perception of artificial pleasant odour in the age of olfactory consumerism

8/17/2019 Perception of artificial pleasant odour in the age of olfactory consumerism

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PERCEPTION OF ARTFICIAL PLEASANT ODOURSIN THE AGE OF OLFACTORY CONSUMERISM

Dissertation submitted to te De!artment o" Communi#ationand $ourna%ism in !artia% "u%&%%ment o" te Re'uirement "or te

De(ree o"

MASTER OF COMMUNICATION AND $OURNALISM

Carried out by:

SRUTHY GOPAL

DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNICATION AND $OURNALISMUNI)ERSITY OF *EARLA

Thiruvananthapuram

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2013

PERCEPTION OF ARTFICIAL PLEASANT ODOURSIN THE AGE OF OLFACTORY CONSUMERISM

Dissertation submitted to te De!artment o" Communi#ationand $ourna%ism in !artia% "u%&%%ment o" te Re'uirement "or te

De(ree o"

MASTER OF COMMUNICATION AND $OURNALISM

Carried out by:

SRUTHY GOPAL

Certi&ed +ona Fide ,or-

Dr. Subas *./Su!er0isor1

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DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNICATION AND $OURNALISMUNI)ERSITY OF *EARLA

Thiruvananthapuram

AC*NO,LEDGEMENT

I have great pleasure in acknowledging the help of all those who have made this work a

success.

I wish to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Subhash K. Head of the DepartmentDepartment of !ommunication and "ournalism #niversity of Kerala for guiding my study.

$y thanks also go to many fine people who patiently participated in my survey and thus

channeled and shaped the content of my study.

I extend my sense of gratitude and sincere thanks to my teachers in the Department and

my friends for their wholehearted support and constructive comments.

Sruthy %opal

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CONTENTS

&. Introduction''''''''''''''''''''''&()*

). +eview of ,iterature'''''''''''''''''')&(-

-. $ethodology'''''''''''''''''''''.-/(-0

. +esults and Discussion''''''''''''''''..*(/1

/. !onclusion''''''''''''''''''''''./2(/0

1. 3ibliography

2. 4ppendix

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Knowledge is 5xperience

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Smell is a social phenomenon. It becomes a

powerful form of communication when particular

meanings and values are attributed to it by

different cultures. Throughout the history of

human civilisation smell acted as the building

blocks of cosmologies class hierarchies and

social structures. The occupation of perfuming

united people at the same time it divided. It

empowered and disempowered. It was treated

as divine as well as devils. #ntil the germ theory

was evolved perfumes were highly associated

with heath and healing. ,ater on as the science

developed to reveal the microbes causing

diseases perfumes were invested with cosmetic

concerns. 6uiet inevitably it became a part of

consumerism as it is today.

Olfaction as a Channel of Communication

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7lfaction is the most powerful channel of communication the most undermined too.

7dours are unavoidable signals in communication as they share their channel with life breath.

8e cannot withhold or seal them. They spread without any external aid. !utting across

physical barriers they mix up with other odour molecules and erode. The only way to silencean odour is to overpower it with another. Human beings have expertise in this overpowering

of natural unpleasant odours including body odours through scenting. 4nd this affinity to

scents or intolerance to unpleasant odours is a notable difference between Homo sapiens

and 4pes. That is why D. $ichael Stoddart describes man as the Scented 4pe. $ay be

because of this particular characteristic human beings are highly insensitive to feeble smell

signals compared to other animals. 8hen other mammals attract their mates through natural

body odours we have been trusting upon perfumes derived from other living or non(living

ob9ects in nature even though human body possess more scent glands than any other higher

primates. (Stoddart, 1990, p7)

The theory of evolution proposed by !harles Darwin explains this characteristic of

humankind. 4s Homo sapiens got up in legs around five to seven million years ago many

changes happened in his body structure. Separation of nose from earth closing down the

sensing through excretions and secretions was one of it. 4s human sense to smell changed

from earthy to airy sight became the primary channel of information as it could provide &:*;

distant view. says

Darwin.?ar!in, 1"71, p13@

8hen vision was hailed as the sense of reason experiment and science it became

the language of truth and pushed the other senses to the background. $eanwhile smell was

demoted as the sense of intuition sentiment and sensuality which had ac=uired negative

connotations. The act of deliberately or ostentaciously smelling ob9ects people or our

surroundings started raising suspicion especially among the higher social classes and was

therefore best avoided. Smell was an animalist and altogether dangerous sense that soon

became associated with moral corruption. ?#spria, 200", p$)

Sticking to this theory some anthropologists and biologists even argue that human

nose is a vestigial organ, like appendix and coccyx. ?ot%, 19"1, p3&1@ Stating the influence

of odours on our 3rains our Asyches and on different aspects of our Ahysiology D. $ichael

Stoddart cuts this statement ?Stoddart,1990, p"@.

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In order to emphasis the power of smell !lassen Hows and Synnott =uote a man who

lost his sense of smell due to a head in9ury B

C8hen I lost my sense of smellEFit was like being struck blind. ,ife lost a good

deal of its savorsFone does not realise how much is smell. Gou smell

people you smell books you smell the city you smell the springFmaybe not

consciously but as a rich unconscious background to everything else. $y whole

world was suddenly radically poorer. ?Classen, 'o!s and S%nnott, 2003, p1@

Studies say that we can identify the things used by our dear ones through smell which

means even though we rarely use odours as a source of information they do register in our

unconscious levels. 4ccording to biologists human nose can recognise and register

thousands of different odours. This effectiveness even in delicacy makes human sense to

smell to be attended as a significant channel of communication.

3ut olfaction rarely identifies as a signal in communication studies. $aurice $erleau(

Aonty in his work Ahenomenology of Aerception ?&0/@ says every sensation belongs to a

sensory field. This theory is also in synchronisation with the latest models of communication

which treat source and receiver as a part of the context. The concept of a sensory field

implies that every ob9ect which is perceived belongs to a field of other ob9ects which are not

perceived. 5very perceived sensation therefore belongs to a field of other sensations which

are not simultaneously perceived by the sub9ect. 4gain it is attention that guides sub9ects>

awareness to specific stimuli within the landscape or Csmellscape in which they are

immersed. ?'arris , 2007, p12@

7dours have associative identification. 7ne>s olfactory likes and dislikes are highly

associated with his or her cultural background and previous experience. There are two

perspectives on the origins of odour preference the evolutionary perspective and the tabula

rasa(based hypothesis or learning paradigm.

&. 5volutionary perspective analyses odour preferences based on biological instincts to

keep harmful things away. The theory argues that there are predispositions in human

psychology as to whether like or dislike a smell. These predispositions are encoded in human

genes as an evolutionary legacy it says. The physical repulsion towards the odour of rottenegg is such a revolutionary legacy warning against eating that. ?Schmidt and *eauchamp

19"", p113$)

). Tabula rasa or learning paradigm says human 3rain is empty at the state of birth as the

word tabula rasa which means blank state indicates. 7dour likes and dislikes are formed

through experiences only. Smell associated with good experiences will be registered as good

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smell and those of bad experiences will be rated as bad argues the theory. This theory

backed with a number of experimental evidences fails to explain the predispositions.

?amhuis, 200$, p+@

3oth these theories are experimentally proved. 5ven though they are contradictory

they can co(exist. It is sure that both culture as well as experience influences one>s olfactory

likes and dislikes. Indian>s association of the smell of cow dung with divinity in contrast to the

westerner>s repulsion towards the same can be considered as an example of this co(

existence. This repulsion or tolerance is environmental as well as cultural.

7dours influence both Intrapersonal and Interpersonal levels of communication. They

can evoke intense emotions and memories and thus can control thoughts. There was a belief

among the tribes of 4frica that connects smell with dreams. 4 piece of ginger kept under the

bed will show the future through dreams they say. ?Classen, 'o!s and S%nnott, 2003,

p1&&@ Through olfaction individuals interact with interiors as opposed to facades as they do

through vision alone. Jurther aromas do not convey direct structural information about the

shape form and discreteness of entities and thus confound the seemingly foundational idea

of a Cthing or Cob9ect as a bounded apparent entity. ('arris, 2007, p7)

4nthropologists and psychologists were curious about the ways in which odours play

with human psyche. Jreud discusses a case study of a woman who was left with a uni=ue

state of followed by a trauma.? reud, 1912, p1+-27@ She had

lost all perception of smell and was almost constantly bothered by one or two sensations of

smell which was associated with the situation lead to trauma. 7ut of all the sensory

perceptions of that scene the perception of smell was selected as the symbol by her brain.

This shows a sensory bias in that person towards olfaction and how much influential it is in

intrapersonal levels of communication.

8hile in the case of Interpersonal communication odours rarely act as a sharp

communication signal in the modern society. However ethnographic studies among tribal

cultures explain how it can still be a powerful channel of communication. 4s in the case of

animals these tribal people use smell as a signal to hunt there prey. Their belief systems

suggest that the food one eats can change his body odour. 4nd they manipulate their body

odour by controlling their food which they think will deceive their prey ? Classen, 'o!s and

S%nnott, 2003, p13+@.

This sharp sense to smell is not completely lost for civilised man. There was a

commonly held belief among historians and military officials of the ietnam 8ar that

4merican smell had betrayed their positions. 4dam Jlynn suggests the importance of smell in

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tracking and being tracked. 4merican military command urged soldiers to treat patrols C9ust

like hunting deer and minimise their use of deodorant and aftershave while army doctors

noted a pattern of front(line refusal to wear mos=uito repellent for tactical reasons. ? l%nn,

2011). To recount this theory he =uotes one of the military recordsB

4fter six days in the 9ungle the combination of stale sweat and plain old body

odour made us all stink. 3ut the smell could actually be an advantage. Gour diet gave

you a distinct aroma. The gooks smelled like rotten fish. 8e had been eating

ietnamese indigenous rations for the past two weeks 9ust to pick up their smell. If any

trail watchers got downwind from our team they would 9ust think we were another !

unit.>

?+econdoB ,++As in the &*&st 4irborne ,arry !hambers Lew GorkB Ivy 3ooks &00)@

The role of the sense of smell is vital in personnel relations also. There areexperimental evidences to prove that we can identify things used by our dear ones. !hildren

identify their mothers with smell. Smell in the context affect thoughts and there by influence

every bit of our communication either in a positive or negative manner. 7ften we are not

aware of the subtle smell in the contexts.

7dour played a significant role in the social categorisations too. !olour formed class

hierarchies and apartheid and odour variations derived through different life styles helped this

compartmentalisation to prevail. %eorge 7rwell describes the reason for class apartheid in

westB

CHere you come to the real secret of class distinctions in the 8estM the real

reason why a 5uropean of bourgeois upbringing even when he calls himself a

!ommunist cannot without a hard effort think of a working man as his e=ual. It is

summed up in four frightful words which people nowadays are chary of uttering but

which were bandied about =uite freely in my childhood. The words wereB The lower

classes smell.(Or!ell, 1937, p11$@

7lfaction functions as a social channel employed by individuals in many ways

including the 9udgment of others. It has the potential to be employed in the stereotyping of

others based upon the expected and presumed. !ategorisation is not predicated on the

visual alone ?e.g. skin color clothing and weight@ it also transpires via the olfaction as well

arising from an individual>s expectations of others and their smell. Thus an individual>s

perception and characterisation of odours may been seen as a sort of moral labeling and as

the above as well as other similar examples support such labeling of class ethnic and other

groups are accompanied by very real social s=uealae. ?'arris, 2007, p90, 91@

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7dours not only compartmentalise they can unite people in many contexts. The

burning of incense in !atholic churches is an example of a ritual where group identification

occurs through smell. Here the odour of incense itself has indeed become invested with

liturgical connotations. 7bviously the symbolic meaning of smell extends well beyond thereligious sphere. It can draw cultural boundaries or create social distance it can be a

warning signal a status symbol an impression management techni=ue or even a sign of

protest ?oeran, 200&, p97@.

Classifications of Odours

The act of smelling is strictly a sub9ective experience thus odours do not possess

common names in languages. Instead we use certain categories to identify odours. These

categories can be certain actions or words with intense odour by nature. 5xamples are fishyflowery fruity and degrading etc. 8e use the word fishy not only to denote fish or similar

a=uatic organisms. Things with a flowery smell need not be flowers. 5ven a new shoe can

have a degrading smell. This means odours have associative memory. 8e connect every

new odour with the one registered in our frame of references. These associations

represented in literature made a common meaning that could be used to symbolise odours.

Still odours are nameless and are mediated though associations only.

There are classifications of odour such as foul and fragrant dirty and clean etc. These

classifications with elastic overlapping boundaries vary with culture and context. Aroposing an

olfactory classification model $arcello 4spria suggestsB

'E the diametrical opposition between sameness and otherness

integrated and marginalised desirable and undesirable can be rendered by the

olfactory contrast between foul and fragrant. This contrast is not static or

universal although it may be true that some odours are liked or disliked by

people of all cultures foul and fragrant must be understood and analysed within

their cultural context M 9ust like the absence of smell can be perceived as

pleasant or disturbing depending on the specific social setting or environment.

(#spria, 200", p+)

The diagram implies an opposition between NcleanN ?3 D@ and NdirtyN ?4 !@ as well as

between the NnaturalN ?4 3@ and NartificialN ?! D@ realm. 3oth axes represent social contrastsB

what is dirty or clean foul or fragrant is as much a reflection of moral values as the opposition

between virtue and vice. Hence there is the differentiation between NdeodoriOedN and NsterileN

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around the center of the diagram the latter being defined as the NartificialN counter to the

former. 5xamples in each =uadrant represent

i. The public dimension of the smell

ii. The body

iii. Definitions of femininity

Figure1: Olfactory classifications in contemporary Western societies proposed by Marcello

Aspria

This classification is insufficient to explain the origin of odour preferences and role of

culture and background in it. 5xamples in this diagram show clear personnel bias too. Jor

example mountain smell need not be a pleasant smell for everyone. It is difficult to draw aline between pleasant and unpleasant as they may vary with cultures. In addition to that

odours can have different layers of meaning under different contexts so that same examples

may be repeated in different =uadrants. 3odily cleanliness can be both natural as well as

artificial and mountain smell can be both pleasant as well as unpleasant.

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Still we have to have a structuralist approach for an empirical study in order keep it

focused. The two(dimensional diagram can play an important guiding role in olfactory

research designB it helps in making the elusive more tangible and forces the researcher to

think in binary oppositions stereotypes stratifications and hierarchies. This is at the sametime a ma9or downside to the structuralist approachB if we are bound to predetermined

categorisations we risk being lead into essentialisations oversimplifications or

misrepresentations of social reality. $oreover these categorisations are limited by the paucity

of our olfactory vocabulary. ?#spria, 200", p10@. 8e focus on the fourth =uadrant of this

classification artificial pleasant odours assuming that perfumes covers ma9or area of this.

Cultural 'istor% of /erfumes

$arshal $c,uhan classifies media as and . Hot $edium is one thatintensifies that extends one single sense in high definition and cool medium is one of low

definition. 7n the other hand hot media do not leave so much to be filled and completed by

the audience. 4nd Hot media are therefore low in participation and cool media are high in

participation or completion by the audience ?cluhan, 197& p22@. ,ikewise natural odours

may be treated as cool medium which demands more participation from the audience while

perfumes can be hot medium that extends olfactory sense in high definition. !ulturally there

was a huge difference between 5astern and 8estern civilisations in use and perception of

these media.

7ur knowledge about the role of scent in anti=uity is formed through inference from

ancient writings. %reek and +oman writings give the picture of a rich olfactory tradition in

west which was highly influenced by ancient $iddle 5ast especially 5gyptians.

Scents were available in a variety of formsB as toilet waters or oils as dry powders in

thick unguents or as incense. 8hereas when we think of perfumes today we inevitably

imagine them as li=uids an inhabitant of the ancient world would be 9ust as likely to en9oy

perfume in the form of a thick ointment to be smeared liberally on the body or a fragrant

smoke infusing the air with its odour. 7ur own 5nglish word in fact literally means

indicating the importance this method of imparting fragrance had for our ancestors. (Classen, 'o!s and S%nnott, 2003, p1$)

Aerfuming was a social occupation in ancient civilisations. 8ritings on their feasts

weddings public entertainments battles and even funerals have rich descriptions of

perfumes. Aerfuming was an important element in their culture. They synthesised perfumes

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and this was treated as an art in ancient 5urope. (Classen, 'o!s and S%nnott, 2003,p13-+"

)

During the medieval ages !hristianity came to power and the !hurch leaders

considered the personal use of perfumes as a frivolous luxury tending to debauchery. 8hile

much of the art and artifice of scent disappeared with the fall of the +oman 5mpire perfumes

were too embedded in the ancient way of life. Therefore !hristianity gradually incorporated

and sublimated many traditional olfactory practices and beliefs. Thus by the sixth century

incense as a symbol of prayer had become an acceptable part of !hristian ritual. Jragrant

flowers and odours in turn figured in many !hristian legends serving as symbols of virtue or

miraculous signs of grace ?Classen, 'o!s and S%nnott, 2003, p&0,&1@

The age of industrial revolution was not only of more production but also of more amounts of

organic wastes. In eighteenth century writings cities were always depicted with a an shops cemeteries hospitals drains

streams of urine heaps of excrement dyers> tanners> curriers> stalls.?,ouis Sebastian on

Aaris@.

#ntil the Industrial +evolution bad odours were generated primarily by organic waste

and while unpleasant they tended to be accepted as a natural part of the cycle of life. 4s

country folk knew odoriferous manure made for plentiful harvests. 4s for the industrial waste

which came later ordinary people had no control over it and factory owners no wish to invest

in reforms.( Classen, 'o!s and S%nnott, 2003,p&$)

4long with the growth of industrial malodors another industry has been growing to a

billion dollar business( the perfume industry. It nourished the hatred towards malodors and

even the natural body odours became intolerable.

3ut the Indian cultural history of perfumes is little different. 8estern thinkers were

mainly concerned with understanding the temporal world but the pre occupation of Indian

thinkers was with the transcend world. 5astern especially Indian Schools of philosophy

focused on the holistic approach of life. The body was given least importance and thus the

body odour too. Thus compared to western tradition perfumes were subtle in Indian culture.

Indian concept of five elements is related to five senses. The five elements were

thought of as the medium of sense expressions( earth for smell air for feeling fire for vision

water of taste and ether ?aksha@ of sound. 4ncient Indians paid attention to smell in fact

not only to smell but to all senses and that was a spiritual occupation for them. Traces of this

culture that appreciate natural odours can be still found in Indian culture.

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. 4nalysing the sense bias in Indian culture !lassen and Howes wroteB

Aerhaps the most splendid example of stimulating all the senses to the

same extent at the same time is provided by the traditional Indian courtsB M thus

musk was worn with winter silks vetiver was associated with lemon scent and gossamer

went with summer garments>. The complex combinatorics of emotions seasons and

sensations played out daily in these courts has no western e=uivalent. ?Howes and

!lassen)

+other in &:0* described the greeting of the hill people from Khyoungtha in IndiaB

Their mode of kissing is strange instead of pressing lip to lip they apply the

mouth and mose to the cheek and give a strong inhalation. In their language they donot say but they say .

It will be significant to go through the evolution of this smell culture that

appreciated natural body odour and treated it as a powerful signal of communication.

The Indus civilisation left only archeological evidences for their existence. There were

only few sculptures and structures to understand their ways of living. Their writings are not

yet decoded. 4nyhow from the available details this civilisation of )/**(-*** 3! lead a

simple life and they were not even paid attention to dress and ornaments. Levertheless they

were aware of hygiene.

$ohen9o(daro had impeccable sanitation arrangements and was

probably the cleanest city in the world. Its streets were flanked by covered brick

sewage channels which were provided at intervals with manhole covers to clean them.

'E e=ual care was taken for the disposal of household garbage which was conveyed

through chutes built into the walls of houses into brick bins outside from where it was

presumably cleared by municipal sanitation workers. ?ral%, 200+, p22@

There might have been an act of perfuming but more than that the ancient Indus

civilisation paid attention to cleanliness shows this writings. 4 curious structure of obviously

religious nature in the $ohen9o(daro was the %reat bath a pool in a cloistered courtyard

somewhat like the Hindu temple tanks of later times. This %reat Aool also shows a possible

act of perfuming which is social as well as possibly religious.

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!oming to the edic period we could find a number of examples of the use of

perfumes in ritual as well as social aspects. In edic period people were little more luxurious

in India. 7n ceremonial occupations they used special dresses and 9ewellery.

Though their dress was simple edic Indians both men and women

were loaded with 9ewellery(necklets earrings anklets bracelets and rings all

preferably of gold( and even the warrior rode in to battle heavily be9eweled. 4mulets

were worn for good luck. Aeople were fond of perfumes and flower %arlands and boys

and girls are described in edas as wearing lotus garlands and playing on swings. 'E

4ryans paid particular attention to grooming their hair. 8oman according to 4tharva

eda braided their hair in three different styles and decorated it with flowers. ?ral%,

200+, p121, 122@

Lothing natural was considered as foul in the Indian tradition. They kept horses and

castles in their houses. There was a ritual to begin with the construction of houses at which

the 4tharva edic priest recitedB

+ight here do though 7 house stand firmly

Jull of horses full of cattle

Jull of abundance

Jull of sap full of ghee full of milk' ?ral%, 200+ p199)

It was in recent years after the colonialism and the ongoing neocolonialism the smell of

cow dung and urine became repulsive in collective consciousness of India.

Smell had a role in the rituals also. 4braham 5raly a famous Indian historian describes

a edic riteB

Jor the rite the sacrificial animal was led to a stake fixed on a consecrated

ground spread with sacred grass and adorned with garlands and other decorations.

There it was tied securely anointed with ghee and ceremonially slaughtered. The

omentum of the animal was first offered to the gods on fire. The sweet smell of the

roasted omentum was considered irresistible to edic gods.? ral% , 200+,p137@

The pleasant smell in the above description is those of sacred grass garlands and

ghee. The description does not evoke feelings of strong scents as in the case of western

rituals. Still the role of odours is prevalent.

In the normal edic funeral rites the corpse was first washed and anointed his

hair beard and nails trimmed and lay on the ground freshly daubed with cow dung. 'E

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the omentum of the cow was placed on the face of the corpse its kidney in his hand and

the whole body is covered with its skin. ?ral% , 200+,p1&0@

This description is in =uite contrast with the present practice of funeral rites in India.

Today we fill the air with different kinds of perfumes cinnamon agarbathis etc. 7ur present

atmosphere of funeral is a battleground of foul and the fragrant. In edic period the odour of

cremation was not considered as foul. 5ven though it was the edic Indians were not

bothered to cover it. Instead they burned a cow along with the corpse.

Jor ancient philosophers the human body was foul smelling. ( asks King 3rihadratha in $aitri #panishad. They were also aware

that perfuming does not cure dirtiness of the body. $oreover that was the ma9or difference

between 5ast and 8est.

Aost edic literatures like Kumarasambhava by Kalidasa Kamasutra 4rthasasthra

and 4gnipurana there are writings on the scientific perfumery. 4romatic ingredients were

leaves flowers fruits barks woods roots exudations from plants and organic products like

musk lac and civet. ?rishnamurth%, 19"7, p7$) 5ven though Kings $erchants and +ich

landlords used perfumes our religious customs rarely gave priority to perfumes in ancient

and medieval ages as it is now.

4fter visiting the Aagoda of $adhura 8. #rbick wrote in &::/B

CThe favorite idols are plastered with oil and red ochre and there is a general

greasiness about the precincts by no means fragrant or cleanly. C?ric4, 19"&, p&&)

4s we know today our religious centers are filled with rich fragrance. Jlowers are no

more the only agents of fragrance. 8e use rose water cinnamon and perfumed oils and a

number of artificial and natural scents in places of worship. Today the status of no odour is

treated as repulsive at least in Shrines.

Smell was a key element of the social structuring in India as in the case of western

cultures. $ahabharatha Indian epic written in the edic period depicts contains a sub(story

of a fisherwoman named $alsyaganghi ?one with fishy odour@. 4s her name indicates she

smelled fishy until a 3rahmin( Aarasaran( fell in love with her. 4fter their mate she was

blessed with sweet lotus smell and renamed as Sathyavathi. ,ater on a King marries her as

he was attracted to her body odour. The story indicates the ways in which odour determined

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the exclusivity of a caste and how love and sensuality could break this exclusivity maintained

through endogamous marriages and taboos.

Taboos related to castes and its olfactory associations are still prevail in Indian society.

The Hindu writes on fre=uent deaths of sewage workers across the countryB

The four men all Dalits were not provided with safety gear. They entered the

sewer with only a handkerchief for protection. They were hit by the foul(smelling

methane gas and delayed in their escape by the thick muck that lines the sewer.

'ESewerage workers traditionally almiki Dalits employed by civic bodies such as

the 8ater 3oard Aublic 8orks Department ?A8D@ $unicipal !orporations have for

generations relentlessly toiled continually risking their health and life to ensure upkeep

of the sewerage system. 3ut save for hurt exploitation and untouchability they have

received little in return. Despite proactive orders of the %u9arat High !ourt ?)**1@ and

$adras High !ourt ?)**:@ the implementation of the directives remains unrealised in

the wake of fre=uent deaths.

?The Hindu )0th "uly )*&-@

Still Dalits are doing stinky 9obs not because of the caste system today but because

of the class structure created through caste systems of past.

Keralites like many other societies in pre(colonial India had been used natural scents

such as flowers of Ilanji and Kaita to keep their cloths perfumed. These flowers have subtle

pleasant odours. 3ut 8estern writings about colonial India often described Indians as stinky.8hen liberated the Indian market was well set for the perfume industry to exploit our

inferiority complex. Thus olfactory consumerism grew in India as in west.

Olfactor% Consumerism

!onsumerism is characterised by man>s desire to buy things for their style rather than

for their function. 4dvertisers keep on saying that we are imperfects in our original status and

better people around are watching us. Therefore in order to impress them we buy things that

we believe will improve our image.

This phenomenon of image marketing is more apparent in the advertising of

deodorants and fragrant than any other products. The control of body odour is a ma9or

preoccupation of 8esterners who have made the deodorant and toiletry industry into a billion

dollar business. 4lthough natural body odour is stigmatised and suppressed artificial body

odourFin the form of perfumes and colognesFis condoned and even celebrated. Thus while

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deodorants strip the body of its natural olfactory signs perfumes invest it with a new

olfactory identity. The of the perfume industry who assure consumers that

all good things come to those with the right scent promote these ideal identities. ? Classen,

'o!es and S%nnott 2003, p1"0)

This olfactory consumerism is not only limited to toiletry products. It is their in a wide

variety of products ranging from detergents to fast foods. However for advertisers body odour

is the perfect sub9ect for a marketing campaign on nameless fears.

Studying different advertisements on this !lassen Howes and Synnott observeB

Individuals are unaware of their own smell it cannot be ?as one>s visual

appearance can@ in a mirror and politeness decrees that it should not be broached by

. It is only through the ad which speaks with the voice of an

third party that one can be openly warned of the dangers of body odour.(Classen, 'o!es and S%nnott 2003, p192)

4dvertisers worked on a number of such fears( stinking mouth sweat dirty homes and

malodor in car interiors. In addition this was proved an effective strategy in creating market.

The widespread consensus about the offensive =uality of natural body odours is a capitalist

tendency. +uth 8inter observesB

QThe self(consciousness about our own and othersN body odour is fed constantly today

by television newspaper and magaOine advertisements. 8e are literally told that we stink (

our mouths our armpits and our genitals need special products to make them and us sociallyacceptable. 4s a result of this obsession we have done our best to repress smell in our

world. 3illions and billions of dollars worth of vented bathrooms household and body

deodorants perfumes and other anti(smell devices have been developed ?and become

integral parts of our [email protected]? ac/hee,1992, p"9@

There have been advertisements showing that one>s appearance and impression

created though it will fight for him and bring him success. 4ppearance includes the body

odour too. Such advertisements repeatedly said natural body odours are repulsive

intolerable and anti(social.

Deodorants and Aerfumes were the pro9ected solutions. Deodorants made one socially

acceptable by killing his natural body odours and Aerfumes were attributed with ability to

present one as attractive efficient and successful irrespective of his actual abilities as a

human being. DeodoriOation and perfuming became an act of personality development from a

social occupation.

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Today perfume advertisements uses terms similar to sensuality enchantment and

mystery directed to a single element of life. 7ften the bottle is given more important than the

fragrant inside. Aerfumes now reflect a social status too. $any of us can distinguish between

the intense smell of a low class perfume and the classy smell of a branded one. !ompaniesin9ect pride among its users to create brand loyalty and to keep their market safe.

4s the subcultures exploded to globalisation perfuming became a part of Indian

lifestyle too. This must be an anticipated reaction of an oppressed community to be like the

oppressor. $oreover 8esterners fre=uently described Indians as stinky in their writings as

they did to any other culture unfamiliar to them. 4nyhow 8estern perfume industry created a

good market in India during the colonial as well as postcolonial ages.

Low in India also artificial pleasant odours are used to sell a number of products( from

detergents to sanitary napkins. There must be a consumer psychology that makes people

buy such products only because of their fragrance even though their actual function is not

perfuming. Aublic bias towards artificial pleasant odours demands a discussion on the notions

attributed to artificial pleasant odours.

5otions of #rtificial /leasant Odours

In anti=uity pleasant odours were thought to be divine and were highly associated with

rituals. In medieval period pleasant odours were associated with hygiene.

During the scourge of the Alague of the 3lack Death which swept across 5urope in the

fourteenth and fifteenth centauries vast =uantities of perfumes scented herbs pot pourri of dried petals and fragrant woods were sniffed daubed crushed strewn sprinkled and burned

in a vein attempt to exclude the plague from the air and so to keep it away from the body.

?Stoddart, 1990,p1@

During that period it was believed that bad odour causes diseases. The word malaria

itself stood for bad air ?mal( aria@. 4nd the only precaution doctors have was pleasant odour.

They urged people to burn pines in every corner of the city. Some threw sulfur to it and filled

the atmosphere with yellow fumes.

It was after the germ theory which suggested that it is not the air but the germs in it

caused diseases concepts of cleanliness and hygiene changed. Still perception of natural

unpleasant odours including that of sweat is associated with filthiness and insanity. 4nd

because of this perfumed bodies are easily associated with cleanliness.

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3y then perfumes became an inevitable part of socialisation. They helped people to fit(

in to groups. They also made them standout in functions. Aleasant odours were associated

with personality and attractiveness.

Aerfumes soon started creating identities. !onsumerism and growing competition in

this field gave people a number of choices to replace their stinking body odour perfumes

became one>s identity.

8hen some class is said to have foul odour they come to believe it says !lassen

Howes and Synnott =uoting a study conducted by ". Dollard on Caste and Class a Southern

Town of ew !or" . $any blacks repelled by their olfactory image turned to perfumes and

deodorants. Their use of these products of course could do little to dispel a pre9udice which

was fundamentally cultural in nature and not physical. 4ny perfumes used by blacks would

simply tend to emphasiOe their status as 9ust as the perfumes used by the working

classes in 5ngland were said to be an indication of their tastes. (Classen, 'o!es

and S%nnott, 200+, p 1$",)

5very one wanted to associate themselves with a pleasant odour rather than with their

natural stench of sweat. They were also attempting to say that they do not belong to a

working class who does not have power. In contemporary urban life the strong man is not the

sweaty labourer but a clean de(odoriOed businessperson or professional. 8e are supposed

to work hard yet smell like we are not working at all. In order to maintain the facade that one

has high status and is living the good life one must eliminate the traces of perspiration odour

associated with physical labor. (ac/hee, 1992, p92 )

4dvertisers worked on this strategy of power also. They attributed meanings of social

status with their brand. Thus every one wanted to smell a brand rather than a nameless

sweetness. 3randed scents were thought to be more powerful in creating images.

$ost widely used adverting appeal in marketing perfumes is sex and sensuality.

4dvertisers attribute power to attract opposite sex on artificial pleasant odours.

4s an ode to these notions some consider artificial pleasant smell as a sign of

diplomacy tactics and plastic nature. They find natural odours as pure genuine and lively.

This group believes that perfuming do not enhance communication instead this silence an

otherwise powerful channel of communication by killing original odours.

$odernity has waged a Ctotal war against smells wrote the sociologist Rygmunt

3auman C8estern culture . . . is founded on a vast deodoriOation pro9ect declared 4lain

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!orbin. ?6enner,2011, p33" ). These sociologists suggest that modernity has lost its

sensitivity to scents and tolerance towards stenches.

!lassen argues that olfactory classifications stem from differentiating structures of

class race and genderB Q7dours are symbolically employed by many cultures to serve as

identifying marks of different classes of beings. ...E 4s a rule the dominant group in a society

ascribes to itself a pleasant or neutral smell within this system of olfactory classificationQ.

?Classen, 1993, p101-102@

Lotions of artificial pleasant smell varied with use of perfumes. The historiography of

personal hygiene amplifies this tale of deodoriOation. During anti=uity 8esterners practiced

dry forms hygiene in which the body was cleansed and sweat removed by rubbing the skin

with aromatic oils and perfumes. Studies of 5urope and Lorth 4merica have shown that from

the late eighteenth century and particularly from the mid(nineteenth this practice changed to

novel regimes of regular bathing. During the same period the middle and upper classes

increasingly distanced themselves from the stink of the unwashed lower orders. 7ver the

course of the twentieth century this drives to bathe shower and deodoriOe continued and

spread through society. Soaps deodorants and other hygiene products were at the forefront

of mass consumer culture promoted by energetic education and advertising campaigns that

stigmatised and sought to eradicate bodily odours. 3y the &01*s anthropologists could argue

that Cthe extensive use of deodorants and the suppression of odour in public places had

made 4merica Ca land of olfactory blandness. 4n Colfactory revolution it seems had

occurred modern society had become deodoriOed ?6enner,2011, p339@. This made perfumescommodities invested with pride attractiveness power and anything suit with advertiser>s

logic.

7n the other hand in India the practices of personnel hygiene from anti=uity itself were

related to water one of the five elements. Aerfumes were never attributed with hygienic

notions but used by rich and powerful as a cosmetic. ,ower castes were associated with foul

odours not because of their perfumery practices but because of their occupations. In other

words stinky 9obs were assigned to lower castes. In that sense Indian culture related

pleasant odours to !aste system and thus to Aride and Aower. In post colonial India this

notion strengthened because of western influence. 4nd those influenced by western culture

were praised among common people as for them 8hites or 8esterners denoted power.

Knowingly or unknowingly people build their social world through such associations.

They actively construct meanings through communication. Social significance of smell is also

portrayed through the act of communication. Hence it will be significant to analyse notions of

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artificial pleasant odours in present Indian societies and thus this study is proposed. 7ur

perceptions on smell may be influenced by western lines of thought because of the extensive

exposure to their culture and lifestyle though media. #se of deodorants could be the result of

one such influence. It will be relevant to analyse the extent of this influence of deodorants inour communication.

$eanings attributed to pleasant odours can influence and shape the preconceptions

related to Alace or Aeople. The study attempts to analyse the nature of meanings attributed

to artificial pleasant odours by people and its role in formulation of preconceptions in

interpersonal communication.

Oecti8es

The general ob9ective of the study is to analyse the perception of artificial pleasant odours

and its influence among people.Specific ob9ectives areB

To analyse the nature of meanings attributed to artificial pleasant odours

To analyse whether the presence of artificial pleasant odours influences preconceptions

in inter(personal communication

To verify whether there is any variation in the perception of artificial pleasant odours

based on age and gender.

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eferences

&. 4spria$. )**:B !osmologies Structuralism and the Sociology of Smell ScentedAages.com

). !lassen!. &00-B 8orlds of SenseB 5xploring the Senses in History and 4cross !ultures

,ondonB +outledge

-. !lassen!.and HowsD )*&- B Doing sensory 4nthropology www.sensorystudies.org

. !lassen!. HowsD Synnott4. )**-B 4roma( the cultural History of Smell Taylor Jrancis

e(,ibrary

/. Damhuis!. )**1B There is more than meets the noseB multidimensionality of odor

preferences 4 Sense of Smell Institute 8hite Aaper

1. Darwin!. &:2&B The Descent of $an e(book published by www.andrew.cmu.edu

2. Doty+.,. &0:&B 7lfactory communication in humans !hemical Senses olume 1 Lumber

p-/&(-21

:. 5raly 4. )**B 5raly 4raham %em in the lotus seeding of Indian civilisation IndiaB Aenguin

3ooks )**.

0. Jlynn4. )*&&B #nder the Iron SnoutB 4 Jirst Take on 7lfactory Imperialism www.thestate.ae

&*. JreudS. &0&)B Selected Aapers on Hysteria and 7ther Asychoneuroses Translated by 4. 4.

3rill Lew GorkB The "ournal 7f Lervous and $ental Disease Aublishing !ompany Lew

GorkB 3artleby.!om )*&*

&&. Harris+.%. )**2B Social 5manationsB Toward Sociology of Human 7lfaction AhD Thesis

#niversity of Lorth Texas

&). "enner$.S. )*&&B Jollow Gour LoseP Smell Smelling and Their Histories 4merican

Historical +eview 4pril )*&& p--/(-/&

&-. Krishnamurthy+. &0:2B Aerfumery in ancient India Indian "ournal of History of Science

&. $acAhee$. &00)B DeodoriOed cultureB anthropology of smell in 4merica 4riOona

4nthropologist :B:0(&*) #niversity of 4riOona

&/. $c,uhan$. &02/B #nderstanding $edia +outledge and Kegan Aaul ,td ,ondon

&1. $oeran 3. )**/B "apanese Jragrance Descriptives and %ender !onstructionsB Areliminary

Steps towards 4nthropology of 7lfaction S5LS5S ol. &: Lo. & pp. 02(&)-

&2. 7rwell%. &0-2B The +oad to 8igan Aier 4utobiography of %eorge 7rwell e(book styled by

,impid soft

25

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26/69

&:. Schmidt H.". 3eauchamp %.K.&0::B 4dult(like 7dor Areferences and 4versions in three(

year(old !hildren !hild Development# $%B &&-1(&&-

&0. Stoddart$. &00*B The Scented 4peB The 3iology and !ulture of Human 7dour !ambridge

#niversity Aress

)*. #rbick8. &0:/B India &** years ago

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It was by the end of )*th centaury

sociology of olfaction gained researcher>s

attention as a significant area to be explored.

Studies in olfaction developed or are developing

in multiple directions. The first and foremost area

is the science of the sense of smell. Jollowed by

the biologists psychologists started discussing

the ability of smell to evoke certain emotions.

Jinally there is sociology of olfaction that

describes the smell relations and notions in the

society. The sociological and psychological

studies on smell treat olfaction as a significant

channel of communication. These studies

analysed the potential of the channel and its

influence on individuals and the society.

27

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Studies on communication throu:h smell

It has been a ma9or area of olfactory studies. In fact it started in the 2*s itself. The

primary =uestion of that time was whether smell can be an effective communication channel for

man as in the case of other animals. Several behavioral studies have sought to establish whether auxiliary odors can provide information to humans regarding gender identity and whether males

and females differentially prefer such odors.

+ussell in &021 conducted an experiment among &- women and &1 men. They were

asked to wear T(shirts for ) hours without bathing or using deodorants. The armpit regions of

these shirts were then presented to sub9ects in a triangle odour test where the sub9ectNs own T(

shirt a strange maleNs T(shirt and a strange femaleNs T(shirt were used as stimuli. 5ach

participant was asked to first identify his or her own odor and then to report which of the two

remaining odors came from a male. Line of the &- females and &- of the &1 males performed

both of these tasks correctly suggesting to +ussell that Qat least the rudimentary communicationsof sexual discrimination and individual identification can be made on the basis of olfactory cues.Q

(ussell; 197$)

Sexual discrimination based on olfactory cues was further researched to analyse its

psychological aspects. In a set of experimental studies conducted by Doty +.,. in &02: the

relation between intensity of odour and sexual identification was analysed. In the first of these

studies a set of auxiliary odors from nine males ?collected on gauOe pads that had been taped in

the armpits for approximately &: h@ and a blank control pad were presented to &* male and &*

female 9udges in sniff bottles. They were asked to identify the sex from which each of the odour

come from. Jollowing this task the sub9ects gave magnitude estimates of the relative intensity

and pleasantness of the stimuli. In the second study a set of nine female odors and a blank

control were presented under identical conditions. In the third study a set of five male odors four

female odors and a blank control were similarly presented. The results of these studies

confirmed out that the stronger ?and more unpleasant@ the auxiliary odor the more likely it was to

be assigned to a male gender category regardless of the true sex of its donor. These results

suggest that the ability of humans to QdetectQ gender from auxiliary odors may depend upon

=uantitative rather than =ualitative aspects of the odors and that strong odors are 9udged as

having come from males and weak odors as having come from females regardless of the true

sex of the odour donor. (ot%;197")

In a review of studies related to the ability of Homo sapiens to communicate basic

nonspecific biologic information via body odors +.,. Doty suggests that humans like many other

$ammals have the potential for communicating basic biologic information via the smell medium.

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rank these odours from most healthy to least healthy and they were told that the purpose of the

study is to gather information on odors that could be added to products to reinforce the perception

of healthiness. The second group was asked to rank the same set of odours from most to least

haOardous in order to gather information on odours could be added to dangerous chemicals toreinforce the perception of haOard. The results showed that the pre( exposure characteristic of the

odorant could alter the evaluation of odours.

In another experiment researchers asked sub9ects to rate the intensity a particular

ambient odour in order to analyse whether there is any change in perception based on the

information about the odorant that sub9ects received prior to exposure. / sub9ects were

randomly assigned to one of three groups each of which received different characteriOing

information or bias about the nature and conse=uence of exposure to the odorant. The positive

group was told they would be exposed to a natural extract from balsam trees that was often used

in aromatherapy and had been reported to have positive effects on mood and health. In contrastthe negative group was told they would be exposed to an industrial solvent which following long(

term exposures had been reported to cause problems with health and cognitive functioning. The

neutral group ?control@ was told they would be exposed to a standard odorant that had been

approved for olfactory research. The most important observation from this experiment was that

the cognitive bias condition influenced 9udgments of threshold intensity but did not affect

threshold sensitivity.

3oth the studies present convincing evidence that the perceived intensity of odours can

be influenced by factors that promote a cognitive or Ntop(downN processing of odour information.

(alton;199$)

In a study to examine the influences of age gender cognitive abilities and personality

styles on odour identification a group of researchers of 4merica mailed =uestionnaires comprised

six scratch(and(sniff microencapsulated odorants to 1*1 participants and they were asked to

scratch and sniff each odour panel and to answer a number of =uestions. The study indicated that

both detection and identification of olfactory information were impaired with age. %ender had no

effect on detection or identification. Hierarchical regressions revealed that proficiency in semantic

memory intensity perception and personality style ?i.e. neuroticism impulsivity and lack of

assertiveness@ were potent predictors for successful odour identification even when individual

variations in chronological age sex education and global cognitive functioning were taken into

account. . However in contrast to odour identification odour detection was unrelated to cognitive

parameters and personality traits. Jour potent factors for successful odour identification were

identifiedB age semantic memory aptitude intensity perception and personality style. The fact

that proficiency in odour identification was unrelated to fluid intelligence short(term memory and

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episodic memory strengthens the notion that semantic memory ?i.e. crystalliOed intelligence@ and

odour identification tap the same cognitive domain. (arsson ; 2000)

In )*** Aamela Dalton analysed the Asychological and behavioural characteristics of

olfactory adaptation. Sensory adaptation allows organism to reach behavioral e=uilibrium with theambient environment and respond primarily to changes in stimulation. %iven its functional

significance it is not surprising that adaptation in the olfactory system exhibits many of the same

characteristics as adaptation in other sensory systems including vision. +epeated or prolonged

exposure to an odorant typically lead to stimulus( specific decreases in olfactory sensitivity to that

odorant but sensitivity recovered over in the absence of further exposure. Asychophysical

analysis showed that olfactory adaptation results in elevation in odour thresholds and in reduced

responsiveness to supra(threshold stimulation. Jurther the magnitude of the decrease and the

time course of adaptation and recovery are depended on the concentration of the odour and on

the duration of exposure. It is generally agreed that olfactory adaptation can occur at multiplelevels in the olfactory system and can involve both peripheral ?receptor level@ and more central

?post(receptor@ components ?alton; 2000@

In )**& a group of scientists of the #niversity 7f #trecht and the Institue 5uropeen Des

Sciences du %out conducted a study on Implicit ,earning and Implicit $emory for 7dour

Identification and +etention of Time. In this study &/) sub9ects divided into eight groups were

exposed to a room with low concentration of ether orange or lavender and to an odorless room.

Leither the sub9ects nor the experimenters were made aware of the presence of odour in the

experimental conditions. ,ater they were asked to indicate how well each of )& odour stimuli

including the experimental and control odours befitted each of )& visual contexts including the

exposure rooms. 4t the end of this session they rated the pleasantness and the familiarity of the

odours and identified them by name. The results confirm the earlier finding that non(identifiers

implicitly link odour and exposure room whereas identifiers do not show such a link. It is

suggested that episodic information is an essential constituent of olfactory memory and that its

function is comparable to that of form and structure in visual and auditory memory systems. Lo

significant gender differences in the familiarity ratings were found. 4s in the case of pleasantness

exposure had no significance in the familiarity of the odours. (e:el; 2001)

Studies on Olfactor% li4es and disli4es

In &00* Dr. $ichael Stoddart combined biology and sociology of smell for the first time in

his book The Scented 4peB The 3iology and !ulture of Human 7dour. He suggested the

essentiality of being interdisciplinary to understand the social phenomenon called smell. He

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believed that Ooology has something to offer to ethnography 9ust as the study of man>s cultures

may help to resolve some Ooological puOOles (Stoddart; 1990).

Levertheless these streams biology and sociology kept their exclusivity for a long time

at least in the case of olfaction and still keeping it to a large extend. The initial sociological studies

related to olfaction were focused on the olfactory likes and dislikes and variations in it with

culture and age and gender. Such studies made the first move to frame certain common

theories on the evolution of olfactory likes and dislikes.

In &00) $arybeth $acAhee conducted a historical analysis of deodoriOed culture in

4merica. In her review she discussed the social history of smell in 4merica. 6uoting a number of

literatures studies and advertisements of &0th centaury $acAhee describes the evolution of

olfactory preferences among 4mericans. !ultural perceptions of smell are assessed according to

$aiy DouglasNs models. They are also related to 4merican views of disease and social structure.

4ccording to him Arior to the association between odour and disease stink was the norm and

fashion even promoted the enhancement of body odour with perfume and oils based in

excrement and animal secretions ?musk civet ambergris@ as a means to increase attractiveness.

3y the end of &: th century aromatherapy became popular in Jrance as a medical prescription and

the pleasant odours were associated with good health. These ideas were carried over to the &0 th

century also. The study concludes with a note on the popular 4merican notion that . (ac/hee; 1992)

The study conducted by Saho 4yabe(Kanamura el al in &00: analysed the perception of

odour and previous experience with them. In this study the responses of * "apanese and

age(matched %erman women to everyday odorants were compared. Sub9ects were presented

with &: stimuli in s=ueeOe bottles and asked to rate them according to intensity familiarity

pleasantness and edibility to describe associations elicited by them and if possible to name

them. 7ne(third of the odorants were presumed to be familiar to the "apanese only one(third to

the %ermans and one(third to both populations. Significant differences were found between the

two populations on all measures. 3etter performance by the "apanese in providing appropriate

descriptors for N"apaneseN odorants and by the %ermans for N5uropeanN odorants supported the

pre(selection of stimuli as culture(typical. Aarticularly clear differences between the two

populations were found in pleasantness ratings. In general a positive relationship was found

between pleasantness and "udgement of stimuli as edible suggesting that culture(specific

experiencesFparticularly of foodsFmay significantly influence odour perception. Somewhat

unexpectedly significant differences were also found between the two populations in intensity

ratings for some odorants. These differences did not seem simply to be artifacts of the test

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situation and raise the possibility that experience may even influence such basic aspects of odour

perception as stimulus intensity. (#%ae-anamura ; 199")

The study by Han(Seok Seo el al in )*&& aimed to determine whether there are regional

influences on attitudes toward olfaction. &*:) participants aged )&M/* years from differentregions ?$exican Korean !Oech and %erman@ were asked to rate general attitudes toward

olfaction in everyday life. To examine affective attitudes to odors ?i.e. pleasantness@ participants

were also asked to list - odors as being the most pleasant or unpleasant respectively. Lext the

mentioned odour names were attributed to & of main categoriesB and and the distribution of these categories was compared

across regions. $exicans were significantly different to the other regions in their general attitudes

toward olfaction. In addition in all regions in comparison with men women indicated a higher

interest in the sense of smell. $oreover a significant positive correlation was present between

individuals> self(rating of olfactory sensitivity and general attitudes toward olfaction. Jinally therewere significant cross(regional differences in affective attitudes toward specific categories of

odors. These results demonstrated that peoples> attitudes toward olfaction can be affected by

region. (Seo; 2011)

These studies along with so many similar historical and ethnographic analyses suggested

that odour preferences are purely culture driven. 3ut another set of studies carried out in parallel

to these studies focused on the genetic coding or inherent odour preferences.

Studies of young children have failed many times to demonstrate adult(like odour

preferences in children less than / years old. This made the theory of inherent odour preferencesdifficult to prove. Hilary ". Schmidt and %ary K. 3eauchamp experimentally proved for the first

time that children could have 4dult(like odour preferences. This study gave scientific backbone to

the 5volutionary perspective of odour preferences which is based on the predispositions in

human psychology as to whether like or dislike a smell . 4 simple 5xperiment embedded in a

game was used to contrast -(year(oldsN and adults. Sub9ects were asked to smell &0 odorants

and if they liked the odour they had to point to one puppet but if they did not like the odour they

had to point to another one. 4nalyses revealed essentially the same pattern of preferences in

both groups. In general the odorant was a much better predictor of its hedonic =uality than was

the age of the sub9ect. However children and adults did differ in their ratings of some odors andresponse patterns indicated that children might be more sensitive than adults to some odorants.

This study demanded a re(evaluation in the predominant view that hedonic re(actions to odors do

not exist until between / and 2 years of age. ?Schmidt and *eauchamp; 199"@

Some studies clearly described the co(existence of these two theories. The study

conducted by !. !hrea et al in )**- to evaluated the effect of culture on the relationship between

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psychological dimensions underlying odour perception and odour categoriOation was one such

analysis. In a first experiment Jrench ietnamese and 4merican participants rated several

perceptual dimensions of everyday odorants and sorted these odorants on the basis of their

similarity. +esults showed that the three groups of participants differed in their perceptual 9udgments but agreed in categoriOing the odors into four consensual groups ?floral sweet bad

and nature@. Three dimensionsMMpleasantness edibility cosmetic acceptabilityMMdiscriminated

these groups in the same way in the three countries. In a second experiment the participants

sorted only fruit and flower odors to evaluate whether a consensus emerges at a finer level.

+esults showed that 4merican Jrench and ietnamese participants differed in their 9udgments

for several perceptual dimensions. However they shared some common general odour

representation structured in a few categories and used the same perceptual dimensions to

categoriOe the odors such as pleasantness edibility and cosmetic acceptability. These findings

seem to support the claim that some universal cognitive mechanisms might underlie theperception of the world. 3ut 4t a finer level the consensus between cultures on odour

representation stayed consistent only for two of the three groups of participantsB the 4merican

and Jrench participants> representations. This result maybe due to differences in the function

attributed to the odors. Indeed 4merican and Jrench participants described clearly fruit odorants

as candies and flower odorants as cosmetics or cleaning products whereas ietnamese

participants did not use such descriptions. This may come from the fact that as post(industrial

cultures Jrench and 4merican people are exposed to similar standardiOed odors from

international trades while ietnamese people encounter more local aroma which correspond to

their own culture (Chrea; 2003).

"an HavlUek and S. !raig +oberts in their study conducted in )*&) further discuss the

interaction between culturally and biologically evolved olfactory preferences. They say

biologically evolved preferences work in con9unction with the culturally evolve preferences. Such

considerations have led to the idea that individuals might select perfumes which in fact

complement their own body odour. In their experimental study they found that even if the same

perfume interacts with individual body odours then it would have positive effects in some

individuals and negative effects in others. In another study they found that an individual>s body

odour would be 9udged more positively when blended with the wearer>s preferred perfume

compared with one assigned by the experimenters. Thus they concluded that people might

choose perfumes in an individual fashion to complement their own body odour and it is more than

9ust masking. ?'a8l


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Social eanin:s of smell

Some sociological studied extended themselves beyond olfactory likes and dislikes

treating smell as a social phenomenon. These studies analyses the notions of smell and their

variations with culture gender age and time.In a random survey conducted among 0:0 5nglish(speaking individuals selected in 8ater

Tower Alace shopping mall in !hicago 4lan +. Hirsch analysed the relations of olfactory evoked

recalls with age and gender. Survey results revealed the existence of olfactory evoked recall.

5ighty(six and eight tenths percent of those born after &0-* displayed olfactory(evoked recall

whereas only 1&.-V of those born before &0-* displayed it. these results were not surprising

since olfactory ability decreases with age. /*V of those over 1/ and 2/V of those over :* years

of age exhibited a reduced ability to smell. Those born from the &0-*s on were more likely to

have nostalgia induced by food odors and less likely to have nostalgia induced by nature odors

than those born before the &0-*s. There was a significant difference in olfactory likes based onage. Those born before the &0-*s cited smells of nature including pine hay horses sea air and

meadows whereas those born in &0-* to &020 were reminded of their childhood by such smells

as plastic scented markers airplane fuel vaporub sweet tarts and play dough. . Lo statistically

significant difference was shown between the genders in their self(reports of odor(evoked

nostalgia. ('irsch;1992)

In the study Towards an 4esthetics of Smell or the Joul and the Jragrant in

!ontemporary ,iterature Danuta J "ellestad examines the olfactory landscapes in Toni

$orrisonNs Sula ?&02-@ "amaica KincaidNs The Autobiography of My Mother ?&001@ and "eanette

8intersonNs Written on the &ody ?&00)@ to show how these novels offer highly intriguing

configurations of smell gender and ethnicity. The analysis reveals that the three novels engage

in re(coding of the conventional olfactory landscapes. The three writers reconstruct notions of foul

smells constructed throughout the 5nlightenment pro9ect to deodoriOe and standardiOe the public

and the private spheres as the sense of unreason madness savagery and animality as the

sense of love and relationship while fragrant scents are associated with falsehood and death.

4ccording to the researcher $orrison Kincaid and 8interson capitaliOe on the conventional

gendering of smell as a female ?not to say feminine@ sense and expose the conventionality of

representing women in terms of QniceQ smells both by explicit references to the scentsN sexual

powers and by making QunpleasantQ odors carry the same power of sexual attraction as scents.

Jinally study proposed that smell might offer a distinct epistemological alternative to sight and

hearing. (6ellestad;2001)

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In )**2 +egina %ray Harris analysed whether the meaning and social relevance of

odors and the olfactory sensorium changed throughout different periods of history and the way in

which those in the lineage of eminent sociological thinkers addressed the phenomenon of human

olfaction during these periods. +egarding theoretical aim of this discourse insights are drawnfrom $aurice $erleau(Aonty>s phenomenological theory of human perception for the generation

of a framework for the sociological study of olfaction. $ethodology adopted was a Historical

monograph undertaken with an analytical approach from the social sciences. The researcher

used data gleaned from books advertisements articles in popular non(scientific magaOines as

well as from the findings of studies published in medicalWneurological psychological

anthropological and sociological scholarly 9ournals to reach the conclusions along with texts

regarding historical accounts of health and medicine mythology poetry and literature. This study

analysed information about 8estern ideas regarding the olfactory sense from the days of Alato

and 4ristotle through the range of !hristian philosophers to Hegel and $arx and beyond ispresented in an attempt to determine whether the meaning and relevance of odors and the

human olfactory sensorium have changed throughout different periods in history. The study

expounds how perfumes have gone from profane to holy to an industry worth billions. 4nd how

does the dominant paradigms and scientific innovations affected these changing notions. ('arris;

2007)

In a latest study conducted by $ark S + "enner analyses how the significance of certain

odours changed over a period. The analysis gives emphasis to the odours in environment rather

and their representation in historical records. The analysis suggests that cultural significance of

olfaction has declined in modern times. "enner also explains the reasons for this supposed

diminution of the olfactory( Detachment from natural surroundings evolution of vision as the

primary channel of communication and sense biases in different cultures. 4ccording to "enner

scholars should not assume that changes in the scientific models of sensory perception were or

are necessarily translated into e=uivalent transformations in sub9ective understandings of

sensation or perception. !onstructing or examining taxonomies of the senses does not reveal

very much about how sensory perception wor"ed in particular historical settings the study says.

(6enner;2011)

Studies on deodorants and perfumes

In an experimental study by S.!raig +oberts et al suggested that human body odour is

important in modulating self(perception and interactions between individuals. 4nd deodorants

play a role in this moulding. The experiment tested the effects of a double(blind manipulation of

personal odour on self(confidence and behaviour. +esearchers gave male participants either an

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aerosol spray containing a formulation of fragrance and antimicrobial agents or an otherwise

identical spray that lacked these active ingredients. 7ver several days they found effects

between treatment groups on psychometric self(confidence and self(perceived attractiveness.

Jurthermore although there was no difference between groups in mean attractiveness ratings of men>s photographs by a female panel the same women 9udged men using the active spray as

more attractive in video(clips suggesting a behavioural difference between the groups.

4ttractiveness of an individual male>s non(verbal behaviour independent of structural facial

features was predicted by the men>s self(reported proclivity towards the provided deodorant.

(oerts; 2009)

4 survey study examining the relative importance of various social and physical traits in

heterosexual attraction was conducted in )**) by +achel S. HerOa $ichael InOlicht. Data from

&0: male and female heterosexual college students revealed that women considered a man>s

smell to be more important than or when selecting a lover.

The influence of smell also outranked all social factors except pleasantness and was valued

considerably more highly than money or ambition ?resource potential@. $oreover in contrast to

response to fragrance use liking someone>s natural body odour was the most influential olfactory

variable for sexual interest for both men and women. $en rated a woman>s good looks as most

desirable and as more important than any other factor except pleasantness. 8hen a potential

lover was at least average in all physical characteristics women believed that better(than

average smell was more important than superiority in other physical traits whereas men thought

they would prefer a woman to be above average in looks. This suggests that for women a man>ssmell more than merely establishing a baseline of acceptability is preferred over other physical

features.

The research also elucidated how the hedonics of body odour and the use of personal

fragrance are evaluated by men and women. The data from Topic - showed that women had a

more intense response to odour cues overall than did men. This is not surprising given that

women evaluated odour as more important in their mate choice responses than men did. This

study illuminated the relative importance of smell in comparison to other physical factors in mate

selection. ('er>a and In>licht; 2002)

4nother study conducted by "an Havlicek et al in )**: replicated these results in

contexts that are note related to mate selection. They also analysed the cross(cultural differences

with respected to the previous study. 4 stratified sample survey was conducted among 2&2 high

school students of !Oech +epublic and compared the results with previous results from #S. They

found that women valued olfactory cues significantly more than men in non(sexual contexts did.

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The !Oech high school students rated body odors more positively and were less visually

oriented than the #S university students of previous work.( 'a8lice4; 200")

4 survey conducted among &)* students of Sinhgad Technicaln5ducation Society

,onavala analysed the buying preferences and attitudes of adolescents towards perfumes. Thesample selected for the study comprised males and females of )* to )/ years old. The

methodology employed for the study was intense interview based on open coding techni=ue.

Jeelings and Jre=uency of using the perfumes +eadiness to switch the brands and fre=uency of

switching the brands Intensity of Interest in perfumes and $oney spent on it over the last one

year were sub9ected to analysis based on gender. The study revealed that adolescents are

largely interested in perfumes and they think it could create a good Image. It was found that

males and females in the targeted age group have similar buying pattern. Arice and brand are

two ma9or factors influencing the buyers> preferences. 3ut they are not 3rand loyalty and possess

a general tendency to switch brands fre=uently. (*or:a8e and Chaudhari; 2010)

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&). HerOa+.S. and InOlicht$. )**)B Sex differences in response to physical and social factors

involved in human mate selectionB The importance of smell for women 5volution and

Human 3ehavior )- ?)**)@ -/0M-1

&-. Hirsch4.+.&00)B LostalgiaB a Leuro(psychiatric #nderstanding Smell Taste Treatment

and +esearch Joundation ,TD 4dvances in !onsumer +esearch olume &0 p -0*(-0/

&. "ellestadD.J. )**&B Towards 4esthetics of Smell or The Joul 4nd The Jragrant In

!ontemporary ,iterature 3lekinge Institute of Technology Sweden

&/. "enner$.S. )*&&B Jollow Gour Lose( Smell Smelling and Their Histories 4merican

Historical +eview 4pril

&1. ,arsson$. et al )***B 7dour IdentificationB Influences of 4ge %ender !ognition and

Aersonality $aria ,arsson Deborah Jinkel and Lancy ,. Aedersen 'ournal of

(erontology) *S!C+O,O(ICA, SCI-C-S by the %erontological Society of 4merica

)*** ol. //3 Lo. / A-*MA-&*

&2. $acAhee$. &00)B DeodoriOed !ulture 4nthropology of Smell in 4merica

&:. +obertsS.!. et al )**0B $anipulation of body odour alters men>s self(confidence

and 9udgments of their visual attractiveness by women S. !raig +oberts 4. !. ,ittle 4.

,yndon ". +oberts ". Havlicek and +. ,. 8right International "ournal of !osmetic

Science p2M/

&0. +ussell$.".&021BNHuman olfactory communicationN ature# )1* /)*(/)). cited in

7lfactory communication in humans +.,. Doty

)*. SchmidtH.". and 3eauchamp %.K. &00:B 4dult(,ike 7dour Areferences and 4versions in

Three(Gear(7ld !hildren $onell !hemical Senses !enter Ahiladelphia

)&. SeoH.S. el al )*&&B 4ttitudes toward 7lfactionB 4 !ross(regional Study Han(Seok Seo

$arco %uarneros +obyn Hudson Hans Distel 3yung(!han $in "in(Kyu Kang Ilona

!roy "an odicka and Thomas Hummel !hem. Senses -1B &22M&:2

)). Stoddart$.I00*B The Scented 4peB The 3iology and !ulture of Human 7dour !ambridge

#niversity Aress

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$ost research is Aositivist in nature. However

the Aositivist stream of research has its

limitations especially when the ob9ective of the

research is to understand meanings that people

hold. Aeople through their participation in the

social world actively construct these meanings

of the world. These meanings and or Ctruths

influence if not directly impact human

behaviour and interaction. The method adopted

for the study is Intense Interview. This could be

seen as a more relevant and useful way of

understanding and or conceptualiOing social

cultural group and or individual meanings.

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3

ethodolo:%


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Intense inter8ie!

Traditional structured =uestionnaire survey establishes a priori categories and then asks

pre(established =uestions aimed at capturing precise data that can be codified categoriOed and

generaliOed. Here the researcher is like a highly trained instrument and remains substantively

situation and the respondent.(ondana, 2003,p&+)

The interview has been reconceptualised survey as an occasion for purposefully

animated participants to construct versions of reality interactionally rather than merely purvey

data. 3ecause the respondent>s sub9ectivity and related experience are continually being

assembled and modified the truth value of the interview responses cannot be 9udged simply in

terms of whether those responses match what lies in an ostensibly ob9ective vessel of answers.

+ather the value of interview data lies both in their meanings and how meanings are constructed.

These what and how matters go hand in hand as two components of practical meaning making.

The entire process is fueled by the reality constituting contributions of all participants and

interviewers. (urium and 'olstein, 2003,p3+)

Aersonal interviews are the most flexible means of obtaining information because the

face(to(face situation lends itself easy to =uestioning in greater depth and detail. 3ut compared

to the traditional perspective of surveying this approach seems to invite unacceptable forms of

bias ?2:@. The direction of intense interview id determined by the interviewer and will be shaped

by his or her frames of reality. Since interviewing is always staged and less spontaneous

resulting conversations are less realistic than a natural interaction (urium and 'olstein,

2003,p7").

Samplin: ?echni@ue

Aurposive sampling is the sampling techni=ue adopted to select respondents. 1* sub9ects

were selected ensuring e=ual participation of male and female respondents. The sampling also

ensured e=ual representation of people belonging to different age groups.

Sample Description TableB

$ale 3elow -* &*

-*(1 &*

1 and above &*

Jemale 3elow -* &*

-*(1 &*

1 and above &*

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Inter8ie! Schedule

The Intense Interview relies on an Interview Schedule. It is not an unstructured interview

the research agenda is always kept in focus and the Interview Schedule i

perception of artificial pleasant odour in the age of olfactory consumerism

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