the vietnamese community in great britain - … is no explicit vietnamese category, information...

THE

Vietnamese Community in Great Britain – THIRTY YEARS ON

A RUNNYMEDE COMMUNITY STUDY

BY JESSICA MAI SIMS

THE VIETNAMESE COMMUNITY IN GREAT BRITAIN - THIRTY YEARS ON

Published by Runnymede in January 2007 in electronic version only, this document is copyright © 2007 theRunnymede Trust.

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About Runnymede Community Studies

In reflecting on the changing nature of ethnic diversity in Britain, it becomes increasingly clear that wehave to move beyond binary notions of white and non-white to explain the ways in which racismsoperate, identities are formed and people live out their lives. The societies in which we live arebecoming more diverse and will continue to diversify as migration patterns change, and the impacts ofglobalisation are reflected in labour markets as well as in transnational movement of capital.

This series of community studies aims to promote understanding of the diversity within and betweendifferent ethnic groups. Our intention is to build up a collection of studies which focus oncommunities; their demography, links to civil society, and key political and social issues. We hope thatover time this will provide a rich resource for understanding how diversity is lived and experiencedaway from the necessarily crude ethnic monitoring form, in a vital and dynamic multi-ethnic society.


i

Vietnamese Community in Great Britain – Thirty Years On

JESSICA MAI SIMS

Population and Geography • As of the 2001 Census there were 22,954 people born

in Vietnam in England and Wales; however sincethere is no explicit Vietnamese category, informationabout Vietnamese born in Britain is unknown

• Community organisations estimate there are at least55,000 Vietnamese in England and Wales, 20,000 ofwhom are undocumented migrants and at least 5,000overseas students

• In England and Wales, 60% of the people born inVietnam live in London; over 1/3 of whom live in theboroughs of Lewisham, Southwark and Hackney

Employment • Among the first refugees, most were uneducated, had

few transferable skills and did not speak English • Over the last 5 years the nail industry has become the

fastest growing UK Vietnamese business sector,accounting for over half of all Vietnamese businessesin London

• The nail industry and catering are speculated to bethe largest employment sectors of Vietnamese workers

• Within London, people born in Vietnam between theages of 16 to 64 were among the groups with thehighest unemployment rates (23.5%); however, inLewisham the unemployment rate of Vietnamesepeople is estimated to be as high as 60%

Education• Among the first refugees, it was estimated that 76%

received education below secondary school level• There is no Vietnamese category for ethnic monitoring

purposes so educational achievement across thecountry is unknown

• The 2001 Census reported among people born inVietnam within greater London, 18.7% had higher levelqualifications, 15% lower than the London average

• Within the London Borough of Lambeth Vietnamesepupils, along with Indian and Chinese pupils,achieved higher results than other ethnic groups inthe borough, with Vietnamese girls outperformingVietnamese boys

Housing • A study by Refugee Action highlighted during the

years up to 1993 Vietnamese people wereconcentrated in overcrowded Local Authorityhousing

• A more recent study on housing cited overcrowding,‘told to leave home’, ‘health/medical’ and‘relationship breakdown’ as commonly stated reasonsfor housing associations to house people from SouthEast Asian backgrounds

Health • A PRIAE (2005) study of BME elderly showed there

were high incidences of osteoporosis and memoryproblems among Chinese/Vietnamese elderlysurveyed

• In 2004, the most commonly requested language forinterpretation in Lewisham PCTs was Vietnamese

• The Vietnamese Mental Health Services haveidentified inability to speak English or understand itswritten form, unfamiliarity with the complex Britishhealth and social services system, lack of knowledgeabout relevant social welfare allowances, Vietnamesecultural beliefs, mainstream approach of services, lackof sympathy and support from professionals, andfinancial difficulties all as obstacles to Vietnamesegaining access to health services

Immigration • First refugees came between the years of 1975 and

1981. Most of these refugees were from NorthVietnam and ethnically Chinese

• Family reunification during the 1980s accounted forthe second migration movement from Vietnam to theUK

• More recently migrants from Vietnam have come inthe form of asylum seekers, undocumented migrantsand overseas students

Religion• Buddhism and Christianity are the two main faiths

followed by the Vietnamese

The Vietnamese at a Glance


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Abbeyfield Cambridge Vietnamese SocietyAn Lac House280 Coldham LaneCambridge CB1 3HNTel: 012 2350 1019

An-Viet FoundationAn Viet House12-14 Englefied Road London N1 4LSTele: 0171 275 7780Web: http://members.aol.com/anvietuk

Bexley Vietnamese Community 11 Marran Way Thamesmead Erith Kent DA18 4BPTel: 020 8310 0138

Bristol & District Vietnamese Refugees Community Ujima House97-107 Wilder StreetBristol BS1 8QU Tel: 011 7944 5657

Community Centre for Refugeesfrom Vietnam, Laos & Cambodia 151 Whiston RoadLondon E2 8BN Tel: 020 7739 3650

Community of Refugees fromVietnam – East London 119 East India Dock Road London E14 6DETel: 020 7538 4986Email: [email protected]

Deptford Vietnamese ProjectLind Clinic James Lind HouseGrove StreetLondon SE8 3QFTel: 020 8692 8830

Federation of Refugees from Vietnam in LewishamEvelyn Community CentreWotton Road Deptford SE8 5TQTel: 020 8694 0952

Greenwich Vietnam Community 3-4 Bereford Street Woolwich SE18 6BBTel: 020 8854 9907Email: [email protected]

Greenwich Vietnamese Women’s Groupc/o Community Centre16 Leslie Smith SquareWoolwich SE18 4DW

Lien Viet Housing Association 100 Morning Lane London E9 6LHTel: 020 8986 6123Web: http://www.lienviet.org.uk

Midlands Vietnamese RefugeesCommunity Association 8 Charleville Road Handsworth Birmingham B19 1DATel: 012 1554 9685

Nottingham Vietnamese Centre30 Wiverton RoadForest Field Nottingham NG7 6NPTel: 011 5969 1288

Portsmouth Vietnamese Association Friendship HouseElm GroveSouthseaPortsmouth PO5 1JTTel: 023 9275 5727

Southwest London VietnameseCommunity Association 44 Church Road Teddington Middlesex TW11 8PBTel: 020 8943 4842

Southwark Social ServicesFamily Resource Team-SouthVietnamese Family Support ProjectSumner House Sumner RoadLondon SE15 5QSTel: 020 7525 0598

Vietnamese Development Centre34 Holyhead RoadHandsworth Birmingham B21 0LTTel: 0121 551 7751Web: http://www.vdc.org.uk

Vietnamese Education Network 28 The Heights London SE7 8JHTel: 020 8858 3729

Vietnamese Mental Health ServicesThomas Calton CentreAlpha Street SE 15 4NXTel: 020 7639 2288Website: http://www.vmhs.org.uk

The Vietnamese Professional Society60 Hurstbourne Road London SE23 2AB Web: www.vps-uk.org

Vietnamese Refugee Community in Croydon Cornerstone House 14 Willis Road Croydon CR0 2XXTel: 020 8665 0713

Vietnamese Refugees Community in Northampton Farm House Rectory Farm Olden Northampton NN3 5DD

Vietnamese Women Group –Southwark Top FloorBellenden Old School Bellenden Road London SE15 4DG Tel: 020 7277 8642

West & Northwest LondonVietnamese Association 58b Bulwer Street London W12 8APTel: 020 8742 9745

Relevant Organisations and Websites


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IntroductionThe Vietnamese are just one of the many ethnicgroups in the United Kingdom that never quitemake it into the public consciousness. Unlike theChinese community, their perceived cultural ally,the Vietnamese community is very small. Despitethe majority of refugees from Vietnam being infact ethnically Chinese, there is a definitedistinction between people of the Vietnamesecommunity and Chinese community in the UK.The reality of the Vietnamese flight from Vietnamas political refugees is just one reason why thetwo communities might not see eye to eye. MrLê, who works in a Vietnamese communityorganisation, puts it this way:

In terms of the Chinese, apart fromhaving Soho, they also have a very strongbusiness network. And because they arenot refugees, they are immigrants mainlyfrom Hong Kong – and there are alsoChinese students – they have very closecontact with the Chinese Embassy. Lastyear for the New Year they had quite alot of financial support from thegovernment. This is something thatwould never happen in the Vietnamesecommunity.

Unlike the Chinese, who have a longer historyin the UK, the Vietnamese are not monitored bythe government as a settled minority. Anymonitoring that does occur is often in thecategory of ‘country of birth’ which disregards thegeneration of Vietnamese born in the UK. So notas much is known about the Vietnamese as onemight expect, and the task of understanding them,and their place in wider British society, is enoughof a challenge to qualify them as one of many‘less visible’ communities in Britain.

Despite the majority of Vietnamese peoplehaving come to Britain nearly thirty years ago asrefugees, there has been no large-scale study oftheir experiences here. Since the first influx ofVietnamese refugees, subsequent ‘waves’ ofimmigration have taken the form of familyreunions, overseas students, asylum-seekers andundocumented workers. Arriving as refugees, thefirst Vietnamese migrated to the UK under

unfavourable economic conditions. Most of themwere from rural backgrounds, challenging socialconditions and were largely completely new tothe English language and British society andculture. Once in the UK, these refugees wereforcibly dispersed around the country into whatwere effectively pockets of isolation.

Existing research of the Vietnamese in Britainhas concentrated on the first large wave ofimmigration, or the first refugees. This informationgives us a picture of the Vietnamese as poorlyeducated, with few transferable employment skillsand a debilitating lack of English-languagecompetence – but the information largely stopsthere. From accounts gathered during research,one could infer that, emerging from thisdisadvantaged background, the next generationhave been seizing opportunities in education andemployment in order to raise their position insociety. But the lack of information we have onthe Vietnamese makes it extremely difficult toisolate and address problems that individualsfrom this group may be facing. Without knowingthe barriers associated with engaging with thecommunity, service providers will be hardpressed to deliver equitable service.

A lack of participation of Vietnamese people asa group, as well as a lack of information, was akey issue which emerged through research. Onecannot think of the Vietnamese community andtheir British-born children solely as the refugeeswho arrived as ‘boat people’ nearly 30 years ago.Nowadays the composition of the Vietnamesecommunity is varied. The different subcategoriesthat we assume make up a Vietnamesecommunity – the first-generation refugees, theBritish-born Vietnamese, the undocumentedmigrants, the asylum seekers, the overseasstudents – will have their own set of pressingsocio-economic issues. Equating the needs of thegroup with the needs for every Vietnameseindividual would be impractical if notcontradictory. In order to attempt to understandthe dynamics of the Vietnamese community inBritain today, some in-depth and long-termresearch would need to be done. What we arepresenting here is an initial sample of the viewsof Vietnamese individuals we were in contact


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with via a range of community groups,Vietnamese service-providing charities and aVietnamese social association. Our reportattempts to discuss obstacles to engaging withVietnamese people due to possible languagebarriers, their perceived lack of confidence inaccessing public institutions, and internaldivisions within the community.

The second section of the report explores theidentity of British-born Vietnamese (BBV) who areconstructing their identities from the influences oftheir parents’ more traditionally Vietnamesevalues and those of British society. This group, forwhom language and familiarity with institutionsdo not pose barriers, focus more on culturaldiscovery and recognition. The issues surroundingthe identity of the second generation provideinsight on how small and dispersed communities,like the Vietnamese community, can transmit andperpetuate cultural traditions across subsequentgenerations and why this cultural identity isimportant.

This report aims to present the reader with asnapshot of the Vietnamese community in Britain,

with particular focus on the London area. Theprincipal use of this report will be to provide ageneral-interest briefing on one of the manygroups that make up multi-ethnic Britain, whichwill assist policymakers in their task ofinterpreting the key issues and barriers toinclusion that segments of the Vietnamesecommunity face, and to some extent that secondgeneration of Vietnamese themselves, who maybe searching for commonality and belonging bothwithin the Vietnamese community and Britishsociety.

This research hopes to stimulate debate withinthe Vietnamese community about what it meansto be British Vietnamese, and set up a broaderconversation among the wider society on thesubject of what is really known about groupsswallowed up by the ‘Other’ ethnic groupcategory. Our brief picture of the Vietnamesecommunity highlights the issues of lack ofinformation, participation and inclusion ofVietnamese people in British society, and what aBritish Vietnamese identity may look like throughthe eyes of its second generation.

Immigration and Settlement The Vietnam War of the 1960s to 1970s caused amass exodus of Vietnamese people as refugees.Notably, with the fall of Saigon in 1975 aftermany years of civil war, many felt they had nochoice but to leave the country. Mainly theysought refuge in the United States, France andAustralia; the United Kingdom was onlymarginally involved in accepting Vietnameserefugees in the early stages. Initially 32Vietnamese people were allowed into the country,300 given leave to remain in 1975, and just threethe following year.1 It was not until borderdisputes with China and the subsequent Chineseinvasion of Vietnam in the late 1970s that Britainbegan to accept more Vietnamese refugees. Asrelations between China and Vietnam began todeteriorate, ethnically Chinese Vietnamesecitizens predominantly from Northern Vietnambegan to lose their properties and jobs in a

government-sponsored campaign to force themout of the country. As this group of refugees fromVietnam began to flee, many made their way viaboats to Hong Kong, where they were placed inrefugee camps, with some selected for resettle-ment in the UK. A total of 22,577 refugees fromSouth East Asia made their home in Britain from1975 until 1988.2 Due to the conditions of thesecond wave of immigration, it was estimated thatat least 75% of the refugees were ethnicallyChinese, with the majority originating from NorthVietnam.

When the refugees reached Britain, they wereplaced in reception centres set up in order toteach refugees about British society, culture andlanguage, and to be later dispersed in family unitsacross the country. The dispersal policy wasintended primarily to lessen the burden of cost ofthe care and integration process on receivinglocal authorities and supporting charities. Anotherkey element in the dispersal policy was toforestall any ‘ghettoisation’ of the refugees fromclustering in too much proximity with each other.3

1 Robinson & Hale (1989: 1)

2 Hale (1992: 277)


The Vietnamese Community


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Methodology

Although literature on the Vietnamese in the UK is sparse and lacks broadly-based quantitative dataand qualitative research, what information does exist generally focuses on Vietnamese migration in the 1980s. We gathered our general information on the composition and specifics of theVietnamese community by conducting five semi-structured interviews across London withVietnamese service-providing charities, a refugee charity, a business support and training company,and a Vietnamese social association.4 Interviewees were allowed to discuss the topics they thoughtmost pressing. In addition, the author visited and involved herself in various events and culturalexhibitions in Lewisham, Hackney and Southwark, in order to acquire an understanding ofVietnamese social relations in the London boroughs with the largest Vietnamese populations.

Interview transcripts revealed that the identity of the younger generation was a notablyrecurring theme. A snowball survey explored interviewees’ feelings about Vietnamese and Britishidentity, participation in and opinions about community service-providing organisations andcommunity-sponsored activities, and observations on the current generation of BBV youth. Thissurvey was made available online and also sent to some community organisations, with the bulkof the 22 respondents found through the services of a Vietnamese professional association. Ofthe people who wished to disclose their demographic profile, respondents’ ages ranged from 14to 45, with the majority of respondents being between the ages of 20 and 35, and British citizensborn in Vietnam, who currently live in London.5

In order to focus more on the younger generation, a questionnaire was administered to a smallsample of ten BBV young people (ages 18–30) contacted through an online friend networkingservice.6 The questions, focusing on intergenerational attitudes and opinions, were chosen inresponse to themes emerging from both the surveys and interviews. Opinions on identity,relationship to the community and culture, relations with family and friends, and public attitudesto and perceptions of the Vietnamese community were explored. Of this group, the majority ofrespondents were female between the ages of 18 and 26 and from London.

After the research phase, two discussions took place to explore the main findings of the report:an informal focus group and a roundtable discussion. The focus group was composed ofmembers of a Vietnamese women’s group, and was facilitated by the group’s coordinator.

Of the six participants, two were Vietnamese speakers from Vietnam, three Cantonese speakersfrom Vietnam, and one Cantonese speaker from Cambodia.7 The roundtable discussion gatheredtogether Vietnamese community workers, an academic and representatives from local councils.The focus group and the roundtable discussion were held to present and examine the mainfindings of the report.8

Through these methods of data collection and a literature review, key themes of socialinteraction were uncovered. However, because there is an information deficit of the Vietnamesein the UK, data is limited and therefore ought not to be interpreted as representing the final wordon their community. While useful in gaining the respondents’ opinions on a few key issues, thesnowball survey was admittedly restricted, relying on community organisations to disperse it totheir contacts, and available only in English. The benefit of contacting questionnaire participantsthrough the friend networking service meant that new voices were unearthed, although, as withthe survey, the sample was small. This report does not claim to portray a complete picture of the

opinions or activities of the entire youngergeneration, or all Vietnamese in Britain forthat matter, especially as the primaryresearch was mostly limited to those livingin or from London. By compiling theavailable secondary literature andconducting primary research it is hoped thereader will gain a clearer picture of someof the dynamics and debates within theVietnamese community today.

4 The names of the people interviewed were changed by the author.

5 Names were created for each participant according to the order they completed the survey.

Survey Respondent One was therefore given the name meaning ‘one’ inVietnamese); etc.

6 The names of the participants were changed by the author to ensure anonymity; pseudonyms areEnglish or Vietnamese as appropriate to the original name given.

7 The focus group was conducted in English,Vietnamese and Cantonese.The interviewer wouldask the participants questions in English, which would then be translated into either Vietnamese orCantonese by the group’s coordinator.

8 The feedback generated in the discussion has been incorporated into the final report.


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Through lack of adequate support networks inthe reception communities, the dispersal had theeffect of causing isolation. Rejecting the policy,many Vietnamese attempted to relocate to largercities looking for job opportunities, communityand family support.9 The trend of secondarymigration showed that Vietnamese were movingto where there were more Vietnamese: moreremote areas lost their populations, while thepopulations in London, Birmingham andManchester increased. Family reunificationduring this settlement process increased10 theoverall Vietnamese population and intensifiedlocal concentrations.

The most recent wave of Vietnameseimmigration has taken the form of asylum-seekers, undocumented guest workers reportedlycoming by way of Eastern Europe, and overseasstudents. Between the years of 2000-2005, theHome Office reported that there were 3680principal applicants for asylum (i.e. excludingdependents) from Vietnam.11 During that periodat least 55 were recognised as refugees andgranted asylum and 765 granted exceptionalleave, humanitarian protection or discretionaryleave, or 1.6 % and 20.7% of the total casesrespectively.12 Community organisations haveestimated that there may be up to 20,000undocumented Vietnamese migrants living in theUK, and unsuccessful asylum-seekers mayaccount for some of them.13 In addition,Vietnamese overseas students, who tend not toremain in the UK after their studies, areestimated to number over 5,000.14

Population Since the reception phase of the arrival ofVietnamese refugees in the UK, there has beenno further wide-scale monitoring of Vietnamesepeople. This lack of monitoring means there isno clear demographic picture of the Vietnamese

population and how they access British societyand institutions. There have been estimates of atleast 22,000 Vietnamese-born people living inEngland and Wales, 60% of whom reside inLondon. This figure would not include theBritish-born Vietnamese.15 Taking into accountthose born in Vietnam, those born in the UK,undocumented migrants and overseas students,community organisations estimate there are atleast 55,000 Vietnamese in the UK.

Education Education is said to be highly prized among theVietnamese community, not only because itforms the basis for all learning, but it alsopromotes the, “cultivation of spiritual andpersonal worth.”16 Seen as the primary marker ofsocial mobility, education provides individualswith the skills to communicate, relate and adaptto society, and qualify for employment.Negligible monitoring data on the Vietnamese,however, means that the information we havetends to be anecdotal. For example, it has beenestimated that among the first refugees at least76% received education below secondary schoollevel.17 Somewhat in contradiction of these lowfigures, Khanh, a 23-year-old BBV woman,described the attitude of the older generationtowards education thus:

As [Vietnam] wasn’t as ‘Well Off’ asBritain you’d tend to see that Vietnameseparents will encourage their children tostudy hard and use the facilities of thiscountry, because in Vietnam noteveryone was able to study up to anolder age, so they see more value to it.This leads to pressuring to study and tostudy well. I haven’t ever heard of aVietnamese person who hasn’t gone touniversity yet.

The data that does exist on educationalattainment is neither thorough nor complete.From the 2001 Census we know that amongpeople born in Vietnam within greater London,18.7% had higher-level qualifications, almost15% below the London average.18 A small-scalestudy by Lambeth Education Authority in 2000reported that on average Vietnamese pupils alongwith Indian and Chinese pupils achieved higher

9 Tomlins et al. (2001: 509)

10 Robinson & Hale (1989: 18 &20)

11 Heath et al. (2006: 39 & 40)

12 Heath et al. (2006: 39 & 40)

13 Interview with Mr. Lê

14 Interview with Mr Lê

15 Spence (2005: 112)

16 Lam & Martin (1996)

17 Hale (1992: 279)

18 Spence (2005: 33)


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results than other ethnic groups in the borough.19

However, when disaggregating the average bygender, statistics showed that girls outperformedboys in all key stages. The most glaring disparityin that data set showed that around 67% of girlsachieved 5 or more A-C GCSEs, compared to10% of boys, which was 8.3% and 17.9% lowerthan African Caribbean and African boys,respectively.20 Similarly, in 2002, a school inLewisham reported that the general student body“attained well below average standards in GCSEEnglish… White, mixed race, and Vietnameseboys had relatively lower points scores thanother ethnic groups.”21 Though these twoexamples of underachievement cannot speak forthe educational experience of all Vietnamese ingeneral or Vietnamese boys in particular, it isperhaps an area of wide scale inequality thatcould warrant further investigation.

Employment In the years immediately following settlement,Vietnamese refugees experienced difficultyentering the workforce. At the time of dispersalthe Vietnamese were often sent to areas withabove-average unemployment.22 Raising furtherbarriers to employment was the fact that manyspoke little or no English. A study assessing thedemography of Vietnamese refugees observedthat the majority of those who had experiencedlong-term education came from the South – aminority of the total refugee population.23 Inaddition, they had few transferable skills withwhich to enter the urban British labour force asmany came from fishing and farmingbackgrounds.24 The work available to therefugees at this time was predominantly in thecatering industry, and later the garmentindustry.25

By the 1990s Vietnamese-owned businesses

had been established to service the needs of thecommunity; these included restaurants, grocerystores, travel agencies and entertainmentvenues.26 More recently, within the past fiveyears, a new business phenomenon has beenimported from America; using transnationalfamily networks the British Vietnamese haveimported the nail salon to cater to the Britishbeauty industry. Nail salons have become thefastest-growing UK Vietnamese business sector,and account for over half of all Vietnamesebusinesses in London, where the majority of theVietnamese population is found.27 Currently itseems that nail salons and restaurants areemploying more and more overseas students andother newly arrived immigrants from Vietnam asthe second-generation Vietnamese move towardsmore ‘mainstream’ employment. In the 2001Census it was reported that among theVietnamese living within the Greater Londonarea 28% of those born in Vietnam were workingin the hotel and restaurant sector.28 Even for thesegroups working in the catering and nailindustries, people born in Vietnam between theages of 16 to 64 were one of the groups with thehighest unemployment rates within greaterLondon, or 23.5% (excluding full-time students)compared to the London average of 6.8%.29

Employment figures for those from the secondgeneration are not recorded. During the courseof research, evidence suggested that as the BBVnavigate through British society and education,they are less likely to stay within the typicalcommunity industries or family businesses.While the start-ups of new British Vietnamesebusinesses tend to be concentrated in thetraditional sectors already established by thecommunity, participation in other sectors will nodoubt increase with each generation.30 ,a Vietnamese business adviser, describedVietnamese businesses as resembling familyrelationships, which can deter the secondgeneration who are used to a more structuredand clear system. With the opportunities affordedby British society, they have the option to eithercontinue with family businesses or set out alongtheir own path. The young people interviewedand surveyed illustrated the opportunitiesavailable by having jobs in areas such asinformation technology, catering, the arts, sales,education and the voluntary sector.

19 Demie (2001: 101)

20 Demie (2001: 100)

21 Gilles (2002: 51)


23 Edholm et al. (1993: 38)

24 Hale (1992: 279)

25 ‘Vietnamese London’

26 Vuong (2006: 15)

27 Bagwell (2)

28 Spence (2005: 69)

29 Spence (2005: 54)

30 Bagwell (9)


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Barriers to Engagement On most occasions, Vietnamese have theopportunity to identify themselves as ‘AsianOther’, ‘Chinese’ or ‘Other’; rarely asVietnamese. As already observed, besides thelack of official monitoring, there is a general lackof information concerning the Vietnamese livingin Britain. In order to fully assess their needs,more in depth monitoring and research wouldneed to occur. As an example of theramifications of this lack of information, onewoman from the roundtable discussionmentioned the lack of government monitoringmeant it was nearly impossible isolatingVietnamese in need of housing assistance. Thelack of information can thus undermineassistance that is available, and can exacerbateother pressing issues, namely language barriers,lack of confidence and lack of strong communityidentity. These issues hinder engagement withthe Vietnamese as a group in the public sphere,and without efforts to engage, Vietnamese peoplewill continue to be excluded from ordinaryBritish consciousness and society.

LanguageLanguage is a major barrier to accessing publicservices within the Vietnamese community.Coming from rural Northern villages, many ofthe first refugees were often illiterate inVietnamese, meaning learning English (includingreading translated materials) was nearlyimpossible. Mr Lê stated up to 95% of hisorganisation’s clients are unable to speak English,which is the primary reason they opt for serviceswithin the Vietnamese community. Even someyounger clients who are able to speak Englishmay have difficulty explaining health problemsto their non-English-speaking family membersand so require Vietnamese-speaking serviceproviders.

The Lewisham NHS Primary Care Trusts reportthat among the 130 languages spoken in theborough the most common request forinterpretation is Vietnamese.31 During the focusgroup with members of a Vietnamese women’sgroup, participants said using friends and family

as interpreters – in some cases even their youngchildren – was common practice because theysaid interpreting services were not available attheir GPs. This practice of using family wasrecognised as inappropriate because of thesometimes sensitive health issues discussed, butmany of the women thought no other alternativewas available. In another focus group study ofVietnamese community groups in Lewisham andSouthwark, clients reported they were toointimidated to call emergency services, andadmitted their inability to communicate madethem feel ‘helpless.’32 The consequence of thislanguage barrier is that people do not haveinformation about available services and lack theconfidence to ask for help, which severely limitstheir access to public services and their capacityto participate in wider society.

Confidence and Participation Sometimes language is not the principal barrier.Having the confidence to access conventionalinstitutions was reported to provide a challengefor many Vietnamese in Britain. Black andminority ethnic groups have been found to beless likely to seek advice from public agenciesthan their white counterparts, and theVietnamese community is no exception.33 Amongthe community organisations consulted, allagreed that it is more common for people in theVietnamese community to rely on their informalfamilial and community networks for help andadvice. described the demeanour of theVietnamese when confronted by the unfamiliarand intimidating institutional systems in Britain:

Vietnamese people tend to be reservedand shy coming to the building, andthey have to sign in, they don’t want tocome… they rather come to therestaurant and see me in the restaurant.

‘Shyness’ was often brought up as a barrier toparticipation and engagement in interviews withmembers from different community organis-ations. This shyness created a difficulty for first-generation Vietnamese trying to use the standardBritish institutions to seek help and support.Among the community organisations inter-viewed, this inability to access mainstreamservices or provide written proof of their needs

31 Arowobusoye (2004: 18)

32 Free et al. (1999: 371)

33 Bagwell (2006: 52)


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severely inhibited the organisations fromadvocating on their behalf. As Mr Lê com-mented, “that is a disadvantage, that people inthe community don’t make themselves known tothe wider society, so the funders don’t think thereis a need.”

Lack of confidence in navigating these servicesmeans more demand for services provided byVietnamese organisations, which have difficultysustaining them. This lack of confidence inhibitsaccess to what should be conventional servicesand participation in other aspects of Britishsociety.

‘Community’ Cohesion? ‘Community’ is a tenuous term when attemptingto generalise about any group with perceivedsimilarities; reality is much more complicatedthan designating all people with Vietnameseheritage as being part of ‘the VietnameseCommunity’. This community has a commondenomination of membership – a cultural orhistorical link to Vietnam – but is also extremelydiverse through its multitude of internal divisions.During the research, the ‘types’ of people wereloosely classified as separated by generation,arrival date, class position, involvement in crime,region of origin in Vietnam, and ‘true’ ethnicity.These subgroups do not necessarily share thesame Vietnamese values or conception of what itmeans to belong to the Vietnamese community.However they are all recognised as being part of aVietnamese community in the sense that theyshare a common identity of , or beingmembers of the overseas Vietnamese Diaspora.Through interaction, they are constantly redefiningwhat it means to be Vietnamese, though eachsegment has its own pressing issues. Therefore,when conceptualising and making claims for theVietnamese community, it is important to realisethe diversity within, or as SR Sáu commented, “Iguess when you say ‘Vietnamese community’; it’sa matter of which one.”

Internal Divisions The first Vietnamese came to the UK as refugees,and much of the legacy of Vietnam that has

survived with them has been the context of lossand instability. After these first refugees began tosettle and start families in Britain, they started tobecome ‘the older generation’ of Vietnamese, andtheir children the ‘second generation’ ofVietnamese immigrants. These first refugees comefrom North, Central and South Vietnam, asreflected in their distinctive accents, regionalculture and socio-economic development.

While popular perception may identify the firstrefugees as coming from the same country andexperiences, in reality the North and Southdistinction is sometimes used to depict the twosides of an ideologically separated Vietnam, acommunist North and a capitalist South.34 Refugeesfrom the South were more likely to be educatedand come from the professional classes than theirnorthern counterparts, further accentuating theNorth and South contrast in terms of economicdevelopment. This distinction between a Northand South Vietnam that existed in the past wasseen to cause unnecessary divisions in Britain’spresent-day Vietnamese community. Mrs Võ whoworks for a refugee charity noted that regardless ofregion of origin, the children of these refugeeswould be afforded the same opportunities in thiscountry. SR Sáu, a survey respondent, took issuewith the continued association of North and Southamong the and said: “I don’t reallycare, as if you’re Vietnamese, then you’reVietnamese.” He further believed there wereenduring problems and issues that caused,“diversion and separation rather than a unitedcommunity.” Similarly, when speaking about thedivision between ethnically Vietnamese andethnically Chinese people from Vietnam, Ms ,who identified herself as being of both Chineseand Vietnamese decent, made the simpledistinction: “For me, as far as you were born oryou were raised up or resident in Vietnam beforecoming to this country you’re Vietnamese.” Mostof the Vietnamese refugees were from NorthVietnam, and the majority of those from NorthVietnam were in fact ethnically Chinese. Muchlike the North and South division, the distinctionbetween who has an ‘authentic’ ethnicVietnamese identity was also seen to cause anunnecessary division within the Vietnamesecommunity.

The North and South, and Chinese andVietnamese distinctions were primarily

34 Further specifying, people from North Vietnam pre-1954 usually refer to ‘Northerns’ movingto South Vietnam to escape communism after the French partition; these Vietnamese retain theirregional loyalty by saying they are North Vietnamese, but they will at the same time elaborate ontheir ideological opposition to the communist Northern government.


8

mentioned in the context of a Vietnamesecommunity comprised of Vietnamese refugees ofthe 70s and 80s, and their second-generationchildren. Other groups that were spoken of, mostnotably asylum-seekers, undocumented migrantsand overseas students, were classified as newerimmigrants who do not necessarily have contactwith the first refugees or communityorganisations. These organisations haveestimated that there may be up to 20,000undocumented migrants living in the UK. Asthese migrants often use their own networks forassistance in housing and work, they are a groupthat even community organisations have littleknowledge of.35 Mr Lê, who manages acommunity organisation, speculated, “they don’twant services from the community, and there’snot so much that the community can help themwhen they’re here illegal and they’re not entitledto benefits.” However, asylum-seekers, a groupthat is entitled to assistance and benefits, alsoapparently have little interaction withVietnamese community organisations.

Recently the government has made plans todeport 500 young unaccompanied asylum-seekers who had been brought to this country byorganised crime networks.36 This organised crimehas been attributed in the media to ‘Vietnamesegangs’, who the police report as operatingmarijuana farms along with human trafficking.37

Ms Võ speculated Vietnamese people wouldrather not hear about possible criminal activitywithin the community for the simple reason that,“they don’t want to be associated with it.” Trúc,a 24 year old BBV woman from Londonexplained the media ‘paints’ the Vietnamese ascausing trouble and being involved in gangviolence. The perception of ‘Vietnamese gangs’as perpetuated by the media may mean thatsegments of wider more established communitybelieve this alleged criminality may alienatemore recently arrived Vietnamese groups. As aresult, asylum-seekers and undocumentedmigrants may develop a misleading reputation ofcriminal activity, preventing adequate service

provision.This negative perception of criminality may be

largely attributed to how the police havehandled the situation. The West Yorkshire PoliceForce drugs coordinator, while statingVietnamese individuals were of the ‘latest phase’of cannabis cultivators in West Yorkshire,explicitly commented that: “The MetropolitanPolice have had a Vietnamese problem for sometime and maybe their people think they can goabout their business in relative anonymity in ourcity centres.”38 In Metropolitan Police guidancefor landlords in the London Borough of Barnet,the link between the Vietnamese and marijuanais made to appear direct and obvious: “Almostinvariably residents of these [premises used ascannabis factories] will be of Vietnamese origin,”and, “Estate agents and landlords should bewareof lone females, possibly Vietnamese, trying torent property.”39 Obviously in this attempt toprofile Vietnamese people as a group, the policeare not making distinctions in guidance – neitherbetween those innocent or guilty, nor the settledBritish Vietnamese and those newly arrived. Inadvising landlords to beware of Vietnameseindividuals trying to rent property, the police fallshort of meeting their obligation to have dueregard to the need to, “eliminate racialdiscrimination” or “promote equality ofopportunity and good relations,” as required inthe Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000.40

The other major newly arrived group are theoverseas students, who may number between5000 and 6000. This group of Vietnamese arealso seen as outsiders to the settled Vietnamesecommunity because of their perceived familialbackground. On the whole this group tends notto settle in the UK, and as Mr Lê explained, “themajority of [the overseas Vietnamese students]coming here are from officer or political familiesin Vietnam, that’s why they have money.” Forthe first generation, who are still resentful of thecurrent government in Vietnam, these studentsrepresent the descendants of the elite class ofcommunist supporters who essentially ‘won’Vietnam at the refugees’ expense. Therefore,these students’ connections in Vietnam, as wellas their connections with the VietnameseEmbassy who represent the government inHanoi, prevent the settled community from fullywelcoming them into the larger community.

35 Interview with Mr. Lê

36 Lewis (2006)

37 Townsend & Barnett (2006)

38 Casci (2006); emphasis added

39 ‘Safer Neighbourhoods: East Barnet Wards’’[emphasis added]

40 RRA (2000)


9

Identification with the Community As with any Diaspora community, theVietnamese community’s future cultural identitydepends on subsequent generations. For theVietnamese this fact is amplified by theconditions of settlement; not only is it importantto pass on Vietnamese culture, but theVietnamese culture they experienced. Asrefugees, they do not want their children to losethe link to ‘their’ Vietnam. As Ms Võ explains:

the elders want the children to speakVietnamese and keep the culture exactlythe same, the culture they brought withthem 30 years ago, not really theVietnamese culture at the moment – it’sthe older culture.

Being refugees because of the government inVietnam, there is a strong conviction among theolder generation about what is Vietnamese.Khanh, a second-generation woman from Essex,shares how she realised the difference, “I neverreally noticed it before until once I was playingin a Vietnamese football match, I … put on aVietnamese national Football top, and was toldto take it off and never wear around [my parents]again.”

Within the Vietnamese community, theidentification and continuation of Vietnameseculture is linked with participation in organisedactivities and events. The lack of participation atthese functions by the younger generationworried some of the community organisations weinterviewed. One person interviewed likened

British and Vietnamese:Perceptions and Identity from the Second Generation

As discussed, the divisions within theVietnamese community seem to be between thesettled group (further divided by region, ethnicityand generation), asylum-seekers, undocumentedworkers and overseas students – although, it isimportant to bear in mind that these divisions,like the Vietnamese community as a whole,cannot be viewed as a static. All the people ofVietnamese origin in the UK are still technically

, though some groups within the largercommunity may be in need of greaterrepresentation and assistance. Highlighting thedivisions within the group should broaden ourgeneral understanding of the Vietnamesepeople’s varied experience in Britain.

The internal diversity found in the Vietnamesecommunity poses the question ‘what makes acommunity?’ The Department for Communitiesand Local Government has undertaken to pursuecommunity cohesion through developing acommon vision and sense of belonging, valuingdiversity, providing similar life opportunities, andpromoting strong and positive relationshipsbetween people of different backgrounds in thepublic sphere.41 Bearing in mind the diversity ofVietnamese individuals, how could one go aboutmaking sure that these individuals contribute to

community cohesion as envisaged by the broadlybased government framework? If one were to tryto engage with Vietnamese people as acommunity with the purpose of encouraginggreater community cohesion in Britain,government would first need to think about theneeds of this group. Barriers of language andconfidence inhibit social engagement on anindividual level, while the lack of strong positiveinternal relations limits participation on a grouplevel. Community organisations act as a point ofengagement due to the lack of a centralisedleadership; however, the difficulties encounteredwhen trying to secure funding may signify thatonly the very disadvantaged and isolated wouldbe allowed to benefit from services.

A first step would be to provide resources tothe Vietnamese community so members couldengage with each other on questions ofcommonality and identity. The second generationare just such a group who are in this process ofgrappling with their place in the overseasVietnamese community as British citizens, withmany not having a direct link to Vietnam otherthan contact with immediate family members.Looking into this group, who have similaropportunities and life chances, has the benefit ofspeculating about the composition of aconsolidated future British community.41 DCLG


10

participation in community activities tocommitment to the community as a whole. Heperceived the absence of youth from communityactivities and functions as evidence of ageneration gap; the youth are becoming British atthe expense of their Vietnamese heritage.However, on the other hand, Mr Lê recountedhow young people have told him that theyassociate community events with, “people thatdon’t speak English, the older generation, whohave nowhere to go,” like luncheon clubs for theelderly, English classes and health tutorialsconducted in Vietnamese – events that are notrelevant to second-generation youth. Ms Võacknowledges the need to present youth withopportunities that will cater to their interests, andalso empathises with their situation, “there aren’tmany professional women at these groups, andI’m not surprised. Like myself, if I wanted to go, Iwouldn’t know where I would fit in.”

For second-generation youth, knowing theother people attending the events is what beginsto catch their interest. One BBV surveyrespondent, SR Chin, explains their motivationfor participation, “It’s the people. If I knowpeople then I go. Strangers would find it difficultto fit in when so many separate groups haveestablished themselves.”

Similarly, Khanh reveals in her questionnaire:

For myself if I had the influence of moreViet people around me doing the things Idid, going to community events would bemore ‘comfortable’ and acceptable. As akid growing up I used to go with myparents … as I lost my Viet friends I wentless, I believe that this is one of the mainreasons for me reducing my time at socialevents and events alike.

In the survey, ‘lack of time’ and ‘not hearing orknowing about events’ were the most frequentlycited reasons for non-participation in activities.The sense of connection to and commonalitywith the group proved to be central to theattending of events. The key factor for the surveyrespondents was the other people attending:other Vietnamese in general, meeting “like-minded” Vietnamese people, continuing alreadyestablished friendships or meeting otherVietnamese youth.

Youth Service Provision Despite community organisers’ explanation thatit’s difficult to get young people to participatein their activities and events, none of thecommunity organisations interviewed or youngpeople surveyed knew of any provision ofVietnamese youth services or clubs. Forexample, none of the young people surveyed orinterviewed knew of services provided forVietnamese youth, apart from the very young inthe form of supplementary language schoolsand a few university clubs. In fact, there is awidespread lack of publicly funded andculturally specific youth service provision.Recognising the need for further provision, MrPham acknowledges the deficit in provision:“The children, they go there for Vietnameseclasses, but in the future they will need morethan language.”

Youth service provision would have thebenefit of creating opportunities for parti-cipation within the community. At present theBBV have more opportunities for participatingin British society, making Ms Võ believe thatthe young people ‘mix’ with other groups andhave Asian and English friends. SR Chinbelieves mixing with other groups was good foryouth, although Vietnamese-centred youthclubs would create an atmosphere which,“[young British Vietnamese] would probablyfind easier to relate to and feel comfortablewith.” Working in education, another surveyrespondent, SR Ba, expresses the opinion thatyouth provision is essential especially for14–19-year-olds because it is a, “critical age interms of identity development and culturalidentification.” The lack of activities forVietnamese youth led some survey respondentsto state that they worry that the young willgrow up disconnected from the Vietnamesecommunity.

As testament to these speculations, Phu’o’ngAnh, having been born and raised in a townwith only a small Vietnamese population,regretted having had no opportunity forVietnamese cultural provision, which couldhave improved her Vietnamese. Mai, who wasof both Vietnamese and Chinese Vietnamesedescent, had grown up isolated from theVietnamese community even despite living inLondon. Mai recounts the process of her lack of


11

cultural identification:

I think being at a school where I wasthe only Chinese/Vietnamese/Orientalperson there made me feel quite weirdtoo; I remember looking in the mirrorand wondering why I did not havewhite skin and brown hair like myfriends… But now that I am a lot older Ido feel like I wish I had kept speakingother languages, and knew how tocook and so on, because now I realiseit is what makes me different andinteresting...

Cultural resources are important for developingidentity and self-esteem, providing BBV withthe space to relate to their peers who otherwisemight be isolated. As , who oftenattends and volunteers at community eventspointed out, since the Vietnamese communityin London is scattered across the boroughs, acentral club would be difficult to get to andmight largely go unnoticed – and unattended –by the majority of young people. Clubsassociated with centres of activity, like thosefound at universities, have been successful atmobilising youth. , a 21-year-old BBV manfrom Northampton, mentions how he wasinvolved with a Far East Asian club at hisuniversity (in the absence of a specificVietnamese association) which was createdwith mostly British-born members, “I guess a lotof us joined … because of this little ‘identitycrisis’ we feel neither British or Oriental, but acomplex mix of both cultures, and therefore it’sdifficult to fit into either group, so we made ourown.”

Describing the success of the club, reflects on how it brought together people oncommon ground, “where we can be open andfriendly and really feel like we belongsomewhere.” This culturally focused youthservice afforded him the resources to meetother like-minded second-generation EastAsians and develop their own respectiveidentities.

The Future of Being British VietnameseThe future of the Vietnamese community willbe determined by this next generation who

choose to combine Vietnamese and Britishcultures in constructing their identity atdifferent times and circumstances. It seems thatthe next generation faces creating a balancethat satisfies their own ideas and those of theirfamilies; the emphasis on the Vietnamese side(rooted in Confucianism) is to put the familyabove other commitments, while thewesternised British emphasise individualfreedom and choice. The push–pull betweenbeing British and upholding Vietnamese moralsand traditions can either become suffocating ora source of innovation. Some of the secondgeneration felt more comfortable with choosingBritish traditions and values over theirVietnamese heritage. SR Chin thinks that,“Vietnamese tradition is becoming extinct andis too restrictive for today’s social interactions,”and SR Sáu feels “disillusioned” by thedifference in mentality between the first andsecond generation. Phu’o’ng Anh, who felt thather identity and nationality was in fact British,comments: “Personally living in Britain I … feelless obliged to live in a Vietnamese culture.”

However, some second-generation youth feelthat their Vietnamese traditions haven’tdetracted from their identity but have enhancedit. Khanh ultimately feels ‘grateful’ for theincorporation of Vietnamese tradition in her lifebut she also feels the pressure, “I’m not sure ifthe bond is done through respect or fear buteither way it swivels into our heads and we feelwe can’t turn our backs on our family.”

Extending reflection on the combination ofvalues, Michael, a 26-year-old BBV fromLondon, explains the dynamic of family andindividual:

We are raised … with quite a narrowview of the world, but as we are in theWest we are able to grow more openminded – so we are aware of tighterboundaries imposed by the oldergeneration but are in a society wherewe can choose to take our owndecisions. It’s a pretty good balance …

Similarly, speaking of this balance ofboundaries and liberties, Katherine fromLondon remarks that the second generation is,“like a step down from the uptight, narrow-


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ConclusionThe attempt of this study, though small in scale,has been to give readers a window into one ofthe less visible communities of multi-ethnicBritain. The lack of statistical and otherconcrete information on the Vietnamese meansthat the challenges to this community, such aslanguage barriers and lack of confidence in

accessing conventional institutions, have beenoverlooked. Providing more resources to offsetthese barriers could open up a process ofengagement with the Vietnamese community inthe public sphere, which would improveequality of opportunity for individuals in thisgroup and begin to offset and prevent social

minded people our parents can sometimes be.”Coming to terms with a British-Vietnamese

identity is a complex process negotiatedbetween the Vietnamese community, theindividual and British society in general. A fewpeople brought up the term ‘banana’ in theinterviews to try to explain how they felt abouttheir racialised identity: ‘yellow’ on the outside(Vietnamese), ‘white’ on the inside (English/British). Essentially, there is a dissonancebetween their self-perception and theassumptions emanating from both theVietnamese community and British society,partly as a reaction to their physicalappearance and cultural heritage. Describinghimself as a “banana,” Michael says he felt likea “foreigner” to his own skin, which eventuallyprompted more exploration of his Vietnameseheritage. explains his own identity crisis astrying to resolve feeling like, “a white guytrapped in a Vietnamese’s guy’s body.”

Khanh, despite feeling very interested in herVietnamese background and traditions, sensesher knowledge would be inadequate: “…I dofeel I wouldn’t be able to meet up to theexpectation and efforts of the currentcommunity.” In a similar vein, Mai relates tofeelings of inadequacy:

Even though I say that I don’t really feellike I grew up in a community, I amstill very aware of what I look like andwhere my parents are from and howthis has made me into who I am … Ioften feel under pressure and almost aweird sense of shame when I meetother Vietnamese people (normally mydad’s friends) because I cannot speakthe language and so on.

Even though there was consensus that the

second generation felt more in common withBritish culture than Vietnamese, many still heldVietnamese culture dear. In speculating abouttheir children, all the survey respondentsbetween the ages of 16 to 35 felt it wasimportant for their children to learn aboutVietnamese culture; and all with the exceptionof two, cited how important it was that theirchildren learn the Vietnamese language. Thesecond-generation British Vietnameseinterviewed also mentioned the importance ofsharing Vietnamese cooking traditions withtheir children. Khanh goes on to say:

Definitely, even if my partner objectedto it, they need to learn about theirheritage and language. Growing up Ididn’t see the point of going toVietnamese schools or going to events,but as I matured it doesn’t even crossmy mind that I’ll not do the same to mychildren.

The way the second generation relate to theVietnamese community and perceive their ownidentity will vary, but facilitating youthinvolvement in community activities andservices will at least provide the opportunity forengagement. While many of the secondgeneration in this study wanted to be closer toVietnamese culture, the older generation haveto bear in mind that these youths are British tooand have other aspects of their identity todevelop. Ultimately, by allowing a space foryoung Vietnamese to meet, a British Vietnameseidentity will be created which could have thepossibility of overriding those of North andSouth, refugee and communist, Vietnamese andChinese Vietnamese, or any other point ofdifference that may otherwise divide people inthe Vietnamese community.


13

exclusion. For the second generation, resourceswould provide opportunities for socialorganisation and cultural confidence forbuilding positive identities.

Engagement with the Vietnamese as acommunity cannot be undertaken unless itsinternal divisions are recognised; it is importantnot to impose a strict definition of community.The Vietnamese demonstrate differences insocial class, ethnicity and migration experience.While all members have an affinity withVietnam and Vietnamese culture, they also havetheir own needs and challenges. On a policylevel, when targeting services toward theVietnamese community it is important toacknowledge its internal diversity. While thisreport has highlighted a few of the key barriers,it has also shown what information isunavailable. Possible further areas of researchto gain a more complete picture of theVietnamese in Britain could examine differencesin ethnicity, gender and profiles for theVietnamese outside of London, British-bornVietnamese, asylum-seekers, failed asylum-seekers, undocumented migrants and overseasstudents.

Aside from direct policy implications, furtherresearch and acknowledgement of theVietnamese community would have the dualbenefit of sending a message to Vietnameseindividuals that their community is valued, andprovide documented community case historiesand profiles that could inform future policy-making on refugee groups in general. It isinteresting to note that, precisely because of thislack of information and public consciousness ofthe Vietnamese, community organisations haverecently begun to plan a festival to celebratemore than 25 years of integration in the UK.The festival aims to raise awareness about theVietnamese community, combat the reputationof the Vietnamese as shy and quiet, andpromote their integration into British society.Mai, in response to the questionnaire,welcomes research and publicity about theVietnamese, feeling that there is a deficit ofknowledge:

on British television lately there havebeen programmes about ‘being Blackand British’ or ‘being Asian and British’(Asian as in Indian, Pakistani, etc.) and‘Muslim and British’, and there hasnever been one about Chinese/Vietnamese and British.

The second-generation individuals consultedlargely did not believe that there was a publicperception of the Vietnamese, but ratherspeculated that the public viewed theVietnamese as synonymous with other EastAsian cultures. Positive public profiling couldreveal the intricacies of Vietnamese culture andshow that Vietnamese people are not just an‘Other’ living in Britain today.

By no means the final word on the completeinner workings of the Vietnamese community, thisstudy intends to stimulate discussion on how onemight engage with small minority communities.Additionally, and perhaps more importantly, it hasalso endeavoured to act as a starting point forfuture dialogue within the community of what itmeans to be Vietnamese in Britain.

The Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain described its vision of Britain as acommunity of communities and a community ofcitizens.42 Recognising the contribution of awider range of communities enables us to trulybenefit from the diversity that inhabits Britishsociety. It is through understanding differentcommunities’ experiences and needs, andensuring these needs are met, that we candeliver equality for all. The Vietnamesecommunity, with its own particular needs andexperiences, provides a sample of the ‘hidden’diversity that can be found in Britain. Hiddencommunities make a great contribution to thelife of this country but hardly register in policyand political debates. Returning to exampleof the Far Eastern club, a social organisationthat provided a place for individuals of differentethnic backgrounds to meet and understandtheir commonality and their difference,ultimately engendering a sense of belonging.Through encouraging communities to sharetheir experience through the medium of thesecommunity studies, other Britons will beencouraged to reflect on what we share witheach other.

43 Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain (2000)


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Equal Respect – ASBOs and Race EqualityA Runnymede Report by Sarah Isal (2006)

Why Preferential Polices Can Be Fair – Achieving Equality for Members of Disadvantaged GroupsRunnymede Perspectives by Omar Khan (2006)

Preventing Racist ViolenceWork with Actual and Potential Perpetrators – Learning from Practice to Policy Change

A Runnymede Report by Sarah Isal (2005)

The Space Between: From Rhetoric to Reality on Race Equality in the Workplace A Runnymede Trust Report by Sandra Sanglin-Grant (2005)

Social Capital, Civil Renewal & Ethnic DiversityProceedings of a Runnymede Conference (2004)

Preventing Racist Violence: Interim FindingsSarah Isal (Working Paper June 2004)

Realising the Vision: Progress and Further ChallengesThe Report of the CFMEB (2000) revisited in 2004

(Briefing Paper April 2004)

Guardians of Race Equality Perspectives on Inspection and Regulation

Ed. Rob Berkeley (2003)

Developing Community Cohesion: Understanding The Issues, Delivering SolutionsProceedings of a Runnymede Conference of October 2002 (2003)

Complementing Teachers: A Practical Guide to Promoting Race Equality in Schools(2003, Runnymede/Granada Learning)

Divided by the Same Language? Equal Opportunities and Diversity Translated (Briefing Paper March 2003)

Cohesion, Community and Citizenship: Proceedings of a Runnymede Conference (2002)

Perpetrators of Racist Violence and Harassment: A Runnymede Research ReportOmar Khan (2002)

Widening the Talent Pool: Racial Equality in FTSE-100 Companies (Briefing Paper April 2002)

Mentoring: Business and Schools Working Together Linda Appiah (2001)

The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain: The Parekh Report Commission on the Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain (2000, Profile Books)

Moving On Up? Race Equality and the Corporate Agenda: a study of FTSE 100 companies (2000)

The Information Needs of London’s Voluntary Sector: Ethnic Minority Issues (1999)

Improving Practice. A whole school approach to raising the achievement of African Caribbean youth,Nottingham Trent and Runnymede (1998)

Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All (1997)

This Is Where I Live: Stories and Pressures in Brixton (1996)

A Very Light Sleeper: The Persistence and Dangers of Anti-Semitism (1994)

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