participatory public policy making: ignored by applied ... · and direct decision making by...
TRANSCRIPT
ECPR Graduate Student Conference
Innsbruck, 3-5 July 2014
Participatory public policy making: ignored by applied concepts of democracy?
presented by
Simona Zimmermann
Section S23: Public Policy
Panel P081: Public Policy Making on Subnational Level: What Actors and Mechanisms
should be considered?
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Introduction
Actual concepts of democracy are focusing on the Nation State and thus on the institutions on
the national level. But also on the subnational level there is policy making happening that
should follow democratic rules in states that call themselves democracies. Logically, a
democratic state needs to be working democratically in all its aspects. This paper will focus
on the capacity of analytical tools in the social sciences to account for participatory policy
making by the example of a local institution in Belo Horizonte, Brazil.
Recently, some researchers are analysing democratic innovations: institutions set up in
established democracies (Western Europe and North America) in order to improve the
regimes’ legitimacy (f.e. Geißel 2008; Goodin 2008; Goldfank 2011). Many of those
institutions are realising participatory principles in different forms. The WZB
(Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin) identified three groups of innovative institutions: deliberative,
participatory and Co-Governance Institutions (Geißel 2008: 229), the second and the third one
mainly concerning local institutions. In other parts of the world participatory institutions
considered innovative here (especially Co-Governance) are not imposed top-down in order to
save the established order; they grew into the political system by a bottom-up process. This
can be observed in Brazil for example, where left wing social movements experienced with
deliberative participatory decision making procedures they integrated on different levels in the
political system once they became institutionalized governing parties. But also here many of
those institutions work on a local level (Wampler/ Avritzer 2004: 295-299; Santos/ Avritzer:
2005: lx; Glória Gohn 2010: 243). Especially the institution of participatory budgeting gets a
great deal of attention by researchers and politicians (cf. Souza 2001; Sintomer et al. 2007,
2010).
There is the claim in political research of a deficit in dominant democracy theories when it
comes to accounting for the evolutions of democracies that are not following the European
Model. (Smith 2001; Avritzer 2002; Santos/Avritzer 2005; Pogrebinschi 2013). Often those
claims concern the Latin American development and come from authors concerned with this
region. Leonardo Avritzer, Brazilian researcher, for example states: “a new way of doing
politics is being practiced, but remains theoretically unaccounted for” (Avritzer 2009: 4).
Following this idea, this paper draws up the thesis that instruments of democratic
measurement cannot account for participatory public policy making because of a
representative bias in their conceptual basis. This is relevant because theoretical concepts of
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democracy have normative power (cf. Giannone 2010). They are the base for definitions of
democracy that are used by governments and international organizations to define a country’s
level of democracy (Coppedge/Garring et al. 2011: 248; Landman 2007: 17). Thus, tools for
measuring democracy have consequences for countries that depend on other countries
financial aid as this aid is usually conditioned on the democratic functioning of institutions
and their organization conforming to the dominant definition of democracy. Consequently, an
applied concept of democracy is never neutral, even if it belongs to the group of positivist
theories. A representative bias in common democracy concepts would mean, that bottom-up
grown deliberative-participatory institutions are not considered when the democratic quality
of a country is judged. In exploring this thesis, we will see that there are political theories
which would call those institutions highly democratic though.
In a first step, the way participation is accounted for in political theory will be analysed. We
will compare the commonly applied definitions of democratic participation with the way it is
realized in innovative participatory institutions. For the group of Co-Governance Institutions
there cannot be found a fitting theoretical concept of participation. In order to fill this gap, we
will have a close look on the participatory city budget of Belo Horizonte and draw up a
possible definition of participation in Co-Governance Institutions by referring, among others,
to Thamy Pogrebinschi’s (2013) idea of pragmatic democracy.
This catalogue of participation types will allow us undertaking an examination of the way
participation is accounted for by recent democracy measurement tools. This will lead us to the
affirmation that current concepts of democracy have a participatory deficit concerning
deliberative types of participation, especially when it comes to a combination of deliberation
and direct decision making by citizens. This narrows the possibilities of democratization
strategies to take into consideration participatory institutions and to set this type of public
policy making in a bigger context. In the case of Brazil, this would mean to ignore “naturally
grown” democratic institutions of deliberative direct participation that bear a great democratic
potential.
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1. Participation in democratic Theory
In reviewing literature on participation research (van Deth 2003; Verba/ Nie et al. 1978; Delli
Carpini/ Cook et al. 2004; Chambers 2003; Altman 2013) one can identify three commonly
applied definitions of Participation (see table 1). This compilation is of course not meant to be
a final collection of participation definitions, but a selection that is exemplary for three types
of participation which usually are used in research on democracy.
According to the original meaning of democracy (rule by the people) one can consider
participation to be the backbone of this type of government, as it creates the link between
sovereign and people (cf. Parry/ Moyser 1994: 44; Preuß 2003: 259; Niesen 2007: 332;
Morlino 2012:1). Following the logic of two big traditions of democratic theory, we can make
up two broad groups of participation types that are characteristic for the presumed link of
people and sovereign by the respective theory groups: one theory tradition is characterized by
a representative link between people and sovereign (liberal tradition) and the other one by an
imminent link (communitarian tradition) (c.f. Held’s (1987) distinction of democracy theories
according to their representation of political participation).
Table 1: Empirical definitions of political participation
Empirical definitions of political participation
Characteristics Examples
Indirect participation (van
Deth)
Voluntary Vote,
Campaigning,
Demonstrations,
Contact MPs,
act in organizations,
conscious consumption
an active action
Performed by citizens
In relation to government and
politics
Intention to influence decisions or
decision makers
Direct participation (Altman) Vote or decide about preferences Referendum (after citizen
initiative) At the ballot box
Deliberative participation (Delli
Carpini et al.)
Act of speech (deliberation) Informal discussion
groups, formal institutions
(e.g. town hall meetings,
round tables)
Between citizens
Formation of opinion/ Integration
About a topic of public interest
Justification of an option for action
Source: Own representation according to Delli Carpini et al. 2003, van Deth 2003, Altman 2013
The three exemplary empirical definitions collected in table 1 can easily be allocated to two of
the three groups of innovative participatory institutions as it is this kind of participation that is
happening there and is defining the group’s borders. For Co-Governance Institutions though,
it is not that easy. But if we want to see, how participation is accounted for in concepts of
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democracy, and if these concepts can account for participatory institutions, we need to know
how participation is happening in Co-Governance institutions as well. Consequently, we need
to find out, what kind of participation is happening in Co-Governance institutions. Therefore,
we will describe the single elements of one exemplary Co-Governance institution with
elements from different democracy theories’ participation concept.
Table 2: Overview concepts of participation and innovative participative institutions
Institution Type Theory tradition
representative imminent
Direct participation - direct
Deliberative
procedures
deliberative -
Co-Governance deliberative? direct?
Source: Own representation
A popular example for a Co-Governance institution is the participatory city budget. Here,
citizens can decide over the use of a part of the city budget in a process of deliberation and
votes on different administrative levels. It was implemented for the first time in Porto Alegre
(Brazil) in 1989 and since has been spreading all over the country and beyond (Souza 2001:
165f). Recently, Sintomer et al. (2007, 2010) are observing a process they call “learning from
the South” (Sintomer et al 2010): increasingly the institution of participatory budgeting has
been adapted in Europe as an innovative institution.
This paper will have a closer look on the functioning of Belo Horizonte’s participatory
budget, which is a well working example of this type of institution. It was established in 1993
(Woody/ Murray 2007: 22f). We compare the single steps that are undertaken in one cycle of
decision making (2 years)1 to the concept of participation in relevant democratic theories
2 (see
table 4). This leads us to the insight that a successful participatory budgeting process is
combining elements of all possible types of participation. The characteristic feature though,
consists of the combination of deliberative elements with elements of direct participation:
deliberatively made decisions are directly transported into the political system and their
realization is monitored by delegates who were involved in the decision making process.
1 This analysis is based on the official information documents of Belo Horizonte’s city administration (Secretaria
Municipal Adjunta de Planejamento e Gestão - Gerência do Orҫamento Participativo), conversations with
administration staff and participating citizens. 2 These theories were selected very carefully following thoughts of David Held’s Models of Democracy
according to the linkage between the people and the sovereign (1987:4), Morlino’s idea on evaluating
democratic quality by normative theory (2012: 25) and Lembcke et al.’s scheme of normative theories (2012:
24).
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Considering Thamy Pogrebinschi’s (2013) ideas of Brazil as a pragmatic democracy, we will
call this kind of participation pragmatic participation for the moment.
However, the evaluation of democratic quality is claimed to be mostly based on Dahl’s liberal
concept of polyarchy (Munck/ Verkhuilen 2002: 9). Robert E. Dahl developed this definition
of democracy according to the European process of Nation State building (Dahl 1989: chapter
15). This supports the claim that evolutions diverging from this model risk to be neglected by
analysis. So far, the claim of a participatory deficit of political science’s analytical tools could
be supported. In a next step, the practical dimension of this deficit will be examined.
Therefore, the second chapter will examine in what respect the three types of participation -
direct, deliberative, pragmatic - are part of the democracy concepts applied in democracy-
measurement tools. How much attention does participatory public policy making get?
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Table 3: Participation according to different Theories
Relation between
sovereign and
people
Elements of representative
participation…
Elements of imminent
participation…
… at political decision making
Participative (Barber)
community =
sovereign
Large concept of participation
including civil disobedience,
symbolic violence;
Has an instrumental function:
selection, control, and
programming of the political
elite;
Production of a common will
Political acts are not reduced to
law-making: participation
includes deliberation in
institutions close to everyday
life about preferences, decisions
(e.g. in neighbourhood
assemblies);
Exchange between all members
of the community about
desirable generally binding
rules
Deliberative
(Dryzek)
Lifeworld –
administrative
system
--- Quality of the decision is
emphasised;
Mediation between state and
society;
Concrete problem- solving by
exchanging ideas;
Building of identities; empathy;
integration
Associative
(Arendt)
Community = civil
society - sovereign
Associations of citizens
compete for public;
Spontaneous participation;
institutionalized procedures of
representative participation;
freedoms; public struggle for
constitutional basic principles
---
Pragmatism
(Dewey)
community =
sovereign
Possible, depending on
institution
Exchange between
(administrative) expertise and
the public sphere; deliberative
adaption of institutions to the
context
Liberalism Community /
Sovereign
Formation of opinions;
Expression of opinions;
Freedoms; election of
representatives
-
Source: own representation according to Barber 1984, Arendt 1992, 2000, Dewey 1996 (1927), Dryzek 1990,
2000, Weber 2012, Bluhm/Malowitz 2012, Landwehr 2012, Pogrebinschi 2013, Selk/ Jörke 2012, Holthaus/
Noetzel 2012
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Table 4: participative elements of the participatory budgeting process in Belo Horizonte
compared with participatory elements of selected democratic theories
Participatory Budget in Belo Horizonte Concept of participation
Administration Community Theoretical Elements Theoretical
approach
Opening
event
Publication of
available resources;
report about previous
projects
Information; assembly
of residents,
Comforça,
representatives,
associations, civil
servants
Information;
Exchange between
experts and citizens
(top-down); association
of citizens
Deliberation
Associative
1st round
neighbourho
ods
1. distribution of
priority forms;
information about
available budget to be
decided on
2. commentaries on
propositions handed-in
(priority forms)
1. proposition of
projects, discussion
about their priority,
determination of
priority list (priority
forms)
2. Revision of
annotated forms
Deliberation in
institutions close to
everyday life; concrete
problem-solving by
exchanging ideas;
competition for public;
exchange experts-
citizens;
Participative
Deliberative
Associative
Pragmatism
2nd
round
sub-regions
Drawing up and
distribution of an
information sheet
containing a cost
estimate for the 25
selected projects
1. pre-selection of 25
project proposals
2. election of
delegates for the
regional forum
Deliberation in
institutions close to
everday life; concrete
problem-solving by
exchanging ideas;
competition for public;
exchange experts-
citizens; electing
representatives
Participative
Deliberative
Associative
Pragmatism
Liberalism
Caravan of
Priorities
Organisation Delegates; in-site
information about the
25 projects proposals‘
contextual
circumstances
Decision’s quality;
empathy
Deliberative
3rd
round
regions
Organisation 1. discussion and
selection of 14
projects for the region
2. election of
delegates for the
Comforça
Deliberation in
institutions close to
everday life; concrete
problem-solving by
exchanging ideas;
competition for public;
election of
representatives
Participative
Deliberative
Associative
Liberalism
Town Hall
Meeting
Mayor obtains „book
of projects“
Comforça hands over
the „book of projects“
containing all selected
projects
exchange experts-
citizens (bottom-up);
handing over of citizen
decisions to
administration
Pragmatism
Participative
Implementati
on
Realisation of projects Surveillance of
realisation
Control via
representatives;
exchange experts-
citizens
Liberalism
Pragmatism
Source: Own representation based on democratic theory approaches (see table 3) and documents by the
Prefeitura de Belo Horizonte
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2. Application of democratic concepts in democracy measurement
In order to clarify the thesis that applied concepts of democracy neglect participation, two
measurement instruments evaluating democracies’ quality have been examined: the
Democracy Barometer and Varieties of Democracy. They have been chosen for this analysis
although are not the most commonly used tools (yet) for the following reasons.
First, these are very recent instruments, Varieties of Democracy still being in its first round of
data collection, and thus close to actual discussions about democracy measurement. This
discussion actually incudes the question on how participation should be treated. Some authors
defend the opinion that it is not accounted for sufficiently (e.g. Munck/Vekhuilen 2002: 11;
Morlino 2012: 25, 199; Altman 2013: 617f). One of them, David Altman, is part of the
Varieties of Democracy project. Thus, we can expect that here participation is considered in a
broad manner. Second, both, Varieties of Democracy and Democracy Barometer, aim at a
precise and detailed analysis of democratic systems. Their explicit objective is to find the
differences between democratic regimes instead of just distinguishing them from autocracies
(Bühlmann/Merkel et al. 2012: 116; Coppedge/Gerring et al. 2012: 19). Consequently, we can
assume a great diversity of democratic concepts included in the conceptual base of those
instruments. If participation is considered broadly by any measurement tool, it is most likely
one of those two. Third, they both respect the qualitative standards defined by Munck and
Verkhuilen (2002). On the base of theoretical reflections, the abstract concept of democracy is
translated into a concrete operationalization in a transparent and systematic way (see table 5).
This means those instruments are probably of high measuring quality and have been
constructed in a clear and transparent way which allows examining the different levels of their
democracy concept for the appearance of participatory elements. This way, the thesis of a
participatory deficit in social science’s analytical tools can be clarified.
The documents used for this analysis are the projects publications, especially their code
books. The analysis only incudes those elements of the question-batteries that are relevant
according the theoretical reflections made in the first chapter of this paper (see grey
background in table 5). Those have been classified in tables according to their level of
concreteness. This overview allows seeing if abstract elements really were translated into
concrete indicators which finally serve to collect the information. This procedure leads us to
the following result (see overview in table 6).
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Table 5: structure of indices « Democracy Barometer » and « Varieties of Democracy »
Democracy-Barometer Varieties of Democracy
abstract concept Democracy
First level principles models
First level attributes
Liberty
Control
Equality
Electoral democracy
Liberal democracy
Majoritarian democracy
Consensual democracy
Participatory democracy
Deliberative democracy
Egalitarian democracy
First levelbis
Functions1 :
Public Space
Transparency
Participation
-
Second level component component
Third level subcomponent subcomponent
Fourth level indicator indicator
1 : only relevant functions are represented here
Grey background : analysed attributes ; details of level 2-4 are not represented for reasons of clarity and space
Source : own representation after Bühlmann/Merkel et al. 2012; Coppedge/Lindberg et al. 2013
On the different levels of the two instruments, participation is considered in three aspects: as a
mere theoretical concept, as an institutionalized principle and their quality (effectiveness).
Direct participation is taken into account by the analysed measurement instruments in almost
all the possible aspects. Therefore both, Varieties of Democracy and Democracy Barometer,
are able to account for the group of direct participative institutions. Especially referendums
are considered by the indices, particularly detailed in the case of the Varieties of Democracy
project which includes a large amount of indicators concerning this type of institution and its
effectiveness. Deliberative participation, however, is just partly taken into account. Only one
of the instruments, Varieties of Democracy, is including questions concerning deliberation.
Here, deliberation is considered on an elite level and understood as being an exchange
between the media or highly organized interests. And those questions dealing with
deliberation are formulated in a way that does not allow revealing the presence of deliberative
structures that have an institutional character. So, deliberation is not including all kinds of
citizens and is not considered in an institutionalized form. Pragmatic participation (direct-
deliberative) is not included in no way in none of the instruments.
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This means that there is a participatory deficit in the sense that institutions realizing a
deliberative or pragmatic concept of participation cannot be accounted for by democracy
measuring instruments. The reason for this is insufficient consideration of different
participation concepts and their respective institutionalized forms by the conceptual base of
democracy indices. In the same time, institutions realising the concept of direct participation
have a real chance to find consideration. This considerably relativizes the thesis drawn up in
the beginning of the paper. As the instruments used in this analysis aim at a detailed
examination of democracy and follow this aim consequently, it is not likely that any other
instrument with less ambitious goals will use larger concepts of democracy as a working base.
Therefore, we can consider the participatory deficit stated here being valid for other applied
concepts of democracy as well.
Table 8: Summary of results- presence of participation concepts in two democracy indices
Democracy Barometer Varieties of Democracy
the concept is present in form of …
concept institution effectiveness concept institution effectiveness
Indirect participation
Direct participation
directe
Deliberative
participation [ ]
Pragmatic
participation (dir.-
delib.)
Source:own representation
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Conclusion
This paper presented a clarification of the thesis that commonly applied democracy concepts
dispose of a participatory deficit. An analysis of democracy measurement instruments and
their conceptual basis showed that this is true for deliberative and pragmatic participation.
The notion of “pragmatic participation” (following Pogrebinschi 2013) was introduced in the
first chapter to fill the gap of a designation of the participation type happening in Co-
Governance institutions. However, institutions of direct participation are taken into
consideration. The thesis could thus be made more precise. The focus of attention when
analysing participatory public policy making should thus be on deliberative and pragmatic
aspects of participation in order to minimize the risk of overlooking important elements. This
is especially important when dealing with the democratic quality of regimes or institutions.
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