ortolani, benito. shamanism in the origins of the nō theatre

7/28/2019 ORTOLANI, Benito. Shamanism in the Origins of the N Theatre

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Shamanism in the Origins of the N TheatreAuthor(s): Benito Ortolani

Reviewed work(s):Source: Asian Theatre Journal, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Autumn, 1984), pp. 166-190Published by: University of Hawai'i PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1124563 .

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Shamanism n the Originsof the No TheatreBenito Ortolani

Recent research has contributed greatly to knowledge about thedevelopment of medieval Japanese performing arts, especially sangakuaand sarugakub,which have traditionally been considered by most scholarsto be the major antecedents of noCheatre. The result is a clearer picture oftheir relationship to the birth of no and kyogend.l Moreover, since the early1970s a number of articles and books in English have mentioned sha-manism, and in some cases explicitly emphasized it, as a factor in the for-mation of no.2

This article is divided into three sections, each of which concernsone of three related topics. The first section discusses the nature and vari-ety of theories concerning the origins of no. The second focuses on devel-opments in current research that connect Japanese shamanic rituals withthe origins of no. The final section suggests a necessary perspective inassessing the role of shamanic influence, a perspective inferred from thecomplexity of formative factors in the origins of this highly sophisticatedtheatre form.

Overview of Theories on the Origins of NoDuring the last few decades, Japanese and non-Japanese authorshave presented a rather confusing picture of the genealogy of no andkyogen.The fragmentary nature of extant sources on the many types ofBenito Ortolani is Chairman of the Department of Theatre at Brooklyn College, City University ofNew York, Professor of Theatre at that university's Graduate Center, and Project Director of theAmerican Society of Theatre Research'sBrooklynCollege Data Center. He is editing the Data Cen-ter's forthcomingannual internationalbibliographyof theatre.AsianTheatreJournal, no. 2 (Fall 1984). ? by the University of Hawaii Press. All rightsreserved.

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performances that existed inJapan between the eighth and thirteenth cen-turies, the time preceding the birth of no and kyogen, s largely responsiblefor this lack of clarity. In many cases scholars do not know with certainty,and sometimes not even with approximation, what type of performancescorresponded to the genre names mentioned in those sources. The termsused-including designations such as kagurae god entertainment), sangaku(miscellaneous entertainment), sarugaku (monkey entertainment), anddengakuffield entertainment)-are in fact each applied to numerous kindsof performances. Nonetheless, some definite progress has been made inthe identification of the many elements involved, and it is now generallybelieved that no could only have originated from a long, mature, and var-ied earlier tradition. The scarcity of factual information has led to thedevelopment of several theories, which in some cases incorporate inter-pretations suggested by the social sciences and reveal ideological trends inthe historical evaluation of cultural events.Theories about the origins of no can be divided into two majorgroups according to their basic approach. The first group includes inter-pretations that concentrate on the study of performers-individuals orgroups-as members of families traditionally dedicated to one genre ofperformance. Such theories are based on sociological research, and theyestablish genealogical lines of succession. Presumably each succeedinggeneration of performers corresponds in some measure to developmentsin the performance itself. Theories in the second group proceed from theanalysis of play texts, records of actual performances, and written chroni-cles describing festivals, dances, music, singing, and other details relatedto such events. Available artifacts like masks, costumes, stages, and illus-trations of all kinds are also investigated. These theories rely heavily onhistorical interpretation. Of course, the two groups do overlap, but thebasic division seems valid and helpful. (Blau 1966, 325-331)The theories of such illustrious scholars as Nose Asaji, HayashiyaTatsusaburo, Morisue Yoshiaki, and Hattori Yukio belong to the first"sociological" group.3 Their patient research has established beyond anydoubt a lineal connection between fourteenth-century no actors and manyprevious generations of sarugaku,dengaku, and sangakuperformers. Oneinstance of this method of investigation is Hattori's series of articles(1974-75) tracing the personal line of descent of the Konparug School,probably the oldest and most conservative of the five remaining schools ofno. Hattori connects the Konparu to Mimashih, the performer who intro-duced gigaku'(elegant entertainment) into Japan from the Korean king-dom of Paekche in 612. According to Hattori, the mysterious god Okinaas portrayed in no is actually a deification of a popular hero of the NaraJperiod (710-794), Hata Kawakatsuk.4 Hata learned the art of gigakufromMimashi and subsequently founded the Enmai' Troupe-a family of

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Yamatomsarugakuperformers acknowledged as the ancestor of the Kon-paru School. (Hattori 1974-75, 66, 70)This type of research has also disclosed important facts about theorganization of the za"(companies, or schools) of sarugakuand dengaku.Ithas provided invaluable insights into the low social status of za members,and has revealed details of za relationships with sponsoring shrines andtemples and with the civil authorities in general (O'Neill 1981, 19-20).Such research has shown, for example, that while performers wereexempt from conscripted labor and taxes (Akima 1982, 504), they werealso obliged to endure the humiliation of residing in sanjo?,villages whereoutcasts (senminP) ived (Hayashiya 1960, 269-270, 312-313). Unfortu-nately, the mere knowledge that no performers were descendants of saru-gaku performers tells little about how the development of the art itself tookplace; it only establishes that "it happened in the family."Another recent study of this type suggests a possible source for thecontent of several no plays. According to Akima Toshio, the family ofKannamiq and Zeamir, the founders of no, belonged to a group of outcastswho specialized in funeral rites, the Asobi-bes. This family specializationprovides a plausible origin for Zeami's frequent use of ghosts as protago-nists in his no plays.5 (Akima 1982, 501-507)Also of a sociological nature is the theory proposed in 1948, andlater modified in 1957, by Matsumoto Shinhachiro. Matsumoto's initialtheory is based on the Marxist concept that the birth and development ofnew art forms depend strictly on social and economic conditions of thetime. He insists that sarugakuof the Heiant period (794-1192) was a prod-uct which ended with the society that generated it (i.e., the nobility of thatperiod's imperial court). The new samuraiaristocracy, he maintains, pro-duced no as something completely different, without any connection toprevious art forms. Matsumoto (1948a, 10-14; 1948b, 21-26) makes thesignificant assertion that no cannot be regarded as having simply arisenfrom the integration of preexisting traditional forms, but must be recog-nized as something really new and unique. However, it is not possible toimagine something, no matter how new, without strong roots in the tradi-tions of the past. Marxist critics hailed Matsumoto's theories as revolu-tionary and discerning; other critics did not fail to expose his various fac-tual errors. (Tanaka 1953, 40-48)In response to many suggestions and observations, Matsumotoqualified his position in 1957. He described no as the art of outcasts, whosought with all their might to obtain the favor of the new ruling samuraiclass by catering to their tastes. Success in art was the only hope for theseoutcasts to move out of the lowest social condition to a state of privilege.The example of Zeami, who became the favorite and lover of ShogunAshikaga Yoshimitsuu, shows just how decisive patronage by the powerfulcould be to artists and their art. (Matsumoto 1957, 13-30)



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The above and other similar theories seek the origins of no in thesocioeconomic and political factors involved, and focus primarily uponthe people with whom the art originated: the earliest families of no per-formers, the social classes from which no performers arose, and thepatrons of the art. Alternatively, the second group of theories seeks theorigins of no in texts and records of actual performances, very often thoseof earlier forms of performing arts which were popular at the time of Kan-nami and Zeami. This method of analysis has revealed a connectionbetween no and shamanic rituals of possession.Famous pioneers of historical research into no sources, such asNogami Toyoichiro (1942-44) and Nonomura Kaiz6 (1942), found theroots of no, which generally excludes comic elements, to be different fromthose of kyogen,which is essentially comic. This, however, proved to be amore or less arbitrary distinction. Such researchers had assumed that,during the centuries for which extant documentation is extremely scarce,there were two basically different types of sarugaku.They believed that onetype, remaining in close contact with Buddhist ceremonies and temples,evolved into sarugakuno and was performed by groups of actors who gavebirth to the schools of no. The other type of sarugaku,shin (new) sarugaku,was a popular comical kind of entertainment. For decades many special-ists believed that the farcical elements of shin sarugakuhad been graduallyassimilated into dengaku, which then developed into the more refineddengakuno that in turn gave rise to kyogen.Further research into the performing arts of the centuries in ques-tion has shown that, after the Heian period ended, there was in fact nosuch assimilation of shin sarugaku's farcical elements, and that dengakuremained a predominantly religious performance, notwithstanding theassimilation of acrobatic techniques. (Blau 1966, 327) In more fundamen-tal opposition to this theory is the fact that, at the time of the genesis of noin the second half of the fourteenth century, both sarugakunoand dengakunoappear to have had a strong affinity in both content and style. Zeami him-self considered the great masters of dengakuno, including his contempora-ries Itchiv, Kiamiw, and Zoamix, to be at the same level as the great mas-ters of sarugaku no, Kannami and DoamiY. At the same time, in histhinking it would have been impossible to consider kyogenmasters at thesame level as the masters of no, because kyogenwas itself regarded as infe-rior to no. (Blau 1966, 327) Therefore, the theory that kyogen volved fromdengakuno is unpersuasive. Moreover, the texts do not indicate whethersarugakuno or dengakuno was the first to develop those dramatic elementsthat constitute the structure of surviving no texts. In the thirteenth andfourteenth centuries, the titles of sarugakuand dengakuplays and the con-tent of their texts were, as far as is known, very similar, showing no greatdifference between the two forms.A similar theory-proposed in recent decades by important the-

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atre historians among whom Kawatake Shigetoshi (1959) is the bestknown-connects the origins of no with Buddhist temple performances byshushiz (magicians, or masters of exorcism),6 and the origins of kyogenagain with shin sarugaku.This theory, in several variations, assumes a par-allel between the supposed religious content and elaborate costumes ofshushi and the religious content and beautiful costumes of no; it alsoassumes a parallel between the comic-farcical characters of shin sarugakuand those of kyogen.The difficulty with this theory is again that historiccontinuity cannot be documented, neither between shushi performancesand no nor between shin sarugakuand kyogen.Kawatake, in view of this dif-ficulty, presents the theory more as a pattern of relationship between theserious element-the representations by shushi-and the comic parody(modokiaa)7f that seriousness found in the performance of shin sarugaku.According to him, this pattern was established by shushi and shin sarugakuand kept through the following centuries as a model for the relationshipbetween no and kyogen.(Kawatake 1959, 85-89) As Blau correctly notes,this hypothesis says nothing about the origins of no; it merely reiteratesthat there is a standard pattern to all Japanese festivals since time imme-morial-the combination of serious ritual with comic amusement. (Blau1966, 326)

Hayashiya traces the origins of no-through the dances of shira-byoshiab8white-costumed dancing girls) and a new, free type of dancecalled rambuac9-back to ancient kagura. He believes that kyogen, on theother hand, derived from parts of old court sarugakuand parts of ennenad(dances performed at Buddhist festivities).10 (Hayashiya 1960, 355-389)Honda Yasuji, in a study of sarugakubased on the Okinaae character, showsthat, in a period for which there is scant documentation, this type of saru-gakuconstitutes a vital link for researchers between the gradual disappear-ance of performances by shushi (from the end of the twelfth century) andthe emergence of sarugakuno (in the middle of the fourteenth century).(Honda 1958)Other authors, notably Takano Tatsuyuki (1947-49), stress theimportance of bugakuafourt dance elements-such as the jo-ha-kyuagprin-ciple of its gagakuahmusic, the stage, and the masks-in the formation of noplay structure, music, and mask shapes.11 Umehara Takeshi ([1972]1981, 508-509) also claims a decisive role for bugaku n determining theorigin of no. He notes that the initial purpose of performing the bugakudance Somakusha' (or Somakusa)12at the Hdryfujiaitemple during theannual Sh6ry6eak estival was to appease the soul of the late Prince RegentSh6tokua (r. 593-621, or -622), which was restless and revengeful overthe extermination of his descendants. Umehara ([1972] 1981, 508-509)theorizes that Zeami may have been a professional chinkonshamperformerof rites for the repose of departed souls) and that he used Somakushaas a



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model for his ghost plays.13 Indeed, in both that bugakudance and inZeami's numerous ghost no, the wakia (supporting actor) plays the role ofa monk appeasing a distraught and revengeful ghost played by the shitea?(main actor), and leads him eventually to a state of repose and peace.P. G. O'Neill (1958, 53-58) makes two additional and significant points.First, he notes that the earlier kusemaiapance was an important structuralelement incorporated by no;'4 second, O'Neill maintains that ChineseYuan drama (Yuan zajuaq) xerted an appreciable influence on the forma-tion of no.15

Perhaps the most significant contribution of the last decade to theclarification of the sangaku-sarugaku-no-kyogenelationship was made byGoto Hajime in his Nogaku no kigen"(The origin of nogaku; 1975). Hisextensive collection of new data provides insight into the real meaningassigned to performance terms at different times and under different cir-cumstances. Goto particularly emphasizes sources from provincial areasand from minor Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples; previous data wascollected primarily in the capital and at a few major centers of worship.For Goto, nogakuas ncludes both no and kyogen,as two inseparable aspectsof one tradition, and has two main antecedents. The first antecedent issangaku, which was imported from the Chinese mainland in the Naraperiod and primarily featured acrobatics, dexterous tricks, and sorcerers'arts. The second is the indigenous tradition of comic pantomime,recorded in the oldest written sources of Japanese history under the nameof wazaogiat. 6 (Goto 1975, 572)Goto notes that during the Heian period, a shift occurred insangaku rom a concentration on circuslike spectacle to a focus on the art ofmonomaneau(imitation of things). This was a shift from technical skills likeacrobatics to what at the time was considered "realistic" acting. Mono-mane expresses the Japanese concept of mimesis, a then-contemporarywazaogi development that was also being incorporated into sangaku.Sangakuof the Heian epoch was performed in two very different sets of cir-cumstances. As a popular, informal entertainment, it was presented pri-marily in small shrines and temples. As a part of the courtly, formal shiki-gakuav (ceremonial music, consisting mainly of gagaku music and bugakudances), it was performed at court and in a few major centers of worship.A differentiation in name was therefore felt to be needed for record-keep-ing purposes. While the term sangakuwas retained to designate the popu-lar entertainment, the new term sarugakuwas frequently applied to theceremonial performances. This distinction primarily indicated a differ-ence of place and circumstances, rather than of content, for the latterremained basically the same. (There is understandable confusion betweenthe two terms sangaku and sarugaku in many sources from the Heianperiod.) The ceremonial sarugakuwas naturally tied to the formality of

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bugakuand of Chinese content. On the other hand, the informal sangakufreely displayed the original comic elements, and developed native Japa-nese realistic content like monomane.Got6 1975, 572-573)With the collapse of the political hegemony of the Heian courtnobility at the start of the Kamakuraa period (1185-1333), the ceremo-nial sarugakueventually ceased to be performed. In the meantime, underthe new samurai administration centered in the capital city of Kamakura,festivals and services at smaller shrines and temples-and with them,sangaku-became very popular in all provinces. Goto goes on to show thatlow-class performers, called hoshigena(Buddhist temple officers, lower inthe hierarchy than shushi or the Buddhist clergy called hoshi), were respon-sible for the enormous increase in popularity of sangakuoutside the capitaland the main, official places of worship. Since the beginning of sangaku nJapan, the hoshigenhad specialized in tricks, acrobatics, magic, and comicmonomane.They performed for popular religious services and festivalsheld primarily at minor shrines and temples in all parts of the country.Court officials of the Konoeayfamily, which was in charge of shikigaku,hadalways looked condescendingly at performances of sangakuand sarugakueven at the court and major religious institutions. They considered themmerely peripheral, miscellaneous entertainment, added but not reallybelonging to the real thing. Their esteem and interest remained concen-trated in gagakumusic and bugakudance. Thus, the spectacular develop-ment of sangaku n the Kamakura period was certainly an accomplishmentof the low-class sangakuperformers in the provinces, and not of court offi-cials in the capital. For these reasons, Goto greatly emphasizes the pre-viously neglected records from the provinces and smaller centers of wor-ship. (Goto 1975, 573)Concurrent with the remarkable growth in popularity of sangakuoutside the capital, the outcast performers sought to gradually improvetheir social position by linking their art with the life of the populace-theobvious purpose being to increase and strengthen their hold on the pat-ronage of provincial audiences. They found that link in popular religiousbeliefs. To the usual entertainment and honoring of the gods at shrines ortemples, they added theatrical enactments of the myths celebrated indivine services. Goto is convinced that in this endeavor sangaku per-formers greatly developed their special monomaneacting skills. The intro-duction of masks, a means for the concrete representation of gods andvarious spirits, is adequately explained through this theory. Sangakugrad-ually changed into a masked drama during the thirteenth and fourteenthcenturies-the Kamakura period and the period of the Northern andSouthern Dynasties (1333-1392). (Goto 1975, 573)During the Kamakura period, the term sangakuslowly disappearedfrom written records, perhaps because the term sarugakuseemed more



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dignified, especially when saru was written with the divinea rather thanthe animalba character for monkey. The name change was part of a com-plex pattern of social climbing by low-class hoshigen. They actively beganto pursue the acquisition of rights and rank-to glorify their ancestors and"discover" family connections with illustrious priestly performers, to calltheir occupation a divine service, and to consider themselves Shintopriests and their art a form of kagura(which traditionally has been per-formed by Shinto clergy). Goto thinks that this long-range effort eventu-ally won them acceptance by the populace, who previously would haveobjected to outcasts daring to assume the status of Shinto priests andyamabushibbmountain ascetics), or to assume in masked performances thefeatures of the very objects of worship, local gods and spirits. Goto favorsthe opinion that the very term hoshigenmight be related not only to theirexemption from taxes and conscripted labor, but also to some religiousmeaning. (Goto 1975, 574)It was within the realm of this religious and popular sarugaku radi-tion that the two giants of sarugakuand recognized founders of nogaku,Kannami and Zeami, reached the peak of their art at the beginning of theMuromachib period (1392-1573). The spectacular development of saru-gaku into nogakuwas of course strongly supported by Shogun Yoshimitsuand his court in Kyoto, and was influenced by their aristocratic taste.Got6 insists, however, that the decisive element in the formation of nogakuwas the need to please provincial audiences; the development of monomaneconsequently became the foundation of no art. (Goto 1975, 574-575) Atthe end of his book, Goto summarizes his view that noand kyogen orm oneastonishing temporal and spatial synthesis, a harmonization of city andcountry, of entertainment and religion, of the comic and the serious, andof popular and elite tastes. In a word, nogaku s a uniquely fascinating mir-ror of the colorful and multifaceted medieval Japanese culture. (Goto1975, 575)

Shamanism and TheatreSince the last decades of the nineteenth century, the theory thattheatre derived from religious ritual has been an approach preferred bymany Western anthropologists and theatre scholars.17 Theatre historytextbooks have faithfully echoed, with some variation in emphasis, thisanthropological approach.'8 However, it has only been since the 1950s,with the great development of anthropological research into shamanism,that Western theatre scholars have begun to consider the specific phenom-enon of shamanic rituals of ecstasy in relation to the origins of Greek trag-edy and the nature of theatrical events in other cultures.19 David Cole

(1975, 12-57) proposes an examination of the shamanic experience as an

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analogy to better understand the nature of acting and performance ingeneral. Ernest Theodore Kirby (1975) puts forth a theory on the sha-manic origins of several important theatre forms, such as classical Greek,Sanskrit, Chinese, and Japanese drama. The continuing interest in sha-manism as connected with the performing arts, especially in the Orient, iswitnessed by a number of papers and communications in panels and con-ferences over the last few years-including the 1982 International Sympo-sium on Theatre and Ritual held in New York and the 1983 Second Euro-pean Kabuki Conference held in Vienna (Ortolani 1983)-and by the firstperformances by Korean shamans in New York during the summer of1982.

RESEARCH ON JAPANESE SHAMANISM20Before the first decades of this century, the term shamanism wasstill unknown to Japanese anthropologists, and therefore was not asso-ciated with the common and widespread practice of ecstasy and posses-sion. Yanagita Kunio (1913; 1962-64), a great pioneer in Japaneseanthropological research, presented invaluable material on shamanic

practices from all over Japan as performed by mikobd,practitioners of tech-niques of possession, usually female. (Yanagita 1962-64) The introduc-tion of the term shamanism, the recognition that the miko was in fact ashaman, and the explicit recognition that many elements of the indige-nous Shinto religion were of shamanic nature occurred during the lastfifty to fifty-five years. The 1930 publication of Nihonfujoshibe (A history ofJapanese miko),21by Nakayama Taro, opened the way to addressing thequestion of shamanism in the Shinto religion. (Fairchild 1962, 1-22) Thevast research by Origuchi Shinobu, published between the late 1920s andthe 1950s, includes studies on the history of theatrical and folkloric perfor-mance (geinof) and provides landmark information on Japanese shamanicpractices in relation to performance.22 (Origuchi 1957; 1970-74) In thelast few decades a generation of Japanese scholars, including the very sig-nificant Hori Ichiro (1951; [1968] 1983), have systematically exploredand analyzed the various aspects of shamanism.23Much patient research into the ancient Japanese myth "Ama noiwato"bg(The heavenly cave) has led to some agreement concerning theinterpretation of that legend about the trance-dance of the priestessUzumebh before the heavenly cave of Amaterasubi.24It is seen as a projec-tion into the mythical past of ancient shamanic practices, typified by mikotrance performances in ancient kagura.(Matsumura 1958, 75-91; Philippi1969, 81-86; Sadler 1970, 275-276) Of special importance is the researchby Honda Yasuji (1943; 1966; 1969; 1977). He explores and describes agreat variety of kaguraperformances in many provinces, as well as theirrelationship to old shamanic practices in primitive kagura, proposing asearly as 1943 that some elements of nooriginated in shamanic ritual.25



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SHAMANISM AND KAGURAOnce the equivalence between the mikoand shamanism was estab-lished, at least in ancient Japan, both Japanese and non-Japanese theatrehistorians have had no problem in accepting at least an implicit connec-tion between shamanism and primitive kagura.They all explain Uzume'strance-dance as being the first written record of Japanese theatre history.They regard sarumebj female performers of shamanic rituals) as successorsto Uzume, noting that their functions soon melded with those of miko inkagura performances. (Takano 1947-49; Kawatake 1959; Inoura 1963;Lombard 1928; Muccioli 1962)There are two points of possible confusion for nonspecialists at thispoint. The first is the lack of awareness that the oldest shamanic ritualsthemselves are commonly considered by scholars-e.g., Hoff (1978, 160-161)-to be kagura.The proper question therefore is not how or when orwhether present kaguraand present no derived from shamanic rituals, butrather how no derived from the primitive kagura hat consisted of shamanicrituals. The second danger is the lack of understanding that kaguraperfor-mances, since time immemorial, have consisted primarily of a ritualisticportion of purification, conjuration, and hymns, and of a segment ofentertainment for the conjured gods. While the former has tended toremain unchanged, the latter has been subject to fluctuations throughouthistory and has accommodated, according to the fashion and the taste ofthe time, such different performances as no, kabuki, and many provincialadaptations of these more sophisticated models. Today's kaguracan eveninclude Western music and songs. Evidently only the primitive rituals ofancient kaguraand the entertainments for the gods that preceded no needto be considered as possible antecedents to and origins of essential no ele-ments.26 When Zeami proclaims the mythical kagura as performed by thegoddess Uzume) to be "the very beginning of Sarugaku, n the Age of theGods" (Zeami [1968] 1969, 54), he uses the word kagura n this restrictedmeaning.Thus, the point that remains to be clarified is neither the geneticconnection between shamanic ritual and primitive kaguranor a genericaffirmation of some connection between kaguraand no. Rather, the signifi-cant question is the extent of the influence of primitive kagura'sshamanicrituals on the formation of no. In other words, what elements in no textsand performances (e.g., music, dance, costumes, the chorus) reveal influ-ences of shamanic kagurarituals, and to what extent?

KAGURA AND NoSince the 1940s some very interesting Japanese research hasappeared concerning the genetic connection between kagurarituals and noand their structural similarities, especially in Honda Yasuji's previously

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mentioned studies (1943; 1958; 1966; 1969). Ikeda Saburo has continuedHonda's analysis of the movements and functions of no actors as derivedfrom ceremonies and from the functions of shamans in kaguraritual. Ikedatraces the origin of the travel scene (michiyukibk) at the beginning of noplays to the self-introduction of the visiting god in kaguraperformed by theninjob(a Shinto priest). Ikeda also traces the origin of the waki's role in noto the role of the god-assistant to the principal god in the Hanamatsuribm(Festival of Flowers).27 He explains that the shite role in nooriginated fromthe role of the main god in that festival, performed by the religious leader.(Ikeda 1957, 34-35) Toida Michizo (1957, 4-7) also stresses the ritualis-tic, shamanic origins of several elements in no, and finds in no the typicalJapanese feeling that medieval man lived with the "other dimension,"where ghosts and supernatural beings dwelt.However, Honda Yasuji remains the Japanese scholar who hascontributed most to a systematic analysis of shamanic possession in kagurawith regard to no origins. Two of his most important essays, "No notanjo"bn(The birth of no) and "Saimon kara no e"b?(From recitation tono) (1969, 86-92, 93-106), trace the development of the principal role, theshite, back to kamigakaribpdivine possession). Kamigakari s a phenomenontypical of Japanese shamanism, in which a spirit takes possession of theshaman-medium, usually the miko, and uses her tongue to communicatedirectly with the faithful. (Honda 1960-61a, 109) It is also the basic struc-tural device of ancient kagura performances. It can take one of threeforms: kamikuchibqmouth of the god), in which the spirit speaking is akamibr(divine being); ikikuchibsmouth of a living human being, in which alive human spirit leaves its body in a faraway place, takes possession of amedium, and speaks; and shinikuchibtmouth of a dead person), in whichthe ghost of a deceased person speaks through the shaman. Hondaremarks that in the type of noplay in which the shiteimpersonates a super-natural being, god, ghost, or even a faraway soul, his role derives fromthat of the miko in kagurawho, while in a state of kamigakari, s overtakenby a spirit and utters the takusenbudivine utterance). (Honda 1969, 91) Asa corollary, the waki role is often that of a monk because it derives fromthe role of the ascetic who in many shamanic rituals induces the miko'sdivine possession. Honda (1943, 39) also notes that the waki was origi-nally also a flute player, the flute being the instrument used to bring aboutkamioroshibv(the descent of the god).28 In a word, the role of the wakiderives from that of the ascetic who conjured a divine manifestationthrough the shaman-medium. The babw(acts) of the classical ghost playsare modeled on the incantation and the actual possession (kamigakari)of amedium resulting from the incantation-corresponding to the maebabx(first act)-and the apparition of the god, ghost, or demon in true form inthe nochibabysecond act).29 (Honda 1969, 103)



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Honda has also argued that one further crucial structural charac-teristic of no derives from shamanic ritual. Many no plays are structuredvery much like an illustrated, acted-out narration of a past event-morelike a narrated reenactment than like the apparent presentation of theactual event itself, as is the common practice in kabuki and Westerndrama. (Honda 1958, 191-230; 1977, 13-25) Frank Hoff (1975) com-pares Honda's theory to that of Else (1965), who postulated that Attictragedy originated in the performances of rhapsoidoi ancient Greek story-tellers). For Honda, no structure reveals its origin in the telling of thestory (kataribz) by the shaman. (Honda 1958, 209) The katari in no is an"extension of shamanism-the manifestation of the spirit in the finalstages of possession of the shaman." (Hoff and Flindt 1973, 256)30At this point, several other important analogies that show the con-nection between kaguraand no(Raz 1981, 12-18; Honda 1977, 24) shouldbe briefly mentioned. There are remarkable similarities between the nostage and kagura'sperforming area, which is delimited by a ritual strawrope (shimenawaca). Both stages create a sacred space, set apart for the pro-jection into our dimension of the "other dimension" outside our time-aspace within the ritual frame of the illud tempus. The importance of thejourney that occurs in both shamanism and no has also been underlined.(Kirby 1973, 275) In some cases the shaman travels in spirit to the "otherworld" and there meets gods and departed souls from whom he laterrelates messages to the faithful. More often, the shaman projects the"other world" into the sacred space and accomplishes there in a symbolicway his journey to the "other dimension." Such a journey also takes placeat the beginning of no plays: an ascetic (the waki) reaches a special placewhere he makes contact with a spirit belonging to the other world, orreaches the other world itself and finds a ghost.Blacker (1975, 33) has remarked that shamanism operates in thegray area between Shinto and Buddhism. The same can be said of manyno plays, in which the nebulous sphere of mixed beliefs-and popular awefor shamanic practices-can much better justify ghostly apparitions andpossessions of living men by gods, spirits, and faraway souls than can anyofficial Buddhist or Shinto doctrine. In fact, no music and kakegoecb thestrange, guttural sound of the drummers' voices) have been traced to sha-manic rituals. (Honda 1958, 221; Raz 1981, 16-17) The drums are tradi-tional Japanese trance-inducing instruments; the flute, as mentionedbefore, is an instrument for conjuring the descent of the spirits; and thekakegoe re part of the invitation to the gods to manifest themselves. Thus,the gliding movement of the no actor in performance imitates the midairlocomotion of a ghost or supernatural being. The stamping of the feetderives from movements for the pacification of the souls of the dead in thetamashizumecc(spirit-quelling) ritual of ancient kagura. (Honda 1974, 195-

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197) In addition, the fact that the shitein no almost always carries either afan or some other object is derived from the kamigakariritual in kagura.The possessing spirit was believed to reside temporarily in the torimonocd(held object) in the hand of the main kaguraperformer, the miko, or theninjo. The constant use by the shite of a torimono-such as a fan, spear,bow, or sakakic branch-is well explained by the deeply rooted Japanesebelief in shamanic possession and consequent veneration for the tempo-rary abode of the possessing spirit. (Raz 1981, 10-11) This prevented theperformers from abandoning the sacred prop even when the consciousinfluence of no's origins faded away. Finally, it seems appropriate to men-tion the haunting atmosphere of many no performances as compelling, ifcircumstantial, evidence of their derivation from the spellbinding, some-times terrifying, contact with the "other world" of shamanic possessionrituals. (Blacker 1975, 31)

Limits of Shamanic InfluencesA few brief remarks should be sufficient to indicate that, in spite ofthe incontrovertible evidence of the link between shamanism and no, thereare limits to shamanic ritual influence on the formation of no. First, asHonda (1969, 92) remarks, the contents of the no plays do not derive fromshamanic traditions, but from other sources such as the classic Japaneseepics. There is also a substantial difference between genuine shamanic rit-uals of possession, common in ancient and medieval Japan, and noperfor-mance. Observation of the phenomenon of possession, still sporadically

practiced in remote villages, testifies to the fact that such acts can beunpredictable, unpolished, and uncomposed in movement and word. No,on the contrary, is the epitome of the predictable; its composed, highlypolished, controlled, and stylized movement and its proverbially elegantdance leave no space for improvisation by the performer.Zeami's ideal ofyugencf(elegant beauty) as the supreme aestheticlaw controlling every aspect of no, including literary text and perfor-mance, was from the beginning diametrically opposed to both the unso-phisticated movements-if not outright convulsions-of a shaman intrance, and to her utterances, often concerning trifles of village life. Thedescription of Uzume's spontaneous disrobing in front of Amaterasu'sheavenly cave at the height of her ecstatic dance during the first reportedkaguraperformance (Philippi 1968, 83-84) is an authoritative confirma-tion of this opposition. As is well known, the better no texts are rich inquotations from Chinese and Japanese classical poetry, and they reachhigh standards of literary achievement. Conversely, kagura hymns arenotoriously ranked as popular, low-standard literature; the shamanic nar-ratives (katari)in most cases do not even reach that level.



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The performing area and costumes of no also bear witness to thewide gap between no and shamanic practices. A number of existing nostages rank among the finest examples of sophisticated palace and templearchitecture from the Muromachi era. The kagura stage, on the otherhand, is traditionally an open-air space delimited only by a sacred strawrope; even mikaguracgcourt kagura) s performed at the Imperial Palace ina small garden facing the sanctuary of Amaterasu, in a space enclosed bysimple curtains. The indoor performance of modern kaguraon stages inhalls and in shrines is recent and derives from other performing arts. Thecostumes used by primitive Japanese shamans were simple and pre-dominantly white. However, the dazzling costumes of the shitein no reflectcolorful, elaborate Ashikaga court tastes, while performers portrayingpriests and monks are costumed in the ornate vestments of the high-rank-ing Buddhist and Shinto clergy who were close to the governmental estab-lishment.The adoption of sophisticated masks contributed decisively to theformation of the unique atmosphere of no performance. Masks firstappeared in Japan, if we do not count the probable occasional use ofprimitive masks in prehistoric Japan, with the importation of gigaku, amultifaceted performing art primarily connected with Buddhist templefestivals. The origin of gigaku masks has been traced to several Asiancountries, especially China, and it has even been suggested that lateRoman masks exerted an influence. (Niizeki 1969, 292-293) The use ofmasks in Japan became even more widespread with the importation ofbugakudances from the continent in the seventh century. However, sha-manic rituals in ancient and medieval Japan as a rule did not employmasks. The widespread use of masks in kagura s a relatively recent phe-nomenon, limited to the entertainment part of the ceremony, and, likeindoor performances of kagura,derives from the practice of other medievalperforming arts. In many cases, modern kaguramasks are simplified ver-sions of no and kyogenmasks. This is because performances of no and kyogenwere offered to the gods as the entertainment part of kagurawhen earlierforms of entertainment had gone out of fashion. Kaguramasks are there-fore certainly not related to the origins of no-kyogenmasks, much less toany shamanic influence on the genesis of no. The adoption of masks forthe Okina sarugaku-and then for no-can be seen as a practical move byperformers, intended to increase the credibility of, and give poignancy to,their performances in the roles of supernatural beings and ghosts. Farfrom suggesting a shamanic origin, the refined quality of no masks ratherprovides impressive testimony to the high artistic and creative achieve-ment in the field of sculpture which accommodated the sophisticatedcourt tastes in the Ashikagachperiod (1392-1573).

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SHAMANISM AND BUDDHIST SPIRITUALITYA number of authors writing about the origins of no describe Bud-dhist ritual as an important influence.31 Other authors (Konishi 1961,240, 253-256; Kosai [1962] 1967, 20-39; Nearman 1978, 323-325), com-menting on the theoretical writings of Zeami and Zenchikuc', underlinethe importance of Zenc and other Buddhist schools in shaping the aes-thetic principles and terminology of those two great no actors. None ofthese scholars, however, seems to consider the possibility that Buddhismcontained within itself an originating force-its spirituality. Buddhistspirituality was at least as powerful, pervasive, and effective as sha-manism in determining the formation of no's most fascinating characteris-tic: its unique intensity and depth. However, the task of this article is notto discuss the spirituality of the "way of no" as comparable to the Zen wayto religious enlightenment (satorick), nor to elaborate on the connectionbetween the most intense experience of the highest no art and the lifelongtotal dedication to no of masters who eventually reach the indescribablestate of myokafuclflower of the miraculous).32 (Omote and Kato [1974]1976, 174) It is sufficient to state here that a consideration of the Buddhistspiritual world is fundamental in establishing the origins of no.Goto Hajime best summarizes the results of genealogical research,of analyses of old and newly found records, and of the study of masks, cos-tumes, and stages from all over Japan. He proves that no resulted fromchains of influences that encompass all aspects of the rich medieval civili-zation of Japan. (Goto 1975, 572-575) In my opinion, however, the func-tion of both shamanism and Buddhist spirituality in the formation of nogoes beyond that proposed by Goto and others. Rather than being seen asthe source of various parts of no texts and performance, their functionshould be compared to that of a powerful generator of energy: all-perva-sive, influencing throughout, and capable of explaining most phases ofthe prodigious development of no.Shamanism and Buddhist spirituality share the principal responsi-bility for-and therefore should together be considered the main origin of-the most distinctive characteristics of noart, intensity and depth. Thesecharacteristics result from an integration of two very different approachesto the "other world," one very primitive and the other highly sophisti-cated. The first is shamanic possession, a fascinating representationwhich establishes the thrill of direct contact with the "other dimension" ina time outside of our time, and in a sacred space set apart for the journey-encounter. The second is both epiphany and representation of a sophisti-cated encounter with the secret of secrets reserved for the great masterswho deliver, in the highest rank of style (the flower of the miraculous),



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performances rooted in the heart (kokorocm)f everything-rooted in a spe-cial spontaneity and unity with the source of all, which is ultimately theBuddha Nature.33

NOTES1. Particularlyimportant is the researchby Goto Hajime (1975), which sum-marizes the resultsof many years spent patiently collecting data, especially from

the provinces. His is an originaleffort, intendedto balancethe customarysourcesfrom the capital and the main shrines which have been prevalent in the researchof great pioneers like Nose Asaji ([1938] 1941), Morisue Yoshiaki([1942] 1950),and Hayashiya Tatsusaburo (1960). In Western languages see: P. G. O'Neill(1958), Hagen Blau (1966), Thomas Immoos (1969), Ortolani ([1970] 1973),Inoura Yoshinobu(1971), Immoos and Mayer (1977), FrankHoff (1978), JacobRaz (1981), and ToshioAkima(1982).2. See Ernest Theodore Kirby (1973; 1975), Immoos (1969), and Inoura(1971). The presentarticle is based on my paper "Shamanismand the Origins ofthe No Theatre" (1977), and on my "Le originidel teatroNo" ([1970] 1973).3. Out of a vast body of research,the followingcan be considered the most rep-resentative publications:Nose ([1938] 1941), Morisue ([1942] 1950), and Haya-shiya (1960).4. The Okinaplay is still performedat the beginning of the year and at impor-tant occasions as a blessing for long life and fertility.About Okinaand its impor-tance forthe originsof no, see Honda (1958).5. See note 13.6. More recently, Akima (1982, 506-507) has also made this connection.Expert opinions are extremely varied as to what the shushiwere, what their per-formances consisted of, their level of artistry, and how much their art reallyinfluencedthe formationof no.Blau (1966) brings to light the wide range of prob-lems connected withshushiand discussesavailabledocumentsand opinions. Eventhe pronunciationof the term is controversial. The two Chinese charactersusedto write it in Heian period documents are read shushi, ushi, noronji, ushi, andsushiby different scholars. (Blau 1966, 427) Their origin, too, is controversial.Hans Eckardt(Blau 1966, 278) connects them with Korean shamans, showingearly Western interest in shamanism as a source forJapanese performing arts.This interest is also found in the work of Hermann Bohner (1959), Immoos(1969), Hoff (1978), and Raz (1981). Nose thought shushicame from servantsofthe temple who performedmany ceremonies for the faithful, often including themagic, divination, and exorcism then in vogue in official Buddhist rituals.([1938] 1941, 102, 130-131) Also controversial s what shushimight have done intheir performances,the contents of which probablychanged in the course of theeleventh and twelfth centuries. It is known that early performancesdid includesome kind of fast dance, designated by the verb hashirucnto run). (Nose [1938]1941, 147, 149; Blau 1966, 278) Some shushiperformanceswere probablycomic

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and profane spectacles neither serious nor religious in nature. It may be thatshushiperformances were absorbed by sarugakucompanies, eventually influencingthe latter's content and style. The practices of exorcism and probable dramatiza-tion of rituals with splendid costumes by shushimay have influenced the costumesof no, and perhaps served as models for the dramatization of myths in no. More-over, genealogical lines seem to connect some no actors with shushi families. (Blau1966, 324-325)7. The word modokihas several meanings: to oppose resistance, to explain, toimitate, to modify. All help to define its special function-fundamental in the his-tory of Japanese performing arts-of modokias an explanatory device, prevalentin the form of comic parody. It is often a rerun of the main performance's con-tent, in a modified version, brought down to the level of popular understanding-many times also with a function of comic relief. (Blau 1966, 46; Inoura 1971,27)8. Shirabyoshidenotes both a kind of dance which developed during the eighthcentury and its performers. O'Neill (1958, 43-45) discusses the long history ofshirabyoshi,the social status of performers (who ranged from itinerant prostitutesto the wives of important personalities in Japanese history), and the disapprovalof shirabyoshidancing expressed by well-meaning conservatives. See also Goto(1960-61, 238).9. A translation of the Chinese characters indicates that rambu refers to non-classical, "disorderly" dances. Honda (1960-61b, 567) characterizes the rambuashaving consisted of complete freedom of movement in the absence of fixed rulesand having been accompanied by vocal and instrumental music.10. Ennenwas, in O'Neill's words, "the general name for the various types ofperformances given in Buddhist temples after festivals and ceremonies and dur-ing the visits by important guests." (1958, 7) See also Inoura (1971, 52-62).11. The shape of the Okina mask is important because it is considered anintermediary stage between bugakuand no masks.12. Umehara ([1972] 1981, 498) reads it as somakusha,and the authoritativeKojienc?Shinmura 1955, 1272) as somakusa.13. The term chinkonsha s a generic designation for a performer of chinkon,theceremony to pacify souls of the dead. Chinkon also indicates "the complex ofbeliefs concerning the power of man to invoke and manipulate spirits." (Raz1981, 8) The Asobi-be specialized in a form of chinkon, according to the lateninth-century Ryo no shugecPCollected annotations of ordinances): "The Asobi-be stand as mediators between the seen and the unseen worlds, and appease theevil spirits that cause great harm. They have no work to do, hence the nameAsobi-be, 'the playing group.' " (Akima 1982, 498) The Asobi-be were singersand composers of funeral songs, and Akima (1982, 506-507) believes that theghost plays of no derive from the dramatization of such ritual songs.14. It seems that the principal characteristic of kusemaimusic was rhythm. Thecharacter for kusewas used in the ca. 1008 Genjimonogatariq The tale of Genji;Murasaki [1925-33] 1955-59) to indicate a type of nonconformist dance andmusic which violated the traditional rules of gagaku. During the early years of no,the kusemaiwas held in about as much esteem among conservative court elements

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as jazz was among "sensible people" in the first decades of our century. (O'Neill1958, 42-52)15. Concerning Chinese influence on sarugaku,see Hama Kazue (1968, 212-271).16. The two Chinese characters used for waza and ogi are today read haiyu, thecontemporary everyday word for "actor."17. See Frazer ([1890] 1959), Harrison ([1912] 1927), Murray (Harrison[1912] 1927), Gester ([1950] 1977), and Muller ([1956] 1968).18. See Kindermann (1957, 14-16) and Brockett (1982, 1-6).19. Among the great pioneers of anthropological research on shamanism areWilhelm Schmidt, Sergei M. Shirokorogoff, Mircea Eliade, Claude Levi-Strauss, and Dominik Schroeder. Prominent writings on the subject of sha-manism as related to theatre include Dodds (1951), Lucas (1968), Kott (1974),and Schechner (1976).20. This summary of research concerning Japanese shamanism is based pri-marily on Nakayama (1930; translated Fairchild 1962) and Blacker (1975, 32-33). The important study by Blacker begins and ends, significantly, with episodesfrom noplays.21. Fujo is a different reading of the characters also read as miko. The readingfujo was preferred by scholars at the time the cited book was written.22. See especially his Nihon geinoshi noto(Notes on the history of the perform-ing arts ofJapan; Origuchi 1957).23. Other recent noted Japanese scholars of shamanism include Togawa Ansh6(1975) and Sakurai Tokutaro (1973).24. The myth is recorded in the two oldest texts concerning Japanese history,the 712 Kojikic (Philippi 1969) and the 720 Nihongic (Aston 1956).25. Honda's research will be referred to in more detail later in this article.Hoff's work (1978, 139-223) is fundamental for the study in English of Honda'scontribution.

26. Kirby (while otherwise offering useful insights) seems not to have avoidedthese two pitfalls. For example, Kirby (1973, 272) quotes Araki ([1964] 1978, 35)inaccurately and out of context, "Far from being the antecedent of No, it [kagura]'was influenced to a great extent by the no dramas,' " and himself states, "Iintend to show that No drama originated directly in shamanic rituals of trancepossession, as did Kagura." The article as a whole suggests a severe lack ofawareness of the state of Japanese studies.27. The Hanamatsuri celebrates the birthday of Buddha at the time of thecherry blossoms.28. In the bugakupiece Somakusha,as analyzed by Umehara ([1972] 1981, 509),the deuteragonist who fulfills the waki-like function of appeasing the ghost ofPrince Shotoku also plays the flute. This detail seems to confirm the link of acommon shamanic background between kagura, ancient bugaku(at least as per-formed at the Horyuji temple during the Shory6e festival), and the no ghostplays.29. In the first act, the shite-called a maejitec'-usually impersonates a local

person who is possessed by the spirit of the hero. In the second act, the shite-

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called a noch'jiteCu-playsthe role of the hero "no longer through his medium, butin his own person." (Raz 1981, 14)30. Hoff develops his comparison in a short essay in honor of Professor Honda(1975).31. In particular, Kawatake (1959, 85-88) sees the shushi rituals at Buddhisttemples as important antecedents of no. See note 6.32. See a translation of Zeami's text and a commentary in Nearman (1978).33. For further reference, see Ortolani (1976; 1978).

a. E ah. bo. f_;4 bCb. Bl a i . b p . Ec. # aj. - _, bq.d. J a k . b r .e. al. ct bs.f. Eff am. it b t . :_1Ig. an. r7 - bu.h. , ao. gv. t4[ Li. ci ap. l|p bw. |i . A1, a q . t*aJj b x . mlik . *i~} a r . ii)/0, b y. t1 . Pq]i a s . H b z . PPm. k.: a t . { : c a. ,j$gn. au. {J1 cb. tJo. .: av. ~ cc. ip . 4 aw. et cd.Cq. ?Fil ax . ?filf ce. .r . tfr[; a y . iff- c f . 1gis. 3.5[ az. E cg. W-OPt b. aa . hh. _ lJu . bi cKk c i tiv bc. i c . c jw. fP-pl; b d . 1i c k. -' )x . W[ b e. El$Ig c 1 .,I EY ?]J~; bf. A, cm.z. ply, bg. OP cn.Taa. Mt~ b h. ~ c o . /A:Iab . tlaff b i . XBs c p . XWac . L? b j . -: c q. ilF i^jad. . f bk. Sff cr. - iae . m b . Ak c s . *:Faf. ^i bm. f ct. HJ 'Ta g . ,r , b n . " t c u .



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arts), edited by Waseda Daigaku Engeki Hakubutsukan, 238. Tokyo:Heibonsha.1964.Nomenshikenkyuosetsu(Introduction to the study of no mask history).Tokyo:Meizendo Shoten.1975.NogakunokigenThe origin of nogaku).Tokyo:Mokujisha.Hama Kazue. 1968.Nihongeinono genryu. angakuko (Sources of Japanese performing arts:considerationof sangaku).Tokyo:Kadokawa Shoten.Harrison,Jane, ed. [1912] 1927.Themis.A Study fSocialOrigins f Greek eligion.2nd ed. Includes "Excur-sus on the Ritual Forms Preserved in Greek Tragedy" by Gilbert Mur-ray, and "Origin of the Olympic Games" by F M. Cornford. Cam-bridge, England:CambridgeUniversity Press.HattoriYukio. 1974-75."Shukujinron"(Treatiseon shukujin).Bungaku 2, no. 10:64-79; 43, no.1:54-63; 43, no. 2:76-97.Hayashiya Tatsusaburo. 1960.ChiseigeinoshinokenkyuA study of the history of the performingarts inthe medievalera). Tokyo:Iwanami Shoten.

Hoff, Frank. 1975."Heteroni Gignomenon. atarimonoo Butaika n Japan and Greece; AComparativeStudy."Typescript.1978.Song,Dance,Storytelling.spects fthePerformingrts nJapan.Cornell Uni-versity East Asian Papers, no. 15. Ithaca, New York:Cornell China-Japan Program.

Hoff, Frank,and Willi Flindt. 1973."The Life Structure of Noh: An English Version of YokomichiMario'sAnalysis of the Structure of Noh." Concernedheatreapan2, no. 3, no. 4(Spring):209-256.Honda Yasuji.1943.No oyobikyogen o(Studies of no and kyogen).Tokyo: Maruoka Shuppan-bu.

1958.OkinaonahokaOkinaand othermatters). Tokyo:Meizendo Shoten.1960-61a."Kamigakari." In vol. 3 of Engekihyakkadaijiten,edited by WasedaDaigaku Engeki Hakubutsukan, 109. Tokyo:Heibonsha.1960-61b."Rambu." In vol. 5 of Engekihyakka aijiten, dited by WasedaDaigakuEngeki Hakubutsukan,567. Tokyo:Heibonsha.



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Hori, Ichiro. 1951.Wagakuni inkanhinkoshienkyuA study of folk religion in our country).2 vols. Tokyo: Sogensha.

.[1968] 1983.FolkReligion nJapan: ContinuityndChange.Edited by Joseph Kitagawaand Alan L. Miller.Reprint. Chicago: Midway.Ikeda Saburo. 1957."No to sengyo gein6 to" (NJ and previousperformingarts). Bungaku 5,no. 9:31-42.

Immoos, Thomas. 1969."The BirthofJapanese Theatre."Monumentaipponica 4:403-414.Immoos, Thomas, and FredMayer. 1977.

JapaneseTheatre.New York:Macmillan.InouraYoshinobu. 1963.NihonengekishiHistory ofJapanese performingarts). Tokyo:Shibundo.1971.A HistoryofJapaneseTheatre: Noh andKyogen.Tokyo: Kokusai BunkaShinkokai.KawatakeShigetoshi. 1959.Nihonengeki enshi(Comprehensive history of Japanese theatre). Tokyo:Iwanami Shoten.Kindermann, Heinz. 1957.Theatergeschichteuropas. Theatre history of Europe). Vol. 1. Salzburg:Otto Muller.Kirby,ErnestTheodore. 1973."The Origin of No Drama." EducationalTheatreournal25, no. 3 (Octo-ber):269-284.1975.Ur-drama.The Originsof Theatre.New York: New York UniversityPress.

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Kott, Jan. 1974.The Eating of the Gods: An Interpretationof Greek Tragedy.Translated byBoleslaw Taborski and EdwardJ. Czerwinski. New York: Vintage.Lombard, Frank Allison. 1928.An OutlineHistory ofJapaneseDrama. London: Allen and Unwin.Lucas, D. W., ed. 1968.Poetics, by Aristotle. Introduction, commentary, and appendixes byD. W. Lucas. Oxford: Clarendon.Matsumoto Shinhachiro. 1948a.

"Kyogen no omokage" (Remembrances of kyogen).Bungaku16, no. 4:1-14.1948b."Kyogen ni okeru toshi to noson" (Kyogen n cities and villages). Bungaku16, no. 12:17-26..1957."No no hassei" (Origins of no). Bungaku25, no. 9:13-30.

Matsumura Takeo. 1954-58.Nihon shinwa nokenkyu. A study ofJapanese myths). 4 vols. Tokyo: Baifu-kukan.

MorisueYoshiaki. [1942] 1950.Chuseino shaji to geijutsu(Shrines and temples and performing arts of themiddle ages). Reprint. Tokyo: Meguro Shoten.Muccioli, Marcello. 1962.II Teatrogiapponese The Japanese theatre). Milan, Italy: Feltrinelli.Muller, Herbert. [1956] 1968.TheSpiritof Tragedy.New York: Knopf.Murasaki Shikibu. [1925-33] 1955-59.The Taleof Genji(Genji monogatari,ca. 1008 A.D.). Part I and II. Translated

by Arthur Waley. Garden City, New York: Doubleday.Nakayama Tar6. 1930.Nihonfujoshi (A history ofJapanese miko). Tokyo: Ookayama Shoten.Nearman, MarkJ. 1978."Zeami's Kyui. A Pedagogical Guide for Teachers of Acting." Monumenta

Nipponica33, no. 3:299-332.Niizeki Ryozo. 1969.Gekibungakuno hikakukenkyuA comparative study of dramatic literature).Tokyo: Tokyodo.Nogami Toyoichiro, ed. 1942-44.

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Nonomura Kaizo. 1942."Nogaku no hassei to hatten" (Origin and development of nogaku). Invol. 2 of Nogaku zensho, edited by Nogami Toyoichiro, 71-167. Tokyo:Sogensha.

Nose Asaji. [1938] 1941.NogakugenryukoStudy of the origin of nogaku).Reprint. Tokyo: IwanamiShoten.

Omote Akira, and Kato Shuichi. [1974] 1976."Zeami, Zenchiku." Vol. 24 of Nihon shiso taikei (A history of Japaneseideologies). Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.O'Neill, P. G. 1958.Early No Drama: Its Background, Character,and Development,1300-1450.London: Lund Humphries.1981."The Social and Economic Background of No." Maske und Kothurn27,no. 1:19-29.

Origuchi Shinobu. 1957.Nihon geinoshi noto (Notes on the history of Japanese performing arts).Tokyo: Chuokoronsha.

.1970-74.OriguchiShinobuzenshu(The collected works of Origuchi Shinobu). Editedby Origuchi Hakushi Kinen Kodai Kenkyujo. 19 vols. Tokyo:Chuokoronsha.

Ortolani, Benito. [1970] 1973."Le origini del teatro No" (The origin of the no theatre). In TeatroNo:Costumie Maschere,35-61. Rome, Italy: Istituto Giapponese di Cultura.Reprinted in Introduzione al Teatroclassico giapponese, edited by NicolaSavarese, 30-65. Rome, Italy: Universita degli Studi.

.1976.Zenchiku'sAestheticsof the No Theatre.Riverdale Studies, no. 3. New York:Riverdale Center for Religious Research.

.1977."Shamanism and the Origins of the No Theatre." Paper presented at the29th Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, held March25-27 at the Waldorf Astoria, New York.

.1978."Spirituality for the Dancer-Actor in Zeami's and Zenchiku's Writingson the No. " In Acts of theADG/CORD Conferencen Honolulu, Hawaii, 1978,edited by Betty TrueJones. In press.1983."Shamanism in Kabuki." Paper presented at the Second EuropeanKabuki Conference, held November 7-10 at the European Center forJapanese Theatre Arts, Vienna. Forthcoming.

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ortolani, benito. shamanism in the origins of the nō theatre

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