Palestinian Popular Struggle

Palestinian Popular Struggle challenges conventional thinking about political action and organization. It offers an alternative to the seemingly failed tracks of armed struggle and diplomatic negotiations. A discourse of rights and global justice helps bridge national and religious divides, drawing Jewish Israelis and diverse supporters from around the world to participate in direct- action cam-paigns on the ground in the West Bank. The movement has some important achievements and continues to offer innovative approaches to the Israeli– Palestinian conflict. This book summarizes Palestinian traditions of popular struggle and presents original field research from the West Bank, drawing on several months of parti-cipant observation, over twenty- five hours of recorded interviews with Palestin-ian activists, and more than 200 questionnaires gaging public perceptions about the strategies of the popular committees. One of the book’s major case studies is the village of Nabi Saleh, which recently became well known when one of its activists, a sixteen- year-old girl named Ahed Tamimi, was imprisoned for slap-ping Israeli soldiers outside her family home. The book offers insight into new waves of Palestinian popular protest, from the 2017 prayer protests in Jerusalem to the 2018 march of return in Gaza. Pal-estinian Popular Struggle is a valuable resource for researchers and students interested in War and Conflict Studies, Politics and the Middle East.

Michael J. Carpenter is a post- doctoral fellow with Borders in Globalization at the Centre for Global Studies, University of Victoria, Canada. His research inter-ests include participatory governance, civil resistance, Middle East politics, international relations, and political theory.

Routledge Studies on the Arab–Israeli ConflictSeries Editor: Mick DumperUniversity of Exeter

The Arab–Israeli conflict continues to be the center of academic and popular attention. This series brings together the best of the cutting edge work now being undertaken by predominantly new and young scholars. Although largely falling within the field of political science the series also includes interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary contributions.

21 Palestinians in Jerusalem and Jaffa, 1948 A Tale of Two Cities Itamar Radai

22 Palestinian Political Discourse Between Exile and Occupation Emile Badarin

23 Islamic Development in Palestine A Comparative Study Stephen Royle

24 The History and Politics of the Bedouin Reimagining Nomadism in Modern Palestine Seraj Assi

25 Palestinian Popular Struggle Unarmed and Participatory Michael J. Carpenter

26 Israel in the Post Oslo Era Prospects for Conflict and Reconciliation with the Palestinians As’ad Ghanem, Mohanad Mostafa, and Salim Brake

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Palestinian Popular StruggleUnarmed and Participatory

Michael J. Carpenter

First published 2019 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2019 Michael J. Carpenter

The right of Michael J. Carpenter to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

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British Library Cataloguing- in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging- in-Publication Data Names: Carpenter, Michael J. (Writer on the Middle East), author. Title: Palestinian popular struggle : unarmed and participatory / Michael J. Carpenter. Description: Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies on the Arab-Israeli conflict ; 25 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018035388 (print) | LCCN 2018039449 (ebook) | ISBN 9781351008846 (master) | ISBN 9781351008839 (Adobe Reader) | ISBN 9781351008822 (Epub) | ISBN 9781351008815 (Mobipocket) | ISBN 9781138542396 | ISBN 9781138542396(hardback) | ISBN 9781351008846(ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Palestinian Arabs–Politics and government–20th century. | Palestinian Arabs–Politics and government–21st century. | Protest movements–West Bank–History. | Protest movements–Gaza Strip–History. | Intifada, 1987-1993. | Al-Aqsa Intifada, 2000- | Civil disobedience–West Bank–History. | Civil disobedience–Gaza Strip–History. | Government, Resistance to–West Bank–History. | Government, Resistance to–Gaza Strip–History. Classification: LCC DS119.7 (ebook) | LCC DS119.7 .C352 2019 (print) | DDC 956.94/2055–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018035388

ISBN: 978-1-138-54239-6 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-351-00884-6 (ebk)

Typeset in Times New Roman by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear

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For people struggling everywhere

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Contents

List of figures ix List of tables x Preface xi Acknowledgments xiii Transcription and transliteration xiv Arabic terms and alternative transliterations xv List of acronyms xvii

Introduction 1

Contending views of power 1Ethics, methodology, outline 5

1 Palestinian popular struggle 9

Prelude 9Roots and branches 15People and stones 30

2 Intifada of the Stones 39

Eve of the uprising 40A golden age of resistance 43Oslo and the end of popular struggle 56

3 Popular struggle against the wall 61

Return of the popular committees 62Friday protests and media savvy 67

viii Contents

4 Global vision and new partners 89

Local and global 90Enter NGOs and old leaders 96Nabi Saleh and the lost spring 103

5 Direct action beyond the villages 113

New sites, new tactics 1132011: another lost spring? 115Action beyond the wall 119

6 Popular committees and participatory deficits 134

Then and now 137Decision- making, leadership, exclusions 140Constructive work: land, media, and more 147The curse of money (and other obstacles) 158

Conclusion 162

Summary 162Implications 164

Appendix 168

1 Field research overview 1682 Interview data 1703 Questionnaire data 177

Index 189

Figures

6.1 Organizational depth for coordinated actions 143A.1 “For Palestinian goals today, which is more effective?” 178A.2 “Most popular committees (for example, in Nabi Saleh,

Bil’in, Budrus) are organized and led by …” 179A.3 “Popular committees invite everyone to participate” 179A.4 “Popular committees are dominated by a few individuals” 180A.5 “Popular committees are democratic” 180A.6 “Popular committees exclude part of the community” 181A.7 “Popular committees exclude women” 182A.8 “Popular committees should lead the national struggle” 183A.9 “Popular committees should follow orders from politicians” 183A.10 “Decision- making processes should be ‘bottom up’ ” 184A.11 “Decision- making processes should be ‘top down’ ” 184

Tables

6.1 Participatory comparison table 139A.1 “Participant background” 185A.2 “For Palestinian goals today, which is more effective?” 185A.3 “Most popular committees (for example, in Nabi Saleh,

Bil’in, Budrus) are organized and led by” 185A.4 On popular committees 185

Preface

A growing movement of Palestinian popular struggle is changing the dynamic of conflict in the Middle East. Popular struggle is people power. It is fighting without military weapons, and it is organizing from the grassroots up. Unarmed and participatory, it offers alternatives to the old ways of top- down leadership and militarized struggle. It empowers ordinary people and de- escalates cycles of violence. Palestinians have a long history of this kind of struggle, but it is often overshadowed by elite politics and armed resistance. In more recent years, popular struggle has become increasingly salient, as well as increasingly global, and it has begun to overtake the old ways. This is a book about Palestinian traditions of popular struggle, with an empha-sis on recent movements in the West Bank. The book is not about Israel or Israe-lis, except indirectly, as the occupation and Israeli solidarity activists variously impacted the Palestinian movement. Western audiences sometimes expect any-thing Palestinian to be paired with something Israeli. This book resists that expectation. The book also resists the temptation to focus on violence and war, despite their proximity and frequent interventions in the coming pages. Nor is the book concerned with charismatic leaders or the halls of diplomatic power. Ordinary people, groups, and communities are the protagonists of this story. Lastly, the book also avoids the discourses of nonviolence and nonviolent resist-ance. Popular struggle is unarmed, meaning non- militarized, and it sometimes includes violence, in particular the relatively minor violence of youth throwing stones at occupation forces. Philosophically, the book is between worlds. Defenders of armed struggle may suspect that my focus on unarmed Palestinian struggle betrays the naivety and comfort of white colonial privilege. Champions of nonviolence, on the other hand, may refuse to accept that stone throwing or any other acts of violence can be legitimate and effective. Moreover, Palestinian traditions of participatory organization challenge modern governance norms of large- scale centralization. They also challenge social movement presuppositions that radical democracy is incompatible with hierarchal organization. Palestinian popular struggle does not fit into the simple categories of violent/nonviolent, horizontal/vertical. It is non- militarized but not quite nonviolent. It is community based but capable of reaching collective decisions and coordinating action at large scale. Theoretical

xii Preface

digressions into civil resistance and direct democracy, as in the PhD dissertation that became this book, have been minimized in order to provide a more access-ible overview of Palestinian popular struggle. Palestinian struggle speaks for itself but too often lacks a platform in Western discourse. As a Canadian academic, activist, and citizen, I have tried to listen over two decades, plus six months living in the West Bank. This book is my effort to collect and amplify Palestinian voices, not because I support their struggle against Western- backed Israeli occupation—though I do—but because their experience speaks to contemporary and seemingly intractable problems of conflict and governance in the Middle East and closer to home. Palestinian popular struggle offers lessons for an age of creeping violence and democratic deficits.

Acknowledgments

This book is made possible by the support of many individuals and institutions. I especially want to the thank Palestinians who helped along the way, includ-ing friends, teachers, translators, assistants, and research participants (who cannot be named for confidentiality reasons), and many more for sharing conver-sations, tea, and hospitality, especially the people of Bil’in, Budrus, and Nabi Saleh. I also want to thank Mustafa Barghouti and the editors of Palestine Monitor for logistical support, housing, and access to activist networks. I am grateful to the Department of Political Science at the University of Vic-toria, for support, encouragement, and work opportunities over the years. I also want to thank the Centre for Global Studies for hosting me through the doctoral writing process and for welcoming me into a family of exemplary global citizens. For support and encouragement going back many years, I am honored to thank the following colleagues and mentors: Rex Brynen, Martin Bunton, Rod Dobell, Shadia Drury, Bill Geimer, Bikrum Gill, Ken Leyton- Brown, Julie Norman, Pablo Ouziel, Oliver Schmidtke, James Tully, Jodie Walsh, and Scott Watson. I also owe a debt of gratitude to my parents for their continued support and encouragement. And last but not least, the book is the gift of the boundless love and patience of my darling wife, Zoë. This is not to suggest that any of them share the views expressed herein.

Transcription and transliteration

Interview transcriptionAlmost all interviews were in English with native speakers of Arabic. I have pre-served the broken English quality of their speech rather than alter it or staple it with brackets. When necessary, square brackets indicate changes or omissions to the original speech, and parentheses indicate explanatory asides, for example, indicating unintentionally missed words or clarifications without changing or omitting anything from the original speech.

Arabic transliterationFor Arabic letters not easily rendered in English, I have used the following transliteration:

alif = aa ا(Ha = H (uppercase حkha = kh خ(Saad = S (uppercase ص(Daad = D (uppercase ض(Taa = T (uppercase ط(Zaa = Z (uppercase ظ‘ = ayn‘ عghayn = gh غhamza = omitted ء

However, where established convention differs, I followed convention. For example, Yasser Arafat not Yaaser ‘Arafaat.

Arabic terms and alternative transliterations

This list includes Arabic terms and West Bank place names that are used in the text. Some terms have multiple transliterations in English, which can confuse and complicate research; for these, I have included alternative spellings and the Arabic script for clarification.

Beit Soureek (Bait Sureek, Beyt Sourik, )—village, Jerusalem district

Beit Ummar (Bayt Umar, Bait Omar, )—town in Hebron district

Biddu (Bidu, Bidou, )—town, Jerusalem district

Bil’in (Bila’in, Bilin, )—village, Ramallah district

Budrus (Bodros, Budrous, )—village, Ramallah district

Ein Hijleh—protest camp, Jordan Valley

Fatah—political party (mainstream secular nationalist)

al- Harb al- sha’biyey—popular war

Intifada—‘shaking off,’ uprising

Jayyous (Jayyus, Jayous, Jayus, )—village, Qalqilya district

Kafr Quddoum (Kufr Quddum, Kafar Qaddum, Kefr Kaddum, )—town, Qalqilya district

kfeH muselHa—armed struggle

Lajna sha’biya—‘popular committee’

MasHa (Mas- ha, Masaha, Mas’ha, Masha, )—village, Salfit district

Al- Ma’Sara (al- Masara, )—village, Bethlehem district

Mubadara (Palestinian National Initiative)—political party

Muqawama al- sha’biya—‘popular resistance’

Nabi Saleh (an- Nebi Salih, )—village, Ramallah district

xvi Arabic terms and alternative transliterations

Nakba—‘Catastrophe,’ the 1948 displacement of 750,000 Palestinians

Naksa—‘Setback,’ the losses and displacements of the 1967 war

Ni’lin (nilin, ni’ilin, )—town, Ramallah district

Qalandiya (Kalandia, )—checkpoint between Ramallah and Jerusalem

Shabaab—(shabab, )—‘youth,’ refers to boys and young men, especially those who throw stones

Sheikh Jarrah—a neighborhood in East Jerusalem

Silwan—a neighborhood in East Jerusalem

Sumoud (sumud, summud, summoud, )—‘steadfastness,’ holding the land

Al- Tuwani (al- Tawani, al- Tuani, )—village, Hebron district

Um Salmona (Umm Salamuna, )—village, Bethlehem district

Ya’ni—literally, ‘it means,’ or ‘it is like’—a filler expression used in pauses or searching moments of speech (similar to English ‘um,’ ‘like,’ ‘you know’)

Acronyms

DFLP Democratic Front for Liberation of PalestineICJ International Court of JusticeIDF Israel Defense ForcesISM International Solidarity MovementNGO Non- governmental organizationPA (PNA) Palestinian (National) AuthorityPFLP Popular Front for Liberation of PalestinePLO Palestine Liberation OrganizationPNI Palestinian National Initiative (al- Mubadara)PSCC Popular Struggle Coordination CommitteePSP Palestine Solidarity ProjectUNLU Unified National Leadership of the Uprising

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Introduction

What was taken by force can only be restored by force.—Common saying, attributed to Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser

after losing territory to Israel in the 1967 war

We know about the power of nonviolent resistance. It’s more than the power of military resistance […] Also, we make sandwiches for those who throwing stones.

—Palestinian activists in the West Bank (BCC 2014; CVO 2014)1

Contending views of powerListening to Palestinians in the Israeli- occupied West Bank, I often heard vari-ations of the old adage that “what was taken by force can only be restored by force.” Even nonviolent activists sometimes expressed similar views, as a young woman working with the nonviolence- oriented Popular Struggle Coordination Committee explained, “when we don’t have the capabilities of going through armed resistance, it’s great to keep promoting unarmed resistance for now, but we should never make one exclusive from the other” (NDS 2014). More bluntly, another woman from the same organization acknowledged, “I think military resistance has a very strong impact, and I’m a hundred percent pro- military action,” adding, “I can’t pull a trigger, personally. If somebody else can, let them do it (laughs)” (BJS 2014). These sentiments were not surprising, because Pales-tinians had ample reason to believe in the power of violence. Force displaced most of their population from their homeland in 1948 then seized the remainder of their country in 1967, displacing thousands more. Occupied and exiled, the majority of Palestinians remained stateless, citizens of nowhere. From this per-spective, force was king, the ultimate decider. Arms were required, sooner or later, as indeed many individuals and groups tried over the years. But this pre-sumption of the necessity of violence was not universal or uncontested in Pales-tinian society. Nor was it exceptional. Western political traditions also made violence supreme, going back to Antiquity. One of the most quoted lines from Greek history, for example, was Thucydides’ “the strong do what they can and the

2 Introduction

weak suffer what they must” (Welch 2003, 319), and one of the most taught texts in political science was Niccolo Machiavelli’s The Prince, infamous for espousing the necessity of violence and war for aspiring leaders (Open Syllabus Project n.d.). So- called ‘realist’ schools of thought dominated Western politics and identified violence or the threat of violence as the source of social order itself, as well as the key to challenging injustice and tyranny (Hobbes 1651; Weber 1919; Kagan 2003). No less, liberal, critical, and emancipatory discourses also lionized the means of war, as liberal John Locke’s right of armed rebellion against tyranny (1689), Communist Vladimir Lenin’s militant vanguard against capitalism (1902), revolutionary Frantz Fanon’s violent decolonization (1963), and the righteous militancy of American race critics like Malcolm X (1965) and Ward Churchill (2007). All of these approaches arose from the basic premise that ‘might makes right,’ meaning simply that force of arms was vital to politics, whether in the sphere of security, sovereignty, justice, freedom, decolonization, or revolution. This did not mean that force of arms must always be operative or visible, but that in a crisis, or when push came to shove, the decisive factor was sheer force. Thus, Palestinian assumptions about violence were not unique or fundamentally different from those shared by many people around the world, probably including present readers. However, there were also quite different conceptualizations of force. Accord-ing to some, weapons of war were counterproductive in the struggle against the occupation. “We know about another power, the power of the people,” a Palestinian explained in a village not far from the Israeli separation barrier (BCC 2014). A few years earlier, the barrier had passed along the edge of the villagers’ homes; now it was dismantled and reconstructed more than half a kilometer further back, along the edge of a nearby Israeli settlement. The village of Bil’in was one of many communities to partially defend its land or reclaim access to land that had been lost since Israel began constructing its so- called security fence in 2002. Many more communities took little action, and others that did were often unsuccessful, but those who achieved results did so through unarmed and participatory methods. Villages and neighborhoods formed local committees and led campaigns of protest, disobedience, and disruption, while cultivating news and social media to attract broader global support, including from Israeli civil society and progressive Jews across the Western world. Their demonstrations and other direct actions challenged not only the separation barrier but increas-ingly other aspects of the occupation, including the settlements, settler attacks, land confiscations, closed roads, military checkpoints, detention without charge, demolition of homes and other infrastructure, bans on tree- planting, and more. Popular struggle was unarmed and participatory. Its power was people acting in concert. “This is, I think, more than the power of the weapons,” the activist from Bil’in assured (BCC 2014). Palestinian popular struggle had a long history and took many forms (Dajani 1995; Darweish and Rigby 2015; Qumsiyeh 2011). Among the most ubiquitous was sumoud, or ‘steadfastness,’ which meant holding fast to the land, working and living on the land despite pressures to give way before expanding Israeli

Introduction 3

settler colonialism. Popular struggle also included classic methods of civil resist-ance, such as protests, marches, boycotts, work strikes, student strikes, hunger strikes, tax strikes, sit- ins, land defense camps, and building alternative social and political institutions. Palestinians had been using these methods to varying degrees since before the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, when Britain con-trolled the country, and before that, against Ottoman rule. Slinging stones at the occupier was another hallmark of Palestinian popular resistance, a controversial practice in some circles but deeply resonant in others. Stone throwing may have been an irrepressible symbol of Palestinian defiance and perseverance, and in some cases, an effective carrier/amplifier of the message of their struggle for justice and freedom. Foreign outreach was another dimension of Palestinian popular struggle, including working through news media, print, government peti-tions, international institutions, foreign delegations, and speaking tours. This century, the international component has become increasingly transnational, or global, through the Internet and social media. While practices and conceptualiza-tions of popular struggle changed over time, and in some ways remained conten-tious, they generally came to signify unarmed action and participatory organization. This does did mean that most Palestinian participants of popular struggle cat-egorically differentiated violent from nonviolent methods or ranked militarized struggle as separate or lower. On the contrary, the majority expressed the realist/militant view that armed force was superior and ultimately necessary, even though many more Palestinians participated in unarmed struggle than ever parti-cipated in armed struggle. They employed popular struggle because it was prag-matic, within the realm of the possible, while also expressing support for the idea of armed struggle. Like people everywhere, they assumed that force of arms was vital to liberation struggles, but in the meantime, they struggled in ways available, practical, sustainable. A smaller number of Palestinians, however, rejected that older logic, contending that armed struggle had failed and that unarmed struggle contained greater prospects for ending the occupation. For example, “they already tried the armed resistance, and we didn’t achieve any-thing” (JVO 2014) and “popular resistance is the suitable weapon for us to face the Israeli occupation” (CVD 2014). This minority attitude in Palestinian society had near analogues in broader global politics and debates about violence and nonviolence. For 100 years, scholars and practitioners around the world rejected the mantra of violence in struggle and insisted instead that organized civil resistance was “a force more powerful” than violence, even against oppressive regimes and under conditions of conflict (Ackerman and DuVall 2000; Case 1923; Chenoweth and Stephan 2011; Gandhi 1909; Sémelin 1993; Schock 2015; Sharp 1973). Exemplary cases of unarmed uprisings from the last few decades included the Philippines move-ment that ousted the authoritarian president Ferdinand Marcos in 1986 and popu-larized the term “people power”; social- democratic resistance in Eastern Europe against Communist regimes in the 1980s, such as Polish Solidarity and the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989; the international campaign that contributed to the

4 Introduction

end of apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s; the successful independence movement of East Timor after decades of Indonesian occupation in the late 1990s; the “color revolutions” of the 2000s, including in Serbia, Georgia, Ukraine, and Lebanon, which each pushed autocratic governments from power; and the Arab Spring uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, which forced presidents- for-life from office in 2011 (Roberts and Garton Ash 2009; Roberts et al. 2016; Stephan 2009; Stephan and Chenoweth 2008). Civil resistance could be effective against oppressive regimes, not because oppressive regimes were persuaded by nonviolence, but because it undermined, severed, or appropriated their social bases of support, including political, eco-nomic, and cultural aspects of power (Sharp 1973, 2010). All power, according to this view, depended on collective practices of consent, cooperation, and obe-dience, and was therefore vulnerable to counter practices of dissent, noncoopera-tion, and disobedience. A growing body of empirical research found that unarmed resistance movements—organized protests, strikes, boycotts, altern-ative institution- building—were more effective than armed resistance move-ments (Chenoweth and Stephan 2011; Karatnycky 2005). The logic was quite straightforward. Movements depended on popular support, the power of numbers, and nonviolent strategies maximized opportunities for participation, whereas violent and armed strategies raised barriers to participation, such as ethical, logistical, and physical barriers (Chenoweth and Stephan 2011, 10, 34–39). Additionally, violent methods carried an increased risk of backfiring, of alienating potential supporters across all parties to a conflict, whereas nonviolent methods were more likely to win sympathy and support (Martin 2007). This was why planners of nonviolent struggle often sought to highlight or even elicit violent repression from regimes, in order to dramatically expose injustices and spur sympathy and support. This was also why states were eager to label resist-ance movements as violent, sometimes even planting provocateurs within their ranks in order to incite. These basic ideas made civil- resistance theory useful for thinking about and analyzing the dynamics of conflict and struggle. Outside of some activist and academic circles, however, these insights remained little known, counterintuitive, misunderstood, and controversial. This was partly because the thinking of Hobbes and Fanon continued to dominate mainstream political norms. Civil- resistance theory offered insight into Palestinian popular struggle, but there was a fundamental mismatch: “nonviolence” and “nonviolent resistance” were problematic categories in this context. Few Palestinians associated the idea of nonviolence with popular resistance, because nonviolence often implied pas-sivity, dialog, and acceptance, rather than standing up and fighting for rights (Norman 2010, 62–63, 103–112). In recent years, an increasing number of Pal-estinians identified popular resistance with nonviolence, but they remained a minority (e.g., Burnat 2016; Morrar 2004). Popular resistance was more widely understood as unarmed, but not necessarily nonviolent. Stone throwing, for example, was unarmed (non- militarized) but difficult to reconcile with “nonvio-lence.” Moreover, the discourse of nonviolent struggle presupposed undue

Introduction 5

burdens and expectations on the Palestinian movement. For example, by this standard, even against a tank, “if a child holds a stone, it will be unacceptable” (CVO 2014). Nevertheless, scholars of civil resistance frequently imposed the framework of nonviolence onto the Palestinian struggle. Such studies tended to exclude stone throwing from their definition of Palestinian civil resistance and downplayed the popular practice (e.g., Kaufman- Lacusta 2010; Norman 2010), or they counted it as a violent demerit against the otherwise nonviolent dynamics of the movement (elaborated in Chapter 2). In distinction, this study takes Palestinian popular struggle as it is, in action and organization. It was neither militarized nor nonviolent. Palestinian popular struggle was more effective than has been recognized. It proved able to defy the occupation in cases large and small. It offered an access-ible way for ordinary people to participate, and it extended global support net-works. It challenged old models of top- down leadership and armed struggle. Yet it remained mostly obscured in a fog of war, drowned out by stronger narratives of violence, and beset with mobilization challenges. To date, few studies exam-ined the movement, and those that did were dated and fragmentary. This book brings together existing sources, contributes original analysis through a frame-work of unarmed action and participatory organization, and presents new research on popular resistance in the West Bank. The book is also intended as a resource for students, specialists, and anyone interested in Palestinian struggle, including beginners. The book should also be of interest to citizens and policy experts alarmed by the rise of authoritarianism and violence, not just in the Middle East. Palestinian popular struggle indicates alternative approaches to governance that do not fall into traps of militarization or over- centralization.

Ethics, methodology, outlineLike most people in the world, I have more freedom in Palestine than Palestini-ans. With my Canadian passport, I can travel relatively freely in and out of the occupied West Bank, while Palestinians remain stateless, disenfranchised, subject to military rule. Consequently, I embody a position of privilege in rela-tion to Palestinians. Moreover, I carry a degree of complicity in colonialism. This is because I am a beneficiary of a social and political system founded on the dispossession of Indigenous peoples in North America, and because successive Canadian governments have consistently promoted anti- Palestinian policy domestically and internationally.2 With knowledge, freedom, and ability, I believe, comes responsibility. I strive to uphold a critical stance with regard to my own assumptions, and I strive for truthfulness and objectivity, though I make no pretense of neutrality or impartiality. There is no moral equivalence between a dispossessed or occupied people and the state doing the dispossessing and occupying. Throughout this book I strive to bring forward the voices and stories of people struggling against an oppressive military regime. Too often their per-spectives are neglected in Western media, or only “balanced” with Israeli per-spectives, which are already well represented and seldom paired with Palestinian

6 Introduction

equivalents. I hope to help raise awareness, contribute to public discourse, and encourage constructive practices of global citizenship. With a commitment to civic freedom, and to crossing boundaries between academia and political life, I am inspired by the public philosophy of James Tully (2014). Methodologically, I have adopted a mixed approach, employing a range of interpretive and empirical methods, including literary and field research. The text engages with the specialist literature on civil resistance and Palestine studies, drawing as well on journalism, NGO reports, government documents, public statements, and social media.3 I also draw on six months’ experience living in the West Bank, including five months working as a volunteer for a small NGO called Palestine Monitor, documenting human rights abuses and reporting on popular protests. For three months from December 2013 through February 2014, I conducted doctoral field research, including participant observation at dozens of protests and social events organized by the popular committees, in- depth interviews with activists as well as with some critics of the movement, and more than 200 single- page surveys among the general public. To protect the identity of participants and encourage candid contributions, interviewees are not identi-fied by name but by three- letter codes. Research was conducted primarily in the villages of Nabi Saleh, Bil’in, and Budrus, and secondarily in the East Jerusalem neighborhoods of Sheikh Jarah, Silwan, and Abu Dis, and partly in Nablus, Kufr Quddum, and a few small communities in the Jordan Valley and South Hebron Hills. The purpose of the fieldwork was to understand, document, and distill the tactical and organizational approaches of popular committees as well as the atti-tudes of the broader community toward them. I have not interviewed Israelis or conducted research in Israel, because this study focuses on Palestinian perspec-tives, and the Israeli point of view is already well represented in the West. For more on field research methodology, see the Appendix. The form of the book is mostly a series of case studies of varying focus and scope with most attention paid to grass- roots resistance movements in the West Bank since 2000. The inquiry was structured around the following questions. What is Palestinian popular resistance? What has it achieved? How has it acted and organized? What are the dynamics of unarmed action and participatory organization? How do Palestinian activists and their communities understand these forms of action and organization? In order to explore these questions, my cases blend narrative and analysis, paying attention to modes of action and organization. The result brings together stories of Palestinian struggle, including original first- hand accounts, contributing to Palestine studies, peace and conflict research, and the literature on civil resistance. The book has six chapters, a conclusion, and an appendix. The first chapter introduces the reader to Palestinian popular struggle and some of its con-temporary themes and controversies, situated around a wider history of the Arab- Israeli conflict. The second chapter recounts the revolutionary uprising known as the Intifada of the Stones, 1987–1993, which set the ‘gold standard’ of Palestinian popular struggle and also tragically led to the establishment of a regime that crippled subsequent mobilization efforts. The third chapter reviews

Introduction 7

the remarkable return of popular struggle in the West Bank through the grass- roots anti- wall movement of the mid- 2000s, a movement that arose in defiance of expectations of armed struggle and elite leadership. The anti- wall movement led, as Chapters 4 and 5 show, to a wider and more ambitious movement around 2009, an effort to globalize popular struggle, to take on all aspects of the occupa-tion while building international and transnational support networks, including with Jewish Israelis and others from around the world. Chapter 6 constructs a pessimistic assessment of the prospects for concerted mass action in the West Bank. The Conclusion reviews the findings of the book and raises a number of implications for activism and scholarship. The Appendix summarizes the 2013–2014 field research and compiles data, including interview excerpts on the meaning of popular struggle and public surveys on the organizational approach of the popular committees.

Notes1 For background information on the interviews conducted for this research, including a

list of interviewees by location and affiliation (real names withheld), see Appendix, Sections 1 and 2.

2 For example, the Conservative government under Prime Minister Stephen Harper con-sistently voted against UN General Assembly resolutions supportive of Palestinian statehood (which were supported by virtually every other member nation), and under Liberal Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in 2016, the Parliament of Canada formally con-demned a nonviolent Palestinian initiative, the international Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions campaign against Israel, which calls for the implementation of international law in respect of Palestinian rights.

3 Literary research was conducted almost entirely in English. This is a shortcoming of the study, but not an insurmountable limitation. The Israel–Palestine conflict is among the most covered in the world, and there is no shortage of English- language sources, including Palestinian. Most of my interview participants spoke English, not surpris-ingly as Western media outreach was part of their approach. I also relied on local trans-lators for some of my fieldwork, including one of my interviews, the questionnaires and their distribution, and all documentation shared with participants. My spoken and written Arabic language skills are intermediate, enough to get by, but insufficient for meaningful conversations unaided.

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Direct action beyond the villages Al Jazeera America . 2014. âPalestinian Minister Dies After Confrontation with Israeli soldiers.âDecember 10. Al Jazeera English . 2009. âPalestinians Break Israelâs Wall.â November 9. Associated Press . 2007. âPolice Remove Left-Wing Activists that Build Fake SettlementOutpost.â Haaretz, December 8. Baskin, Gershon . 2012. âIsraelâs Shortsighted Assassination.â New York Times, November 16. BBC News . 2009. âActivists Break West Bank Barrier.â November 9. BBC News . 2014a. âPalestinian Minister Dies at West Bank Protest.â December 10. BBC News . 2014b. âVideo: Palestinian Push to Reclaim Lost Village of Ein Hijleh.â February 7. BBC News . 2011a. âIsraeli Forces Open Fire at Palestinian Protesters.â May 16. BBC News . 2011b. âPalestinian âFreedom Ridersâ Board Settlersâ Bus.â November 12. Brown, Nathan . 2011. âPalestine: The Fire Next Time?â Carnegie Endowment for InternationalPeace. July 6. BâTselem . 2011. âRestriction of Movement: Route 443âWest Bank Road For Israelis Only.âJerusalem. Report, January 1. Carpenter, Michael [ Mike J.C. ]. 2014a. âNonviolent Protest Village Ein Hijleh Brutally Evicted.âPalestine Monitor, February 7. Carpenter, Michael [ Mike J.C. ]. 2014b. âThe Siege of Ein Hijleh.â Palestine Monitor, February 3. Carpenter, Michael J. 2017. âUnarmed and Participatory: Palestinian Popular Struggle and CivilResistance Theory.â PhD dissertation, University of Victoria. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/7986. Cohen, Gili , and Avi Issacharoff . 2012. âThousands of Palestinians Protest to MarkIndependence Day.â Haaretz, November 14. Donnison, Jon . 2013. âIsrael Bars Gaza Runners from First West Bank Marathon.â BBC News,April 18. Ehrenreich, Ben . 2017. The Way to the Spring: Life and Death in Palestine. New York:Penguin. 132 Electronic Intifada . 2011. âActivism Roundup: Palestinians Shut Down Settler Road.â March14. Gelvin, James . 2015. The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone Needs to Know, 2nd edn. Oxford:Oxford University Press. Harkov, Lahav . 2013. âLikud Pushing Bill to Annex Jordan Valley.â Jerusalem Post, December26. Hass, Amira . 2012. âFor Palestinian Women, a Picnic With a Purpose.â Haaretz, April 30. Hass, Amira . 2014. âPalestinian Activists Who are Inspired by Jesus, But Refuse to Turn theOther Cheek.â Haaretz, February 3. Høigilt, Jacob . 2013. âThe Palestinian Spring That Was Not: The Youth And Political Activism inthe Occupied Palestinian Territories.â Arab Studies Quarterly (September). Horowitz, Adam . 2012. âVideo: Palestinian Women Occupy Israeli Military Base in West Bank toProtest Gaza Attack.â Mondoweiss, November 15. Jerusalem is Palestineâs capital . 2007. âActivists Cut Settlement Fence in Beit Ommar.â YouTube.May 10. www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=7&v=fepwhA_Mx3s. Kane, Alex . 2011. âPalestinian Non-violent Protesters to âKnock on Jerusalem Doors.â â +972Magazine, August 25. Kershner, Isabel . 2007. âIsraeli Court Orders Barrier Rerouted.â New York Times, September 5. Kershner, Isabel . 2013a. âIsraelis Evict Palestinians From a Site for Housing.â New York Times,January 12. Kershner, Isabel . 2013b. âPalestinians Set Up Camp in Israeli-Occupied West Bank Territory.âNew York Times, January 11. Khadder, Kareem , and Greg Botelho . 2013. âIsraeli Police Clear West Bank Protest Camp,Question Dozens.â CNN, January 13. King, Martin Luther, Jr. 1986. âLetter from Birmingham Jail.â In Testament of Hope: The EssentialWritings and Speeches of Martin Luther King Jr, edited by James Washington , 289â302. SanFrancisco, CA: Harper. Lazaroff, Tovah . 2012. âPalestinian Activists Raise their Flags in Rami Levy.â Jerusalem Post,October 24. Maâan News . 2009. âWatch: Palestinians Breach Israelâs WallâAgain.â November 9. Maâan News . 2013. âIsraeli Forces Destroy Palestinian Protest Village.â June 8. Maâan News . 2014a. âNew Protest Village Erected After Ein Hajla Destroyed Overnight.âFebruary 7.

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