Peri-urban Agriculture: The Land, Farming System and Gender

Study Area Manahara low-lying area of Bhaktapur district, located in the Kathmandu Valley was

selected. This area has been selected because of many reasons: firstly, this is a typical

land where agriculture has been intensively practiced in Kathmandu valley. In terms

of, production, this location is the good and suitable for the all-seasonal crops.

Secondly, the traditional irrigation system is still preserved but not sufficient for rice

production, and the intensive horticulture is the main characteristics of the study area.

This is the area near by the major market centres, and it is the main source of

perishable vegetables for the urban dwellers is the other reason. This is the nearness to

the city centre and the local farmer can easily transport their requirements associated

with the agriculture practice, i.e. agricultural tools, fertilizers, pesticides, etc. for the

better production. Similarly, very good transportation facility, which helps to

transport perishable vegetable products to the urban centre and also other part of the

city, is the next reason for the selection of this area.

The study area lies in the central part of Kathmandu valley. The valley was once a

lake and deposits are associated with lacustrine and fluvial-lacustrine formation. The

study area is relatively flat, and situated near by the Manahara River. The river is the

physical boundary between Kathmandu and Bhaktapur districts.

Nature of Soil

The soil in general is medium to light textured as well as strongly acidic soil reaction,

and represent low to medium soil fertility as indicated by low to medium organic

matter, nitrogen, phosphorous, and potassium in the soil. Basically, the study area is

more or less is situated in the alluvial plain area, which has some undulating surfaces.

In the study area, farmers dig the sub-soil is popularly known as Kalimati (Black soil)

and use it as soil nutrients. There has been a greater degree of concentration of peri-

urban agriculture of different municipalities of Kathmandu valley in general, and the

study area, which is on the way to Bhaktapur municipality, specialises in it.

Land Use

Most of the lands are under cultivation in the study area. Mainly, On the basis of soil

types, slope gradient, availability of water for irrigation, etc. government classified

four types of land in the study area i.e. Abal Dhanahar (Irrigated Khet), Doyam

Dhanahar (rainfed Khet), Doyam Vit (bari) and Parti (barren).

Table: Land categorisation. S.No Land Category Area in hectares Percentage 1 Abal Dhanahar (Irrigated Khet) 6.82 59.14 2 Doyam Dhanahar (Rainfed Khet) 1.35 11.66 3 Doyam Vit (Bari land) 1.26 10.89 4 Parti (Barren) 0.87 7.62 5 Road and trails 1.23 10.69 TOTAL 11.54 100.00

Source: Cadastral Map, Department of Survey, HMG/Nepal.

The table 1 indicates that about seventy percent of the lands are under Khet

categories, and remaining thirty percent lands are other categories of land.

System of Local Land Classification The local land classification system is probably unique due to its significant

variability with respect to topography and soils. Farmers have developed their own

land classification systems, which can provide useful insights into their farming and

land tenure systems. These classification systems also offer a useful tools or vehicle

for talking with the local people about agricultural issues.

Land classification systems are developed by farmers on the basis of their knowledge

of soils which is important to the farmers. Local land classification systems can

provide clues for identifying those soil characteristics that are most limiting to land

management and can help the soil scientist identify agricultural interventions that will

most economically improve the soil's productivity.

Local soil names and the knowledge farmers possess for each soil are extremely

useful but they have their imprecision, especially if one tries to rationalize local

names. Farmers know their local soils well, but the soil names that are used are not

always correlated between farmers or regions. Most of the local farmers can quickly

identify major soil types and properties according to characteristics such as colour and

texture. Throughout Nepal, for example, farmers give soils names like 'Kalo mato

(black soil), Rato mato (red soil), Haluka rato mato (light red soil), Khairo mato

(brown soil), Phusro mato (grey soil), Kharani mato (light grey soil) and Jogi mato

(yellow soil), etc. to reflect their color and Pango (silty loam/silt), Balaute (sand),

Domat (loam), Balaute Domat (sandy loam), and so on, that reflect the texture.

In the case of Manahara low-lying area, the local land classification systems and its

management has been transferred verbally over many years. There are a number of

projects that have been carried out to document local management techniques but the

typical local land classification systems have not been documented in any depth (Shah

2000). In this study, I tried to found as much as detail information about local land

classification systems. The information collected from seventy-five local farmers as

respondents and some of the key informants, who participated in the research work,

provided the local land classification system on the basis of the nature of land.

Farmers have systematic criteria for distinguishing land classification according to the

location or the position of land, which are based on the elevation and drainage, etc.

Topsoil colour, texture, etc. are the most dominant criteria for local land

classification. The Department of Survey, HMG/Nepal classified four major broad

land classifications which is on the basis of position of land, drainage system and the

productivity of land. On the basis of cadastral the land was classified on Abal

Dhanahar (Irrigated Khet), Doyam Dhanahar (rainfed Khet), Doyam Vit (bari) and

Parti (barren). Farmers classify soils that are generally clayey and on which they can

impound water, usually collected runoff from upper slopes, use the term Khet.

Irrigated Khet refers to these types of soils with access to water from small local

streams. Upland or Bari soils are generally light, sandy and well drained in nature. On

the basis of this classification, the local farmers classified it into more micro level

classifications, which are directly related with the quality of soil.

Table: Local Land Classification System.

Names Position Landscape type Remarks

KHET (Irrigated and Rain fed land) Bagar Khet Floodplain, stream

banks, stream terrace Less than 1m terrace rises Prone of frequent flooding,

stream bank erosion Sim Khet Head hollows,

spring/seepage areas Less than 1m terrace rises Poor drainage, high water

table during monsoon Ghol Khet Valley floor depression Less than 1m terrace rises Poor drainage, high water

table during monsoon BARI (Unirrigated land) Tar Bari River terraces, More than 1m terrace

rises, sloping terraces Low fertility status, moisture deficiency

Kanle Bari Moderately sloping More than 1m terrace rises, sloping terraces, nearly level terraces

Surface erosion, high soil fertility requirement

PARTI (Barren)

Moderately to steeply sloping

Sloping land Not suitable for vegetable farming

Source: Field Survey, 2002.

On the basis of the quality and position of land, local farmers classified their land on

the basis of their knowledge. Most of the farmers have significant level of knowledge

about the local land categories/classification. Thirty-three (44%) farmers have

knowledge about local land classification systems but remaining forty-two (66%)

have not. They classify their land on the basis of the quality, position and slope of

land such as; Bagar Khet, Sim Khet, Ghol Khet, Tar Bari, Kanle Bari, etc. These are

the local land classification system, which are embedded their traditions and customs.

Table: Area of Different Land Classes (On the basis of Local Land Classification).

Land Type Area in Hectare Percentage 1. Khet (Irrigated and Rain fed land)

a. Bagar Khet 1.88 16.29 b. Sim Khet 2.75 23.83 c. Ghol Khet 2.19 18.98

2. Bari Land (Unirrigated land) a. Tar Bari 0.85 7.37 b. Kanle Bari 1.76 15.25

3. Parti (Barren Land) 0.88 7.63 4. Roads and Trails 1.23 10.67 Total 11.54 100.0

Source: Field Survey, 2002.

According to the local farmers, they can grow rice in the all type of Khet and other

Bari lands are especially as upland is suitable for other crops and vegetables. They

classified irrigated khet and rain fed bari terraces in different ways on the basis of

landform position and slope. This classification system developed by the farmers

forms the basis for land management and agronomic cultural practices. According to

the local farmers they practiced agricultural farming on the basis of their own

knowledge of land classification. In terms of production, Bagar Khet has high

potential than the Ghol Khet or Sim Khet. Most of the Khet land is used for the

vegetable production in the study. Very few farmers cultivate rice on the irrigated

Khet land now a day. Unirrigated or rain fed Bari land is also used for the vegetable

production (i.e. root vegetables) as well as for the some cereals, i.e. maize.

Land Tenure and Ownership Pattern

Historically, land and land-based resources have been the principal source of

economic surplus generated by the ruling classes, which emerged from the Kirat

Dynasty. From that dynasty to the reign of late King Prithvi Narayan Shah the Great

Nepal consisted of numerous principalities and states whose viability depended upon

the revenue generated from the land. Since the era of Prithvi Narayan Shah many

forms of land emerged in Nepal such tenure system existed until 1951 (Regmi 1988).

Traditionally there are two major land tenure system were practiced in Nepal, i.e.

Raikar and Kipat tenure systems. In Raikar tenure system, land has been considered

to be the property of state, but it is awarded to the individual upon payment of annual

rent to the government. Under this most prominent form of tenure system, the

agricultural land were traditionally cultivated by private individuals, but within the

limits required for subsistence and without the rights of alienation through sale or

otherwise. In Raikar system the lands comprised only the right to its use and fruits

(ibid.). The private rights in the land thus emerged solely through the government

initiative in Nepal. In Raikar system, state provides land ownership certificates to the

landowners, but they have to pay annual rent to the state, then they can easily trade

the land ownership. This means, the state is the owner of the lands which situated

within this system. Most of the lands of the study area has been considering in Raikar

system. Originally, it implied a direct relationship between the state and the

cultivators. Raikar system ultimately resulted in the creation of number of secondary

forms of land tenure systems, i.e. Birta, Guthi, Jagir and Rakam (Regmi, 1977).

Birta, which is actually mean livelihood, and grants in favour of priests, religious

teachers, soldiers and member of the dignity and the royal family was thus the pivot

on which rested the social and political framework of the state (ibid). In this system

the land conferred by state in favour of individuals in order to provide them with a

livelihood. In the past, this system of ownership was not only insured a stable and

secured income to the beneficiary, but also symbolised high social class and economic

status. Similarly, in Guthi land ownership system is basically formed of institutional

land ownership. In the history of land tenure system of Nepal, it was granted on

various pretexts or this was the system on which land allocated for religious and

charitable institutions for the maintenance and upkeep. Through this system,

protection from arbitrary governmental action was generally guaranteed.

Before 1951, Jagir landowner system was commonly practiced in Nepal (Regmi

1977). In this system, assign the income of Raikar lands as any payment for work of

office to government employees and functionaries. As Jagir system, Rakam system of

land ownership does not refer any particular category of land grants and assignments

and the cultivators were required to provide unpaid labour on a compulsory basis to

meet governmental requirements (Regmi 1997). Under this system, services were

assigned for the performance of specific functions designed by the governmental

institution and the lands being cultivated by them, irrespective of their previous

tenural status were converted in Rakam system.

The second major land tenure system was Kipat system, in which system land

allocated under the community ownership of special group or normally it cannot be

alienated to individuals outside the community. A Kipat owner derived in Kipat lands

by virtue of his membership in a particular ethnic group and their location in a

particular area. But after 1950, this community based land tenure system was

gradually merged state tenure system.

After the revolution of 1950, began the major achievements towards land reforms

(Regmi 1977). Currently prevailing tenure types are raikar and guthi, and the

government has initiated the process of converting guthi lands to raikar, except

certain types of guthi like raj guthi. The incidence of land tenancy is closely related

with the pre-emption of land. Of course, land tenancy relationship can emerge as a

practice among peasants in the absence of pre-emption. Land tenancy arrangements

gradually develop as an institution to increase production efficiency by improving

combinations between land and labour as individual land tenure becomes longer and

more exclusive. When a farmer finds his family labour short for cultivation of a land

parcel on which a long-term usufruct is established (for sickness or some other

reasons), he may rent out a part of it to someone whose land endowment is short

relative to labour endowment.

The land value and price of peri-urban area is higher than in other parts of the country

(Sapkota 1995). However, farmers who wish to increase the size of their farm cannot

afford to buy high priced land, and often have to rent instead.

About ten percent of the total farm holdings in the study area are pure tenants who do

not have their own land, which is higher than the national average. Most of the rented

out land is under mixed tenancy, i.e. the cultivators do own some of their own land

but also rent land on share cropping basis. The bulk of the holdings operate under

mixed tenurial arrangements supplementing their own holdings with land obtained

through tenancy arrangement. About thirty five percent of the total holdings are under

the mixed tenancy form in the study area. Again, the incidence is much higher in the

country, where almost half of the total landholders are mixed tenants. In terms of area,

land under tenancy (both pure and mixed) constitutes about 44 percent of the total

farmland in the study area.

Table: Structure of Land Tenancy

Types of Tenancy (in percent) Under Raikar System

Pure Tenants Mixed Tenants

Rented Land

Private Land3

Case Study of Manahara1 9.33 34.67 44.0 56.0 National average (1991)2 1.9 14.9 9.3 90.7

1. Source: Field Survey, 2002.

2. Source: National Sample Census of Agriculture, 1991.

3. Raikar land.

According to the local people, actual amount of land cultivated under tenancy be

much higher than indicated by the official figure. The 1964 land reform had provided

formal tenancy rights to registered tenants, including the right of one-fourth of the

land thus cultivated. Although this secured a legal right for the tenants, it also created

a situation of dual ownership and the problems associated with it. The result has been

cultivation of substantial area of land under informal tenancy without any legal

security. Similarly, the situation of dual ownership (mixed tenancy) has also

negatively affected land productivity since it was no more attractive for the landlord

or the tenant to invest in land improvement. Most of the tenant expressed their views

on that line of thinking during my field visit. They do not have any legal security

because they don’t have official registration documents. There was also not sufficient

incentive for the tenant to use improved technology since the landlord will equally

claim the increased output. Due to that, most of the agricultural lands, which are still

under the tenancy systems, and do not have good and sufficient production and

productivity in the study area. Because the non-registered tenants, farmers do not

take serious attention on the degradation of soil quality in one hand and on the other

they use lower and cheap quality chemical fertilizers and other pesticides on the land.

Finally, through the addia system (tenant system), tenant farmers have limited rights

to control the agricultural land. Under this regime, tenants must usually give half of

their production to the owner of the land as rent. These tend not to make enough

surpluses to cover the use of inputs and hence are the least interested in new

technologies that require inputs.

Land Fragmentation

The land fragmentation due to generation handover is considered one of the structural

problems inhibiting agricultural modernisation. In the study area, with population

pressure, land fragmentation became widespread and severe - fragmentation is the

term describes farms that consist of several small, widely separated pieces of land.

Fragmentation is a burning problem and issue in agriculture in Nepal. In general,

farming efficiency seems to decline on severely fragmented farms.

Fragmented lands are appearing.

Most of the farmers of the study area in particular are

working in their scattered nature of agricultural land.

Because of the scattered nature of farm parcels, and in

many instances, due to their economically nonviable size,

farmers are hindered from adopting productivity enhancing

technologies that are otherwise readily available for

them to benefit from. In the study area some of the

farmers whose farm parcels are scattered in nature that

they were not interested in the installation of shallow

tubewell for irrigation is one of the prominent example.

If a farmer has a piece of land just enough for

irrigation with a shallow tubewell, he will be attracted

to install such a tubewell. However, if that land is

fragmented into number of parcels and situated in number

of different places, that attraction will not hold

anymore. This is exactly the situation I have found in my

study area during my fieldwork.

In Hindu Cosmology, land fragmentation has its roots in

its traditional law of succession whereby all the male

offspring are entitled to the parental property,

including land. This right of use would normally be passed from fathers to

sons, whereas only unmarried daughter above the age of 35 has the right in the same.

But now, a new amendment (year 2002) on Land Act has provided the daughter-in-

law and a daughter who is unmarried and has reached the age 35 years. This

traditional system remains the basis for land fragmentation in the study area.

According to the local farmers the land has a deep religious and spiritual significance

in their community, in addition to being the main source of income.

It is interesting to note that, average number of parcels

into which a hectare of land is 8.74 and the average

landholding size is 0.11 ha. It indicates the average

landholding size is comparatively lower than the national

average (0.96 ha).

Table: Land Fragmentation

Average Landholding Size (in Hectare)

Number of Parcels per Hectare

0.1143 8.74

Source: Field Survey, 2002.

The combination of the existing legal provisions

concerning inheritance and the present land ceilings

would imply an increasing fragmentation and sub-division

of land holdings as the society moves from one generation

to the other. In the year 1995, the government formed a

"High Level Land Reform Commission" in order to study

thoroughly the land issues and suggest corrective

measures to the government. But, the successive

governments initiated no follow up actions yet in that

commission report.

Distribution of sample farm households by land ownership

Land is a principal source of income and employment for majority of households in

Nepal in general and the study area is particular. It has often been noted that farms

near towns are smaller than the regional or national averages, that a relatively high

proportion of the farmers are tenants (Grigg 1995). This is a global phenomenon in

which Nepal in general and the study area is particular is not an exception. About half

of the total selected households holding have less than 0.1 hectare (2 ropanis) of land,

and they own only about 33 percent of the total area. On the other hand, only 9.3

percent of the holdings in the more than 0.2 hectares holding class possess 19 percent

of the total farm area. It means, very high proportion farmers have very little

agricultural land.

Table: Land Distribution by Farm Size.

Number of Land Holdings Total Area holding Size of Holdings

Private Rented Total Private Rented Total

Below 0.05 Ha 4 (9.5)

2 (6.1)

6 (8.0)

0.1434 (3.1)

0.0851 (2.1)

0.2285 (2.7)

0.05 – 0.1 Ha 22 (52.4)

11 (33.3)

33 (44.0)

1.8479 (40.4)

0.7275 (18.2)

2.5754 (30.0)

0.11 – 0.15 Ha 8 (19.0)

9 (27.3)

17 (22.7)

0.9924 (21.7)

1.1797 (29.4)

2.1721 (25.3)

0.16 – 0.20 ha 4 (9.5)

8 (24.2)

12 (16.0)

0.6691 (14.6)

1.3289 (33.2)

1.9980 (23.3)

Above 0.20 Ha 4 (9.5)

3 (9.1)

7 (9.3)

0.9193 (20.1)

0.6846 (17.1)

1.6039 (18.7)

Total 42 (56.0)

33 (44.0)

75 (100.0)

4.5721 (100.0)

4.0058 (100.0)

8.5779 (100.0)

Avg. Land holding size 0.1089 0.1214 0.1144

Note: Figures in parentheses represent percentages.

Source: Field Survey, 2002.

Crop Selection and Rotation system

The crop rotation system is a recurring topic in discussions about the soil. Farmers of

the study area inevitably linked soil quality to crop rotation. Basically, crop rotation is

a central component in the development of resource conserving farming, with the

maximum use of crops that contribute to soil fertility and reduce the pest damage as

well as the balance of N, P, and K over crop rotation. Vegetables have various mineral

needs and continuous cropping of one particular crop can lead to the levels of

nutrients in the soil becoming degraded and unbalanced. Growing the same vegetables

in the same parcel of land each year can lead to problems in the quality of land and

crop production. Crop rotation is a major component of organic affecting both soil

conditions and pest cycles. Soil living pests and diseases, which thrive on that

particular crop, can build up in the soil to epidemic levels. According to the local

farmers that to prevent the build up of pests and diseases in the soil and to help the

vegetables in their nutrient needs, crops need to be rotated year by year.

Table: Benefits from good rotational systems Farmer’s perception (What I have found during the

discussion) Categorisation of the benefits

from rotational systems (Scientific Knowledge)

No single cropping system will ordinarily maintain the

nitrogen supply unless leguminous crops are alternated with

others.

Maintenance of soil nitrogen

supply

With each crop grown the emergence of characteristic weeds,

insects and diseases is facilitated. Changing to another crop

inhibits the spread of such pests which would otherwise

become uncontrollable or to the point that some crops should

not be grown twice in succession.

Pests control

Some crops deplete the organic matter in the soil, other

increase it.

Maintenance of organic matter

Alternation between deep and shallow-rooted crops the soil

may be utilised more completely and get good production

performance.

Complete use of soil

Several crops may be grown in succession with only one soil

preparation or ploughing.

Labour economy

Haphazard cropping is avoided.

Work is more evenly distributed throughout the year.

Orderly farming

The costs of production are reduced.

Proper rotation of crops, with due attention to maintaining the

balance of nutrients, is more successful than leaving the land

bare and exposed to leaching and erosion.

Soil protection

Risks are distributed among several crops as a guarantee

against complete failure.

Risk reduction

Source: Field Survey, 2002.

It is a fact that vegetables prefer to be grown in soil that has been used for a different

crop previously than in soil that has been used for one of their own kind. For the peri-

urban farmers with limited growing space, long rotation may be impractical. In order

to maintain the fertility of a field, it has traditionally been the practice to alternate

between different crops in some (more or less) regular sequence. It differs from the

haphazard change of crops from time to time. It indicates farmers’ realisation and

evaluations about the “strength” (Baliyo or Majboot) and “weakness” (Kamjor) of

soil.

Local farmers said that rotations might be of any length, being dependent on soil and

crop. In the study area have some typical crop rotation systems. Because of the high

intensity of vegetable farming and the proximity to the market centre, they are

commonly one year in duration. During the fieldwork, I have gathered some

fragmented ideas about the benefits from good rotational systems.

Crop rotation is the best way to reduce pests and diseases in the vegetable farming.

Vegetable production of the study area is near by the urban centre, and use intensively

in production. In spite of that the local farmers obtained good crop rotation practice

and it is not more than one-year rotation system. A same type of vegetable is not

planted in the same plot for a year. However, farmers’ choice of cropping patterns is

influenced by a combination of different factors, such as soils, climate, water

availability, labour supply, access to markets, capital endowments, etc.

Different vegetables prefer different soil conditions. It means when rotating the

vegetables, the soil needs to be treated to suit the new vegetable. For example, onions

like alkaline soil, whereas tomatoes like it acidic. Therefore, according to the local

farmers when planting onions in a plot that was previously occupied by tomatoes, the

soil needs to be limed. Similarly, legumes will fill the soil with nitrogen so leaf

vegetables such as cabbages, cauliflower, lettuces, etc. can follow them. Following

that will be the root crops that don't need much manure.

Types of Crops Grown Intensive farms have a lot of inputs used on a small area of land. An example would

be a peri-urban agriculture that uses a lot of chemicals and labours in a very small

area of land. The good quality soil suitable for agriculture was relatively scarce. Thus,

native local farmers designed their crops to produce a maximum yield from rather

small fields. Traditionally, farmers use intercropping, which is planting of several

kinds of vegetables mixed together in the same field. Green vegetables are the main

type of crops planted by the local farmers. Farmers of the study area still rely on

multiple cropping. There are several reasons why local farmers choose to undertake

multiple cropping, including yield, resources (soil nutrients, water and sunlight), use

efficiency, pest and disease reduction, weed suppression, spreading labour costs, etc.

Table: Types of crops grown

Main Crops Crops planted together with the main crop

Months for sowing and harvesting

Khursani (Chilli) Chamsur (Cress), Palungo (Spinach), Dhaniya (Coriander), Sounp (Fennel) or Methi (Fenugreek)

Falgun/Chaitra (March) – Ashadh/Srawan (July)

Lasun (Garlic) Dhaniya (Coriander), Jiri ko Sag (Lettuce), Celery

Mangsir (November/December) – Chaitra (March/April)

Couli/Bandagovi (Cauliflower/Cabbage

Tori (Indian rape), Dhaniya (Coriander), Pyaj (Onion)

Bhadra/Asoj (August/September) – Magh/Falgun (February/March)

Pyaj (Onion) Jiri ko Sag (Lettuce) Mula (Radish), Couli (Cauliflower)

Mangsir/Poush (December) – Chaitra/Baishakh (April)

Gajar (Carrot) Chamsur (Cress), Palungo (Spinach), Dhaniya (Coriander)

Bhadra/Asoj (August/September) – Mangsir (November/December)

Bhanta (Brinjal) Bhadra (August/September) – Mangsir/Push (December)

Salegam (Turnip) Chamsur (Cress), Palungo (Spinach), Dhaniya (Coriander), Sounp (Fennel) or Methi (Fenugreek)

Asoj/Kartik (October) – Mangsir/Push (December)

Mula (Radish) Tori (Indian rape), Dhaniya (Coriander)

Bhadra/Asoj (August) – Kartik/Mangsir (November)

Dhan (Paddy) Jestha/Ashadh (June/July) – Kartik/Mangsir (November/December)

Some off-season vegetables Couli (Cauliflower) Dhaniya (Coriander) Ashadh/Srawan (July) – Asoj/Kartik

(October) Rayo (Broad leaf mustard)

Lasun (Garlic), Mula (Radish) Srawan (July/August) – Bhadra (August/September)

Chamsur (Cress) Palungo (Spinach) Bhadra (July/August) - Srawan (July/August)

Salegam (Turnip) Chamsur (Cress), Palungo Mangsir/Push (December) – Asadh

(Spinach), Dhaniya (Coriander (May/June) Mula (Radish) Tori (Indian rape), Dhaniya

(Coriander) Mangsir (October/November) – Falgun (February)

Pyaj (Onion) Rayo (Broad leaf mustard) Chaitra/Baishakh (April) – Ashadh/Srawan (July)

Gajar(Carrot) Lasun (Garlic) Mangsir (October/November) – Falgun (February)

Source: Field Survey, 2002.

In a typical farmland, different vegetables are planted together, for example, Chamsur

(Cress), Palungo (Spinach), Dhaniya (Coriander), Sounp (Fennel) or Methi

(Fenugreek), were planted together with Khursani (Chilli). Different types of

vegetables are growing row by row, or in alternate strip each consisting of several

rows of the same crops, or they may be grown in more complicated spatial patters or,

in deed at random. Almost all types of vegetables are intensively cultivated in the

study area. However, very few vegetables are specialised which cannot grow in off-

season. According to Boserup that rising population density requires production

concentration to rise and fallow times to shorten. The same case I have found in the

study area where very intensive and no fallow at all because of its commercial value.

Some of the farmers were also growing paddy in monsoon season in Bagar Khet and

Sim Khet. But after paddy they preferred to cultivate other seasonal and off-season

vegetables.

Decision Making on Crop Choice

Very few studies on decision-making at the household level for the crop selection or

choice have been conducted in Nepal in general and the study area is particular.

Consequently, it is extremely difficult to make conclusive statements regarding who

make decisions and in which areas. However, since family structures for the majority

of the households in the study area are male-headed and patriarchal, one could infer

that men generally control decision-making, although in many cases or situations

regarding farming activities, decisions are often made jointly. During the field study I

have made some interactions with men and women and also asked about their role in

the household level decision-making. Most of them expressed their experience as

follows,

“Women may also have more say than is generally perceived, and exercise significant

power in certain family matters relating to marriage, and in other aspects such as

child-care and household purchases”.

Although women are significantly involved in almost all aspects of agricultural

production, their share in decision-making is not commensurate with the amount and

type of agricultural work they shoulder. But in the study area decisions regarding field

crops such as purchase of inputs, and practices like when to sow, fertilize, irrigate,

weed, harvest and what tools to use, mainly rest with the men. Although women are

also involved in many agriculture and household activities. It means women have to

some extent the role on decision-making regarding the farming activities.

Furthermore, men appear to have complete control in financial matters such as in

marketing and allocation of subsequent generated income, production selling to the

market, full authority to fix the price of their products, land selling and land rental

transactions, etc. but they always share their ideas with the women and took decision

jointly. It indicates that, women are also involved in the decision-making activities in

some particular cases in the study area.

Crop choice is dependent on a number of environmental and economic parameters

which farmers cannot control. Geographical features, government policy or the

marketing conditions are the major parameters, which may affect cropping patterns in

Nepal in general, and in the study area in particular. According to the local farmers,

the amount and type of family labour that is available to work on the agriculture farm

also influences crop choice. In general, men or house head have a leading role in

determining crop choice, although, women may be consulted about there crop

preferences and they never isolated in crop choice and to take decision. The study

area is specialisation in vegetable production and which is considered relatively risk

high compared to other cereal crops. But, farmers have good knowledge about

production problems, having grown these crops for many years.

Seasonality

The annual cropping cycle of the valley floor of Kathmandu in general and the study

is particular revolves around the monsoon rains, which usually comes full of length

around June or July. The monsoon sets the time for paddy cultivation in some plots of

land of the study area, and the other seasonal vegetables, but the multiple cropping

through the winter season is a possibility. The study area is basically intensively

occupied by the perishable and semi-perishable vegetable farming. Perishable

products like green vegetables which cannot be stored, unprocessed for any

significant length of time. The cultivators have to sale immediately after the harvest,

this may be more or less immediate consumption by someone who does not have a

seasonal surplus, or it may be a way of passing on the problems, costs and

uncertainties of storage or processing to someone else. Nevertheless, crops cultivation

and harvesting as well as storage are determined by the seasonality. Farmers do not

tend to fallow their land in any time, and they used the land in full of length with the

ecological balance.

Crop calendar of the study area indicates the overall cropping pattern. Because of the

proximity to the market centre, most of the farmers of the study area are relatively

more concern with the timing of crop production and short-duration varieties. For

example, the seed suppliers have now developed early maturing varieties of different

vegetables. It indicates that, by reducing the growing period within a given growing

season, the effect is to increase the farmers’ flexibility with respect to timing of

successive crops. Depending on circumstances, this may ease a labour or other hold

up, permit the insertion of an additional crop into an existing crop pattern, or help

avoid unfavourable conditions at either end of the season. Similarly, crops which

tolerate conditions such as drought or late sowing, and also disease resistant, cold or

warm tolerate varieties of vegetables can be planted in the study area which is

generally known as off-season vegetables.

Most of the farmers are using high yielding varieties of different vegetables.

According to the local farmers that they are using improved varieties of cress,

spinach, coriander, fennel, fenugreek, lettuce, cauliflower, cabbage, brinjel, etc. and

they are able to get more production than the local varieties. Similarly, growing

season is also short in duration than the local varieties. Farmers said that when they

cultivate local varieties coriander, for example, then they have to wait for about two

months for the maturation, but when they started to cultivate new improved varieties

then it took about forty days for the maturation in the season. They also expressed

their experience that this type of seeds gives almost double in production. This type of

agronomic practices make farmers more economic rational in the peri-urban areas.

In general, some of the farmers cultivate paddy in Bagar Khet and Sim Khet in June

and harvest in December/January, but plantation depends upon the rainfall, and

rainfall do not occur on time then the harvesting period will be go further apart. They

have some irrigation systems like, water pumps, traditional but seasonal cannels and

tubewells for the irrigation. In spite of that, it is not sufficient in the dry season for the

cultivation. After paddy cultivation, farmers do not fallow the lands for a long time,

then they prepared for vegetable, farming like coriander. Similarly, the farmers who

have Bari land (either Tar Bari or Kanle Bari), they do not have sufficient irrigation

facility and then they preferred to cultivate all season green vegetables. They usually

cultivate chilli in March and harvest in June/July, and then they prepared the land for

other vegetable crops like cress, spinach, radish, etc. The cultivation season has begun

in August and then they cultivate different types of vegetables in all seasons in the

study area.

A large number of cropping patterns have existed traditionally, which have developed

as a result of long experiences and need/ preferences of the local people and demand

of urban dwellers. Agro-ecological suitability (temperature and moisture regimes, and

soil types), labour availability (family or hired), food requirements, marketability,

value of crops, etc. have considerable influence on the kind of vegetables grown and

patterns followed in an area.

Table: Crop Calendar of the Study Area.

Name of crops January February March April May June July August September October November December Chilli * * * * * Cress * * * * * * * * * Spinach * * * * * * * * * Coriander * * * * * * * * * * * * Fennel * * * * * * * * * * Fenugreek * * * * * * * * * * Garlic * * * * * * * * * * Lettuce * * * * * * * * * * * * Celery * * * * * * * * * * * Cauliflower * * * * * * * * Cabbage * * * * * * * * Brinjel * * * * * Indian Rape * * * * * * * * * Carrot * * * * * * * * * * Radish * * * * * * * Turnip * * * * * * * * * Broad leaf mustard * * * * * * * * * Onion * * * * * * Paddy * * * * * * *

Source: Field Survey, 2002.

Gender Roles in Farming Activities Gender role analysis is a sub-approach of farming system approach that has been

adapted to study in peri-urban agriculture. The purpose of this sub-approach is to

provide a qualitative and quantitative tool that allows an overview of gender issues

related to peri-urban agriculture of Manahara low-lying area. Gender analysis attempts

to understand and document gender dynamics within peri-urban agriculture systems

and is designed to raise issues and promote active learning and thinking on the

relevance and importance of gender analysis in peri-urban agriculture and its related

research work.

Gender is the socio-cultural construction of roles and relationships between men and

women. The assigned roles and relative position of men and women in society

delineate access to opportunities and resources as based on local perceptions of

masculinity and femininity. Gender relations also reflect the continual interaction

between men and women regarding their respective roles and responsibilities in the

society.

Boserup pointed out on her contribution entitled “Woman’s Role in Economic

Development” that the gender division of labour would be changed by the economic

and social development and that, with intensification or modernisation of agriculture,

there would be increased migration to urban centres with new patterns of work

involving. As a result, “women will be deprived of their productive functions,” and, if

these were negative, the “whole process of growth will be retarded” (Boserup 1970 in

Spring 1995).

Moreover, gender analysis involves the examination of men's and women's roles

responsibilities, and social status in relation to cultural perceptions of masculinity and

femininity (FAO 1995, Woroniuk, et al. 1997). To this end, gender analysis allows to

disaggregate data on peri-urban agriculture of the study area and to explore why

certain processes and structures generate different opportunities and constraints for

different people (Hovorka 1998). Gender differences are complex phenomena that

occur at multiple and interconnected scales. In reformulating gender as a theoretical

category and an analytical tool, we can better explore the division of social

experiences that tend to give men and women different conceptions of themselves,

their activities and beliefs. In general assumption of the sexual division of labour in

agriculture is that man cleared the land and women planted, weeded and harvested

(Spring 1995), and men and women are described as each being responsible for

certain discrete tasks. In the study area, agricultural activities were found to be clearly

gender tasked: ploughing, sowing, manure and fertilizer application and marketing of

products were exclusively performed by men. Women are exclusively transplanting

and storage of grains. Women performed other farm activities such as weeding,

harvesting, carrying head load, and winnowing jointly but predominantly. But in fact,

even if some tasks are predominated by either male or female, there is no such gender

taboo or restriction on any kind of work with regard to peri-urban agriculture. Male

and female are equally allowed to take part in most of the activities related with

agriculture. In fact, even children, in some cases can take part in some of the cases in

their leisure time. In the study area, land preparation, which is carried out almost

entirely manual labour, is extremely tough and about 95 percent of those doing the

work are men. It is also the task where most paid labour is engaged. But in the

harvesting, more than 60 percent women are participating.

Sharing the job: harvesting coriander.

Manure/compost transportation to the field and levelling/smoothing lands are

basically the women tasks but it has not any restrictions for men. But the time may

vary according to the varieties of crops and the availability of labour. According to

the local farmers, men and women both spent as much time on farm work activities,

but women have additional burden of household or domestic activities i.e. pre-

cooking, cooking, post-cooking, washing clothes, cleaning house, care of children,

etc. In spite of that, they can contribute intensively their spare time in agriculture with

their male partner. So that, the goal of such type of family farm agriculture is to

maximised the utility functions and shared the knowledge each other.

A male farmer is ploughing the land.

Weeding is another important activity of the farming system. Farmers of the study

area are emphasising the importance of this activity. Once the crops were sown,

farmers said, they had to be periodically weeded. But this is time consuming but

could be done over a period of days by the entire families. It is an extremely labour-

intensive procedure and it is not unusual to see entire families – men, women and

children weeding together. Hired labour is almost never used for this activity. In some

cases, some of the farmers from outside the area who have cattle farming have

collected weeds from the farmland because weeds are used as green fodder for cattle.

Generally, women have collected weeds as green fodder from the farmland of the

study area.

Nevertheless, women are involved in all aspects of farming activities such as, land

clearing, applying compost and manures, either routinely or when men farmers

(labour) was unavailable. Although, it is stated that there is a gender-based practically

expressed knowledge of seeds management, there is not a gender-based verbally

expressed knowledge of seed management. Both men and women express knowledge

of storage, conserving and selection methods of seeds. This indicates that gender-

based practically expressed knowledge of peri-urban agriculture not necessarily

involves gender-based verbally expressed knowledge of agriculture.

A farmer is carrying a yoke of turnip towards the collection centre.

Table: Gender Division in Farming Activities

Distribution of Works by Gender Nature of work Male Female Both

(Male+Female) Collection of raw materials for composting √ Manure/compost preparation √ Manure/compost transportation to the field √ Chemical fertilizer spreading √ Manure/compost spreading √ Land ploughing √ Leveling/smoothing land √ Sowing of seed √ Weeding √ Irrigation √ Pesticide spreading √ Harvesting √ Cleaning and processing the vegetable products for sale

√

Weighing of the vegetable products for sale √ Transportation of products to the market √ Sale their products in the market √ Financial management relating to agriculture

√

Source: Field Survey, 2002.

Basically, seed management practices are based on active use of internal resources.

Many farmers claim that they both buy and pick seeds. The majority of the farmers

commonly argued that they select internally produced seeds primarily. They only buy

seeds when there is a scarcity of internally produced seeds. But in some cases, farmers

preferred to buy new seeds from the market, i.e. Chamsur (Cress), Palungo (Spinach)

and Dhaniya (Coriander), etc. because the local varieties of seeds do not give as same

quality and quantity of production. They bought improved varieties of seeds either

from local agrovets or from the main markets.

Availability of Labour

Availability of labour is one of the major characteristics of farming systems. The size

of agricultural labour varies from region to region, depending on such factors as

pressure of population, availability of land for cultivation, differences in the extent of

irrigation, fertility of land, cropping patterns and opportunities available for seasonal

migration and for employment outside agriculture. Basically in the farming system,

household remains a central institution to the understanding of the labour process. The

household is the main source of labour or the main institution of labour, whether from

among its own members, by hiring extra labours as needed or by seeking farm labour

employment to supplement the direct income from agriculture, and it serves as part of

the process of control of labour (Turner and Brush 1987).

The average size is 6.2 persons per household in the study area. But the land holding

size is not so difference in the local farmers. The average holding size (0.1144) is

comparatively low, because of the traditional land fragmentation practices. Most of

the households are involved in the farming practices which are the main source of

income of the local farmers. Some people combine agriculture with other jobs, so the

phenomenon of the worker-peasant is beginning to appear. Some of the farmers, who

have very less land, work outside agriculture, and a few merchants and government

workers, do very well in the study area. Out of 75 households, only 10 household

members are engaged in out side agriculture works and the next 9 household members

are engaged in other business activities.

Large-scale migration can also influence agricultural decision making whether in the

origin or the destination of them. Extensive migration occurred in Nepal because of

the varieties of “pull” factors such as the desire to obtain good income, betterment of

every day life, good education for the children, and other amenities as well as “push”

factors such as poor agricultural conditions (including land scarcity and lack of access

to better agricultural land), natural disasters, lack of agricultural inputs, and drought

as well. Table 11, reflects the scenario of labour migration for the agricultural purpose

in the study area. Most of them are from the mountain and hill districts of Nepal.

During the study period, I have contacted 66 agricultural farmers from the different

districts. About 70 percent farmers are male and remaining 30 percents are female.

According to them, they have seasonally migrated from their own place of origin,

because of the poor agricultural conditions of their land. Similarly, most of them are

young (around 22-23 to 30-32 years age group) and economically active.

Table: Labour Migration from Different Districts (Temporary Migration)

Number of labour Average Age group Districts

Total Male Female Male Female Sindhupalchowk 10 (15.2) 7 (15.2) 3 (15.0) 24 – 33 22 - 27 Kavrepalanchowk 9 (13.6) 6 (13.0) 3 (15.0) 22 – 32 20 - 27

Ramechhap 9 (13.6) 6(13.0) 3(15.0) 22 – 33 21 - 27 Nuwakot 8 (12.1) 6 (13.0) 2 (10.0) 18 – 34 23 - 26 Sindhuli 5 (7.6) 3 (6.5) 2 (10.0) 26 – 31 24 - 26 Okhaldhunga 5 (7.6) 4 (8.7) 1 (5.0) 23 – 30 25 - 25 Lalitpur 3 (4.5) 2 (4.3) 1 (5.0) 23 – 32 26 - 26 Dolakha 5 (7.6) 3 (6.5) 2 (10.0) 27 – 31 25 - 27 Udayapur 6 (9.1) 4 (8.7) 2 (10.0) 22 – 27 19 - 22 Rasuwa 4(6.1) 3 (6.5) 1 (5.0) 22 – 26 24 - 24 Kathmandu 2 (3.0) 2 (4.3) 0 28 – 30 00 - 00 TOTAL 66 (100.0) 46 (69.7) 20 (30.3)

Note: Figures in parentheses represent percentages.

Source: Field Survey, 2002.

In the study area, most of the farmers are not fully dependent the migrant labour

force. They are also actively involving in the farm work. They are working longer

hours during the busy season. According to them, they come to the farm at 6 o’clock

in the morning and go back to home around 6 o’clock in the evening. Generally,

women farmers spend morning time in the household job and they are heavily

involved in many household tasks such as preparing food, take care for the children,

etc and then they also involve in the farm work with other male farmers. It seems that

they spend most of the time for the farm work activities. During that period they are

actively involved in land preparation to harvesting and processing the products.

Similarly, they are also expecting their children to help during their leisure time with

certain types of farm works (i.e. carry Khaja (small lunch) from house, help to put

compost manure on the field, etc.)

Most of the local farmers are relatively in middle class economic groups. They do not

have any exchange systems with their agricultural labour with the grain as in the hill

area of Nepal. Nevertheless, almost all periods for labouring opportunities in the study

area are available (in the beginning to the processing of the products). There are

significant opportunities to the labour that are from the outside especially for the land

preparation. The women labour forces are seasonally migrated from different parts of

the country are also involved in the different agricultural activities in the study area.

Some of them are carrying sands from near by the river and also involved in the land

preparation and management. Similarly, men are also involved in the carrying chicken

manure from the point where the truck dropped it to the field. According to the local

farmers, hired labours are relatively cheaper and hard working in nature. But one

important advantage, according to both (the local farmers and the labour) is that they

can share their local knowledge regarding agriculture practice. During my field visit, I

have found some of the labours who are from the different parts of the country, shared

their ideas on the land preparation as well as the use and preparation of compost with

the local farmers. It helps to transfer the knowledge for labour to farmers.

There are not as such division of labour with respect to different duties except the

household work in the study area. Similarly, to the respect of the nature of job,

generally men do most of the heavy works (carrying fertilizers/chicken manure, etc.)

and the women perform the tasks requiring more dexterity (weeding, harvesting,

processing, etc.). Nonetheless, household works are almost always women and

children’s tasks in the study area, while the men are responsible for extensively in the

farm work all the day.

The division of labour with respect to specific crops is not much difference except in

the paddy cultivation. In this cultivation, women are usually responsible for

transplantation of paddy, whereas men are responsible for the preparation of the

paddy farm.