagos operating through networked connections across many geographical scales Within these legal lsquostates of exceptionrsquo are invoked to suspend lsquonormalrsquo legal proceedings but these themselves increasingly sediment out to become normalized and apparently obdurate (Agamben 2005)

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

L ndash TechCompTheir attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West Morley and Robins rsquo95 [ldquoSpaces of Identityrdquo David Morley is Reader in Communication Studies at Goldsmithsrsquo College London Kevin Robins is Reader in Cultural Geography and a Researcher at the Centre for Urban and Regional Development Studies University of Newcastle upon Tyne Pub 1995 Acc 51616]SC

Differentness is functional it cannot be willingly or easily relinquished Through the manic assertion of difference the identity of Western culture and identity can be sustained And if the encounter with difference is painful what it avertsmdashwhat it represses denies or disavowsmdashis something that is more painful still What it defers is the encounter with Western self-identity and self-interest as well as the recognition of what is common in both the Japanese and Western experiences of modernity The functioning and the significance of technology in Western identity is crucial to understanding what this means What would the West be without its vaunted technological supremacy Technology has been central to the potency of its modernity And now it fears the loss of its technological hegemony may be associated with its cultural lsquoemasculationrsquo Technology is held to be the key to the future and Japan now has a growing lead in key areas of

technological development Symbolically American military capacity is increasingly dependent on Japanese high-tech components This Japanese rise to power has been a perfectly conscious strategy From the nineteenth century lsquoJapanrsquos leaders knew the country would be colonised like Malaya or China if it did not haul itself into the modern agersquo and following defeat in the Second World War lsquoJapanrsquos tattered postwar leadership understood that technology and industry were the

only means of recovering independence of any kindrsquo (Fallows 1991b 34) Akio Morita has described how he deliberately set out to make Sonyrsquos image synonymous with lsquotechnical qualityrsquo This was necessary in order to avoid the negative connotations of products being perceived as lsquoJapanesersquo given the level of anti-Japanese feeling in the immediate post-war period In a BBC interview in the mid- 1980s Morita recalled the task that faced him

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

L ndash China ThreatAnd the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representationPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

Needless to say the United States is not unique in ethnocentric thinking For centuries China had assumed it was the center of the

world But what distinguishes US from Chinese ethnocentric self- identities is that while the latter was based largely on

the Confucian legacy the former is sanctioned by more powerful regimes of truth such as Christianity and modern science For the early Eng- lish Puritans America was part of a divine plan and the settlers were the Chosen People blessed by covenant with God30 With the advent of the scientific age US exceptionalism began taking on a secular scientific dimension Charles Darwin once argued that the wonderful progress of the United States as well as the character of the people are the results of natural selection 31 The United States has since been construed as the manifesta- tion of the law of nature with its ideas and institutions described not as historically particular but as truly universal For example in his second inaugural address in 1917 President Woodrow Wilson declared that US principles were not the principles of a province or of a single continent We have known and boasted all

along that they were the principles of a liberated mankind32 In short The US is utopia achieved 33 It represents the End of History34 What does this US self-knowledge have to do with the way in which it comes to

know others in general and China in particular To put it simply this self-knowledge is always a powerful analytical framework within which other societies are to be known By envi- sioning a linear process of historical development with itself at its apex the U nited S tates places other nations on a common evolu- tionary slope and sees them as inevitably traveling toward the end of history that is the United States For example as a vast ancient nation on the other side of the Pacific China is frequently taken as a mirror image of the US self As Michael Hunt points out we imagine ourselves locked in a special relationship with the Chinese whose apparent moderation and pragmatism mirror our own most prized attributes and validate our own longings for a world made over in our own image If China with its old and rad- ically different culture can be won

where can we not prevail35 Yet in a world of diversity contingency and unpredictability

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

which is irreducible to universal sameness or absolute certainty this kind of US knowledge of others often proves f rustratingly elu- sive In this context rather than questioning the validity of their own universalist assumptions t he people of the United States believe that those who are different should be held responsible for the lack of universal sameness Indeed because we are universal those who refuse or who are unable to become like us are no longer just others but are by definition the negation of univer- sality or the other In this way the other is always built into this universalized American self Just as Primitive is a category not an object of Western thought36 so the threat of the other is not some kind of external reality discovered by US strategic ana- lysts but a ready-made category of thought within this particular way of US self-imagination Consequently there is always a need for the United States to find a specific other to fill into the totalized category of otherness In the early days of American history it was Europe or the Old

World that was invoked as its primary other threatening to cor- rupt the New World37 Shortly after World War II in the eyes of US strategists the Soviet Union emerged as a major deviance from hence an archenemy of their universal path toward progress via the free market and liberal democracy And after the demise of the Soviet Union the vacancy of other was to be filled by China the best candidate the United States could find in the post-Cold War unipolar world Not until the September 1 1 attacks in New York and Washington had Chinas candidature been suspended to be replaced by international terrorism in general and Saddams Iraq in particular38

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

TagEXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspectiveTagQian rsquo15 [ldquoLingering imprints of imperial pedagogy in Euroamerican visual representations of lsquoChinarsquo as a lsquothreatrsquordquo ISA GLOBAL SOUTH CAUCUS CONFERENCE 2015 Acc 42116 Sabine Chun Qian University of Bristol httpwebisanetorgWebConferencesGSCIS20Singapore202015Archive83b1b378-c063-4f79-8b51-f001f598a1bbpdf]SC

The purpose of my paper is to explore what kind of lsquoChinarsquo we see lsquohow we see how we are able allowed or made to see

and how we see this seeing and the unseeing thereinrsquo (Foster 1988 ix) I made use of the concept of the spectacle to capture co-constitutive processes of visualization identification and securitization so as to explore how a particular visuality (Rose 2007 2) of lsquoChinarsquo enables the securitization of a particular identity for lsquoChinarsquo and the lsquoselfrsquo (US

UK Germany) (Buzan and Hansen 2009 217 Moumlller 2007 181) In other words I explore how visual representations of China in mass media facilitate a process of visual securitization rendering a particular self-imagination of these supposedly Western protagonists My

argument goes as follow In order to portray China as a radical alterity visual representations of China in the US UK and Germany retrieve highly racialized and gendered tropes in order to consolidate a first glance of difference Visual practices of lsquoothernessrsquo are presented so blatantly on the covers under investigation that I do not doubt

the capacity of the viewer to recognize these as a simplistic abstraction and exaggeration Nevertheless they fulfil a self-referential role On the one hand they are effectively displayed to aggrandize lsquoothernessrsquo in order to visualize the sense of lsquothreatrsquo Yet at the same time this obvious racist and sexist deployment of the visual element is rendered acceptable by the more severe sense of lsquothreatrsquo they are conveying By visualizing China as a mixture of both - a concrete observable practice of industrial espionage intermingled with the more imaginative conceptions of a threatening mass - the cover reveals flexibility and indecision about what China stands for providing a decoy for all possible constructions and meanings of threat In addition visual practices condense the differentiated historicities between individual lsquoWesternrsquo protagonist and their past encounters with China by playfully deploying colonial tropes and metaphors in a contemporary setting as if the colonial pasts with China are a myth with no actual relevance Thus most subtly the visual construction of lsquoChinarsquo as a radical alterity propels a parallel configuration of lsquochain of equivalencersquo (Laclau and Mouffe) between differentiated lsquoWesternrsquo protagonists reinforcing their similarity and strengthening the superiority and homogeneity of an artificially constructed lsquoWestern Selfrsquo My paper aims to contribute towards the study of SelfOther conceptions in Anglophone IR

broadly and vis-agrave-vis China in particular Little has been said about the discursive stratifications deployed in visual media representations or the pedagogical affects these representations enact upon the broader viewership By doing so I emphasize the political

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

salience of visualities of lsquoChinarsquo in Euroamerican contexts so to make comprehensible that social exclusion is not only a perceived reality for Chinese diasporic subjects but an increasingly lived experience across institutional settings To qualify my purpose my focus on media representation does not imply a more authentic or truer understanding of China within Western interpretive spheres Weekly news magazines such as Time Magazine The Economist or Der Spiegel are particularly ambiguous media because their persuasiveness rest upon their reputation of conducting lsquoinvestigative journalismrsquo to reveal political misconduct and societal problems There is an equally problematic tendency to take reports by news magazines as more true or revealing than political

articulations Thus I do not take this particular representation as a better or more lsquoobjectiversquo way of meaning making Nevertheless I argue that media representations with their deployment of visual artefacts reveal a different kind of representational practice rendering a spectacle of the lsquoChinese threatrsquo which is highly effective in shaping public perceptions and opinions about China It underpins encounters between Western liberal democracies and China on the domestic level At the same time I see it as a potential source of conveying specific actions and decisions on an international level as legitimate or non-legitimate

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

2NC Pan LinkTheir representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjectsPan lsquo4 [Chengxin ndash Senior Lecturer in International Relations and a Senior Research Member of the Alfred Deakin Research Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Australian National University ldquoThe China Threat in American Self-Imagination The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politicsrdquo Alternatives Global Local Political Vol 29 No 3 (June-July 2004) Acc 42116 pp 305-331 httpwwwjstororgstable40645119]SC

At first glance as the China threat literature has told us China seems to fall perfectly into the threat category particularly given its growing power However Chinas power as such does not speak for itself in terms of an emerging threat By any reasonable measure China remains a largely poor country edged with only a sliver of affluence along its coastal areas Nor is Chinas sheer size a self-

evident confirmation of the China threat thesis as other countries like India Brazil and Australia are almost as big as China Instead China as a threat has much to do with the partic- ular mode of US self-imagination As Steve Chan notes China is an object of attention not only because of its huge size ancient legacy or current or projected relative national power The importance of China has to do with perceptions espe- cially those regarding the potential that Beijing will become an example source or model that contradicts Western liberalism as the reigning paradigm In an era of supposed universalizing cos- mopolitanism China demonstrates the potency and persistence of nationalism and embodies an alternative to Western and espe- cially US conceptions of democracy and capitalism China is a reminder that history is not close to an end39 Certainly I do not deny Chinas potential for strategic misbe- havior in the global context nor do I claim the essential peace- fulness of Chinese culture40 Having said that my main point here

is that there is no such thing as Chinese reality that can auto- matically speak for itself for example as a threat Rather the China threat is essentially a specifically social meaning given to China by its US observers a meaning that cannot be discon- nected from the dominant US self-construction Thus to fully understand the US China threat argument it is essential to rec- ognize its autobiographical nature Indeed the construction of other is not only a product of US self-imagination but often a necessary foil to it For

example by taking this particular representation of China as Chinese reality per se those scholars are able to assert their self-identity as mature rational realists capable of knowing the hard facts of inter- national politics in distinction from those idealists whose views are said to be

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

grounded more in an article of faith than in his- torical experience41 On the

other hand given that history is apparently not progressively linear the invocation of a certain other not only helps explain away such historical uncertainties or anomalies and maintain the credibility of the allegedly universal path trodden by the United States but also serves to highlight US indispensability As Samuel Huntington puts it If being an American means being committed to the principles of liberty democracy individualism and private property and if there is no evil empire out there threatening those principles what indeed does it mean to be an American and what becomes of American

national interests42 In this way it seems that the constructions of the particular US self and its other are always intertwined and mutually reinforcing

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

AT China Aid NeocolLink to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in AfricaWei rsquo15 [ldquoA Comparative Analysis of Chinese Western and African Media Discourse in the Representation of Chinarsquos Expansion of Economic Engagements in Africardquo Tong Wei MSc in Media Communication and Development London School of Economics and Political Science Pub 2015 Acc 51816 httpwwwlseacukmedialseresearchmediaWorkingPapers ElectronicMScDissertationSeriesaspx]SC

By comparison British newspaper articles have generally taken a critical stance on Chinarsquos economic engagements in Africa Both The Times and Financial Times regard the expansion of Chinese business and investment projects as threats and hindrance to British interests in Africa In the British media discourse China is labelled as lsquocompetitorrsquo rather than lsquocooperatorrsquo which presents Chinarsquos economic involvement in Africa as nothing but a zero-sum game for both Africa and the West One article from The Times uses lsquofloodrsquo (Wighton 2013) to depict the increasing number of Chinese investments in Africa which implies that Chinese projects would bring tragic results to the continent instead of benefits The article takes negative positions by criticizing that China is lsquodistorting African economies and stunting MSc Dissertation of Tong Wei - 22 - long-term

developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) It represents China as exploiting Africa and claims that this action makes no difference from what the British colonial power did before A string of words in one paragraph listed as lsquohungry for natural resourcesrsquo lsquograbbing African mineralsrsquo lsquoflooding African marketrsquo and lsquohampering the developmentrsquo (Wighton 2013) could be deemed as the reflection of postcolonialism and orientalism discourses The West regards itself as being superior to the Orient (E Said 1985) for example i n terms of political system and economic development Chinarsquos economic engagements are often considered as threats and challenges to the western interests in Africa (Brautigam 2009 Breslin 2007) Therefore it is clearly seen that representation from The Times has negated the advantages that Chinese business involvement would bring to Africa Western nations retain the stereotype that the West remains the lsquosubjectrsquo while the underdeveloped world is normally subordinate to the subject (Spivak 1988) so that only the western model of development could boost the African economy and improve peoplersquos livelihoods Chinese involvement could only bring chaos and disorder into the continent and what is worse undermine the interests of western powers in Africa Therefore it is not surprising that an article from the Financial Times conveys its scepticism of Chinese enterprises

in Africa and criticizes the lsquopoor record of compliance with local and environmental rulesrsquo (Hook 2013b) Both The Times and Financial Times cite

Nigerian central bank governor Lamido Sanusi who has lashed Chinarsquos lsquoneo-colonialistrsquo business activity of taking primary goods from Africa and selling manufactured products back to African market (Hook 2013b Lewis 2013) Financial Times even quotes a Kenyan writer who has

labelled Chinarsquos relations with Africa as lsquomuscularrsquo and lsquopaternalismrsquo (Hook 2013a) These two words imply the postcolonial stereotypes within the media discourse that the West still

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

considers Africa to be under western influences China could only serve as an outside player and Chinese economic involvement would definitely undermine western powersrsquo traditional interests in Africa The paternalistic media discourse has generated overarching power through which western ideology and knowledge of orientalism are infiltrated into the public with the misleading perception of Chinarsquos inferiority to the West so that Chinarsquos economic expansion could only pose threats to the western traditional interests in Africa and Chinarsquos business engagements could only be a zero-sum game to Africa rather than a win-win cooperation (Ferguson amp New Museum of Contemporary 1990 Said amp W 1978)

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

AT Link Turn1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We

clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere Mae M Ngai 2000 assistant professor of US history the University of Chicago Reviews in American History 283 408-415 American Orientalism httpmusejhueduproxyuchicagoedujournalsreviews_in_american_historyv028283ngaihtmlauthbio

Asian American studies has also offered new insight into the workings of United States imperialism It has re-centered the colonization of the Philippines and U nited S tates economic and military projections into Asia and the Pacific throughout the twentieth century as critical sites for constructing both Asian America and Americas self-image as a modern nation This work both recovers the experience of Asian Americans and offers a window to understanding central themes in American history and culture It also opens up the question of nationalist historiography and the perils of working unproblematically within the normative framework of the nation-state and American exceptionalism specifically which relies on the erasure of conquest a nd empire

2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide

ImpactAlt

OVOur alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts

A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other

B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other

C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins

AT Alt Fails1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the

product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism Phillip Darby 2010 (Department of Political Science at the University of Melbourne July 22 2010 Pursuing the Political A Postcolonial Rethinking of Relations International

Rhetorical assertions that there are no alternatives to Western liberalism or clicheacutes such as there is no outside to globalisation have stifled thought about ethicsmdashand looking to the longer-termmdash prudence as well It is not that there are no alternatives or that globalisation must be left to follow its own course but that market rationality has colonised the space of politics What might have been the midd le ground where corporate power and market ideology had to reckon with equity in a much differentiated world has all but been evacuated One consequence of the diminution of politics is the rise of a new form of orientalism

2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions

3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled Said 2003 [ Edward Prof of EnglishComparative Lit Columbia U ] Orientalism p 4-5

I have begun with the assumption that the Orient is not an inert fact of nature It is not merely there just as the Occident itself is not just there either We must take

seriously Vicos great observation that men make their own history that what they can know is what they have made and extend it to geography as both

geonotgraphical and cultural entitiesmdashto say nothing of historical entities mdashsuch locales regions

geographical sectors as Orient and Occinotdent are man-made Therefore as much as the West itself the Orient is an idea that has a history and a tradition of thought imagery and vocabulary that have given it reality and presence in and for the West The two geographical entities thus support and to an extent reflect each other

AT Case OW1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from

Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market

2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West

3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient

AT Do BothThe permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harderBottchi and Challand lsquo6 [Chiara Bottici and Benoi t Challand European Journal of Social Theory ldquoRethinking Political Myth The Clash of Civilizations as a Self-Fulfilling Prophecyrdquo httpestsagepubcomcontent93315 Download Date July 17 2010]However in order to reconstruct the work on myth one should not only look at more or less explicit claims and theories about the threat ofto Islam As

we have seen the power of myth is much stronger when it can be conveyed by icons that only subtly recall the whole work on myth and that can thus slip into our mental consciousness as part of the lens through which we look at the world Thus even in a context where Orientalism is apparently rejected there can be a space for the work on myth For instance it can be argued that even John Rawlsrsquos attempt to propose a normatively desirable and practically viable set of laws of peoples can be the site for the work on myth One of the most original aspects of his theory is precisely his attempt to include in the society of peoples even peoples who cannot be labelled as lsquojustrsquo according to his theory To this aim he proposes an imaginary example of a non-liberal people which he calls lsquoKazanistanrsquo (Rawls 1999 5 75ndash8) This mental experiment which is appar- ently neutral as such and is even aimed at admitting this hypothetical non-liberal people into the society of peoples is a potential site for the work of the myth of the clash between civilizations How can it be so In the first place its name lsquoKazanistanrsquo is not so innocent because it cannot but recall in the readersrsquo mind countries with similar names ndash the name being apparently a cross between lsquoAfghanistanrsquo and lsquoKazakhstanrsquo two Muslim majority countries What can these names evoke for the American reader of the end of the millennium On the other hand the fact that the lsquoimaginedrsquo Kazanistan is a Muslim country is not left to the imagination of the readers given that Rawls says so explicitly in the Intro-

duction of his book (Rawls 1999 5) Why however should it be assumed that a non-liberal people has to be Muslim Even if the general argument of the book is that a clash between the imagined Muslim country and the lsquoliberal democratic peoplesrsquo is not unavoidable still the very construction of such a mental experi- ment recalls some of the topoi of the (neo-)Orientalist literature about Muslim countries ndash first the idea that a Muslim country cannot be lsquoliberalrsquo in Rawlsrsquos sense that it cannot be democratic but allows in the best case scenario a consul- tation hierarchy (Rawls 1999 77) that it will not separate the state from the church and can at best enable the toleration of religious minorities and that like most Muslim rulers rulers of Kazanistan are likely to have sought to build an empire (1999 76) To sum up using Rawlsrsquos own terms a Muslim country can at best be lsquodecentrsquo (1999 76) As Talal Asad also observed (2003) the construction of an Islamic threat which began long before 911 and even Huntingtonrsquos book is precisely the result of the application of modern Western categories and as such it becomes impossible to disentangle the two processes For instance Asad emphasizes that the zealotry so characteristic of many Islamic political movements in recent times as well as their ideal of an Islamic state in which no distinction operates between state and religion is not a product of the mainstream historical tradition of Islam Rather in his view it is the product of the totalizing ambitions typical of modern politics and of the modernizing state As he shows in his work in the Islamic history lsquothere was no such thing as a state in the modern sensersquo This is not to say that the fact that many contemporary Islamist movements have endorsed the idea is irrelevant ndash which is obviously not the case It simply means that the fact that many Islamic militants have accepted this perspective as their own striving for the establishment of an Islamic state does not make it essential to Islam (Asad 2003 352)18 On the other hand this essentialization of Islam favoured and most of the time went hand in hand with an over-emphasis on its intrinsic violence This image of an essentially violent Islam is in Asadrsquos view the reflex of a perceived threat to Western values19 The violence of Islamist radical movements is taken as a symbol of the violence of Islam itself whereas no liberal in the west would suggest that the Gush Emunim [lsquoBlock of the Faithfulrsquo a Jewish pro-settler group in Israel] represent the essence of Judaism or that the assassination of abortion doctors in the US by pro-Life activists represents the essence of Christianity (Asad 2003 350) The fact that many Islamic militants have reinterpreted the idea of an Islamic state as part of their Islamic tradition points to the parallel process of construc- tion of an Islamic

civilization on the part of the Muslims lsquoOrientalismrsquo which was born in the West has also been re-appropriated by non-Western individuals scholars or not For instance in 1992 the Saudi King Fahd declared that lsquothe prevailing democratic system in the world is not suitable for us in this region for our peoplesrsquo composition and traits are different from the traits of that worldrsquo (quoted in Sadowski 1993 14)20 Other neighbouring countries nowadays use this type of argument according

to which Arab citizens are convinced on a daily basis that democracy is not possible in their country Similar arguments are frequently found in the literature produced by lsquooriental orientalistsrsquo or lsquowestern- ized orientalistsrsquo to use the expression coined by Sadiki (2004) Ajami (2002) has become a mouthpiece for Arab support of the US wars in Afghanistan and Iraq predicting that US soldiers would be greeted with flowers in Iraq and Zakaria (1997) wrote abundantly about illiberal democracies in the region The clash of civilizations is not just a Western political myth that has been exported and imposed on the non-Western world The work on this myth is a work that has taken place in different contexts each time assuming different connotations and providing significance to very different political

conditions from Al-Qarsquoeda terrorists incited by their leaders to violent acts against the lsquoimpure Westrsquo to the re-elaboration of the post-911 shock all around the world The consequences of the work of this myth in Arab countries are well illumi- nated by Telhami (2004) In his view there has always been a variety of political possibilities for self-identification in the Arab worlds ndash at least just to mention some of the most important pan-Arabism Islam and nationalism as embedded in single individual states However a survey he conducted in June 2004 in six Arab countries revealed that more and more Arabs identify themselves as Muslims first Telhami observed that this trend is pretty clear even though it is not uniform given that in Egypt and Lebanon in contrast to Saudi Arabia and Morocco people identify themselves as Egyptians and Lebanese more than Arabs and Muslims A parallel increase in the role of religion can be witnessed in Western countries21 Some for instance have noticed the increasing role of religious argu- ments in public and political debates Well-known examples are the recurrence of debates on religious symbols such as the crucifix or veils in European schools the role of religious lobbies in US politics or recently the debate that took place in Europe about the inclusion or not of reference to the Christian roots in the drafting of the European Constitution However what is more interesting for us is the increased symbolic presence of religious icons of the clash between civiliza- tions

AT Every Other InstanceThe perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fightEdward Said rsquo77 Orientalism p 206

The distinction I am making is really between an almost unconscious (and certainly

an untouchable) positivity which I shall call latent Orientalism and the various stated views about Oriental society languages literatures history sociology and so forth which I shall call manifest Orientalism Whatever change occurs in knowledge of the Orient is found almost exclusively in manifest Orientalism the unanimity stability and durability of latent Orientalism are more or less constant In the nineteenth-century writers I analyzed in Chapter Two the differences in their ideas about the Orient can be characterized as exclusively manifest differences differences in form and personal style rarely in basic content Every one of them kept intact the separateness of the Orient its eccentricity its backwardness its silent indifference its feminine

penetrability its supine malleability this is why every writer on the Orient from Renan to

Marx (ideologically speaking) or from the most rigorous scholars (Lane and Sacy) to the most powerful imaginations (Flaubert and Nerval) saw the Orient as a locale requiring Western attention reconstruction even redemption The Orient existed as a place isolated from the mainstream of European progress in the sciences arts and commerce Thus whatever good or bad values were imputed to the Orient appeared to be functions of some highly specialized Western interest in the Orient This was the situation from about the 1870s on through the early part of the twentieth centurymdashbut let me give some examples that illustrate what I mean

Aff Answers

2AC Orientalism KThe role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priorityCummiskey 90 ndash Professor of Philosophy Bates (David Kantian Consequentialism Ethics 1003 p 601-2 p 606 jstor)We must not obscure the issue by characterizing this type of case as the sacrifice of individuals for some abstract social entity

It is not a question of some persons having to bear the cost for some elusive overall social good Instead the question is whether some persons must bear the inescapable cost for the sake of other persons Nozick for example argues that to use a person in this way does not sufficiently respect and take account of the fact that he is a separate person that his is the only life he has30 Why however is this not equally true of all those that we do

not save through our failure to act By emphasizing solely the one who must bear the cost if we act one fails to sufficiently respect and take account of the many other separate persons each with only one life who will bear the cost of our inaction In such a situation what would a conscientious Kantian agent an agent motivated by the unconditional value of rational beings choose We have a duty to promote the conditions necessary for the existence of rational beings but both choosing to act and choosing not to act will cost the life of a rational being Since the basis of Kants principle is rational nature exists as an end-in-itself (GMM p 429) the reasonable solution to such a dilemma involves promoting insofar as one can

the conditions necessary for rational beings If I sacrifice some for the sake of other rational

beings I do not use them arbitrarily and I do not deny the unconditional value of rational beings Persons may have dignity an unconditional and incomparable value that

transcends any market value (GMM p 436) but as rational beings persons also have a fundamental equality which dictates that some must sometimes give way for the sake of others The formula of the end-in-itself thus does not support the view that we may never force another to

bear some cost in order to benefit others If one focuses on the equal value of all rational beings then equal consideration dictates that one sacrifice some to save many [continues] According to

Kant the objective end of moral action is the existence of rational beings Respect for rational beings requires that in deciding what to do one give appropriate practical consideration to the unconditional value of rational beings and to the conditional value of happiness Since agent-centered

constraints require a non-value-based rationale the most natural interpretation of the demand that one give equal respect to all rational beings lead to a consequentialist normative theory We have seen that there is no sound Kantian reason for abandoning this natural consequentialist interpretation In particular a

consequentialist interpretation does not require sacrifices which a Kantian ought to consider unreasonable and it does not involve doing evil so that good may come of it It simply requires an

uncompromising commitment to the equal value and equal claims of all rational beings and a recognition that in the moral consideration of conduct ones own subjective concerns do not have overriding importance

Perm ndash do bothPerm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instancesPerm ndash do the plan and then the altDouble-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quoThe alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the permNo link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions

The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppressionLevinson 13-- Professor and Chair Comparative Literature Undergraduate Advisor and Co-Director PLC (Philosophy Literature and the Theory of Criticism) (Brett ldquoOrientalism and Identity in Latin Americardquo The University of Arizona Press 2013 The Death of the Critique of Eurocentrism pg 21)IK

And de-orientalism knows this that the Others have always broken through silence even if their voices sighs and screams (of joy and pain) have rarely been heard De--orientalism is well aware that the metaphor of the formerly silent native (Culture and Imperialism 212) is just a metaphor and not literally true Why then must the de-orientalist deploy this metaphor of silence What is de-orientalism trying to sneak onto the postcolonial scene when it posits the Others unrecognized speech and noise as nonspeech and nonnoise Simple logic dictates that the de-orientalist metaphor of silence reflects a desire for precisely the Otherrsquos silence In fact only this silence can guarantee of speech is that it will disrupt silence (First of course the silence has to be supposed) Therefore when de-orientalism speaks out against this silence which it itself imposes through metaphor it a priori emancipates both itself and the Other from suppression and oppression from the enforced silence De-orientalism most definitely opens the way for the Otherrsquos insurgent speech but it is just as true that the Otherrsquos silence open the way for de-orientalismrsquos claims This is why de-orientalism desires the Otherrsquos silence before it desires the Otherrsquos speech why it grounds that speech on imaginary or metaphorical silence on a fantasy or blantant misreading It wants the Other to speak But first it wants the Other to be silent so that de-orientalism itself can speak more securely so that its critique is assured to be radical known to be Other guaranteed to upset the imposition of silence In short the colonizer and the decolonizer are unaware of their common desire for the Otherrsquos silence (or death) Matters are of course complicated The colonizer

wants the Otherrsquos death and silence but also his labor his life No doubt the Orientalistrsquos imposition of babble upon the Otherrsquos speech is geared to communicate this double desire for an irrational thus animal-like and exploitable life But insofar as the colonizer truly desires the Otherrsquos silence by simulating violence through rhetoric through a poetics It silences the Other through a turn of phrase It kills the Otherrsquos voice in order to bring back that voice to redeem it through ldquopoetryrdquo through trope

And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinctionWarraq 7 (Ibn Warraq founder of the Institute for the Secularisation of Islamic Society senior research fellow at the Center for Inquiry focusing on Qurahic criticism Defending the West A Critique of Edeward Saidrsquos Orientalism p 57-58)

A visit to the Ontario Science Center in Toronto on New Years Day 2006was for me a sobering experience Tucked away in the section titled Truth were many untruthful though undoubtedly politically correct statements denigratingWestem civilization In an effort to be fair one exhibit gave way to unbridled relativism Modern Western science puts the Sun at the centre of the solar systemBut other points of view are not necessarily wrong or primitive And yet the samesection without a hint of irony was proclaiming how Eurocentric or intolerant the West was This science museum which was implicitly a veritable hymnpara to the achievements of Western thought and ideas went out of its way to selectively criticize some Western thinkers for racism or as F R Leavis and D Hpara Lawrence might both have said to do dirt on Western life But the museum exemplified the defining values of the Occident or what arepara the tutelary guiding lights of or the three golden threads running through Westernpara civilization-namely rationalism universalism and self-criticism One couldpara fperhaps argue that universalism and self-criticism were the logical outcomes ofpara rationalism but 1 think it more useful to view them as separate but interconnectedpara sets of beliefs and principles Second Western civilization can and has beenpara

characterized in several other ways I think many of the suggested distinguishingpara characteristics of the West such as the separation of spiritual and temporalpara authority can be said to derive from one or more of the three golden threadspara Thus in the latter case of the separation of church and state as Nlarsilius of Paduapara argued It is the state and not the church that guarantees the civil peace andpara reason

not revelation to which appeal must be made in all matters of temporalpara jurisdiction Politics involves willing and free participation discussion in short rationalism dissent the right to change ones mind and the right to oppose andpara disagree -that is self-criticism- without recourse or appeal to divine commands para or holy scriptures Similarly another defining feature the rule of law the thoughtpara that law is central to civilized existence and its continuation was derived largelypara from the Romans Not only is lawmaking a supremely human and rationalpara activity but Roman law was also conceived as possessing a universal jurisdiction

• Orientalism K
• • 1NC
  • • 1NC K
    • • The United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policy
      • The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalism
      • Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposability
      • And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatred
      • Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoning
      • • Block
        • • Framework
          • • ROB---Burke
            • • The role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logic
              • • Epistemology 1st
                • • Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniques
                  • • AT Ivory Tower
                    • • Theyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly
                      • • AT Role Playing Good
                        • • Theyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politics
                          • • 2NC Link
                            • • L ndash Aid
                              • • The idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas
                                • • L ndash Gender Liberation
                                  • • People interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the Other
                                    • • L ndash EconMilitary
                                      • • And the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominance
                                        • • L ndash Terrorism
                                          • • The 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossible
                                            • • L ndash TechComp
                                              • • Their attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West
                                                • • L ndash China Threat
                                                  • • And the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representation
                                                    • • Tag
                                                      • • EXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspective
                                                        • Tag
                                                        • • 2NC Pan Link
                                                          • • Their representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjects
                                                            • • AT China Aid Neocol
                                                              • • Link to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in Africa
                                                                • • AT Link Turn
                                                                  • • 1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere
                                                                    • 2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide
                                                                    • • ImpactAlt
                                                                      • • OV
                                                                        • • Our alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts
                                                                          • A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other
                                                                          • B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other
                                                                          • C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins
                                                                          • • AT Alt Fails
                                                                            • • 1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism
                                                                              • 2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions
                                                                              • 3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled
                                                                              • • AT Case OW
                                                                                • • 1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market
                                                                                  • 2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West
                                                                                  • 3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient
                                                                                  • • AT Do Both
                                                                                    • • The permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harder
                                                                                      • • AT Every Other Instance
                                                                                        • • The perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fight
                                                                                          • • Aff Answers
                                                                                            • • 2AC Orientalism K
                                                                                              • • The role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priority
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do both
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instances
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and then the alt
                                                                                                • Double-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quo
                                                                                                • The alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the perm
                                                                                                • No link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions
                                                                                                • The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppression
                                                                                                • And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinction

OVOur alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts

A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other

B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other

C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins

AT Alt Fails1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the

product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism Phillip Darby 2010 (Department of Political Science at the University of Melbourne July 22 2010 Pursuing the Political A Postcolonial Rethinking of Relations International

Rhetorical assertions that there are no alternatives to Western liberalism or clicheacutes such as there is no outside to globalisation have stifled thought about ethicsmdashand looking to the longer-termmdash prudence as well It is not that there are no alternatives or that globalisation must be left to follow its own course but that market rationality has colonised the space of politics What might have been the midd le ground where corporate power and market ideology had to reckon with equity in a much differentiated world has all but been evacuated One consequence of the diminution of politics is the rise of a new form of orientalism

2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions

3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled Said 2003 [ Edward Prof of EnglishComparative Lit Columbia U ] Orientalism p 4-5

I have begun with the assumption that the Orient is not an inert fact of nature It is not merely there just as the Occident itself is not just there either We must take

seriously Vicos great observation that men make their own history that what they can know is what they have made and extend it to geography as both

geonotgraphical and cultural entitiesmdashto say nothing of historical entities mdashsuch locales regions

geographical sectors as Orient and Occinotdent are man-made Therefore as much as the West itself the Orient is an idea that has a history and a tradition of thought imagery and vocabulary that have given it reality and presence in and for the West The two geographical entities thus support and to an extent reflect each other

AT Case OW1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from

Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market

2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West

3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient

AT Do BothThe permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harderBottchi and Challand lsquo6 [Chiara Bottici and Benoi t Challand European Journal of Social Theory ldquoRethinking Political Myth The Clash of Civilizations as a Self-Fulfilling Prophecyrdquo httpestsagepubcomcontent93315 Download Date July 17 2010]However in order to reconstruct the work on myth one should not only look at more or less explicit claims and theories about the threat ofto Islam As

we have seen the power of myth is much stronger when it can be conveyed by icons that only subtly recall the whole work on myth and that can thus slip into our mental consciousness as part of the lens through which we look at the world Thus even in a context where Orientalism is apparently rejected there can be a space for the work on myth For instance it can be argued that even John Rawlsrsquos attempt to propose a normatively desirable and practically viable set of laws of peoples can be the site for the work on myth One of the most original aspects of his theory is precisely his attempt to include in the society of peoples even peoples who cannot be labelled as lsquojustrsquo according to his theory To this aim he proposes an imaginary example of a non-liberal people which he calls lsquoKazanistanrsquo (Rawls 1999 5 75ndash8) This mental experiment which is appar- ently neutral as such and is even aimed at admitting this hypothetical non-liberal people into the society of peoples is a potential site for the work of the myth of the clash between civilizations How can it be so In the first place its name lsquoKazanistanrsquo is not so innocent because it cannot but recall in the readersrsquo mind countries with similar names ndash the name being apparently a cross between lsquoAfghanistanrsquo and lsquoKazakhstanrsquo two Muslim majority countries What can these names evoke for the American reader of the end of the millennium On the other hand the fact that the lsquoimaginedrsquo Kazanistan is a Muslim country is not left to the imagination of the readers given that Rawls says so explicitly in the Intro-

duction of his book (Rawls 1999 5) Why however should it be assumed that a non-liberal people has to be Muslim Even if the general argument of the book is that a clash between the imagined Muslim country and the lsquoliberal democratic peoplesrsquo is not unavoidable still the very construction of such a mental experi- ment recalls some of the topoi of the (neo-)Orientalist literature about Muslim countries ndash first the idea that a Muslim country cannot be lsquoliberalrsquo in Rawlsrsquos sense that it cannot be democratic but allows in the best case scenario a consul- tation hierarchy (Rawls 1999 77) that it will not separate the state from the church and can at best enable the toleration of religious minorities and that like most Muslim rulers rulers of Kazanistan are likely to have sought to build an empire (1999 76) To sum up using Rawlsrsquos own terms a Muslim country can at best be lsquodecentrsquo (1999 76) As Talal Asad also observed (2003) the construction of an Islamic threat which began long before 911 and even Huntingtonrsquos book is precisely the result of the application of modern Western categories and as such it becomes impossible to disentangle the two processes For instance Asad emphasizes that the zealotry so characteristic of many Islamic political movements in recent times as well as their ideal of an Islamic state in which no distinction operates between state and religion is not a product of the mainstream historical tradition of Islam Rather in his view it is the product of the totalizing ambitions typical of modern politics and of the modernizing state As he shows in his work in the Islamic history lsquothere was no such thing as a state in the modern sensersquo This is not to say that the fact that many contemporary Islamist movements have endorsed the idea is irrelevant ndash which is obviously not the case It simply means that the fact that many Islamic militants have accepted this perspective as their own striving for the establishment of an Islamic state does not make it essential to Islam (Asad 2003 352)18 On the other hand this essentialization of Islam favoured and most of the time went hand in hand with an over-emphasis on its intrinsic violence This image of an essentially violent Islam is in Asadrsquos view the reflex of a perceived threat to Western values19 The violence of Islamist radical movements is taken as a symbol of the violence of Islam itself whereas no liberal in the west would suggest that the Gush Emunim [lsquoBlock of the Faithfulrsquo a Jewish pro-settler group in Israel] represent the essence of Judaism or that the assassination of abortion doctors in the US by pro-Life activists represents the essence of Christianity (Asad 2003 350) The fact that many Islamic militants have reinterpreted the idea of an Islamic state as part of their Islamic tradition points to the parallel process of construc- tion of an Islamic

civilization on the part of the Muslims lsquoOrientalismrsquo which was born in the West has also been re-appropriated by non-Western individuals scholars or not For instance in 1992 the Saudi King Fahd declared that lsquothe prevailing democratic system in the world is not suitable for us in this region for our peoplesrsquo composition and traits are different from the traits of that worldrsquo (quoted in Sadowski 1993 14)20 Other neighbouring countries nowadays use this type of argument according

to which Arab citizens are convinced on a daily basis that democracy is not possible in their country Similar arguments are frequently found in the literature produced by lsquooriental orientalistsrsquo or lsquowestern- ized orientalistsrsquo to use the expression coined by Sadiki (2004) Ajami (2002) has become a mouthpiece for Arab support of the US wars in Afghanistan and Iraq predicting that US soldiers would be greeted with flowers in Iraq and Zakaria (1997) wrote abundantly about illiberal democracies in the region The clash of civilizations is not just a Western political myth that has been exported and imposed on the non-Western world The work on this myth is a work that has taken place in different contexts each time assuming different connotations and providing significance to very different political

conditions from Al-Qarsquoeda terrorists incited by their leaders to violent acts against the lsquoimpure Westrsquo to the re-elaboration of the post-911 shock all around the world The consequences of the work of this myth in Arab countries are well illumi- nated by Telhami (2004) In his view there has always been a variety of political possibilities for self-identification in the Arab worlds ndash at least just to mention some of the most important pan-Arabism Islam and nationalism as embedded in single individual states However a survey he conducted in June 2004 in six Arab countries revealed that more and more Arabs identify themselves as Muslims first Telhami observed that this trend is pretty clear even though it is not uniform given that in Egypt and Lebanon in contrast to Saudi Arabia and Morocco people identify themselves as Egyptians and Lebanese more than Arabs and Muslims A parallel increase in the role of religion can be witnessed in Western countries21 Some for instance have noticed the increasing role of religious argu- ments in public and political debates Well-known examples are the recurrence of debates on religious symbols such as the crucifix or veils in European schools the role of religious lobbies in US politics or recently the debate that took place in Europe about the inclusion or not of reference to the Christian roots in the drafting of the European Constitution However what is more interesting for us is the increased symbolic presence of religious icons of the clash between civiliza- tions

AT Every Other InstanceThe perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fightEdward Said rsquo77 Orientalism p 206

The distinction I am making is really between an almost unconscious (and certainly

an untouchable) positivity which I shall call latent Orientalism and the various stated views about Oriental society languages literatures history sociology and so forth which I shall call manifest Orientalism Whatever change occurs in knowledge of the Orient is found almost exclusively in manifest Orientalism the unanimity stability and durability of latent Orientalism are more or less constant In the nineteenth-century writers I analyzed in Chapter Two the differences in their ideas about the Orient can be characterized as exclusively manifest differences differences in form and personal style rarely in basic content Every one of them kept intact the separateness of the Orient its eccentricity its backwardness its silent indifference its feminine

penetrability its supine malleability this is why every writer on the Orient from Renan to

Marx (ideologically speaking) or from the most rigorous scholars (Lane and Sacy) to the most powerful imaginations (Flaubert and Nerval) saw the Orient as a locale requiring Western attention reconstruction even redemption The Orient existed as a place isolated from the mainstream of European progress in the sciences arts and commerce Thus whatever good or bad values were imputed to the Orient appeared to be functions of some highly specialized Western interest in the Orient This was the situation from about the 1870s on through the early part of the twentieth centurymdashbut let me give some examples that illustrate what I mean

Aff Answers

2AC Orientalism KThe role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priorityCummiskey 90 ndash Professor of Philosophy Bates (David Kantian Consequentialism Ethics 1003 p 601-2 p 606 jstor)We must not obscure the issue by characterizing this type of case as the sacrifice of individuals for some abstract social entity

It is not a question of some persons having to bear the cost for some elusive overall social good Instead the question is whether some persons must bear the inescapable cost for the sake of other persons Nozick for example argues that to use a person in this way does not sufficiently respect and take account of the fact that he is a separate person that his is the only life he has30 Why however is this not equally true of all those that we do

not save through our failure to act By emphasizing solely the one who must bear the cost if we act one fails to sufficiently respect and take account of the many other separate persons each with only one life who will bear the cost of our inaction In such a situation what would a conscientious Kantian agent an agent motivated by the unconditional value of rational beings choose We have a duty to promote the conditions necessary for the existence of rational beings but both choosing to act and choosing not to act will cost the life of a rational being Since the basis of Kants principle is rational nature exists as an end-in-itself (GMM p 429) the reasonable solution to such a dilemma involves promoting insofar as one can

the conditions necessary for rational beings If I sacrifice some for the sake of other rational

beings I do not use them arbitrarily and I do not deny the unconditional value of rational beings Persons may have dignity an unconditional and incomparable value that

transcends any market value (GMM p 436) but as rational beings persons also have a fundamental equality which dictates that some must sometimes give way for the sake of others The formula of the end-in-itself thus does not support the view that we may never force another to

bear some cost in order to benefit others If one focuses on the equal value of all rational beings then equal consideration dictates that one sacrifice some to save many [continues] According to

Kant the objective end of moral action is the existence of rational beings Respect for rational beings requires that in deciding what to do one give appropriate practical consideration to the unconditional value of rational beings and to the conditional value of happiness Since agent-centered

constraints require a non-value-based rationale the most natural interpretation of the demand that one give equal respect to all rational beings lead to a consequentialist normative theory We have seen that there is no sound Kantian reason for abandoning this natural consequentialist interpretation In particular a

consequentialist interpretation does not require sacrifices which a Kantian ought to consider unreasonable and it does not involve doing evil so that good may come of it It simply requires an

uncompromising commitment to the equal value and equal claims of all rational beings and a recognition that in the moral consideration of conduct ones own subjective concerns do not have overriding importance

Perm ndash do bothPerm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instancesPerm ndash do the plan and then the altDouble-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quoThe alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the permNo link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions

The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppressionLevinson 13-- Professor and Chair Comparative Literature Undergraduate Advisor and Co-Director PLC (Philosophy Literature and the Theory of Criticism) (Brett ldquoOrientalism and Identity in Latin Americardquo The University of Arizona Press 2013 The Death of the Critique of Eurocentrism pg 21)IK

And de-orientalism knows this that the Others have always broken through silence even if their voices sighs and screams (of joy and pain) have rarely been heard De--orientalism is well aware that the metaphor of the formerly silent native (Culture and Imperialism 212) is just a metaphor and not literally true Why then must the de-orientalist deploy this metaphor of silence What is de-orientalism trying to sneak onto the postcolonial scene when it posits the Others unrecognized speech and noise as nonspeech and nonnoise Simple logic dictates that the de-orientalist metaphor of silence reflects a desire for precisely the Otherrsquos silence In fact only this silence can guarantee of speech is that it will disrupt silence (First of course the silence has to be supposed) Therefore when de-orientalism speaks out against this silence which it itself imposes through metaphor it a priori emancipates both itself and the Other from suppression and oppression from the enforced silence De-orientalism most definitely opens the way for the Otherrsquos insurgent speech but it is just as true that the Otherrsquos silence open the way for de-orientalismrsquos claims This is why de-orientalism desires the Otherrsquos silence before it desires the Otherrsquos speech why it grounds that speech on imaginary or metaphorical silence on a fantasy or blantant misreading It wants the Other to speak But first it wants the Other to be silent so that de-orientalism itself can speak more securely so that its critique is assured to be radical known to be Other guaranteed to upset the imposition of silence In short the colonizer and the decolonizer are unaware of their common desire for the Otherrsquos silence (or death) Matters are of course complicated The colonizer

wants the Otherrsquos death and silence but also his labor his life No doubt the Orientalistrsquos imposition of babble upon the Otherrsquos speech is geared to communicate this double desire for an irrational thus animal-like and exploitable life But insofar as the colonizer truly desires the Otherrsquos silence by simulating violence through rhetoric through a poetics It silences the Other through a turn of phrase It kills the Otherrsquos voice in order to bring back that voice to redeem it through ldquopoetryrdquo through trope

And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinctionWarraq 7 (Ibn Warraq founder of the Institute for the Secularisation of Islamic Society senior research fellow at the Center for Inquiry focusing on Qurahic criticism Defending the West A Critique of Edeward Saidrsquos Orientalism p 57-58)

A visit to the Ontario Science Center in Toronto on New Years Day 2006was for me a sobering experience Tucked away in the section titled Truth were many untruthful though undoubtedly politically correct statements denigratingWestem civilization In an effort to be fair one exhibit gave way to unbridled relativism Modern Western science puts the Sun at the centre of the solar systemBut other points of view are not necessarily wrong or primitive And yet the samesection without a hint of irony was proclaiming how Eurocentric or intolerant the West was This science museum which was implicitly a veritable hymnpara to the achievements of Western thought and ideas went out of its way to selectively criticize some Western thinkers for racism or as F R Leavis and D Hpara Lawrence might both have said to do dirt on Western life But the museum exemplified the defining values of the Occident or what arepara the tutelary guiding lights of or the three golden threads running through Westernpara civilization-namely rationalism universalism and self-criticism One couldpara fperhaps argue that universalism and self-criticism were the logical outcomes ofpara rationalism but 1 think it more useful to view them as separate but interconnectedpara sets of beliefs and principles Second Western civilization can and has beenpara

characterized in several other ways I think many of the suggested distinguishingpara characteristics of the West such as the separation of spiritual and temporalpara authority can be said to derive from one or more of the three golden threadspara Thus in the latter case of the separation of church and state as Nlarsilius of Paduapara argued It is the state and not the church that guarantees the civil peace andpara reason

not revelation to which appeal must be made in all matters of temporalpara jurisdiction Politics involves willing and free participation discussion in short rationalism dissent the right to change ones mind and the right to oppose andpara disagree -that is self-criticism- without recourse or appeal to divine commands para or holy scriptures Similarly another defining feature the rule of law the thoughtpara that law is central to civilized existence and its continuation was derived largelypara from the Romans Not only is lawmaking a supremely human and rationalpara activity but Roman law was also conceived as possessing a universal jurisdiction

• Orientalism K
• • 1NC
  • • 1NC K
    • • The United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policy
      • The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalism
      • Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposability
      • And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatred
      • Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoning
      • • Block
        • • Framework
          • • ROB---Burke
            • • The role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logic
              • • Epistemology 1st
                • • Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniques
                  • • AT Ivory Tower
                    • • Theyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly
                      • • AT Role Playing Good
                        • • Theyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politics
                          • • 2NC Link
                            • • L ndash Aid
                              • • The idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas
                                • • L ndash Gender Liberation
                                  • • People interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the Other
                                    • • L ndash EconMilitary
                                      • • And the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominance
                                        • • L ndash Terrorism
                                          • • The 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossible
                                            • • L ndash TechComp
                                              • • Their attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West
                                                • • L ndash China Threat
                                                  • • And the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representation
                                                    • • Tag
                                                      • • EXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspective
                                                        • Tag
                                                        • • 2NC Pan Link
                                                          • • Their representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjects
                                                            • • AT China Aid Neocol
                                                              • • Link to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in Africa
                                                                • • AT Link Turn
                                                                  • • 1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere
                                                                    • 2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide
                                                                    • • ImpactAlt
                                                                      • • OV
                                                                        • • Our alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts
                                                                          • A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other
                                                                          • B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other
                                                                          • C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins
                                                                          • • AT Alt Fails
                                                                            • • 1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism
                                                                              • 2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions
                                                                              • 3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled
                                                                              • • AT Case OW
                                                                                • • 1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market
                                                                                  • 2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West
                                                                                  • 3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient
                                                                                  • • AT Do Both
                                                                                    • • The permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harder
                                                                                      • • AT Every Other Instance
                                                                                        • • The perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fight
                                                                                          • • Aff Answers
                                                                                            • • 2AC Orientalism K
                                                                                              • • The role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priority
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do both
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instances
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and then the alt
                                                                                                • Double-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quo
                                                                                                • The alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the perm
                                                                                                • No link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions
                                                                                                • The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppression
                                                                                                • And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinction

AT Alt Fails1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the

product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism Phillip Darby 2010 (Department of Political Science at the University of Melbourne July 22 2010 Pursuing the Political A Postcolonial Rethinking of Relations International

Rhetorical assertions that there are no alternatives to Western liberalism or clicheacutes such as there is no outside to globalisation have stifled thought about ethicsmdashand looking to the longer-termmdash prudence as well It is not that there are no alternatives or that globalisation must be left to follow its own course but that market rationality has colonised the space of politics What might have been the midd le ground where corporate power and market ideology had to reckon with equity in a much differentiated world has all but been evacuated One consequence of the diminution of politics is the rise of a new form of orientalism

2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions

3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled Said 2003 [ Edward Prof of EnglishComparative Lit Columbia U ] Orientalism p 4-5

I have begun with the assumption that the Orient is not an inert fact of nature It is not merely there just as the Occident itself is not just there either We must take

seriously Vicos great observation that men make their own history that what they can know is what they have made and extend it to geography as both

geonotgraphical and cultural entitiesmdashto say nothing of historical entities mdashsuch locales regions

geographical sectors as Orient and Occinotdent are man-made Therefore as much as the West itself the Orient is an idea that has a history and a tradition of thought imagery and vocabulary that have given it reality and presence in and for the West The two geographical entities thus support and to an extent reflect each other

AT Case OW1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from

Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market

2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West

3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient

AT Do BothThe permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harderBottchi and Challand lsquo6 [Chiara Bottici and Benoi t Challand European Journal of Social Theory ldquoRethinking Political Myth The Clash of Civilizations as a Self-Fulfilling Prophecyrdquo httpestsagepubcomcontent93315 Download Date July 17 2010]However in order to reconstruct the work on myth one should not only look at more or less explicit claims and theories about the threat ofto Islam As

we have seen the power of myth is much stronger when it can be conveyed by icons that only subtly recall the whole work on myth and that can thus slip into our mental consciousness as part of the lens through which we look at the world Thus even in a context where Orientalism is apparently rejected there can be a space for the work on myth For instance it can be argued that even John Rawlsrsquos attempt to propose a normatively desirable and practically viable set of laws of peoples can be the site for the work on myth One of the most original aspects of his theory is precisely his attempt to include in the society of peoples even peoples who cannot be labelled as lsquojustrsquo according to his theory To this aim he proposes an imaginary example of a non-liberal people which he calls lsquoKazanistanrsquo (Rawls 1999 5 75ndash8) This mental experiment which is appar- ently neutral as such and is even aimed at admitting this hypothetical non-liberal people into the society of peoples is a potential site for the work of the myth of the clash between civilizations How can it be so In the first place its name lsquoKazanistanrsquo is not so innocent because it cannot but recall in the readersrsquo mind countries with similar names ndash the name being apparently a cross between lsquoAfghanistanrsquo and lsquoKazakhstanrsquo two Muslim majority countries What can these names evoke for the American reader of the end of the millennium On the other hand the fact that the lsquoimaginedrsquo Kazanistan is a Muslim country is not left to the imagination of the readers given that Rawls says so explicitly in the Intro-

duction of his book (Rawls 1999 5) Why however should it be assumed that a non-liberal people has to be Muslim Even if the general argument of the book is that a clash between the imagined Muslim country and the lsquoliberal democratic peoplesrsquo is not unavoidable still the very construction of such a mental experi- ment recalls some of the topoi of the (neo-)Orientalist literature about Muslim countries ndash first the idea that a Muslim country cannot be lsquoliberalrsquo in Rawlsrsquos sense that it cannot be democratic but allows in the best case scenario a consul- tation hierarchy (Rawls 1999 77) that it will not separate the state from the church and can at best enable the toleration of religious minorities and that like most Muslim rulers rulers of Kazanistan are likely to have sought to build an empire (1999 76) To sum up using Rawlsrsquos own terms a Muslim country can at best be lsquodecentrsquo (1999 76) As Talal Asad also observed (2003) the construction of an Islamic threat which began long before 911 and even Huntingtonrsquos book is precisely the result of the application of modern Western categories and as such it becomes impossible to disentangle the two processes For instance Asad emphasizes that the zealotry so characteristic of many Islamic political movements in recent times as well as their ideal of an Islamic state in which no distinction operates between state and religion is not a product of the mainstream historical tradition of Islam Rather in his view it is the product of the totalizing ambitions typical of modern politics and of the modernizing state As he shows in his work in the Islamic history lsquothere was no such thing as a state in the modern sensersquo This is not to say that the fact that many contemporary Islamist movements have endorsed the idea is irrelevant ndash which is obviously not the case It simply means that the fact that many Islamic militants have accepted this perspective as their own striving for the establishment of an Islamic state does not make it essential to Islam (Asad 2003 352)18 On the other hand this essentialization of Islam favoured and most of the time went hand in hand with an over-emphasis on its intrinsic violence This image of an essentially violent Islam is in Asadrsquos view the reflex of a perceived threat to Western values19 The violence of Islamist radical movements is taken as a symbol of the violence of Islam itself whereas no liberal in the west would suggest that the Gush Emunim [lsquoBlock of the Faithfulrsquo a Jewish pro-settler group in Israel] represent the essence of Judaism or that the assassination of abortion doctors in the US by pro-Life activists represents the essence of Christianity (Asad 2003 350) The fact that many Islamic militants have reinterpreted the idea of an Islamic state as part of their Islamic tradition points to the parallel process of construc- tion of an Islamic

civilization on the part of the Muslims lsquoOrientalismrsquo which was born in the West has also been re-appropriated by non-Western individuals scholars or not For instance in 1992 the Saudi King Fahd declared that lsquothe prevailing democratic system in the world is not suitable for us in this region for our peoplesrsquo composition and traits are different from the traits of that worldrsquo (quoted in Sadowski 1993 14)20 Other neighbouring countries nowadays use this type of argument according

to which Arab citizens are convinced on a daily basis that democracy is not possible in their country Similar arguments are frequently found in the literature produced by lsquooriental orientalistsrsquo or lsquowestern- ized orientalistsrsquo to use the expression coined by Sadiki (2004) Ajami (2002) has become a mouthpiece for Arab support of the US wars in Afghanistan and Iraq predicting that US soldiers would be greeted with flowers in Iraq and Zakaria (1997) wrote abundantly about illiberal democracies in the region The clash of civilizations is not just a Western political myth that has been exported and imposed on the non-Western world The work on this myth is a work that has taken place in different contexts each time assuming different connotations and providing significance to very different political

conditions from Al-Qarsquoeda terrorists incited by their leaders to violent acts against the lsquoimpure Westrsquo to the re-elaboration of the post-911 shock all around the world The consequences of the work of this myth in Arab countries are well illumi- nated by Telhami (2004) In his view there has always been a variety of political possibilities for self-identification in the Arab worlds ndash at least just to mention some of the most important pan-Arabism Islam and nationalism as embedded in single individual states However a survey he conducted in June 2004 in six Arab countries revealed that more and more Arabs identify themselves as Muslims first Telhami observed that this trend is pretty clear even though it is not uniform given that in Egypt and Lebanon in contrast to Saudi Arabia and Morocco people identify themselves as Egyptians and Lebanese more than Arabs and Muslims A parallel increase in the role of religion can be witnessed in Western countries21 Some for instance have noticed the increasing role of religious argu- ments in public and political debates Well-known examples are the recurrence of debates on religious symbols such as the crucifix or veils in European schools the role of religious lobbies in US politics or recently the debate that took place in Europe about the inclusion or not of reference to the Christian roots in the drafting of the European Constitution However what is more interesting for us is the increased symbolic presence of religious icons of the clash between civiliza- tions

AT Every Other InstanceThe perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fightEdward Said rsquo77 Orientalism p 206

The distinction I am making is really between an almost unconscious (and certainly

an untouchable) positivity which I shall call latent Orientalism and the various stated views about Oriental society languages literatures history sociology and so forth which I shall call manifest Orientalism Whatever change occurs in knowledge of the Orient is found almost exclusively in manifest Orientalism the unanimity stability and durability of latent Orientalism are more or less constant In the nineteenth-century writers I analyzed in Chapter Two the differences in their ideas about the Orient can be characterized as exclusively manifest differences differences in form and personal style rarely in basic content Every one of them kept intact the separateness of the Orient its eccentricity its backwardness its silent indifference its feminine

penetrability its supine malleability this is why every writer on the Orient from Renan to

Marx (ideologically speaking) or from the most rigorous scholars (Lane and Sacy) to the most powerful imaginations (Flaubert and Nerval) saw the Orient as a locale requiring Western attention reconstruction even redemption The Orient existed as a place isolated from the mainstream of European progress in the sciences arts and commerce Thus whatever good or bad values were imputed to the Orient appeared to be functions of some highly specialized Western interest in the Orient This was the situation from about the 1870s on through the early part of the twentieth centurymdashbut let me give some examples that illustrate what I mean

Aff Answers

2AC Orientalism KThe role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priorityCummiskey 90 ndash Professor of Philosophy Bates (David Kantian Consequentialism Ethics 1003 p 601-2 p 606 jstor)We must not obscure the issue by characterizing this type of case as the sacrifice of individuals for some abstract social entity

It is not a question of some persons having to bear the cost for some elusive overall social good Instead the question is whether some persons must bear the inescapable cost for the sake of other persons Nozick for example argues that to use a person in this way does not sufficiently respect and take account of the fact that he is a separate person that his is the only life he has30 Why however is this not equally true of all those that we do

not save through our failure to act By emphasizing solely the one who must bear the cost if we act one fails to sufficiently respect and take account of the many other separate persons each with only one life who will bear the cost of our inaction In such a situation what would a conscientious Kantian agent an agent motivated by the unconditional value of rational beings choose We have a duty to promote the conditions necessary for the existence of rational beings but both choosing to act and choosing not to act will cost the life of a rational being Since the basis of Kants principle is rational nature exists as an end-in-itself (GMM p 429) the reasonable solution to such a dilemma involves promoting insofar as one can

the conditions necessary for rational beings If I sacrifice some for the sake of other rational

beings I do not use them arbitrarily and I do not deny the unconditional value of rational beings Persons may have dignity an unconditional and incomparable value that

transcends any market value (GMM p 436) but as rational beings persons also have a fundamental equality which dictates that some must sometimes give way for the sake of others The formula of the end-in-itself thus does not support the view that we may never force another to

bear some cost in order to benefit others If one focuses on the equal value of all rational beings then equal consideration dictates that one sacrifice some to save many [continues] According to

Kant the objective end of moral action is the existence of rational beings Respect for rational beings requires that in deciding what to do one give appropriate practical consideration to the unconditional value of rational beings and to the conditional value of happiness Since agent-centered

constraints require a non-value-based rationale the most natural interpretation of the demand that one give equal respect to all rational beings lead to a consequentialist normative theory We have seen that there is no sound Kantian reason for abandoning this natural consequentialist interpretation In particular a

consequentialist interpretation does not require sacrifices which a Kantian ought to consider unreasonable and it does not involve doing evil so that good may come of it It simply requires an

uncompromising commitment to the equal value and equal claims of all rational beings and a recognition that in the moral consideration of conduct ones own subjective concerns do not have overriding importance

Perm ndash do bothPerm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instancesPerm ndash do the plan and then the altDouble-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quoThe alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the permNo link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions

The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppressionLevinson 13-- Professor and Chair Comparative Literature Undergraduate Advisor and Co-Director PLC (Philosophy Literature and the Theory of Criticism) (Brett ldquoOrientalism and Identity in Latin Americardquo The University of Arizona Press 2013 The Death of the Critique of Eurocentrism pg 21)IK

And de-orientalism knows this that the Others have always broken through silence even if their voices sighs and screams (of joy and pain) have rarely been heard De--orientalism is well aware that the metaphor of the formerly silent native (Culture and Imperialism 212) is just a metaphor and not literally true Why then must the de-orientalist deploy this metaphor of silence What is de-orientalism trying to sneak onto the postcolonial scene when it posits the Others unrecognized speech and noise as nonspeech and nonnoise Simple logic dictates that the de-orientalist metaphor of silence reflects a desire for precisely the Otherrsquos silence In fact only this silence can guarantee of speech is that it will disrupt silence (First of course the silence has to be supposed) Therefore when de-orientalism speaks out against this silence which it itself imposes through metaphor it a priori emancipates both itself and the Other from suppression and oppression from the enforced silence De-orientalism most definitely opens the way for the Otherrsquos insurgent speech but it is just as true that the Otherrsquos silence open the way for de-orientalismrsquos claims This is why de-orientalism desires the Otherrsquos silence before it desires the Otherrsquos speech why it grounds that speech on imaginary or metaphorical silence on a fantasy or blantant misreading It wants the Other to speak But first it wants the Other to be silent so that de-orientalism itself can speak more securely so that its critique is assured to be radical known to be Other guaranteed to upset the imposition of silence In short the colonizer and the decolonizer are unaware of their common desire for the Otherrsquos silence (or death) Matters are of course complicated The colonizer

wants the Otherrsquos death and silence but also his labor his life No doubt the Orientalistrsquos imposition of babble upon the Otherrsquos speech is geared to communicate this double desire for an irrational thus animal-like and exploitable life But insofar as the colonizer truly desires the Otherrsquos silence by simulating violence through rhetoric through a poetics It silences the Other through a turn of phrase It kills the Otherrsquos voice in order to bring back that voice to redeem it through ldquopoetryrdquo through trope

And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinctionWarraq 7 (Ibn Warraq founder of the Institute for the Secularisation of Islamic Society senior research fellow at the Center for Inquiry focusing on Qurahic criticism Defending the West A Critique of Edeward Saidrsquos Orientalism p 57-58)

A visit to the Ontario Science Center in Toronto on New Years Day 2006was for me a sobering experience Tucked away in the section titled Truth were many untruthful though undoubtedly politically correct statements denigratingWestem civilization In an effort to be fair one exhibit gave way to unbridled relativism Modern Western science puts the Sun at the centre of the solar systemBut other points of view are not necessarily wrong or primitive And yet the samesection without a hint of irony was proclaiming how Eurocentric or intolerant the West was This science museum which was implicitly a veritable hymnpara to the achievements of Western thought and ideas went out of its way to selectively criticize some Western thinkers for racism or as F R Leavis and D Hpara Lawrence might both have said to do dirt on Western life But the museum exemplified the defining values of the Occident or what arepara the tutelary guiding lights of or the three golden threads running through Westernpara civilization-namely rationalism universalism and self-criticism One couldpara fperhaps argue that universalism and self-criticism were the logical outcomes ofpara rationalism but 1 think it more useful to view them as separate but interconnectedpara sets of beliefs and principles Second Western civilization can and has beenpara

characterized in several other ways I think many of the suggested distinguishingpara characteristics of the West such as the separation of spiritual and temporalpara authority can be said to derive from one or more of the three golden threadspara Thus in the latter case of the separation of church and state as Nlarsilius of Paduapara argued It is the state and not the church that guarantees the civil peace andpara reason

not revelation to which appeal must be made in all matters of temporalpara jurisdiction Politics involves willing and free participation discussion in short rationalism dissent the right to change ones mind and the right to oppose andpara disagree -that is self-criticism- without recourse or appeal to divine commands para or holy scriptures Similarly another defining feature the rule of law the thoughtpara that law is central to civilized existence and its continuation was derived largelypara from the Romans Not only is lawmaking a supremely human and rationalpara activity but Roman law was also conceived as possessing a universal jurisdiction

• Orientalism K
• • 1NC
  • • 1NC K
    • • The United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policy
      • The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalism
      • Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposability
      • And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatred
      • Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoning
      • • Block
        • • Framework
          • • ROB---Burke
            • • The role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logic
              • • Epistemology 1st
                • • Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniques
                  • • AT Ivory Tower
                    • • Theyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly
                      • • AT Role Playing Good
                        • • Theyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politics
                          • • 2NC Link
                            • • L ndash Aid
                              • • The idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas
                                • • L ndash Gender Liberation
                                  • • People interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the Other
                                    • • L ndash EconMilitary
                                      • • And the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominance
                                        • • L ndash Terrorism
                                          • • The 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossible
                                            • • L ndash TechComp
                                              • • Their attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West
                                                • • L ndash China Threat
                                                  • • And the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representation
                                                    • • Tag
                                                      • • EXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspective
                                                        • Tag
                                                        • • 2NC Pan Link
                                                          • • Their representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjects
                                                            • • AT China Aid Neocol
                                                              • • Link to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in Africa
                                                                • • AT Link Turn
                                                                  • • 1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere
                                                                    • 2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide
                                                                    • • ImpactAlt
                                                                      • • OV
                                                                        • • Our alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts
                                                                          • A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other
                                                                          • B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other
                                                                          • C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins
                                                                          • • AT Alt Fails
                                                                            • • 1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism
                                                                              • 2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions
                                                                              • 3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled
                                                                              • • AT Case OW
                                                                                • • 1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market
                                                                                  • 2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West
                                                                                  • 3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient
                                                                                  • • AT Do Both
                                                                                    • • The permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harder
                                                                                      • • AT Every Other Instance
                                                                                        • • The perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fight
                                                                                          • • Aff Answers
                                                                                            • • 2AC Orientalism K
                                                                                              • • The role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priority
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do both
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instances
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and then the alt
                                                                                                • Double-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quo
                                                                                                • The alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the perm
                                                                                                • No link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions
                                                                                                • The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppression
                                                                                                • And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinction

AT Case OW1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from

Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market

2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West

3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient

AT Do BothThe permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harderBottchi and Challand lsquo6 [Chiara Bottici and Benoi t Challand European Journal of Social Theory ldquoRethinking Political Myth The Clash of Civilizations as a Self-Fulfilling Prophecyrdquo httpestsagepubcomcontent93315 Download Date July 17 2010]However in order to reconstruct the work on myth one should not only look at more or less explicit claims and theories about the threat ofto Islam As

we have seen the power of myth is much stronger when it can be conveyed by icons that only subtly recall the whole work on myth and that can thus slip into our mental consciousness as part of the lens through which we look at the world Thus even in a context where Orientalism is apparently rejected there can be a space for the work on myth For instance it can be argued that even John Rawlsrsquos attempt to propose a normatively desirable and practically viable set of laws of peoples can be the site for the work on myth One of the most original aspects of his theory is precisely his attempt to include in the society of peoples even peoples who cannot be labelled as lsquojustrsquo according to his theory To this aim he proposes an imaginary example of a non-liberal people which he calls lsquoKazanistanrsquo (Rawls 1999 5 75ndash8) This mental experiment which is appar- ently neutral as such and is even aimed at admitting this hypothetical non-liberal people into the society of peoples is a potential site for the work of the myth of the clash between civilizations How can it be so In the first place its name lsquoKazanistanrsquo is not so innocent because it cannot but recall in the readersrsquo mind countries with similar names ndash the name being apparently a cross between lsquoAfghanistanrsquo and lsquoKazakhstanrsquo two Muslim majority countries What can these names evoke for the American reader of the end of the millennium On the other hand the fact that the lsquoimaginedrsquo Kazanistan is a Muslim country is not left to the imagination of the readers given that Rawls says so explicitly in the Intro-

duction of his book (Rawls 1999 5) Why however should it be assumed that a non-liberal people has to be Muslim Even if the general argument of the book is that a clash between the imagined Muslim country and the lsquoliberal democratic peoplesrsquo is not unavoidable still the very construction of such a mental experi- ment recalls some of the topoi of the (neo-)Orientalist literature about Muslim countries ndash first the idea that a Muslim country cannot be lsquoliberalrsquo in Rawlsrsquos sense that it cannot be democratic but allows in the best case scenario a consul- tation hierarchy (Rawls 1999 77) that it will not separate the state from the church and can at best enable the toleration of religious minorities and that like most Muslim rulers rulers of Kazanistan are likely to have sought to build an empire (1999 76) To sum up using Rawlsrsquos own terms a Muslim country can at best be lsquodecentrsquo (1999 76) As Talal Asad also observed (2003) the construction of an Islamic threat which began long before 911 and even Huntingtonrsquos book is precisely the result of the application of modern Western categories and as such it becomes impossible to disentangle the two processes For instance Asad emphasizes that the zealotry so characteristic of many Islamic political movements in recent times as well as their ideal of an Islamic state in which no distinction operates between state and religion is not a product of the mainstream historical tradition of Islam Rather in his view it is the product of the totalizing ambitions typical of modern politics and of the modernizing state As he shows in his work in the Islamic history lsquothere was no such thing as a state in the modern sensersquo This is not to say that the fact that many contemporary Islamist movements have endorsed the idea is irrelevant ndash which is obviously not the case It simply means that the fact that many Islamic militants have accepted this perspective as their own striving for the establishment of an Islamic state does not make it essential to Islam (Asad 2003 352)18 On the other hand this essentialization of Islam favoured and most of the time went hand in hand with an over-emphasis on its intrinsic violence This image of an essentially violent Islam is in Asadrsquos view the reflex of a perceived threat to Western values19 The violence of Islamist radical movements is taken as a symbol of the violence of Islam itself whereas no liberal in the west would suggest that the Gush Emunim [lsquoBlock of the Faithfulrsquo a Jewish pro-settler group in Israel] represent the essence of Judaism or that the assassination of abortion doctors in the US by pro-Life activists represents the essence of Christianity (Asad 2003 350) The fact that many Islamic militants have reinterpreted the idea of an Islamic state as part of their Islamic tradition points to the parallel process of construc- tion of an Islamic

civilization on the part of the Muslims lsquoOrientalismrsquo which was born in the West has also been re-appropriated by non-Western individuals scholars or not For instance in 1992 the Saudi King Fahd declared that lsquothe prevailing democratic system in the world is not suitable for us in this region for our peoplesrsquo composition and traits are different from the traits of that worldrsquo (quoted in Sadowski 1993 14)20 Other neighbouring countries nowadays use this type of argument according

to which Arab citizens are convinced on a daily basis that democracy is not possible in their country Similar arguments are frequently found in the literature produced by lsquooriental orientalistsrsquo or lsquowestern- ized orientalistsrsquo to use the expression coined by Sadiki (2004) Ajami (2002) has become a mouthpiece for Arab support of the US wars in Afghanistan and Iraq predicting that US soldiers would be greeted with flowers in Iraq and Zakaria (1997) wrote abundantly about illiberal democracies in the region The clash of civilizations is not just a Western political myth that has been exported and imposed on the non-Western world The work on this myth is a work that has taken place in different contexts each time assuming different connotations and providing significance to very different political

conditions from Al-Qarsquoeda terrorists incited by their leaders to violent acts against the lsquoimpure Westrsquo to the re-elaboration of the post-911 shock all around the world The consequences of the work of this myth in Arab countries are well illumi- nated by Telhami (2004) In his view there has always been a variety of political possibilities for self-identification in the Arab worlds ndash at least just to mention some of the most important pan-Arabism Islam and nationalism as embedded in single individual states However a survey he conducted in June 2004 in six Arab countries revealed that more and more Arabs identify themselves as Muslims first Telhami observed that this trend is pretty clear even though it is not uniform given that in Egypt and Lebanon in contrast to Saudi Arabia and Morocco people identify themselves as Egyptians and Lebanese more than Arabs and Muslims A parallel increase in the role of religion can be witnessed in Western countries21 Some for instance have noticed the increasing role of religious argu- ments in public and political debates Well-known examples are the recurrence of debates on religious symbols such as the crucifix or veils in European schools the role of religious lobbies in US politics or recently the debate that took place in Europe about the inclusion or not of reference to the Christian roots in the drafting of the European Constitution However what is more interesting for us is the increased symbolic presence of religious icons of the clash between civiliza- tions

AT Every Other InstanceThe perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fightEdward Said rsquo77 Orientalism p 206

The distinction I am making is really between an almost unconscious (and certainly

an untouchable) positivity which I shall call latent Orientalism and the various stated views about Oriental society languages literatures history sociology and so forth which I shall call manifest Orientalism Whatever change occurs in knowledge of the Orient is found almost exclusively in manifest Orientalism the unanimity stability and durability of latent Orientalism are more or less constant In the nineteenth-century writers I analyzed in Chapter Two the differences in their ideas about the Orient can be characterized as exclusively manifest differences differences in form and personal style rarely in basic content Every one of them kept intact the separateness of the Orient its eccentricity its backwardness its silent indifference its feminine

penetrability its supine malleability this is why every writer on the Orient from Renan to

Marx (ideologically speaking) or from the most rigorous scholars (Lane and Sacy) to the most powerful imaginations (Flaubert and Nerval) saw the Orient as a locale requiring Western attention reconstruction even redemption The Orient existed as a place isolated from the mainstream of European progress in the sciences arts and commerce Thus whatever good or bad values were imputed to the Orient appeared to be functions of some highly specialized Western interest in the Orient This was the situation from about the 1870s on through the early part of the twentieth centurymdashbut let me give some examples that illustrate what I mean

Aff Answers

2AC Orientalism KThe role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priorityCummiskey 90 ndash Professor of Philosophy Bates (David Kantian Consequentialism Ethics 1003 p 601-2 p 606 jstor)We must not obscure the issue by characterizing this type of case as the sacrifice of individuals for some abstract social entity

It is not a question of some persons having to bear the cost for some elusive overall social good Instead the question is whether some persons must bear the inescapable cost for the sake of other persons Nozick for example argues that to use a person in this way does not sufficiently respect and take account of the fact that he is a separate person that his is the only life he has30 Why however is this not equally true of all those that we do

not save through our failure to act By emphasizing solely the one who must bear the cost if we act one fails to sufficiently respect and take account of the many other separate persons each with only one life who will bear the cost of our inaction In such a situation what would a conscientious Kantian agent an agent motivated by the unconditional value of rational beings choose We have a duty to promote the conditions necessary for the existence of rational beings but both choosing to act and choosing not to act will cost the life of a rational being Since the basis of Kants principle is rational nature exists as an end-in-itself (GMM p 429) the reasonable solution to such a dilemma involves promoting insofar as one can

the conditions necessary for rational beings If I sacrifice some for the sake of other rational

beings I do not use them arbitrarily and I do not deny the unconditional value of rational beings Persons may have dignity an unconditional and incomparable value that

transcends any market value (GMM p 436) but as rational beings persons also have a fundamental equality which dictates that some must sometimes give way for the sake of others The formula of the end-in-itself thus does not support the view that we may never force another to

bear some cost in order to benefit others If one focuses on the equal value of all rational beings then equal consideration dictates that one sacrifice some to save many [continues] According to

Kant the objective end of moral action is the existence of rational beings Respect for rational beings requires that in deciding what to do one give appropriate practical consideration to the unconditional value of rational beings and to the conditional value of happiness Since agent-centered

constraints require a non-value-based rationale the most natural interpretation of the demand that one give equal respect to all rational beings lead to a consequentialist normative theory We have seen that there is no sound Kantian reason for abandoning this natural consequentialist interpretation In particular a

consequentialist interpretation does not require sacrifices which a Kantian ought to consider unreasonable and it does not involve doing evil so that good may come of it It simply requires an

uncompromising commitment to the equal value and equal claims of all rational beings and a recognition that in the moral consideration of conduct ones own subjective concerns do not have overriding importance

Perm ndash do bothPerm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instancesPerm ndash do the plan and then the altDouble-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quoThe alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the permNo link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions

The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppressionLevinson 13-- Professor and Chair Comparative Literature Undergraduate Advisor and Co-Director PLC (Philosophy Literature and the Theory of Criticism) (Brett ldquoOrientalism and Identity in Latin Americardquo The University of Arizona Press 2013 The Death of the Critique of Eurocentrism pg 21)IK

And de-orientalism knows this that the Others have always broken through silence even if their voices sighs and screams (of joy and pain) have rarely been heard De--orientalism is well aware that the metaphor of the formerly silent native (Culture and Imperialism 212) is just a metaphor and not literally true Why then must the de-orientalist deploy this metaphor of silence What is de-orientalism trying to sneak onto the postcolonial scene when it posits the Others unrecognized speech and noise as nonspeech and nonnoise Simple logic dictates that the de-orientalist metaphor of silence reflects a desire for precisely the Otherrsquos silence In fact only this silence can guarantee of speech is that it will disrupt silence (First of course the silence has to be supposed) Therefore when de-orientalism speaks out against this silence which it itself imposes through metaphor it a priori emancipates both itself and the Other from suppression and oppression from the enforced silence De-orientalism most definitely opens the way for the Otherrsquos insurgent speech but it is just as true that the Otherrsquos silence open the way for de-orientalismrsquos claims This is why de-orientalism desires the Otherrsquos silence before it desires the Otherrsquos speech why it grounds that speech on imaginary or metaphorical silence on a fantasy or blantant misreading It wants the Other to speak But first it wants the Other to be silent so that de-orientalism itself can speak more securely so that its critique is assured to be radical known to be Other guaranteed to upset the imposition of silence In short the colonizer and the decolonizer are unaware of their common desire for the Otherrsquos silence (or death) Matters are of course complicated The colonizer

wants the Otherrsquos death and silence but also his labor his life No doubt the Orientalistrsquos imposition of babble upon the Otherrsquos speech is geared to communicate this double desire for an irrational thus animal-like and exploitable life But insofar as the colonizer truly desires the Otherrsquos silence by simulating violence through rhetoric through a poetics It silences the Other through a turn of phrase It kills the Otherrsquos voice in order to bring back that voice to redeem it through ldquopoetryrdquo through trope

And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinctionWarraq 7 (Ibn Warraq founder of the Institute for the Secularisation of Islamic Society senior research fellow at the Center for Inquiry focusing on Qurahic criticism Defending the West A Critique of Edeward Saidrsquos Orientalism p 57-58)

A visit to the Ontario Science Center in Toronto on New Years Day 2006was for me a sobering experience Tucked away in the section titled Truth were many untruthful though undoubtedly politically correct statements denigratingWestem civilization In an effort to be fair one exhibit gave way to unbridled relativism Modern Western science puts the Sun at the centre of the solar systemBut other points of view are not necessarily wrong or primitive And yet the samesection without a hint of irony was proclaiming how Eurocentric or intolerant the West was This science museum which was implicitly a veritable hymnpara to the achievements of Western thought and ideas went out of its way to selectively criticize some Western thinkers for racism or as F R Leavis and D Hpara Lawrence might both have said to do dirt on Western life But the museum exemplified the defining values of the Occident or what arepara the tutelary guiding lights of or the three golden threads running through Westernpara civilization-namely rationalism universalism and self-criticism One couldpara fperhaps argue that universalism and self-criticism were the logical outcomes ofpara rationalism but 1 think it more useful to view them as separate but interconnectedpara sets of beliefs and principles Second Western civilization can and has beenpara

characterized in several other ways I think many of the suggested distinguishingpara characteristics of the West such as the separation of spiritual and temporalpara authority can be said to derive from one or more of the three golden threadspara Thus in the latter case of the separation of church and state as Nlarsilius of Paduapara argued It is the state and not the church that guarantees the civil peace andpara reason

not revelation to which appeal must be made in all matters of temporalpara jurisdiction Politics involves willing and free participation discussion in short rationalism dissent the right to change ones mind and the right to oppose andpara disagree -that is self-criticism- without recourse or appeal to divine commands para or holy scriptures Similarly another defining feature the rule of law the thoughtpara that law is central to civilized existence and its continuation was derived largelypara from the Romans Not only is lawmaking a supremely human and rationalpara activity but Roman law was also conceived as possessing a universal jurisdiction

• Orientalism K
• • 1NC
  • • 1NC K
    • • The United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policy
      • The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalism
      • Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposability
      • And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatred
      • Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoning
      • • Block
        • • Framework
          • • ROB---Burke
            • • The role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logic
              • • Epistemology 1st
                • • Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniques
                  • • AT Ivory Tower
                    • • Theyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly
                      • • AT Role Playing Good
                        • • Theyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politics
                          • • 2NC Link
                            • • L ndash Aid
                              • • The idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas
                                • • L ndash Gender Liberation
                                  • • People interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the Other
                                    • • L ndash EconMilitary
                                      • • And the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominance
                                        • • L ndash Terrorism
                                          • • The 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossible
                                            • • L ndash TechComp
                                              • • Their attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West
                                                • • L ndash China Threat
                                                  • • And the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representation
                                                    • • Tag
                                                      • • EXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspective
                                                        • Tag
                                                        • • 2NC Pan Link
                                                          • • Their representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjects
                                                            • • AT China Aid Neocol
                                                              • • Link to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in Africa
                                                                • • AT Link Turn
                                                                  • • 1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere
                                                                    • 2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide
                                                                    • • ImpactAlt
                                                                      • • OV
                                                                        • • Our alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts
                                                                          • A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other
                                                                          • B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other
                                                                          • C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins
                                                                          • • AT Alt Fails
                                                                            • • 1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism
                                                                              • 2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions
                                                                              • 3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled
                                                                              • • AT Case OW
                                                                                • • 1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market
                                                                                  • 2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West
                                                                                  • 3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient
                                                                                  • • AT Do Both
                                                                                    • • The permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harder
                                                                                      • • AT Every Other Instance
                                                                                        • • The perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fight
                                                                                          • • Aff Answers
                                                                                            • • 2AC Orientalism K
                                                                                              • • The role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priority
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do both
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instances
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and then the alt
                                                                                                • Double-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quo
                                                                                                • The alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the perm
                                                                                                • No link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions
                                                                                                • The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppression
                                                                                                • And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinction

AT Do BothThe permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harderBottchi and Challand lsquo6 [Chiara Bottici and Benoi t Challand European Journal of Social Theory ldquoRethinking Political Myth The Clash of Civilizations as a Self-Fulfilling Prophecyrdquo httpestsagepubcomcontent93315 Download Date July 17 2010]However in order to reconstruct the work on myth one should not only look at more or less explicit claims and theories about the threat ofto Islam As

we have seen the power of myth is much stronger when it can be conveyed by icons that only subtly recall the whole work on myth and that can thus slip into our mental consciousness as part of the lens through which we look at the world Thus even in a context where Orientalism is apparently rejected there can be a space for the work on myth For instance it can be argued that even John Rawlsrsquos attempt to propose a normatively desirable and practically viable set of laws of peoples can be the site for the work on myth One of the most original aspects of his theory is precisely his attempt to include in the society of peoples even peoples who cannot be labelled as lsquojustrsquo according to his theory To this aim he proposes an imaginary example of a non-liberal people which he calls lsquoKazanistanrsquo (Rawls 1999 5 75ndash8) This mental experiment which is appar- ently neutral as such and is even aimed at admitting this hypothetical non-liberal people into the society of peoples is a potential site for the work of the myth of the clash between civilizations How can it be so In the first place its name lsquoKazanistanrsquo is not so innocent because it cannot but recall in the readersrsquo mind countries with similar names ndash the name being apparently a cross between lsquoAfghanistanrsquo and lsquoKazakhstanrsquo two Muslim majority countries What can these names evoke for the American reader of the end of the millennium On the other hand the fact that the lsquoimaginedrsquo Kazanistan is a Muslim country is not left to the imagination of the readers given that Rawls says so explicitly in the Intro-

duction of his book (Rawls 1999 5) Why however should it be assumed that a non-liberal people has to be Muslim Even if the general argument of the book is that a clash between the imagined Muslim country and the lsquoliberal democratic peoplesrsquo is not unavoidable still the very construction of such a mental experi- ment recalls some of the topoi of the (neo-)Orientalist literature about Muslim countries ndash first the idea that a Muslim country cannot be lsquoliberalrsquo in Rawlsrsquos sense that it cannot be democratic but allows in the best case scenario a consul- tation hierarchy (Rawls 1999 77) that it will not separate the state from the church and can at best enable the toleration of religious minorities and that like most Muslim rulers rulers of Kazanistan are likely to have sought to build an empire (1999 76) To sum up using Rawlsrsquos own terms a Muslim country can at best be lsquodecentrsquo (1999 76) As Talal Asad also observed (2003) the construction of an Islamic threat which began long before 911 and even Huntingtonrsquos book is precisely the result of the application of modern Western categories and as such it becomes impossible to disentangle the two processes For instance Asad emphasizes that the zealotry so characteristic of many Islamic political movements in recent times as well as their ideal of an Islamic state in which no distinction operates between state and religion is not a product of the mainstream historical tradition of Islam Rather in his view it is the product of the totalizing ambitions typical of modern politics and of the modernizing state As he shows in his work in the Islamic history lsquothere was no such thing as a state in the modern sensersquo This is not to say that the fact that many contemporary Islamist movements have endorsed the idea is irrelevant ndash which is obviously not the case It simply means that the fact that many Islamic militants have accepted this perspective as their own striving for the establishment of an Islamic state does not make it essential to Islam (Asad 2003 352)18 On the other hand this essentialization of Islam favoured and most of the time went hand in hand with an over-emphasis on its intrinsic violence This image of an essentially violent Islam is in Asadrsquos view the reflex of a perceived threat to Western values19 The violence of Islamist radical movements is taken as a symbol of the violence of Islam itself whereas no liberal in the west would suggest that the Gush Emunim [lsquoBlock of the Faithfulrsquo a Jewish pro-settler group in Israel] represent the essence of Judaism or that the assassination of abortion doctors in the US by pro-Life activists represents the essence of Christianity (Asad 2003 350) The fact that many Islamic militants have reinterpreted the idea of an Islamic state as part of their Islamic tradition points to the parallel process of construc- tion of an Islamic

civilization on the part of the Muslims lsquoOrientalismrsquo which was born in the West has also been re-appropriated by non-Western individuals scholars or not For instance in 1992 the Saudi King Fahd declared that lsquothe prevailing democratic system in the world is not suitable for us in this region for our peoplesrsquo composition and traits are different from the traits of that worldrsquo (quoted in Sadowski 1993 14)20 Other neighbouring countries nowadays use this type of argument according

to which Arab citizens are convinced on a daily basis that democracy is not possible in their country Similar arguments are frequently found in the literature produced by lsquooriental orientalistsrsquo or lsquowestern- ized orientalistsrsquo to use the expression coined by Sadiki (2004) Ajami (2002) has become a mouthpiece for Arab support of the US wars in Afghanistan and Iraq predicting that US soldiers would be greeted with flowers in Iraq and Zakaria (1997) wrote abundantly about illiberal democracies in the region The clash of civilizations is not just a Western political myth that has been exported and imposed on the non-Western world The work on this myth is a work that has taken place in different contexts each time assuming different connotations and providing significance to very different political

conditions from Al-Qarsquoeda terrorists incited by their leaders to violent acts against the lsquoimpure Westrsquo to the re-elaboration of the post-911 shock all around the world The consequences of the work of this myth in Arab countries are well illumi- nated by Telhami (2004) In his view there has always been a variety of political possibilities for self-identification in the Arab worlds ndash at least just to mention some of the most important pan-Arabism Islam and nationalism as embedded in single individual states However a survey he conducted in June 2004 in six Arab countries revealed that more and more Arabs identify themselves as Muslims first Telhami observed that this trend is pretty clear even though it is not uniform given that in Egypt and Lebanon in contrast to Saudi Arabia and Morocco people identify themselves as Egyptians and Lebanese more than Arabs and Muslims A parallel increase in the role of religion can be witnessed in Western countries21 Some for instance have noticed the increasing role of religious argu- ments in public and political debates Well-known examples are the recurrence of debates on religious symbols such as the crucifix or veils in European schools the role of religious lobbies in US politics or recently the debate that took place in Europe about the inclusion or not of reference to the Christian roots in the drafting of the European Constitution However what is more interesting for us is the increased symbolic presence of religious icons of the clash between civiliza- tions

AT Every Other InstanceThe perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fightEdward Said rsquo77 Orientalism p 206

The distinction I am making is really between an almost unconscious (and certainly

an untouchable) positivity which I shall call latent Orientalism and the various stated views about Oriental society languages literatures history sociology and so forth which I shall call manifest Orientalism Whatever change occurs in knowledge of the Orient is found almost exclusively in manifest Orientalism the unanimity stability and durability of latent Orientalism are more or less constant In the nineteenth-century writers I analyzed in Chapter Two the differences in their ideas about the Orient can be characterized as exclusively manifest differences differences in form and personal style rarely in basic content Every one of them kept intact the separateness of the Orient its eccentricity its backwardness its silent indifference its feminine

penetrability its supine malleability this is why every writer on the Orient from Renan to

Marx (ideologically speaking) or from the most rigorous scholars (Lane and Sacy) to the most powerful imaginations (Flaubert and Nerval) saw the Orient as a locale requiring Western attention reconstruction even redemption The Orient existed as a place isolated from the mainstream of European progress in the sciences arts and commerce Thus whatever good or bad values were imputed to the Orient appeared to be functions of some highly specialized Western interest in the Orient This was the situation from about the 1870s on through the early part of the twentieth centurymdashbut let me give some examples that illustrate what I mean

Aff Answers

2AC Orientalism KThe role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priorityCummiskey 90 ndash Professor of Philosophy Bates (David Kantian Consequentialism Ethics 1003 p 601-2 p 606 jstor)We must not obscure the issue by characterizing this type of case as the sacrifice of individuals for some abstract social entity

It is not a question of some persons having to bear the cost for some elusive overall social good Instead the question is whether some persons must bear the inescapable cost for the sake of other persons Nozick for example argues that to use a person in this way does not sufficiently respect and take account of the fact that he is a separate person that his is the only life he has30 Why however is this not equally true of all those that we do

not save through our failure to act By emphasizing solely the one who must bear the cost if we act one fails to sufficiently respect and take account of the many other separate persons each with only one life who will bear the cost of our inaction In such a situation what would a conscientious Kantian agent an agent motivated by the unconditional value of rational beings choose We have a duty to promote the conditions necessary for the existence of rational beings but both choosing to act and choosing not to act will cost the life of a rational being Since the basis of Kants principle is rational nature exists as an end-in-itself (GMM p 429) the reasonable solution to such a dilemma involves promoting insofar as one can

the conditions necessary for rational beings If I sacrifice some for the sake of other rational

beings I do not use them arbitrarily and I do not deny the unconditional value of rational beings Persons may have dignity an unconditional and incomparable value that

transcends any market value (GMM p 436) but as rational beings persons also have a fundamental equality which dictates that some must sometimes give way for the sake of others The formula of the end-in-itself thus does not support the view that we may never force another to

bear some cost in order to benefit others If one focuses on the equal value of all rational beings then equal consideration dictates that one sacrifice some to save many [continues] According to

Kant the objective end of moral action is the existence of rational beings Respect for rational beings requires that in deciding what to do one give appropriate practical consideration to the unconditional value of rational beings and to the conditional value of happiness Since agent-centered

constraints require a non-value-based rationale the most natural interpretation of the demand that one give equal respect to all rational beings lead to a consequentialist normative theory We have seen that there is no sound Kantian reason for abandoning this natural consequentialist interpretation In particular a

consequentialist interpretation does not require sacrifices which a Kantian ought to consider unreasonable and it does not involve doing evil so that good may come of it It simply requires an

uncompromising commitment to the equal value and equal claims of all rational beings and a recognition that in the moral consideration of conduct ones own subjective concerns do not have overriding importance

Perm ndash do bothPerm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instancesPerm ndash do the plan and then the altDouble-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quoThe alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the permNo link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions

The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppressionLevinson 13-- Professor and Chair Comparative Literature Undergraduate Advisor and Co-Director PLC (Philosophy Literature and the Theory of Criticism) (Brett ldquoOrientalism and Identity in Latin Americardquo The University of Arizona Press 2013 The Death of the Critique of Eurocentrism pg 21)IK

And de-orientalism knows this that the Others have always broken through silence even if their voices sighs and screams (of joy and pain) have rarely been heard De--orientalism is well aware that the metaphor of the formerly silent native (Culture and Imperialism 212) is just a metaphor and not literally true Why then must the de-orientalist deploy this metaphor of silence What is de-orientalism trying to sneak onto the postcolonial scene when it posits the Others unrecognized speech and noise as nonspeech and nonnoise Simple logic dictates that the de-orientalist metaphor of silence reflects a desire for precisely the Otherrsquos silence In fact only this silence can guarantee of speech is that it will disrupt silence (First of course the silence has to be supposed) Therefore when de-orientalism speaks out against this silence which it itself imposes through metaphor it a priori emancipates both itself and the Other from suppression and oppression from the enforced silence De-orientalism most definitely opens the way for the Otherrsquos insurgent speech but it is just as true that the Otherrsquos silence open the way for de-orientalismrsquos claims This is why de-orientalism desires the Otherrsquos silence before it desires the Otherrsquos speech why it grounds that speech on imaginary or metaphorical silence on a fantasy or blantant misreading It wants the Other to speak But first it wants the Other to be silent so that de-orientalism itself can speak more securely so that its critique is assured to be radical known to be Other guaranteed to upset the imposition of silence In short the colonizer and the decolonizer are unaware of their common desire for the Otherrsquos silence (or death) Matters are of course complicated The colonizer

wants the Otherrsquos death and silence but also his labor his life No doubt the Orientalistrsquos imposition of babble upon the Otherrsquos speech is geared to communicate this double desire for an irrational thus animal-like and exploitable life But insofar as the colonizer truly desires the Otherrsquos silence by simulating violence through rhetoric through a poetics It silences the Other through a turn of phrase It kills the Otherrsquos voice in order to bring back that voice to redeem it through ldquopoetryrdquo through trope

And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinctionWarraq 7 (Ibn Warraq founder of the Institute for the Secularisation of Islamic Society senior research fellow at the Center for Inquiry focusing on Qurahic criticism Defending the West A Critique of Edeward Saidrsquos Orientalism p 57-58)

A visit to the Ontario Science Center in Toronto on New Years Day 2006was for me a sobering experience Tucked away in the section titled Truth were many untruthful though undoubtedly politically correct statements denigratingWestem civilization In an effort to be fair one exhibit gave way to unbridled relativism Modern Western science puts the Sun at the centre of the solar systemBut other points of view are not necessarily wrong or primitive And yet the samesection without a hint of irony was proclaiming how Eurocentric or intolerant the West was This science museum which was implicitly a veritable hymnpara to the achievements of Western thought and ideas went out of its way to selectively criticize some Western thinkers for racism or as F R Leavis and D Hpara Lawrence might both have said to do dirt on Western life But the museum exemplified the defining values of the Occident or what arepara the tutelary guiding lights of or the three golden threads running through Westernpara civilization-namely rationalism universalism and self-criticism One couldpara fperhaps argue that universalism and self-criticism were the logical outcomes ofpara rationalism but 1 think it more useful to view them as separate but interconnectedpara sets of beliefs and principles Second Western civilization can and has beenpara

characterized in several other ways I think many of the suggested distinguishingpara characteristics of the West such as the separation of spiritual and temporalpara authority can be said to derive from one or more of the three golden threadspara Thus in the latter case of the separation of church and state as Nlarsilius of Paduapara argued It is the state and not the church that guarantees the civil peace andpara reason

not revelation to which appeal must be made in all matters of temporalpara jurisdiction Politics involves willing and free participation discussion in short rationalism dissent the right to change ones mind and the right to oppose andpara disagree -that is self-criticism- without recourse or appeal to divine commands para or holy scriptures Similarly another defining feature the rule of law the thoughtpara that law is central to civilized existence and its continuation was derived largelypara from the Romans Not only is lawmaking a supremely human and rationalpara activity but Roman law was also conceived as possessing a universal jurisdiction

• Orientalism K
• • 1NC
  • • 1NC K
    • • The United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policy
      • The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalism
      • Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposability
      • And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatred
      • Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoning
      • • Block
        • • Framework
          • • ROB---Burke
            • • The role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logic
              • • Epistemology 1st
                • • Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniques
                  • • AT Ivory Tower
                    • • Theyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly
                      • • AT Role Playing Good
                        • • Theyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politics
                          • • 2NC Link
                            • • L ndash Aid
                              • • The idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas
                                • • L ndash Gender Liberation
                                  • • People interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the Other
                                    • • L ndash EconMilitary
                                      • • And the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominance
                                        • • L ndash Terrorism
                                          • • The 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossible
                                            • • L ndash TechComp
                                              • • Their attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West
                                                • • L ndash China Threat
                                                  • • And the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representation
                                                    • • Tag
                                                      • • EXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspective
                                                        • Tag
                                                        • • 2NC Pan Link
                                                          • • Their representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjects
                                                            • • AT China Aid Neocol
                                                              • • Link to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in Africa
                                                                • • AT Link Turn
                                                                  • • 1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere
                                                                    • 2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide
                                                                    • • ImpactAlt
                                                                      • • OV
                                                                        • • Our alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts
                                                                          • A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other
                                                                          • B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other
                                                                          • C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins
                                                                          • • AT Alt Fails
                                                                            • • 1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism
                                                                              • 2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions
                                                                              • 3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled
                                                                              • • AT Case OW
                                                                                • • 1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market
                                                                                  • 2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West
                                                                                  • 3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient
                                                                                  • • AT Do Both
                                                                                    • • The permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harder
                                                                                      • • AT Every Other Instance
                                                                                        • • The perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fight
                                                                                          • • Aff Answers
                                                                                            • • 2AC Orientalism K
                                                                                              • • The role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priority
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do both
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instances
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and then the alt
                                                                                                • Double-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quo
                                                                                                • The alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the perm
                                                                                                • No link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions
                                                                                                • The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppression
                                                                                                • And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinction

conditions from Al-Qarsquoeda terrorists incited by their leaders to violent acts against the lsquoimpure Westrsquo to the re-elaboration of the post-911 shock all around the world The consequences of the work of this myth in Arab countries are well illumi- nated by Telhami (2004) In his view there has always been a variety of political possibilities for self-identification in the Arab worlds ndash at least just to mention some of the most important pan-Arabism Islam and nationalism as embedded in single individual states However a survey he conducted in June 2004 in six Arab countries revealed that more and more Arabs identify themselves as Muslims first Telhami observed that this trend is pretty clear even though it is not uniform given that in Egypt and Lebanon in contrast to Saudi Arabia and Morocco people identify themselves as Egyptians and Lebanese more than Arabs and Muslims A parallel increase in the role of religion can be witnessed in Western countries21 Some for instance have noticed the increasing role of religious argu- ments in public and political debates Well-known examples are the recurrence of debates on religious symbols such as the crucifix or veils in European schools the role of religious lobbies in US politics or recently the debate that took place in Europe about the inclusion or not of reference to the Christian roots in the drafting of the European Constitution However what is more interesting for us is the increased symbolic presence of religious icons of the clash between civiliza- tions

AT Every Other InstanceThe perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fightEdward Said rsquo77 Orientalism p 206

The distinction I am making is really between an almost unconscious (and certainly

an untouchable) positivity which I shall call latent Orientalism and the various stated views about Oriental society languages literatures history sociology and so forth which I shall call manifest Orientalism Whatever change occurs in knowledge of the Orient is found almost exclusively in manifest Orientalism the unanimity stability and durability of latent Orientalism are more or less constant In the nineteenth-century writers I analyzed in Chapter Two the differences in their ideas about the Orient can be characterized as exclusively manifest differences differences in form and personal style rarely in basic content Every one of them kept intact the separateness of the Orient its eccentricity its backwardness its silent indifference its feminine

penetrability its supine malleability this is why every writer on the Orient from Renan to

Marx (ideologically speaking) or from the most rigorous scholars (Lane and Sacy) to the most powerful imaginations (Flaubert and Nerval) saw the Orient as a locale requiring Western attention reconstruction even redemption The Orient existed as a place isolated from the mainstream of European progress in the sciences arts and commerce Thus whatever good or bad values were imputed to the Orient appeared to be functions of some highly specialized Western interest in the Orient This was the situation from about the 1870s on through the early part of the twentieth centurymdashbut let me give some examples that illustrate what I mean

Aff Answers

2AC Orientalism KThe role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priorityCummiskey 90 ndash Professor of Philosophy Bates (David Kantian Consequentialism Ethics 1003 p 601-2 p 606 jstor)We must not obscure the issue by characterizing this type of case as the sacrifice of individuals for some abstract social entity

It is not a question of some persons having to bear the cost for some elusive overall social good Instead the question is whether some persons must bear the inescapable cost for the sake of other persons Nozick for example argues that to use a person in this way does not sufficiently respect and take account of the fact that he is a separate person that his is the only life he has30 Why however is this not equally true of all those that we do

not save through our failure to act By emphasizing solely the one who must bear the cost if we act one fails to sufficiently respect and take account of the many other separate persons each with only one life who will bear the cost of our inaction In such a situation what would a conscientious Kantian agent an agent motivated by the unconditional value of rational beings choose We have a duty to promote the conditions necessary for the existence of rational beings but both choosing to act and choosing not to act will cost the life of a rational being Since the basis of Kants principle is rational nature exists as an end-in-itself (GMM p 429) the reasonable solution to such a dilemma involves promoting insofar as one can

the conditions necessary for rational beings If I sacrifice some for the sake of other rational

beings I do not use them arbitrarily and I do not deny the unconditional value of rational beings Persons may have dignity an unconditional and incomparable value that

transcends any market value (GMM p 436) but as rational beings persons also have a fundamental equality which dictates that some must sometimes give way for the sake of others The formula of the end-in-itself thus does not support the view that we may never force another to

bear some cost in order to benefit others If one focuses on the equal value of all rational beings then equal consideration dictates that one sacrifice some to save many [continues] According to

Kant the objective end of moral action is the existence of rational beings Respect for rational beings requires that in deciding what to do one give appropriate practical consideration to the unconditional value of rational beings and to the conditional value of happiness Since agent-centered

constraints require a non-value-based rationale the most natural interpretation of the demand that one give equal respect to all rational beings lead to a consequentialist normative theory We have seen that there is no sound Kantian reason for abandoning this natural consequentialist interpretation In particular a

consequentialist interpretation does not require sacrifices which a Kantian ought to consider unreasonable and it does not involve doing evil so that good may come of it It simply requires an

uncompromising commitment to the equal value and equal claims of all rational beings and a recognition that in the moral consideration of conduct ones own subjective concerns do not have overriding importance

Perm ndash do bothPerm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instancesPerm ndash do the plan and then the altDouble-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quoThe alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the permNo link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions

The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppressionLevinson 13-- Professor and Chair Comparative Literature Undergraduate Advisor and Co-Director PLC (Philosophy Literature and the Theory of Criticism) (Brett ldquoOrientalism and Identity in Latin Americardquo The University of Arizona Press 2013 The Death of the Critique of Eurocentrism pg 21)IK

And de-orientalism knows this that the Others have always broken through silence even if their voices sighs and screams (of joy and pain) have rarely been heard De--orientalism is well aware that the metaphor of the formerly silent native (Culture and Imperialism 212) is just a metaphor and not literally true Why then must the de-orientalist deploy this metaphor of silence What is de-orientalism trying to sneak onto the postcolonial scene when it posits the Others unrecognized speech and noise as nonspeech and nonnoise Simple logic dictates that the de-orientalist metaphor of silence reflects a desire for precisely the Otherrsquos silence In fact only this silence can guarantee of speech is that it will disrupt silence (First of course the silence has to be supposed) Therefore when de-orientalism speaks out against this silence which it itself imposes through metaphor it a priori emancipates both itself and the Other from suppression and oppression from the enforced silence De-orientalism most definitely opens the way for the Otherrsquos insurgent speech but it is just as true that the Otherrsquos silence open the way for de-orientalismrsquos claims This is why de-orientalism desires the Otherrsquos silence before it desires the Otherrsquos speech why it grounds that speech on imaginary or metaphorical silence on a fantasy or blantant misreading It wants the Other to speak But first it wants the Other to be silent so that de-orientalism itself can speak more securely so that its critique is assured to be radical known to be Other guaranteed to upset the imposition of silence In short the colonizer and the decolonizer are unaware of their common desire for the Otherrsquos silence (or death) Matters are of course complicated The colonizer

wants the Otherrsquos death and silence but also his labor his life No doubt the Orientalistrsquos imposition of babble upon the Otherrsquos speech is geared to communicate this double desire for an irrational thus animal-like and exploitable life But insofar as the colonizer truly desires the Otherrsquos silence by simulating violence through rhetoric through a poetics It silences the Other through a turn of phrase It kills the Otherrsquos voice in order to bring back that voice to redeem it through ldquopoetryrdquo through trope

And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinctionWarraq 7 (Ibn Warraq founder of the Institute for the Secularisation of Islamic Society senior research fellow at the Center for Inquiry focusing on Qurahic criticism Defending the West A Critique of Edeward Saidrsquos Orientalism p 57-58)

A visit to the Ontario Science Center in Toronto on New Years Day 2006was for me a sobering experience Tucked away in the section titled Truth were many untruthful though undoubtedly politically correct statements denigratingWestem civilization In an effort to be fair one exhibit gave way to unbridled relativism Modern Western science puts the Sun at the centre of the solar systemBut other points of view are not necessarily wrong or primitive And yet the samesection without a hint of irony was proclaiming how Eurocentric or intolerant the West was This science museum which was implicitly a veritable hymnpara to the achievements of Western thought and ideas went out of its way to selectively criticize some Western thinkers for racism or as F R Leavis and D Hpara Lawrence might both have said to do dirt on Western life But the museum exemplified the defining values of the Occident or what arepara the tutelary guiding lights of or the three golden threads running through Westernpara civilization-namely rationalism universalism and self-criticism One couldpara fperhaps argue that universalism and self-criticism were the logical outcomes ofpara rationalism but 1 think it more useful to view them as separate but interconnectedpara sets of beliefs and principles Second Western civilization can and has beenpara

characterized in several other ways I think many of the suggested distinguishingpara characteristics of the West such as the separation of spiritual and temporalpara authority can be said to derive from one or more of the three golden threadspara Thus in the latter case of the separation of church and state as Nlarsilius of Paduapara argued It is the state and not the church that guarantees the civil peace andpara reason

not revelation to which appeal must be made in all matters of temporalpara jurisdiction Politics involves willing and free participation discussion in short rationalism dissent the right to change ones mind and the right to oppose andpara disagree -that is self-criticism- without recourse or appeal to divine commands para or holy scriptures Similarly another defining feature the rule of law the thoughtpara that law is central to civilized existence and its continuation was derived largelypara from the Romans Not only is lawmaking a supremely human and rationalpara activity but Roman law was also conceived as possessing a universal jurisdiction

• Orientalism K
• • 1NC
  • • 1NC K
    • • The United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policy
      • The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalism
      • Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposability
      • And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatred
      • Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoning
      • • Block
        • • Framework
          • • ROB---Burke
            • • The role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logic
              • • Epistemology 1st
                • • Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniques
                  • • AT Ivory Tower
                    • • Theyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly
                      • • AT Role Playing Good
                        • • Theyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politics
                          • • 2NC Link
                            • • L ndash Aid
                              • • The idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas
                                • • L ndash Gender Liberation
                                  • • People interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the Other
                                    • • L ndash EconMilitary
                                      • • And the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominance
                                        • • L ndash Terrorism
                                          • • The 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossible
                                            • • L ndash TechComp
                                              • • Their attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West
                                                • • L ndash China Threat
                                                  • • And the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representation
                                                    • • Tag
                                                      • • EXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspective
                                                        • Tag
                                                        • • 2NC Pan Link
                                                          • • Their representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjects
                                                            • • AT China Aid Neocol
                                                              • • Link to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in Africa
                                                                • • AT Link Turn
                                                                  • • 1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere
                                                                    • 2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide
                                                                    • • ImpactAlt
                                                                      • • OV
                                                                        • • Our alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts
                                                                          • A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other
                                                                          • B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other
                                                                          • C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins
                                                                          • • AT Alt Fails
                                                                            • • 1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism
                                                                              • 2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions
                                                                              • 3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled
                                                                              • • AT Case OW
                                                                                • • 1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market
                                                                                  • 2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West
                                                                                  • 3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient
                                                                                  • • AT Do Both
                                                                                    • • The permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harder
                                                                                      • • AT Every Other Instance
                                                                                        • • The perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fight
                                                                                          • • Aff Answers
                                                                                            • • 2AC Orientalism K
                                                                                              • • The role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priority
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do both
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instances
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and then the alt
                                                                                                • Double-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quo
                                                                                                • The alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the perm
                                                                                                • No link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions
                                                                                                • The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppression
                                                                                                • And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinction

AT Every Other InstanceThe perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fightEdward Said rsquo77 Orientalism p 206

The distinction I am making is really between an almost unconscious (and certainly

an untouchable) positivity which I shall call latent Orientalism and the various stated views about Oriental society languages literatures history sociology and so forth which I shall call manifest Orientalism Whatever change occurs in knowledge of the Orient is found almost exclusively in manifest Orientalism the unanimity stability and durability of latent Orientalism are more or less constant In the nineteenth-century writers I analyzed in Chapter Two the differences in their ideas about the Orient can be characterized as exclusively manifest differences differences in form and personal style rarely in basic content Every one of them kept intact the separateness of the Orient its eccentricity its backwardness its silent indifference its feminine

penetrability its supine malleability this is why every writer on the Orient from Renan to

Marx (ideologically speaking) or from the most rigorous scholars (Lane and Sacy) to the most powerful imaginations (Flaubert and Nerval) saw the Orient as a locale requiring Western attention reconstruction even redemption The Orient existed as a place isolated from the mainstream of European progress in the sciences arts and commerce Thus whatever good or bad values were imputed to the Orient appeared to be functions of some highly specialized Western interest in the Orient This was the situation from about the 1870s on through the early part of the twentieth centurymdashbut let me give some examples that illustrate what I mean

Aff Answers

2AC Orientalism KThe role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priorityCummiskey 90 ndash Professor of Philosophy Bates (David Kantian Consequentialism Ethics 1003 p 601-2 p 606 jstor)We must not obscure the issue by characterizing this type of case as the sacrifice of individuals for some abstract social entity

It is not a question of some persons having to bear the cost for some elusive overall social good Instead the question is whether some persons must bear the inescapable cost for the sake of other persons Nozick for example argues that to use a person in this way does not sufficiently respect and take account of the fact that he is a separate person that his is the only life he has30 Why however is this not equally true of all those that we do

not save through our failure to act By emphasizing solely the one who must bear the cost if we act one fails to sufficiently respect and take account of the many other separate persons each with only one life who will bear the cost of our inaction In such a situation what would a conscientious Kantian agent an agent motivated by the unconditional value of rational beings choose We have a duty to promote the conditions necessary for the existence of rational beings but both choosing to act and choosing not to act will cost the life of a rational being Since the basis of Kants principle is rational nature exists as an end-in-itself (GMM p 429) the reasonable solution to such a dilemma involves promoting insofar as one can

the conditions necessary for rational beings If I sacrifice some for the sake of other rational

beings I do not use them arbitrarily and I do not deny the unconditional value of rational beings Persons may have dignity an unconditional and incomparable value that

transcends any market value (GMM p 436) but as rational beings persons also have a fundamental equality which dictates that some must sometimes give way for the sake of others The formula of the end-in-itself thus does not support the view that we may never force another to

bear some cost in order to benefit others If one focuses on the equal value of all rational beings then equal consideration dictates that one sacrifice some to save many [continues] According to

Kant the objective end of moral action is the existence of rational beings Respect for rational beings requires that in deciding what to do one give appropriate practical consideration to the unconditional value of rational beings and to the conditional value of happiness Since agent-centered

constraints require a non-value-based rationale the most natural interpretation of the demand that one give equal respect to all rational beings lead to a consequentialist normative theory We have seen that there is no sound Kantian reason for abandoning this natural consequentialist interpretation In particular a

consequentialist interpretation does not require sacrifices which a Kantian ought to consider unreasonable and it does not involve doing evil so that good may come of it It simply requires an

uncompromising commitment to the equal value and equal claims of all rational beings and a recognition that in the moral consideration of conduct ones own subjective concerns do not have overriding importance

Perm ndash do bothPerm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instancesPerm ndash do the plan and then the altDouble-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quoThe alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the permNo link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions

The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppressionLevinson 13-- Professor and Chair Comparative Literature Undergraduate Advisor and Co-Director PLC (Philosophy Literature and the Theory of Criticism) (Brett ldquoOrientalism and Identity in Latin Americardquo The University of Arizona Press 2013 The Death of the Critique of Eurocentrism pg 21)IK

And de-orientalism knows this that the Others have always broken through silence even if their voices sighs and screams (of joy and pain) have rarely been heard De--orientalism is well aware that the metaphor of the formerly silent native (Culture and Imperialism 212) is just a metaphor and not literally true Why then must the de-orientalist deploy this metaphor of silence What is de-orientalism trying to sneak onto the postcolonial scene when it posits the Others unrecognized speech and noise as nonspeech and nonnoise Simple logic dictates that the de-orientalist metaphor of silence reflects a desire for precisely the Otherrsquos silence In fact only this silence can guarantee of speech is that it will disrupt silence (First of course the silence has to be supposed) Therefore when de-orientalism speaks out against this silence which it itself imposes through metaphor it a priori emancipates both itself and the Other from suppression and oppression from the enforced silence De-orientalism most definitely opens the way for the Otherrsquos insurgent speech but it is just as true that the Otherrsquos silence open the way for de-orientalismrsquos claims This is why de-orientalism desires the Otherrsquos silence before it desires the Otherrsquos speech why it grounds that speech on imaginary or metaphorical silence on a fantasy or blantant misreading It wants the Other to speak But first it wants the Other to be silent so that de-orientalism itself can speak more securely so that its critique is assured to be radical known to be Other guaranteed to upset the imposition of silence In short the colonizer and the decolonizer are unaware of their common desire for the Otherrsquos silence (or death) Matters are of course complicated The colonizer

wants the Otherrsquos death and silence but also his labor his life No doubt the Orientalistrsquos imposition of babble upon the Otherrsquos speech is geared to communicate this double desire for an irrational thus animal-like and exploitable life But insofar as the colonizer truly desires the Otherrsquos silence by simulating violence through rhetoric through a poetics It silences the Other through a turn of phrase It kills the Otherrsquos voice in order to bring back that voice to redeem it through ldquopoetryrdquo through trope

And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinctionWarraq 7 (Ibn Warraq founder of the Institute for the Secularisation of Islamic Society senior research fellow at the Center for Inquiry focusing on Qurahic criticism Defending the West A Critique of Edeward Saidrsquos Orientalism p 57-58)

A visit to the Ontario Science Center in Toronto on New Years Day 2006was for me a sobering experience Tucked away in the section titled Truth were many untruthful though undoubtedly politically correct statements denigratingWestem civilization In an effort to be fair one exhibit gave way to unbridled relativism Modern Western science puts the Sun at the centre of the solar systemBut other points of view are not necessarily wrong or primitive And yet the samesection without a hint of irony was proclaiming how Eurocentric or intolerant the West was This science museum which was implicitly a veritable hymnpara to the achievements of Western thought and ideas went out of its way to selectively criticize some Western thinkers for racism or as F R Leavis and D Hpara Lawrence might both have said to do dirt on Western life But the museum exemplified the defining values of the Occident or what arepara the tutelary guiding lights of or the three golden threads running through Westernpara civilization-namely rationalism universalism and self-criticism One couldpara fperhaps argue that universalism and self-criticism were the logical outcomes ofpara rationalism but 1 think it more useful to view them as separate but interconnectedpara sets of beliefs and principles Second Western civilization can and has beenpara

characterized in several other ways I think many of the suggested distinguishingpara characteristics of the West such as the separation of spiritual and temporalpara authority can be said to derive from one or more of the three golden threadspara Thus in the latter case of the separation of church and state as Nlarsilius of Paduapara argued It is the state and not the church that guarantees the civil peace andpara reason

not revelation to which appeal must be made in all matters of temporalpara jurisdiction Politics involves willing and free participation discussion in short rationalism dissent the right to change ones mind and the right to oppose andpara disagree -that is self-criticism- without recourse or appeal to divine commands para or holy scriptures Similarly another defining feature the rule of law the thoughtpara that law is central to civilized existence and its continuation was derived largelypara from the Romans Not only is lawmaking a supremely human and rationalpara activity but Roman law was also conceived as possessing a universal jurisdiction

• Orientalism K
• • 1NC
  • • 1NC K
    • • The United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policy
      • The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalism
      • Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposability
      • And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatred
      • Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoning
      • • Block
        • • Framework
          • • ROB---Burke
            • • The role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logic
              • • Epistemology 1st
                • • Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniques
                  • • AT Ivory Tower
                    • • Theyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly
                      • • AT Role Playing Good
                        • • Theyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politics
                          • • 2NC Link
                            • • L ndash Aid
                              • • The idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas
                                • • L ndash Gender Liberation
                                  • • People interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the Other
                                    • • L ndash EconMilitary
                                      • • And the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominance
                                        • • L ndash Terrorism
                                          • • The 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossible
                                            • • L ndash TechComp
                                              • • Their attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West
                                                • • L ndash China Threat
                                                  • • And the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representation
                                                    • • Tag
                                                      • • EXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspective
                                                        • Tag
                                                        • • 2NC Pan Link
                                                          • • Their representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjects
                                                            • • AT China Aid Neocol
                                                              • • Link to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in Africa
                                                                • • AT Link Turn
                                                                  • • 1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere
                                                                    • 2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide
                                                                    • • ImpactAlt
                                                                      • • OV
                                                                        • • Our alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts
                                                                          • A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other
                                                                          • B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other
                                                                          • C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins
                                                                          • • AT Alt Fails
                                                                            • • 1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism
                                                                              • 2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions
                                                                              • 3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled
                                                                              • • AT Case OW
                                                                                • • 1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market
                                                                                  • 2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West
                                                                                  • 3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient
                                                                                  • • AT Do Both
                                                                                    • • The permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harder
                                                                                      • • AT Every Other Instance
                                                                                        • • The perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fight
                                                                                          • • Aff Answers
                                                                                            • • 2AC Orientalism K
                                                                                              • • The role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priority
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do both
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instances
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and then the alt
                                                                                                • Double-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quo
                                                                                                • The alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the perm
                                                                                                • No link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions
                                                                                                • The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppression
                                                                                                • And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinction

Aff Answers

2AC Orientalism KThe role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priorityCummiskey 90 ndash Professor of Philosophy Bates (David Kantian Consequentialism Ethics 1003 p 601-2 p 606 jstor)We must not obscure the issue by characterizing this type of case as the sacrifice of individuals for some abstract social entity

It is not a question of some persons having to bear the cost for some elusive overall social good Instead the question is whether some persons must bear the inescapable cost for the sake of other persons Nozick for example argues that to use a person in this way does not sufficiently respect and take account of the fact that he is a separate person that his is the only life he has30 Why however is this not equally true of all those that we do

not save through our failure to act By emphasizing solely the one who must bear the cost if we act one fails to sufficiently respect and take account of the many other separate persons each with only one life who will bear the cost of our inaction In such a situation what would a conscientious Kantian agent an agent motivated by the unconditional value of rational beings choose We have a duty to promote the conditions necessary for the existence of rational beings but both choosing to act and choosing not to act will cost the life of a rational being Since the basis of Kants principle is rational nature exists as an end-in-itself (GMM p 429) the reasonable solution to such a dilemma involves promoting insofar as one can

the conditions necessary for rational beings If I sacrifice some for the sake of other rational

beings I do not use them arbitrarily and I do not deny the unconditional value of rational beings Persons may have dignity an unconditional and incomparable value that

transcends any market value (GMM p 436) but as rational beings persons also have a fundamental equality which dictates that some must sometimes give way for the sake of others The formula of the end-in-itself thus does not support the view that we may never force another to

bear some cost in order to benefit others If one focuses on the equal value of all rational beings then equal consideration dictates that one sacrifice some to save many [continues] According to

Kant the objective end of moral action is the existence of rational beings Respect for rational beings requires that in deciding what to do one give appropriate practical consideration to the unconditional value of rational beings and to the conditional value of happiness Since agent-centered

constraints require a non-value-based rationale the most natural interpretation of the demand that one give equal respect to all rational beings lead to a consequentialist normative theory We have seen that there is no sound Kantian reason for abandoning this natural consequentialist interpretation In particular a

consequentialist interpretation does not require sacrifices which a Kantian ought to consider unreasonable and it does not involve doing evil so that good may come of it It simply requires an

uncompromising commitment to the equal value and equal claims of all rational beings and a recognition that in the moral consideration of conduct ones own subjective concerns do not have overriding importance

Perm ndash do bothPerm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instancesPerm ndash do the plan and then the altDouble-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quoThe alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the permNo link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions

The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppressionLevinson 13-- Professor and Chair Comparative Literature Undergraduate Advisor and Co-Director PLC (Philosophy Literature and the Theory of Criticism) (Brett ldquoOrientalism and Identity in Latin Americardquo The University of Arizona Press 2013 The Death of the Critique of Eurocentrism pg 21)IK

And de-orientalism knows this that the Others have always broken through silence even if their voices sighs and screams (of joy and pain) have rarely been heard De--orientalism is well aware that the metaphor of the formerly silent native (Culture and Imperialism 212) is just a metaphor and not literally true Why then must the de-orientalist deploy this metaphor of silence What is de-orientalism trying to sneak onto the postcolonial scene when it posits the Others unrecognized speech and noise as nonspeech and nonnoise Simple logic dictates that the de-orientalist metaphor of silence reflects a desire for precisely the Otherrsquos silence In fact only this silence can guarantee of speech is that it will disrupt silence (First of course the silence has to be supposed) Therefore when de-orientalism speaks out against this silence which it itself imposes through metaphor it a priori emancipates both itself and the Other from suppression and oppression from the enforced silence De-orientalism most definitely opens the way for the Otherrsquos insurgent speech but it is just as true that the Otherrsquos silence open the way for de-orientalismrsquos claims This is why de-orientalism desires the Otherrsquos silence before it desires the Otherrsquos speech why it grounds that speech on imaginary or metaphorical silence on a fantasy or blantant misreading It wants the Other to speak But first it wants the Other to be silent so that de-orientalism itself can speak more securely so that its critique is assured to be radical known to be Other guaranteed to upset the imposition of silence In short the colonizer and the decolonizer are unaware of their common desire for the Otherrsquos silence (or death) Matters are of course complicated The colonizer

wants the Otherrsquos death and silence but also his labor his life No doubt the Orientalistrsquos imposition of babble upon the Otherrsquos speech is geared to communicate this double desire for an irrational thus animal-like and exploitable life But insofar as the colonizer truly desires the Otherrsquos silence by simulating violence through rhetoric through a poetics It silences the Other through a turn of phrase It kills the Otherrsquos voice in order to bring back that voice to redeem it through ldquopoetryrdquo through trope

And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinctionWarraq 7 (Ibn Warraq founder of the Institute for the Secularisation of Islamic Society senior research fellow at the Center for Inquiry focusing on Qurahic criticism Defending the West A Critique of Edeward Saidrsquos Orientalism p 57-58)

A visit to the Ontario Science Center in Toronto on New Years Day 2006was for me a sobering experience Tucked away in the section titled Truth were many untruthful though undoubtedly politically correct statements denigratingWestem civilization In an effort to be fair one exhibit gave way to unbridled relativism Modern Western science puts the Sun at the centre of the solar systemBut other points of view are not necessarily wrong or primitive And yet the samesection without a hint of irony was proclaiming how Eurocentric or intolerant the West was This science museum which was implicitly a veritable hymnpara to the achievements of Western thought and ideas went out of its way to selectively criticize some Western thinkers for racism or as F R Leavis and D Hpara Lawrence might both have said to do dirt on Western life But the museum exemplified the defining values of the Occident or what arepara the tutelary guiding lights of or the three golden threads running through Westernpara civilization-namely rationalism universalism and self-criticism One couldpara fperhaps argue that universalism and self-criticism were the logical outcomes ofpara rationalism but 1 think it more useful to view them as separate but interconnectedpara sets of beliefs and principles Second Western civilization can and has beenpara

characterized in several other ways I think many of the suggested distinguishingpara characteristics of the West such as the separation of spiritual and temporalpara authority can be said to derive from one or more of the three golden threadspara Thus in the latter case of the separation of church and state as Nlarsilius of Paduapara argued It is the state and not the church that guarantees the civil peace andpara reason

not revelation to which appeal must be made in all matters of temporalpara jurisdiction Politics involves willing and free participation discussion in short rationalism dissent the right to change ones mind and the right to oppose andpara disagree -that is self-criticism- without recourse or appeal to divine commands para or holy scriptures Similarly another defining feature the rule of law the thoughtpara that law is central to civilized existence and its continuation was derived largelypara from the Romans Not only is lawmaking a supremely human and rationalpara activity but Roman law was also conceived as possessing a universal jurisdiction

• Orientalism K
• • 1NC
  • • 1NC K
    • • The United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policy
      • The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalism
      • Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposability
      • And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatred
      • Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoning
      • • Block
        • • Framework
          • • ROB---Burke
            • • The role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logic
              • • Epistemology 1st
                • • Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniques
                  • • AT Ivory Tower
                    • • Theyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly
                      • • AT Role Playing Good
                        • • Theyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politics
                          • • 2NC Link
                            • • L ndash Aid
                              • • The idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas
                                • • L ndash Gender Liberation
                                  • • People interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the Other
                                    • • L ndash EconMilitary
                                      • • And the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominance
                                        • • L ndash Terrorism
                                          • • The 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossible
                                            • • L ndash TechComp
                                              • • Their attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West
                                                • • L ndash China Threat
                                                  • • And the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representation
                                                    • • Tag
                                                      • • EXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspective
                                                        • Tag
                                                        • • 2NC Pan Link
                                                          • • Their representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjects
                                                            • • AT China Aid Neocol
                                                              • • Link to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in Africa
                                                                • • AT Link Turn
                                                                  • • 1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere
                                                                    • 2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide
                                                                    • • ImpactAlt
                                                                      • • OV
                                                                        • • Our alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts
                                                                          • A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other
                                                                          • B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other
                                                                          • C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins
                                                                          • • AT Alt Fails
                                                                            • • 1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism
                                                                              • 2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions
                                                                              • 3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled
                                                                              • • AT Case OW
                                                                                • • 1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market
                                                                                  • 2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West
                                                                                  • 3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient
                                                                                  • • AT Do Both
                                                                                    • • The permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harder
                                                                                      • • AT Every Other Instance
                                                                                        • • The perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fight
                                                                                          • • Aff Answers
                                                                                            • • 2AC Orientalism K
                                                                                              • • The role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priority
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do both
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instances
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and then the alt
                                                                                                • Double-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quo
                                                                                                • The alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the perm
                                                                                                • No link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions
                                                                                                • The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppression
                                                                                                • And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinction

2AC Orientalism KThe role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priorityCummiskey 90 ndash Professor of Philosophy Bates (David Kantian Consequentialism Ethics 1003 p 601-2 p 606 jstor)We must not obscure the issue by characterizing this type of case as the sacrifice of individuals for some abstract social entity

It is not a question of some persons having to bear the cost for some elusive overall social good Instead the question is whether some persons must bear the inescapable cost for the sake of other persons Nozick for example argues that to use a person in this way does not sufficiently respect and take account of the fact that he is a separate person that his is the only life he has30 Why however is this not equally true of all those that we do

not save through our failure to act By emphasizing solely the one who must bear the cost if we act one fails to sufficiently respect and take account of the many other separate persons each with only one life who will bear the cost of our inaction In such a situation what would a conscientious Kantian agent an agent motivated by the unconditional value of rational beings choose We have a duty to promote the conditions necessary for the existence of rational beings but both choosing to act and choosing not to act will cost the life of a rational being Since the basis of Kants principle is rational nature exists as an end-in-itself (GMM p 429) the reasonable solution to such a dilemma involves promoting insofar as one can

the conditions necessary for rational beings If I sacrifice some for the sake of other rational

beings I do not use them arbitrarily and I do not deny the unconditional value of rational beings Persons may have dignity an unconditional and incomparable value that

transcends any market value (GMM p 436) but as rational beings persons also have a fundamental equality which dictates that some must sometimes give way for the sake of others The formula of the end-in-itself thus does not support the view that we may never force another to

bear some cost in order to benefit others If one focuses on the equal value of all rational beings then equal consideration dictates that one sacrifice some to save many [continues] According to

Kant the objective end of moral action is the existence of rational beings Respect for rational beings requires that in deciding what to do one give appropriate practical consideration to the unconditional value of rational beings and to the conditional value of happiness Since agent-centered

constraints require a non-value-based rationale the most natural interpretation of the demand that one give equal respect to all rational beings lead to a consequentialist normative theory We have seen that there is no sound Kantian reason for abandoning this natural consequentialist interpretation In particular a

consequentialist interpretation does not require sacrifices which a Kantian ought to consider unreasonable and it does not involve doing evil so that good may come of it It simply requires an

uncompromising commitment to the equal value and equal claims of all rational beings and a recognition that in the moral consideration of conduct ones own subjective concerns do not have overriding importance

Perm ndash do bothPerm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instancesPerm ndash do the plan and then the altDouble-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quoThe alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the permNo link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions

The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppressionLevinson 13-- Professor and Chair Comparative Literature Undergraduate Advisor and Co-Director PLC (Philosophy Literature and the Theory of Criticism) (Brett ldquoOrientalism and Identity in Latin Americardquo The University of Arizona Press 2013 The Death of the Critique of Eurocentrism pg 21)IK

And de-orientalism knows this that the Others have always broken through silence even if their voices sighs and screams (of joy and pain) have rarely been heard De--orientalism is well aware that the metaphor of the formerly silent native (Culture and Imperialism 212) is just a metaphor and not literally true Why then must the de-orientalist deploy this metaphor of silence What is de-orientalism trying to sneak onto the postcolonial scene when it posits the Others unrecognized speech and noise as nonspeech and nonnoise Simple logic dictates that the de-orientalist metaphor of silence reflects a desire for precisely the Otherrsquos silence In fact only this silence can guarantee of speech is that it will disrupt silence (First of course the silence has to be supposed) Therefore when de-orientalism speaks out against this silence which it itself imposes through metaphor it a priori emancipates both itself and the Other from suppression and oppression from the enforced silence De-orientalism most definitely opens the way for the Otherrsquos insurgent speech but it is just as true that the Otherrsquos silence open the way for de-orientalismrsquos claims This is why de-orientalism desires the Otherrsquos silence before it desires the Otherrsquos speech why it grounds that speech on imaginary or metaphorical silence on a fantasy or blantant misreading It wants the Other to speak But first it wants the Other to be silent so that de-orientalism itself can speak more securely so that its critique is assured to be radical known to be Other guaranteed to upset the imposition of silence In short the colonizer and the decolonizer are unaware of their common desire for the Otherrsquos silence (or death) Matters are of course complicated The colonizer

wants the Otherrsquos death and silence but also his labor his life No doubt the Orientalistrsquos imposition of babble upon the Otherrsquos speech is geared to communicate this double desire for an irrational thus animal-like and exploitable life But insofar as the colonizer truly desires the Otherrsquos silence by simulating violence through rhetoric through a poetics It silences the Other through a turn of phrase It kills the Otherrsquos voice in order to bring back that voice to redeem it through ldquopoetryrdquo through trope

And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinctionWarraq 7 (Ibn Warraq founder of the Institute for the Secularisation of Islamic Society senior research fellow at the Center for Inquiry focusing on Qurahic criticism Defending the West A Critique of Edeward Saidrsquos Orientalism p 57-58)

A visit to the Ontario Science Center in Toronto on New Years Day 2006was for me a sobering experience Tucked away in the section titled Truth were many untruthful though undoubtedly politically correct statements denigratingWestem civilization In an effort to be fair one exhibit gave way to unbridled relativism Modern Western science puts the Sun at the centre of the solar systemBut other points of view are not necessarily wrong or primitive And yet the samesection without a hint of irony was proclaiming how Eurocentric or intolerant the West was This science museum which was implicitly a veritable hymnpara to the achievements of Western thought and ideas went out of its way to selectively criticize some Western thinkers for racism or as F R Leavis and D Hpara Lawrence might both have said to do dirt on Western life But the museum exemplified the defining values of the Occident or what arepara the tutelary guiding lights of or the three golden threads running through Westernpara civilization-namely rationalism universalism and self-criticism One couldpara fperhaps argue that universalism and self-criticism were the logical outcomes ofpara rationalism but 1 think it more useful to view them as separate but interconnectedpara sets of beliefs and principles Second Western civilization can and has beenpara

characterized in several other ways I think many of the suggested distinguishingpara characteristics of the West such as the separation of spiritual and temporalpara authority can be said to derive from one or more of the three golden threadspara Thus in the latter case of the separation of church and state as Nlarsilius of Paduapara argued It is the state and not the church that guarantees the civil peace andpara reason

not revelation to which appeal must be made in all matters of temporalpara jurisdiction Politics involves willing and free participation discussion in short rationalism dissent the right to change ones mind and the right to oppose andpara disagree -that is self-criticism- without recourse or appeal to divine commands para or holy scriptures Similarly another defining feature the rule of law the thoughtpara that law is central to civilized existence and its continuation was derived largelypara from the Romans Not only is lawmaking a supremely human and rationalpara activity but Roman law was also conceived as possessing a universal jurisdiction

• Orientalism K
• • 1NC
  • • 1NC K
    • • The United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policy
      • The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalism
      • Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposability
      • And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatred
      • Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoning
      • • Block
        • • Framework
          • • ROB---Burke
            • • The role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logic
              • • Epistemology 1st
                • • Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniques
                  • • AT Ivory Tower
                    • • Theyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly
                      • • AT Role Playing Good
                        • • Theyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politics
                          • • 2NC Link
                            • • L ndash Aid
                              • • The idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas
                                • • L ndash Gender Liberation
                                  • • People interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the Other
                                    • • L ndash EconMilitary
                                      • • And the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominance
                                        • • L ndash Terrorism
                                          • • The 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossible
                                            • • L ndash TechComp
                                              • • Their attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West
                                                • • L ndash China Threat
                                                  • • And the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representation
                                                    • • Tag
                                                      • • EXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspective
                                                        • Tag
                                                        • • 2NC Pan Link
                                                          • • Their representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjects
                                                            • • AT China Aid Neocol
                                                              • • Link to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in Africa
                                                                • • AT Link Turn
                                                                  • • 1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere
                                                                    • 2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide
                                                                    • • ImpactAlt
                                                                      • • OV
                                                                        • • Our alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts
                                                                          • A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other
                                                                          • B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other
                                                                          • C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins
                                                                          • • AT Alt Fails
                                                                            • • 1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism
                                                                              • 2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions
                                                                              • 3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled
                                                                              • • AT Case OW
                                                                                • • 1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market
                                                                                  • 2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West
                                                                                  • 3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient
                                                                                  • • AT Do Both
                                                                                    • • The permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harder
                                                                                      • • AT Every Other Instance
                                                                                        • • The perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fight
                                                                                          • • Aff Answers
                                                                                            • • 2AC Orientalism K
                                                                                              • • The role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priority
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do both
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instances
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and then the alt
                                                                                                • Double-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quo
                                                                                                • The alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the perm
                                                                                                • No link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions
                                                                                                • The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppression
                                                                                                • And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinction

Perm ndash do bothPerm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instancesPerm ndash do the plan and then the altDouble-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quoThe alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the permNo link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions

The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppressionLevinson 13-- Professor and Chair Comparative Literature Undergraduate Advisor and Co-Director PLC (Philosophy Literature and the Theory of Criticism) (Brett ldquoOrientalism and Identity in Latin Americardquo The University of Arizona Press 2013 The Death of the Critique of Eurocentrism pg 21)IK

And de-orientalism knows this that the Others have always broken through silence even if their voices sighs and screams (of joy and pain) have rarely been heard De--orientalism is well aware that the metaphor of the formerly silent native (Culture and Imperialism 212) is just a metaphor and not literally true Why then must the de-orientalist deploy this metaphor of silence What is de-orientalism trying to sneak onto the postcolonial scene when it posits the Others unrecognized speech and noise as nonspeech and nonnoise Simple logic dictates that the de-orientalist metaphor of silence reflects a desire for precisely the Otherrsquos silence In fact only this silence can guarantee of speech is that it will disrupt silence (First of course the silence has to be supposed) Therefore when de-orientalism speaks out against this silence which it itself imposes through metaphor it a priori emancipates both itself and the Other from suppression and oppression from the enforced silence De-orientalism most definitely opens the way for the Otherrsquos insurgent speech but it is just as true that the Otherrsquos silence open the way for de-orientalismrsquos claims This is why de-orientalism desires the Otherrsquos silence before it desires the Otherrsquos speech why it grounds that speech on imaginary or metaphorical silence on a fantasy or blantant misreading It wants the Other to speak But first it wants the Other to be silent so that de-orientalism itself can speak more securely so that its critique is assured to be radical known to be Other guaranteed to upset the imposition of silence In short the colonizer and the decolonizer are unaware of their common desire for the Otherrsquos silence (or death) Matters are of course complicated The colonizer

wants the Otherrsquos death and silence but also his labor his life No doubt the Orientalistrsquos imposition of babble upon the Otherrsquos speech is geared to communicate this double desire for an irrational thus animal-like and exploitable life But insofar as the colonizer truly desires the Otherrsquos silence by simulating violence through rhetoric through a poetics It silences the Other through a turn of phrase It kills the Otherrsquos voice in order to bring back that voice to redeem it through ldquopoetryrdquo through trope

And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinctionWarraq 7 (Ibn Warraq founder of the Institute for the Secularisation of Islamic Society senior research fellow at the Center for Inquiry focusing on Qurahic criticism Defending the West A Critique of Edeward Saidrsquos Orientalism p 57-58)

A visit to the Ontario Science Center in Toronto on New Years Day 2006was for me a sobering experience Tucked away in the section titled Truth were many untruthful though undoubtedly politically correct statements denigratingWestem civilization In an effort to be fair one exhibit gave way to unbridled relativism Modern Western science puts the Sun at the centre of the solar systemBut other points of view are not necessarily wrong or primitive And yet the samesection without a hint of irony was proclaiming how Eurocentric or intolerant the West was This science museum which was implicitly a veritable hymnpara to the achievements of Western thought and ideas went out of its way to selectively criticize some Western thinkers for racism or as F R Leavis and D Hpara Lawrence might both have said to do dirt on Western life But the museum exemplified the defining values of the Occident or what arepara the tutelary guiding lights of or the three golden threads running through Westernpara civilization-namely rationalism universalism and self-criticism One couldpara fperhaps argue that universalism and self-criticism were the logical outcomes ofpara rationalism but 1 think it more useful to view them as separate but interconnectedpara sets of beliefs and principles Second Western civilization can and has beenpara

characterized in several other ways I think many of the suggested distinguishingpara characteristics of the West such as the separation of spiritual and temporalpara authority can be said to derive from one or more of the three golden threadspara Thus in the latter case of the separation of church and state as Nlarsilius of Paduapara argued It is the state and not the church that guarantees the civil peace andpara reason

not revelation to which appeal must be made in all matters of temporalpara jurisdiction Politics involves willing and free participation discussion in short rationalism dissent the right to change ones mind and the right to oppose andpara disagree -that is self-criticism- without recourse or appeal to divine commands para or holy scriptures Similarly another defining feature the rule of law the thoughtpara that law is central to civilized existence and its continuation was derived largelypara from the Romans Not only is lawmaking a supremely human and rationalpara activity but Roman law was also conceived as possessing a universal jurisdiction

• Orientalism K
• • 1NC
  • • 1NC K
    • • The United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policy
      • The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalism
      • Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposability
      • And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatred
      • Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoning
      • • Block
        • • Framework
          • • ROB---Burke
            • • The role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logic
              • • Epistemology 1st
                • • Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniques
                  • • AT Ivory Tower
                    • • Theyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly
                      • • AT Role Playing Good
                        • • Theyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politics
                          • • 2NC Link
                            • • L ndash Aid
                              • • The idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas
                                • • L ndash Gender Liberation
                                  • • People interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the Other
                                    • • L ndash EconMilitary
                                      • • And the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominance
                                        • • L ndash Terrorism
                                          • • The 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossible
                                            • • L ndash TechComp
                                              • • Their attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West
                                                • • L ndash China Threat
                                                  • • And the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representation
                                                    • • Tag
                                                      • • EXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspective
                                                        • Tag
                                                        • • 2NC Pan Link
                                                          • • Their representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjects
                                                            • • AT China Aid Neocol
                                                              • • Link to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in Africa
                                                                • • AT Link Turn
                                                                  • • 1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere
                                                                    • 2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide
                                                                    • • ImpactAlt
                                                                      • • OV
                                                                        • • Our alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts
                                                                          • A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other
                                                                          • B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other
                                                                          • C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins
                                                                          • • AT Alt Fails
                                                                            • • 1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism
                                                                              • 2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions
                                                                              • 3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled
                                                                              • • AT Case OW
                                                                                • • 1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market
                                                                                  • 2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West
                                                                                  • 3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient
                                                                                  • • AT Do Both
                                                                                    • • The permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harder
                                                                                      • • AT Every Other Instance
                                                                                        • • The perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fight
                                                                                          • • Aff Answers
                                                                                            • • 2AC Orientalism K
                                                                                              • • The role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priority
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do both
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instances
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and then the alt
                                                                                                • Double-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quo
                                                                                                • The alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the perm
                                                                                                • No link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions
                                                                                                • The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppression
                                                                                                • And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinction

wants the Otherrsquos death and silence but also his labor his life No doubt the Orientalistrsquos imposition of babble upon the Otherrsquos speech is geared to communicate this double desire for an irrational thus animal-like and exploitable life But insofar as the colonizer truly desires the Otherrsquos silence by simulating violence through rhetoric through a poetics It silences the Other through a turn of phrase It kills the Otherrsquos voice in order to bring back that voice to redeem it through ldquopoetryrdquo through trope

And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinctionWarraq 7 (Ibn Warraq founder of the Institute for the Secularisation of Islamic Society senior research fellow at the Center for Inquiry focusing on Qurahic criticism Defending the West A Critique of Edeward Saidrsquos Orientalism p 57-58)

A visit to the Ontario Science Center in Toronto on New Years Day 2006was for me a sobering experience Tucked away in the section titled Truth were many untruthful though undoubtedly politically correct statements denigratingWestem civilization In an effort to be fair one exhibit gave way to unbridled relativism Modern Western science puts the Sun at the centre of the solar systemBut other points of view are not necessarily wrong or primitive And yet the samesection without a hint of irony was proclaiming how Eurocentric or intolerant the West was This science museum which was implicitly a veritable hymnpara to the achievements of Western thought and ideas went out of its way to selectively criticize some Western thinkers for racism or as F R Leavis and D Hpara Lawrence might both have said to do dirt on Western life But the museum exemplified the defining values of the Occident or what arepara the tutelary guiding lights of or the three golden threads running through Westernpara civilization-namely rationalism universalism and self-criticism One couldpara fperhaps argue that universalism and self-criticism were the logical outcomes ofpara rationalism but 1 think it more useful to view them as separate but interconnectedpara sets of beliefs and principles Second Western civilization can and has beenpara

characterized in several other ways I think many of the suggested distinguishingpara characteristics of the West such as the separation of spiritual and temporalpara authority can be said to derive from one or more of the three golden threadspara Thus in the latter case of the separation of church and state as Nlarsilius of Paduapara argued It is the state and not the church that guarantees the civil peace andpara reason

not revelation to which appeal must be made in all matters of temporalpara jurisdiction Politics involves willing and free participation discussion in short rationalism dissent the right to change ones mind and the right to oppose andpara disagree -that is self-criticism- without recourse or appeal to divine commands para or holy scriptures Similarly another defining feature the rule of law the thoughtpara that law is central to civilized existence and its continuation was derived largelypara from the Romans Not only is lawmaking a supremely human and rationalpara activity but Roman law was also conceived as possessing a universal jurisdiction

• Orientalism K
• • 1NC
  • • 1NC K
    • • The United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policy
      • The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalism
      • Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposability
      • And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatred
      • Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoning
      • • Block
        • • Framework
          • • ROB---Burke
            • • The role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logic
              • • Epistemology 1st
                • • Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniques
                  • • AT Ivory Tower
                    • • Theyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly
                      • • AT Role Playing Good
                        • • Theyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politics
                          • • 2NC Link
                            • • L ndash Aid
                              • • The idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas
                                • • L ndash Gender Liberation
                                  • • People interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the Other
                                    • • L ndash EconMilitary
                                      • • And the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominance
                                        • • L ndash Terrorism
                                          • • The 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossible
                                            • • L ndash TechComp
                                              • • Their attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West
                                                • • L ndash China Threat
                                                  • • And the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representation
                                                    • • Tag
                                                      • • EXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspective
                                                        • Tag
                                                        • • 2NC Pan Link
                                                          • • Their representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjects
                                                            • • AT China Aid Neocol
                                                              • • Link to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in Africa
                                                                • • AT Link Turn
                                                                  • • 1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere
                                                                    • 2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide
                                                                    • • ImpactAlt
                                                                      • • OV
                                                                        • • Our alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts
                                                                          • A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other
                                                                          • B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other
                                                                          • C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins
                                                                          • • AT Alt Fails
                                                                            • • 1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism
                                                                              • 2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions
                                                                              • 3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled
                                                                              • • AT Case OW
                                                                                • • 1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market
                                                                                  • 2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West
                                                                                  • 3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient
                                                                                  • • AT Do Both
                                                                                    • • The permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harder
                                                                                      • • AT Every Other Instance
                                                                                        • • The perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fight
                                                                                          • • Aff Answers
                                                                                            • • 2AC Orientalism K
                                                                                              • • The role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priority
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do both
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instances
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and then the alt
                                                                                                • Double-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quo
                                                                                                • The alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the perm
                                                                                                • No link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions
                                                                                                • The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppression
                                                                                                • And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinction

not revelation to which appeal must be made in all matters of temporalpara jurisdiction Politics involves willing and free participation discussion in short rationalism dissent the right to change ones mind and the right to oppose andpara disagree -that is self-criticism- without recourse or appeal to divine commands para or holy scriptures Similarly another defining feature the rule of law the thoughtpara that law is central to civilized existence and its continuation was derived largelypara from the Romans Not only is lawmaking a supremely human and rationalpara activity but Roman law was also conceived as possessing a universal jurisdiction

• Orientalism K
• • 1NC
  • • 1NC K
    • • The United States does not exist---the configuration of the notion of the US and its constituent semiotic order of insular hegemony are cultural imaginaries that seek to establish American values as an overriding super-text through the imposition of a modernist symbolic order---this is enacted via theatricizing violence and self-ascription of heroism to continue and legitimate processes disseminating Western culture and commerce through US foreign policy
      • The attempt to ldquointegraterdquo China via engagement contributes to the re-creation of a conceptual centrality of universal Western values---this forces China to construct a politicized identity of fabricated ldquoChinesenessrdquo that unified itself under the guise of accepting universalized Western rules of international inclusion---the result is a ldquovoid of Chinesenessrdquo that hollows out Chinese identity in favor of a homogenized image of nationalism
      • Naturalizing superiority of the West grounds modernity in a violent eurocentrism that necessitates endless ldquocivilizingrdquo projects against populations falsely deemed as destitute---this textures Otherness with an infinite disposability
      • And this cultural imaginary of nationalism structurally relies on the establishment of a fantasy of belonging that seeks to re-affirm the corporeal wholeness of the self while demonizing a distant threatening Other---this process makes war an enjoyable experience of communal hatred
      • Vote negative to endorse a redistribution of the geopolitics of knowledge---other-thinking must be formulated in order to avoid the hegemonic nature of modernityrsquos reasoning
      • • Block
        • • Framework
          • • ROB---Burke
            • • The role of the ballot is to question the 1ACrsquos underlying assumptions about what constitutes the East---failure to do so surrenders to willful racism and inevitable collapse of institutions based on Western self-rationalizing logic
              • • Epistemology 1st
                • • Epistemology comes first- The question of action must take a backseat to questions of policy formation and assumptions surrounding problem-solving techniques
                  • • AT Ivory Tower
                    • • Theyrsquoll say wersquore ivory tower but theyrsquove got it backwards ndash they convert debate into an elite consultantsrsquo summit which turns the aff by increasing economic insecurity and enforcing a cartel consciousness between companies creating oligopoly
                      • • AT Role Playing Good
                        • • Theyrsquore falsely pretending that role playing here is fundamentally different than the way international politics operates---everything is performance and policymaking is no exception---the false belief that the state wrote itself into existence without first having populations mindlessly repeating the same nationalist performances is what gives the state legitimacy---understanding the imagination of these states realizing theyrsquore made up is a prerequisite to true politics
                          • • 2NC Link
                            • • L ndash Aid
                              • • The idea that those in the East are underdeveloped ndash and need the aid of the West ndash is problematic The affirmative only speaks from the Western point of view not allowing the self-representation of those who live in the lsquoOrientrsquo is indicative of the affirmativersquos saturation with neo-Orientalist ideas
                                • • L ndash Gender Liberation
                                  • • People interpret images based on previous depictions of them Knowing this depictions of gender equality brought to the East through US actions spreads the image of the brown woman being saved from the savage brown men This is imperial rhetoric that is used to justify violence against the Other
                                    • • L ndash EconMilitary
                                      • • And the affirmativersquos connection of economic engagement and conflictmilitary superiority is rooted in this monolithic understanding of Chineseness---the conflation of economic activity with a fixed coherent signifier of ldquoChinardquo gives rise to homogenous and flawed representations of Chinese economic activity as a singular drive towards military dominance
                                        • • L ndash Terrorism
                                          • • The 1ACrsquos deployment of the symbolic order of terrorism is a part of the colonial process of recycling fictions to establish a coherent self-representation of the civilized West in opposition to the barbaric Orient---this makes challenging the sovereign power of the US impossible
                                            • • L ndash TechComp
                                              • • Their attempt to maintain technological hegemony is a desperate obsession with continuing the co-identification of supremacy and the West
                                                • • L ndash China Threat
                                                  • • And the 1ACrsquos discursive construction of China as a threat designs a fantasy of exceptionalism rooted in a Puritanical universality that naturalizes American identity as a superior form of subjectivity---this establishes a political frame of reference that necessitates the constant mapping of Otherness to confirm our own self-representation
                                                    • • Tag
                                                      • • EXERCISE Practice comprehending your material by tagging this card Hint It makes a very similar argument to the 1NC Pan Link from a different perspective
                                                        • Tag
                                                        • • 2NC Pan Link
                                                          • • Their representations of China are heavily invested in more than an external object that supposedly threatens our security---the construction of a Chinese reality that provides a constitutive alternative to our paradigms of politics symbolizes the potential failure of a model of universal Western subjectivity---the construction of China in this form then is a necessary precondition to establishing ourselves as rational realist subjects
                                                            • • AT China Aid Neocol
                                                              • • Link to narratives of ldquoneo-colonialrdquo China in Africa
                                                                • • AT Link Turn
                                                                  • • 1 American Exceptionalism relies on the erasure of conquest- We clean up once and a while to make a mess elsewhere
                                                                    • 2 Extend our link Orientalism functions through appearing benign Only under the guise of democracy and freedom could Orientalism become so entrenched as an ideology and have so many effects worldwide
                                                                    • • ImpactAlt
                                                                      • • OV
                                                                        • • Our alternative is critical border thinking---the distribution of accepted knowledge is heavily favored towards the west---our alternative redistributes the geopolitics of knowledge by interrupting the naturalized assumption that western enlightenment epistemology has the best access to credibility--- by showing its genocidal other-side our criticism of modernity enables us to celebrate the litany of ways of knowing that exist in the world---do not take the ethnocentrism of the affirmative lightly---the possibility of ethnocide is stored in these universalizing extensions of knowledge---we refuse that logic by creating methods of ldquoother-thinkingrdquo not dominated by hegemonic politics---that solves three impacts
                                                                          • A) Epistemology---our alternative mignolo evidence indicates that the form of thinking representative in the aff has an emancipatory potential that is overshadowed by an ethnocidal bias against non-Western culture---this is a form of thinking that in the quest for supremacy creates universal categories to civilize the rest of the world or destroy it by establishing cultural imaginaries of the self and the Other
                                                                          • B) Disposability---extend the Mignolo impact evidence---it indicates that the bodies of non-Europeans do not enter into utilitarian calculus---their deaths are seen as inevitable and necessary in the path to progress---they become uncalculable life subject to indiscriminate violence because they are constructed as other
                                                                          • C) Enjoyment---the cultural imaginary of nationalism allows for a coherent self-representation and the establishment of harmonious communal enjoyment but only through the declaration of war against an other---this uniting of a communal psychology via hatred makes us desire conflict which makes it inevitable---thatrsquos Morley and Robins
                                                                          • • AT Alt Fails
                                                                            • • 1 The belief that there is no alternative is another link- it is the product of colonized thought that produces more forms of Orientalism
                                                                              • 2 Prescribing the world post alternative isnrsquot important to solvency itrsquos only a matter of starting to prescribe what is Western Orientalism and attempting to open up a space for acting outside of these assumptions
                                                                              • 3 The global community can hold history in its hands ndash the orient is just a social construct that can be dismantled
                                                                              • • AT Case OW
                                                                                • • 1 15-20 times more people died in the 20th century from Imperialism than wars and revolutions combined The idea of a war to end all wars is just a political blind spot that is used to prevent long-term change in the name of short-term stabilizing for the market
                                                                                  • 2 We are all carriers of ideology and thus our support for Orientalist policies entrenches a view of the East incapable of self-governance and results in the continuation of our harmful policies played out in the real world The EastWest paradigm is spread through the idea of the savage East needing the help of the Developed West
                                                                                  • 3 We win the internal link to their impact domination in the name of Empire is the real cause of wars People become viewed as objects in the strategic interest of the US justifying extermination of the Orient
                                                                                  • • AT Do Both
                                                                                    • • The permutation maintains the myth of cultural imaginaries that posit civilizing projects as necessary while operating under supposedly innocent intentions---this merely makes challenging the problem harder
                                                                                      • • AT Every Other Instance
                                                                                        • • The perm still links ndash even if it rejects manifest Orientalism in all instances except the plan it still keeps intact the latent Orientalist assumptions about the world and about the enemy the 1AC tries to fight
                                                                                          • • Aff Answers
                                                                                            • • 2AC Orientalism K
                                                                                              • • The role of the ballot is to save the most lives---preventing extinction is an ethical priority
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do both
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and the alt in all other instances
                                                                                                • Perm ndash do the plan and then the alt
                                                                                                • Double-bind ndash either the alt can overcome the residual links to the plan or it isnrsquot a powerful enough act to solve all the problems of the status quo
                                                                                                • The alt cannot solve the aff---if it rejects Western actions then the 1AC advantages are net benefits to the perm
                                                                                                • No link---the plan isnrsquot attempting to improve the orient its seeking a relationship of mutual benefit for the US and China that restrains aggression in both regions
                                                                                                • The alternativersquos academic resistance to orientalism silences the very populations they seek to shield from colonial oppression
                                                                                                • And universalizing Western civilization as evil collapses peace-building in modernity---the result is institutional repression of the population and extinction