I. The RegionThe name of the region is , - (Hdt. 5.17.1; Thuc.1.58.1; Hatzopoulos (1996b) ii. no. 1.B9). It is derived from theethnic o (Hdt. 5.18.2; Thuc. 1.57.2; IGi 89.26), in theThessalian dialect v (SEG 27 202.10); the feminineform is normally (IG ii 9258 (C3)). As Makedoniais simply the land of the Makedones, its extent followedMakedonian expansion. By the time of Alexanders acces-sion, it ranged from the foothills of the Pierian mountains tothe whole region between Mt. Pindos and the Strymon val-ley, and between the Peneios and roughly the present Greekfrontier. To the south Makedonia bordered on Thessaly. Itssouthernmost cities were, from east to west, Herakleion andBalla in Pieria, Aiane in Elemia, Aiginion in Tymphaia. To thewest it bordered on Epeiros, and its westernmost city wasArgos Orestikon in Orestis. To the north-west it bordered onIllyria, and its north-westernmost city was Herakleia inLynkos. To the north of Makedonia lay Paionia (includingPelagonia). The northernmost Makedonian cities, from westto east, were Styberra in Derriopos, Idomene in Parorbelia,and Herakleia in Sintike. To the east Makedonia bordered onThrace and, until the annexation of the plain of Philippoi inlate Hellenistic times, its easternmost cities, from north tosouth, were Serrhai in Odomantike, the Bisaltic Pentapolis,and Amphipolis in Edonis. In Roman times, Makedoniareached the Nestos valley in the east and encompassedPelagonia and Paionia as far north as Mt. Golesni ca.The Makedonian expansion was a gradual process, butthe strongest impetus both to conquest and to colonisationwas given by Philip II (360336), who also systematicallydivided Makedonia into self-governing cities, each with itscivic territory, and into administrative districts (seeHatzopoulos (1996b) i. 167260). For practical reasons, thegreater Makedonia of the reign of Philip II and hisTemenid and Antigonid successors has been subdivided into(a) a western part comprising the Old Kingdom, cradle ofthe Makedonian power, and Upper Makedoniathat is tosay all Makedonian territories west of the Axiosand (b) aneastern part consisting of the new territories between theAxios and the plain of Philippoi, which were incorporatedinto Makedonia proper by Philip II and his successors. Theformer areas had been almost entirely settled byMakedonians (who had subjected and mostly driven out orexterminated the indigenous populations), at least since theend of the Archaic period, whereas the latter were colonisedin later times, and their former inhabitants had in mostcases been permitted to remain in their old homes. Both ofthese parts, however, were integrated into a unied state, thecitizens of which shared the same politeia and formed . . . o (SEG 12 374.6), Makedoniaproper, as opposed to the external possessions of theMakedonian kings south of the Peneios, Mt. Olympos andthe Kambounian mountains, west of Mt. Pindos and LakeLychnitis, north of the present Greek frontier and east of theStrymon valley. The greater Makedonia created by PhilipII was subdivided into four administrative districts calledethne in our sources: from west to east, Upper Makedonia(between Mt. Pindos and Mt. Bermion), Bottia (betweenMt. Bermion and the Axios), Amphaxitis (between theAxios and modern Mt. Bertiskos) and Paroreia andParastrymonia, also known as the First Meris (between Mt.Bertiskos and the plain of Philippoi). Within these largeadministrative districts subsisted older regional names,often derived from the ethnika of their actual or formerinhabitants: Elemia, Orestis, Tymphaia-Parauaia, Lynkos,Derriopos in Upper Makedonia; Pieria, Bottia (or Emathia),Almopia in the administrative district of Bottia; Mygdonia,Krestonia, Parorbelia, Bottike, Chalkidike, Anthemous,Krousis in Amphaxitis; Sintike, Odomantike, Bisaltia,Edonis, Pieris in the First Meris. Eordaia, although geo-graphically part of Upper Makedonia, was considered fromthe political point of view as being part of Bottia since it hadalways belonged to the Temenid kingdom.MAKEDONIAm. b. hatzopoulos(with the collaboration of Paschalis Paschidis)The collective use of the ethnic is attested externally forthe rst time in the C5l treaty between Perdikkas II andAthens (IGi 89.26) and internally in the C4l list of priests ofAsklepios from Kalindoia (Hatzopoulos (1996b) ii. no. 62.6)and in the dedication of Kassandros from Dion, also C4l(ibid. no. 23). For the oldest individual and external use, see,perhaps, IG i 422.i.7980 (414/13) (a slave) and SEG 34355.46 (365). As expected, we nd no individual and inter-nal use, since for a Makedonian within Makedonia the eth-nic o would normally be superuous.The region Makedonia is described by the term o -(Hatzopoulos (1996b) ii. no. 1.A6 (C4e, restored) and 58.6(243). If not from C5l (Thuc. 2.99.6, implicitly), from C4fonwards the term is used for the people (Ps.-Skylax 66).Makedonia attracted the interest of city-state writers anddeveloped an indigenous literary tradition only from thereign of Philip II onwards, when it became the dominantpower in Greek politics. For this reason, evidence aboutMakedonian cities is relatively late, although by then urbansettlements already had a long history in the area. Thus,many cities attested for the rst time in the Hellenistic peri-od most probably existed in the previous period too. Sincethe rules set down for the present project stipulate that onlycities attested as such in the Archaic and Classical periodsshould be included in the Inventory, cities rst appearing inHellenistic times have been separated from the rest and arelisted below along with other doubtful cases. On the otherhand, toponyms which have been erroneously regarded asdenoting cities by ancient authors or modern scholars havebeen entirely omitted; the same applies to settlements(mostly villages) rst attested in Roman times, or which aremere lexicographical entries without indication of theireven approximatelocation and/or date, although many ofthem, as their dialectal forms show, surely existed in earlierperiods.A special problem arises from urban settlements in UpperMakedonia, particularly Aiane in Elemia, Bokeria inEordaia, and Herakleia in Lynkos, which are sometimesactually described, expressis verbis, as poleis. From theadministrative point of view, however, the equivalent of theLower Makedonian poleis was not the urban settlement buteach of the Upper Makedonian ethne such as the Orestai orthe Elemiotai, comprising both cities and villages. Aftersome hesitation, I have decided to include Aiane, for whichthere is enough evidence to allow it to qualify as a polis typeC, but to exclude Bokeria and Herakleia from the Inventoryitself and instead to list them with the other non-polissettlements.Finally, I have decided not to consider unidentiedancient settlements. Makedonia is a vast country which hasnot been surveyed methodically. We know of many trapezai,which are a certain sign of a settlement in historical times.However, the absence of systematic investigation does notallow us to date these settlements precisely, even less todetermine their status. A random inclusion of such caseswould only contribute to creating an inexact image of thesettlement pattern without enhancing our understanding ofthe polis phenomenon in Makedonia.In Makedonia west of the Axios I have counted forty-twosettlements attested either in Archaic and Classical or inHellenistic times but which can most probably be dated toearlier periods: Agassai, Aiane, Aigeai, Aiginion in Pieria,Aiginion in Tymphaia, Alebaia, Alkomena, Allante, Aloros,Argos Orestikon, Arnisa, Balla, Beroia, Bokeria, Bryanion,Dion, Edessa, Euia, Europos, Gaimeion, Galadrai,Genderrhos, Gortynia, Greia, Herakleia Lynkou,Herakleion, Ichnai, Keletron, Kyrrhos, Leibethra, Marinia,Methone, Mieza, Nea[---], Pella, Petra, Phylakai, Pimpleia,Pydna, Skydra, Styberra and Tyrissa. Of these, ve almostcertainly (Gaimeion, Genderrhos, Greia, Nea[---] andPimpleia) and one most probably (Arnisa) did not enjoypolis status. Of the remaining thirty-six, only seventeen(those in italics) can be positively dated to the pre-Hellenistic period and qualify certainly (type A), probably(type B), or possibly (type C) as poleis and are described inthe Inventory below. Two (Bokeria and Herakleia) were,probably, the principal town in a whole region. Theremaining seventeen settlements, which are rst attested inthe Hellenistic period, along with the six villages men-tioned above, are listed here in alphabetical order. Theprincipal towns in Eordaia (Bokeria) and Lynkos(Herakleia) have been given a somewhat fuller treatmentthan the others.1. Pre-Hellenistic Settlements not Attested as Poleis*Agassai (Agassae, ?) Livy 44.7.5, 45.27.1 (urbs);Steph. Byz. 59.3 (); ethnikon: or ?(Steph. Byz. 59.3); unlocated settlement, somewhere inPieria (Papazoglou (1988) 11819; Hammond (1972) 139 n. 1;Hatzopoulos (1996b) 10910 n. 8). Barr. 50, H.*Aiginion(Aeginium) Livy 44.46.3 (oppidum) and 45.27.13(urbs); Plin. HN 4.33; unidentied location, somewhere inPieria (Papazoglou (1988) 11920). Barr. 50, R.makedonia 795Aiginion () Livy 32.15.4, 36.13.6; Strabo 7.7.9;Gonnoi no. 35B.6 ( (C2m)); cf. IGix.2 324 (), 329( (c.ad 200, when it was no longer part of Makedonia,but belonged to Thessaly)). Capital of Tymphaia-Parauaia.Gonnoi pp. 3536. Barr. 54, H.Alkomena () Strabo 7.7.9 (); Steph. Byz.75.15 (); IG x.2.2 348 (o (ad 192/3)); ethnikon:v (Arr. Ind. 18.6); (IG x.2.2 348).At Bu cin near Bela Cerkva in Derriopos. Papazoglou (1988)3023; Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 8587, 41116). Alkomena wasapparently one of the urban centres of Derriopos, which asa whole constituted a political entity (cf. SEG 46 807: . . . ). Barr. 49, HR.Argos Orestikon ( ) Strabo 7.7.8(); App. Syr. 63; Steph. Byz. 113.1 (); ethnikon: (Livy 27.33.1 (Argestaeum campum)). Mostprobably at modern Argos Orestikon (Papazoglou (1988)23638). Barr. 49, RL.Arnisa () Thuc. 4.128.3. At Vegora or, less proba-bly, at Petrai/Gradista, in Eordaia (Papazoglou (1988)16164; Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 94, n. 4). Barr. 49, C.Balla () Theagenes (FGrHist 774) fr. 3; Ptol. Geog.3.12.37 (cf. 17: ); Steph. Byz. 157.11 (); ethnikon: (Theagenes); Vallaeus (Plin. HN4.34). Possibly atPalaiogratsianon in Pieria (Papazoglou (1988) 12022;Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 10910 and (2003)). Undated andunlocated in Barr. 50.Bokeria () EAM 109 (C4/C3, stadium stone);ethnikon: (AG 9.149; Papazoglou (1988) 16466and J. and L. Robert, BE (1971) no. 392 mistakenly write) or (Bocerraeus, in an unpublishedboundary stone of the Roman period; cf. BE (1997) 364). AtPharangi in Eordaia (cf. Petsas (196667) 351, no. 245;Mackay (1976)); probable remnants of a circuit wall(Hammond and Hatzopoulos (1982) 143). Bokeria was theprincipal urban centre of the ethnos of the Eordaioi, who asa whole constituted a political unit equivalent to the poleis ofcoastal Makedonia (cf. the [] of theRoman period in SEG48 800). Barr. 50, HR.Bryanion () Livy 31.39.5; Strabo 7.7.9 ().Unidentied location in Derriopos (Papazoglou (1988)303). Barr. 49 (Graiste?), CHR.Euia, Euboia (, ) Diod. 19.11.2; Strabo 10.1.15(); Steph. Byz. 284.2 (); ethnikon: v(EAM87 (181180); Livy 42.51.4); cf. the v vinBeroia (I.Beroia 41). At Polymylos in Elemia or Eordaia(I.Beroia 41 with comm.; Karamitrou-Mentesidi and Vatali(1997)). Barr. 50 (Euboia at Sevastiana?), L.Gaimeion () SEG 24 524.B21, 35 (C3).Unidentied location, probably in Bottia (Papazoglou(1988) 150). Not in Barr.Galadrai (, ) Lycoph. Alex. 1444;Polyb. book 13, apud Steph. Byz. 196.5 (); ethnikon: (Lycoph. Alex. 1342). Unidentied location inPieria (Papazoglou (1988) 120). Undated in Barr. 50.Genderrhos () Vavritsas (1977) 10 (o)(C3); ethnikon: (ibid.), (SEG 27258, app. crit.). Unidentied location near Kyrrhos in Bottia,possibly at Mandalon (Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 112). Barr. 50tentatively puts it at Mylotopos (following Papazoglou(1988) 154) but indicates no date.Gortynia () Thuc. 2.100.3; Ptol. Geog. 3.12.36(); Plin. HN 4.34; Strabo 7 fr. 4 (); Steph. Byz.212.1. Perhaps located at Vardarski Rid, near Gevgelija, whererecent excavations have revealed several building phases of awalled settlement; most important are the C6C5e and theC5mC4 phases, the latter with remains of a monumentalpublic building (Mitrevski (1996)). Papazoglou (1988)18182. Barr. 50, CHRL.Greia () EAM 87 (181180). Kome of Eordaia orElemia (Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 96102). Undated in Barr. 50.Herakleia () Polyb. 34.12.7 (o ); IGBulg i 13.35 ( v v); SEG 15380(` v); perhaps one of the poleis mentioned byDemosthenes at 4.48; IG x.2.2 53 (polis (second centuryad)); IG x.2.2 73 (polis (second century ad)); ethnikon:o (SEG 15 380; IG x.2.2 74). Near Bitola inLynkestis. Not Herakleia alone, but the ethnos of theLynkestai as a whole constituted a political unit equivalent tothe poleis of Lower Makedonia. For the evidence from theRoman period, see Papazoglou (1988) 25968, Mikul ci c(1974) 199202, Gounaropoulou and Hatzopoulos (1985)1422 and IGx.2.2 pp. 2974. Barr. 49, CHRL.*Keletron (Celetrum) Livy 31.40.1 (r199) (oppidum). AtKastoria in Orestis (Papazoglou (1988) 238). Barr. 49, HRL.*Marinia () SEG 24 524 (C3). At Marina inBottia (Petsas (1961) 4955). Not in Barr.Nea[---] ([---]) SEG 24 524 (C3). Unknown locationin Bottia, probably a kome of Mieza. Not in Barr.796 hatzopoulos and paschidis*Petra (Petra) Livy 39.26.1, 44.32.9, 45.41.4. At modern Petrain Pieria. (Papazoglou (1988) 11617). Barr. 50, HRL.Phylakai () Ptol. Geog. 3.12.37 (cf. 17: ); eth-nikon: (I.Beroia 140 (C3/C2)), Phylacaeus (Plin.HN 4.34). Possibly at Moschopotamos, in Pieria(Papazoglou (1988) 120; Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 10910).Undated and unlocated in Barr. 50.Pimpleia () Callim. Hymn 4.7; Posidippus 118;Strabo 7 frf. 17 and 18 (o of Dion). Possibly at Ag.Paraskevi near Litochoron, in Pieria (Schmidt (1950);Papazoglou (1988) 112). Barr. 50, HR.Skydra (v) Theagenes (FGrHist 774) fr. 13 apudSteph. Byz. 578.8 (); Plin. HN4.34 (civitas); Ptol. Geog.3.12.36 (cf. 17: ); SEG 24 530 (third century ad); eth-nikon: (SEG 24 524 (C3)). At Arseni in Bottia(Petsas (1961) 4448). Barr. 50 (Loutrokhoroi?), HR.Styberra (v) Polyb. 28.8.8; Strabo 7.7.9 ();Livy 31.39.4; IG x.2.2 32328, 330 () (all from theImperial period); ethnikon: (IGBulg v 5003(C2/C1)). At Cepigovo in Derriopos (Papazoglou (1988)298302). Barr. 49, HRL.Tyrissa (v) Plin. HN 4.34 (Tyrissaei); Ptol. Geog.3.12.36 (cf. 17: ). Most probably at Pentaplanos inPieria. If the ve tagoi recordedin a C2e deed of sale found atAsvestario, 6 km to the north of Pentaplanos (SEG 47 999)are the supreme magistrates of Tyrissa and not of Pella,Tyrissa was a polis in the Hellenistic period (Papazoglou(1988) 15859; P. Chrysostomou (1997); BE (1999) 349). Notin Barr.Of the twenty-ve settlements listed above, three (Alebaia,Genderrhos, Pimpleia) are described expressis verbis in oursources as komai. In any case, all settlements in UpperMakedonia (including Eordaia), even when these are calledpoleis, did not enjoy the full prerogatives of the cities ofLower Makedonia, for these were reserved for the territorialunits called ethne in our sources, which included both citiesand villages, called politeiai in our sources of the Romanperiod. Examples of other such Upper Makedonian settle-ments are Aiginion in Tymphaia, Alkomena, Bryanion andStyberra in Derriopos, Argos Orestikon and Keletron inOrestis, Euia and Greia in Elemia or Eordaia. Of the remain-ing nine, Agassai and Aiginion are called urbes in Hellenistictimes, and Tyrissa seems to have had its own magistrates inthe same period. They most probably had inherited this status from the previous period. The same is true of Balla,mentioned by the C3 writer Theagenes referring to an eventthat probably took place in the reign of Philip II. Galadrai ismentioned by Lykophron in the early Hellenistic period. Itspresence in the work of Polybios guarantees that it was not amythological invention. Its existence in Classical times ispossible and even probable. We should have even fewerdoubts concerning Marinia and Skydra, the ethnika ofwhich gure in a C3 register of sales. Phylakai, too, the eth-nikon of which appears in an Early Hellenistic agonistic cat-alogue, was most probably a city in the previous period.Such favourable indications are lacking in the case ofGaimeion and Nea[---], probably a small place, and also ofPetra, the site of which can hardly contain more than thirtylittle houses(Heuzey (1860) 147). To conclude, at least eightmore poleis (Agassai, Aiginion, Balla, Galadrai, Marinia,Skydra, Phylakai and Tyrissa) should probably be added tothe seventeen listed in the following Inventory.II. The Poleis528. Aiane (Aianaios?) Maps 4950. Lat. 40.10, long.21.50. Size of territory: ? Type: C. The toponym is , (EAM47; Steph. Byz. 37.7; later spelt (EAM15)); pos-sibly Aeane in Livy 43.21.5 (Megas (1976)). The city-ethnic is given by Steph. Byz. 37.9.Aiane is called a polis in the political sense in EAM 15,which dates from the second century ad. The ethnic isattested only by Steph. Byz., but there is no reason to doubtits authenticity.Although Aiane, as the recent excavations at MegaleRachi have shown, was the capital of the kings of Elemiafrom Archaic times, it is not mentioned in the surviving his-torical works with the possible exception of Livy 43.21.5 inconnection with the rst military operations of the ThirdMakedonian War (Megas (1976)).The three monumental buildings discovered on the topand on the slopes of the acropolis, one of which is certainlya portico belonging to an agora complex, as well as theurban planning of the residential area, show that Aiane hadthe external aspect of a polis from C6l, to which the oldest ofthese buildings belong (Karamitrou-Mentesidi (1993),(1994), (1996a) 1632, (1996b) 2529). The power of theElemiote kings, which in the C4e equalled that of theTemenids of Lower Makedonia, goes a long way to explainthe early promotion of their residence to a full-blown citycomparable to Aigeai. After the annexation of Uppermakedonia 797Makedonia to the Temenid kingdom and its reorganisationby Philip II, Aiane remained the capital of Elemia, althoughfrom the administrative point of view not Aiane alone butthe whole of Elemia with its other towns and villages consti-tuted a political unit equal to the poleis of Lower Makedonia(Hatzopoulos (1996b) ii. 8991).At Aiane probably were struck the bronze coins of KingDerdas in the C4e. Types: obv. galloping horseman, oryouthful Apollo, or youthful Herakles; rev. club and spear-head, or galloping horseman; legend: ,(Liampi (1998)).529. Aigeai (Aigaios) Map 50. Lat. 40.30, long. 22.15. Sizeof territory: 2. Type: A. The toponym is , (IG iv617.15) or (Diod. 16.92.1) or (Diyllos(FGrHist 73) fr. 1) or (Diod. 19.52.5; I.Leukopetra103) or (Diod. 16.3.5) or (Theophr. fr. 5.27;Syll. 269L) or (Ptol. Geog. 3.12.36). The city-ethnicis (Plut. Pyrrh. 26.11; IG xii.8 206.12 (C1l)), laterspelled (I.Leukopetra 73 (ad 229)). Aigeai is called apolis in the urban sense by Euphorion fr. 33, van Groningen(rC7) and Plut. Pyrrh. 26.11 (r274). A combined descriptionof the urban and political aspects of the community is foundin the phrase (where asty is Aigeai andthe polis is the Makedonian state), referring to the founda-tion of Aigeai in C7 and attested in a Delphic oracle of c.500(Diod. 7.16; for the date see Hatzopoulos (1996b) 46465).The epithet shows that the toponym was usedfor the territory as well as for the urban centre (Steph. Byz.39.1; cf. Just. 7.1.10). The political sense is implicit in the des-ignation of Makedonians as belonging to the citizen body ofAigeai (cf. Syll. 269L and I.Magnesia 10.1112: [v] [o ] (C3); for the date, seeGauthier, Prakt (1984) 98). The earliest attestation of theindividual use of the city-ethnic occurs in IG xii.8 206.12(C1l), but in Plut. Alex. 41.9 a C4 Makedonian citizen iscalled vv .The territory of Aigeai bordered on that of Beroia to thewest and Aloros to the east. The marshes of the mouth ofthe Haliakmon formed its northern limit, and the heights ofthe Pierians its southern one. Thus it extended over c.12.5km from the gorges of the Haliakmon to the river-bed of theKrasopoulis, and over c.5 km of arable territory between themountain and the marshes (62.5 km). The territory ofAigeai comprised several minor settlements, of which onlyone has been identied: Blaganoi (Hatzopoulos (1987a),(1990) 5960). Although situated on the right bank of theHaliakmon, Aigeai did not belong to Pieria, but, just likeAloros, to Bottia (Diod. 7.16) or Emathia (Ptol. Geog.3.12.36), as this region was called in later times (Hatzopoulos(1996b) i. 23947, (1996a)).According to its foundation legend, Aigeai was originallya Phrygian (Brygian) city called Edessa, and the name Aigeaiwas rst given to it by its Greek Makedonian conquerors(Euphorion fr. 33, van Groningen; Just. 7.1.10 (rC7)).From then on it was the Temenid capital, and it remained a part-time royal residence even after the transfer of theusual residence to Pella under King Amyntas III(Hatzopoulos (1987b)); in particular, it retained its charac-ter of royal cemetery at least until the end of the Temeniddynasty.Citizens of Aigeai are known to have been proxenoi ofseveral cities: Delphi (no. 177) (Syll. 269L (c.300 or 272)),Histiaia (no. 372) (IGxii.9 1187.30 (c.266)) and Magnesia onthe Maiandros (no. 852), where the recipient also receivedcitizenship (I.Magnesia 10 (C3)).Aigeai does not appear in the list of the theorodokoi ofNemea (in 323), but its name can be safely restored on theArgive list of contributors (IGiv617.15 (c.300)), which couldbe a reference to theoroi (cf. Perlman (2000) 74). Its maindeities were Zeus (Arr. Anab. 1.11.1) and Herakles Patroos(Hatzopoulos (1996b) ii. no. 30). Eukleia (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli (1987), (1992)) and the Mother of the Gods(Drougou (1996)) were also popular.Excavations at Vergina-Palatitsia, begun by L. Heuzey inthe middle of the nineteenth century and continued since byC. Romaios, and by M. Andronicos and his students, haveunearthed, besides the extensive cemetery (Kottaridi(2002)), two palaces, a theatre, an agora, several sanctuariesand other facilities. The great palace (104.5 88.5 m), builtaround a peristyle court, with porticoes on the north andeast sides, an extended balcony beyond the north porticoand a monumental gate on the east side, belongs to the C4s,but the smaller one, to the west, seems to be earlier and may be the very structure decorated by Zeuxis in C5l(Andronicos (1984) 3846; Ginouvs (1993) 8488;Saatsoglou-Paliadeli (2001)). The C4s theatre (TGR ii. 317)lay immediately to the north of the palace. Stone benchesrose only to the second row (Drougou (1997)). The theatre ismentioned by Diodorus in his account of the murder ofPhilip in 336 (Diod. 16.92.5ff). The agora of the city lay to thenorth of the theatre; it comprised the C4m temple dedicat-ed to Eukleia (Saatsoglou-Paliadeli (1996)). To the north-east of the palace a sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods wasdiscovered, the earliest building phase of which belongs toC4l (Drougou (1996)).798 hatzopoulos and paschidisOn the acropolis, south of the palace, which dominatedthe city, no major public buildings have been found(Phaklaris (1996) 7074).The C4l circuit wall roughly forms a triangle, with its apexto the south on the acropolis and its base on a line joiningthe two streams on either side of the acropolis hill probablyto the south of the Rhomaios tomb. It is a pseudo-isodomicstructure of local stone with towers at irregular intervals.Monumental gates opened from the acropolis to the south,towards Pieria, to the north towards the city, and west of thetheatre towards Upper Makedonia (Andronicos et al. (1983)4245, (1987) 14648; Phaklaris (1996) 6970).According to legend, Aigeai was founded by the TemenidPerdikkas or Karanos or Archelaos, alone or with an army ofArgive colonists in the C7m or C8e (Hammond and Grifth(1979) 314).530. Alebaia Map 50. Unlocated (but see Hatzopoulos(2003) for a possible identication with Bravas). Type: A(rC7). The toponym is , (Hdt. 8.137.1)() (sc. ) (I.Leukopetra 12.4 (ad 171/2)), (o: I.Leukopetra 106.14 (ad 253/4)). The city-ethnic is unattested but was presumably (I.Leukopetra 12.4). Alebaia is called a polis, in the urbansense, exclusively in Hdt. 8.137.1, in the mythical context ofthe foundation of the Makedonian state by the Temenids. Itis not clear whether Herodotos is considering (A)lebaia tobe a polis in his own time or only in the C7, when the legendhe narrates is dated. It is clear, however, that by the Romanperiod (A)lebaia was not an independent polis but a kome ofElemia, and it is probable that even earlier not (A)lebaiaalone but the whole ethnos of the Elemiotai constituted apolitical unit equivalent to the poleis of Lower Makedonia.531. Allante (Allantaios) Map 50. Lat. 40.45, long. 22.35.(Allante was most probably situated at Nea Chalkedon(Gounaropoulou and Hatzopoulos (1985) 5661). Militaryaction during the First World War and the construction of amodern settlement after 1922 have destroyed practically allancient remains.) Size of territory: ? Type: B. The toponymis , (Thuc. 2.100.3) or , (Theopomp. fr. 33; BCH 45 (1921) 17 iii.64 (230220)) or (SEG 36 331B.21) or (Steph. Byz. 76.1).The city-ethnic is []- vel []- (IGiv617.17(C4l); SEG 35 753.12 (c.ad 198)); Steph. Byz.76.3 suggests ; Plinys Allantenses (HN4.35) is nothelpful. The only classication in literary sources of Allanteas a polis is in Steph. Byz. 76.1. The only epigraphic attesta-tion of a is on a c.ad198 milestone fromAllante (SEG 35 753.12), where the term polis is used in thepolitical sense. Allante is called a chorion in Thuc. 2.100.3.The collective use of the city-ethnic is attested both inter-nally (SEG35 753.12) and externally (IGiv 617.17).The territory of Allante bordered on that of Pella to thenorth-west, Ichnai to the north and Herakleia to the east,across the Axios; to the south it reached the ancient shore-line. Allante was probably a C5e Makedonian foundationdesigned to cut off the then Paionian city of Ichnai from thesea (Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 111).Allantaian theorodokoi were appointed to host theoroifrom Nemea (SEG 36 331.B.21 (331/30313)). If the ethnic iscorrectly restored in IG iv 617.17, Allante is recorded on theArgive list of contributors of C4l, which may be connectedwith the dispatching of theoroi (cf. Perlman (2000) 74).532. Aloros (Alorites) Maps 4950. Lat. 40.35, long. 22.30.Size of territory: ? Type: A. The toponym is , (Ps.-Skylax 66; Strabo 7 fr. 20), and the city-ethnic (Diod. 15.71.1). Aloros is called a polis in the urban sense byPs.-Skylax 66 (C4m). The individual use of the ethnic isattested externally in Diod. 15.71.1 (r368) and Arr. Ind. 18.6(r320s).The territory of Aloros bordered on that of Aigeai to thewest and Methone to the south, while to the north it musthave been delimited by the marshes of Lake Loudiake.Traces of a circuit wall of poros blocks c.1 km long havebeen spotted (Hatzopoulos (1987b) 38). Excavations begunin 1988 (Apostolou (1998)) have revealed a C4 two-roombuilding, probably a temple, with an adjoining Archaicstructure, probably an altar (Apostolou (1991)).533. Beroia (Beroiaios) Maps 4950. Lat. 40.30; long.22.10. Size of territory: 4. Type: A. The toponym is , (Thuc. 1.61.4), later spelled (App. Syr. 57 and lateRoman sources). The city-ethnic is (unpub-lished C4s inscription from the Perrhaibian tripolis; Polyb.28.8.2); in I.Leukopetra 31.5; inI.Leukopetra 84.45 or v (Polyb. 27.8.6); (IG iv.1 96.22) is probably a mistake. Beroia is rst attestedas a polis in the political sense in a C4l dedication (I.Beroia29 Hatzopoulos (1996b) no. 73) and is called a polis in theurban sense in Ps.-Skymnos 626 (C2). The term chorion isused by Thuc. 1.61.4, and the term polisma by App. Syr. 57.The collective use of the city-ethnic is attested internally inan honoric inscription (I.Beroia 59 (C1)). The individualuse of the city-ethnic is attested internally in a consecrationfrom the sanctuary of Leukopetra (I.Leukopetra 31.5 (ad192/3)) and externally in an unpublished dedication frommakedonia 799the Perrhaibian Tripolis (cf. Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 156, n. 15(C4s)) and in a C3f Epidaurian list of theorodokoi (IG iv.196.22).The territory of Beroia bordered on that of Mieza to thenorth, Pella to the north-east, Aigeai to the south-east andon the regions of Eordaia to the north-west and Elemia tothe south-west. Among the secondary settlements of theoriginal territory of Beroia, we know the names of Kyneoi,Auranton, Kannonea and Droga (Hatzopoulos (1990)).The constitution of Beroia, like the constitution of all thecities of Makedonia, had a pronounced aristocratic char-acter. Not only slaves, but also freedmen, their sons, maleprostitutes and craftsmen were excluded from civic life(Gauthier and Hatzopoulos (1993) 7887), and full enfran-chisement probably was subject to a minimum census inlanded property (Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 209 n. 1). The chiefexecutive ofcial was the epistates (Hatzopoulos (1996b) ii.no. 73), whoat least laterwas assisted by a board of mag-istrates who may have been called tagoi (Hatzopoulos(1996b) i. 156).The patron deity of Beroia was Herakles Kynagidas, whowas revered as the ancestor of the royal familynot only ofthe Temenids, but also later of the Antigonids (Edson (1934)22632; Allamani-Souri (1993b); Hatzopoulos (1994a)10211). The cult of Asklepios was also important (Voutiras(1993) 257), and his priest was eponymous, as in allMakedonian cities (Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 15254). His cultwas, at least later, associated with those of Apollo andHygieia (I.Beroia 16 (C3s)). The cult of Dionysos was anancient one (cf. the epistylion of the theatre bearing a dedi-cation to the god, I.Beroia 21 (C4l)); with the epithets Agrios,Erikryptos, Pseudanor it is attested only in Imperial times,but, given its archaic character, it certainly had much earlierorigins (Hatzopoulos (1994a) 6585). From the Hellenisticperiod are attested cults of Athena (I.Beroia 17), Ennodia(I.Beroia 23), Hermes (I.Beroia 24), Pan (I.Beroia 37) andAtargatis (I.Beroia 19). Beroia is recorded on the Argive listof contributors (IG iv 617.17 (C4l)), which may be connect-ed with the dispatching of theoroi (cf. Perlman (2000) 74).The failure of the Athenians to capture Beroia in 432(Thuc. 1.61.4) probably implies that at least part of the city,such as the acropolis situated in the western extremity, wasalready fortied. Traces of a C4l circuit wall made of localporos have been discovered in different parts of the moderntown (Petkos (1997) 272). There were at least three gates, oneof which bore the name v (I.Beroia 41; cf. Brocas-Deassieux (1999) 3741). The continuous habitation of thesite from the Iron Age to the present (cf. Allamani-Souri(1993a); Allamani-Souri and Apostolou (1992) 97) have leftvery few traces of the ancient town plan. It is presumed thatthe ancient agora and main road axes correspond to themodern civic centre and road system (Brocas-Deassieux(1999) 99101). The stadion has been located in the easternoutskirts of the city. Epigraphic nds have permitted thelocation of the gymnasionrst attested in the Hellenisticperiodin the same area south of the stadion (Brocas-Deassieux (1999) 8790). A late Classical or earlyHellenistic epistylion with a dedication to Dionysos(I.Beroia 21) provides evidence for the functioning of thetheatre in that period.534. Dion (Diestes) Maps 4950. Lat. 40.10, long. 22.30.Size of territory: 4. Type: [A]. The toponym is , (Thuc. 4.78.6; Staatsvertrge 308.9), (SEG31 630). Thecity-ethnic is (SEG 48 785; Steph. Byz. 522.3) or (Paus. 9.30.8) or (Oikonomos (1915) no. 4)or v (Steph. Byz. 232.5). The form attested oncoins (Hatzopoulos and Psoma (1999) 1012) has nothing todo with Makedonian Dion.In Ps.-Skylax, the chapter about Makedonia (66) openswith o , . . .Thus, Dion is implicitly classied as a polis in the urbansense in C4f, and explicit references are found in latersources, both literary (Paus. 10.13.5 (rC6l/C5e); cf. CID i 1)and epigraphical (Oikonomos (1915) no. 4 (early secondcentury ad)). Thuc. 4.78.6 calls Dion a polisma. The collec-tive use of the city-ethnic is attested internally in a C2e letterof Philip V to the city (SEG48 785). In the same letter politesoccurs (cf. the in a Hellenistic catalogue ofnames: Pandermalis (2002) 38182).The territory of Classical Dion bordered on that ofLeibethra to the south, Pydna to the north-east and possiblyPhylakai to the north-west. We know the name of only oneof its secondary settlements: Pimpleia, called kome byStrabo at 7 fr. 17, which was famous because of its connectionwith the legend of Orpheus and the cult of the Muses(Schmidt (1950)).Dion was the religious centre of Makedonia at least fromC5 and probably much earlier (cf. Diod. 17.16.3). The patrondeity of Dion was Olympian Zeus, to whom the city owed itsname (Just. 24.2.8) and who was venerated along with theMuses (Diod. 7.16.3). Other communal cults were those ofDemeter, Dionysos, the Mother of the Gods, Aphrodite,Baubo, Orpheus, Athena, Eileithyia, Asklepios and Hermes.Sarapis and Isis are also attested from early Hellenistic timesonwards (Pandermalis (1977), (1993); Hatzopoulos (1994b)800 hatzopoulos and paschidis106). The most important religious but also political event atDion, and in Makedonia as a whole, was the panegyris ofOlympia held in the month of Dios and lasting nine days(Diod. 17.16.4). Among other contests it included the pen-tathlon, the dolichos and the taurotheria (Hatzopoulos(1996b) i. 129 n. 2; cf. BE (1978) no. 232). Dion maintainedclose relations with Delphi from the Archaic period (CIDi 1(C6/C5e); cf. Paus. 10.13.5 and Mari (2002) 2931).From a C4m scal law (Hatzopoulos (1996b) ii. no. 56)and a C4l decree (ibid. no. 57), both unpublished, we areinformed that Dion had fewer than ten archontes and at leasttwo tamiai.The site of Dion comprises the sanctuaries area in theopen plain and the walled city to its north. The latter occu-pies an area of c.43 ha, which justies the descriptions ofThuc. 4.78.6 () and Livy 44.7.3 (urbem non mag-nam). The rectangular grid-line of the street planning, leav-ing an open space for the agora, is contemporary with theerection of the walls (Stephanidou-Tiveriou (1998) 21623).These, 2.603.30 m wide, date from C4l and were probablybuilt by Kassandros (after 305?). In their pre-Roman phasethey had a regular rectangular perimeter of c.2,625 m andabout sixty towers. Of a probable total of at least six or sevengates, four have been identied so far. One of the northernones, leading to two consecutive courtyards, was probablythe main entry to the city. The walls were built from local conglomerate stone. Above the stone substructure rose a brick superstructure of indeterminate height(Stephanidou-Tiveriou (1988)).In the open plain several sanctuaries have been located:two megaron-shaped temples of Demeter adjacent to eachother (in which the Mother of the Gods, Baubo andHypolympidia Aphrodite were probably worshipped aswell) date from C6l (Pingiatoglou (1996); Pandermalis(1999) 6073); near the theatre lay the small C5 temple ofAsklepios (Pandermalis (1999) 8487); nally, the famoustemple and temenos of Olympian Zeus has now been locat-ed in the south-eastern part of the sanctuaries area(Pandermalis (1999) 4459, (2000) 29192). Other impor-tant public buildings in the open plain are the C4e theatre,which was rebuilt in Hellenistic times (Karadedos (1986)33740) and the C6l stadion (Leake (1835) 409 and nowPandermalis (1999) 76, 8081).535. Edessa (Edessaios) Maps 4950. Lat. 40.45, long.22.05. Size of territory: ? Type: C. The toponym is , (IG iv 617.16 (C4l); Strabo 7.7.4). The city-ethnic is (F. Delphes iii.3 207.2 (C3m)), also spelt (Tataki (1994) no. 56). Edessa is called a polis inDiod. 31.8.8 (r167), probably in the political, urban and ter-ritorial senses combined. For late attestations of the urbansense, see Ptol. Geog. 3.12.39 (cf. 17), and for the politicalsense, see Demitsas no. 3 (second or third century ad). Theterm polisma is attested in App. Syr. 57, and the term politesin Antoninus (1879) 227, no. 26. The collective use of thecity-ethnic is attested internally in SEG 36 615.4 (c.ad 200).The individual use of the city-ethnic is attested internally inCormack (1973) no. 4 (second century ad) and externally inF.Delphes iii.3 207.2 (C3m).The territory of Edessa bordered on the region ofAlmopia to the north, on the territories of Kyrrhos to the east, on those of Marinia and Skydra to the south, and onthe region of Eordaia to the west (Hatzopoulos (1996b)i. 112).The constitution of Edessa is known to us only frominscriptions of the Roman period (e.g. SEG 24 531.6 (ad180/1)), which is also the earliest attested public enactment;Antoninus (1879) 227, no. 26). Edessaians were granted prox-enia by Delphi (F.Delphes iii.3 207.2 (C3m)) and Haliartos(IG vii 2848.4 (C3?)), and received citizenship from Larisa(SEG27 202 (220210)). Edessa is recorded on the Argive listof contributors of C4l, which may be connected with thedispatching of theoroi (IGiv 617.16; cf. Perlman (2000) 74).The cult of Herakles is mentioned by Hesychius, s.v., and is attested epigraphically (Struck (1902)310 no. 15 and, with the epithet Kynagidas, in two unpublished C2s and C1m inscriptions). From the sameperiod date inscriptions referring to the cults ofZeus Hypsistos (P. Chrysostomou (198991) 3034) andParthenos (Hatzopoulos (1995)). Evidence for other cults isof later date.A probably C4l (A. Chrysostomou (1988) 60, (1996) 174)wall enclosed both the acropolis (triangular perimeter, onetower on the north-west apex of the triangle and one oneach of the west and north sides) and the lower city (polyg-onal perimeter, 2.43 m wide) covering an area of 3.5 and 23ha respectively (A. Chrysostomou (1987), (1996)). The wallsare mentioned by Polyaen. 2.29.2 (r274). The only publicmonuments known are the temple of Ma and its stoas,which are epigraphically attested (Hatzopoulos (1995) 126).The site has been occupied continuously since the BronzeAge, which accounts for the lack of Archaic and Classicalremains (A. Chrysostomou (1996) 18082); however, Livy45.30.5 refers to Edessa as among the urbes nobiles of centralMakedonia in 167, and it was presumably already so in theClassical period.makedonia 801536. Europos (Europaios) Map 50. Lat. 40.55, long. 22.35.Size of territory: ? Type: B. The toponym is v, (Thuc. 2.100.3; Strabo 7.7.9; cf. Kotzias, AA 54 (1939) 257(inscribed tiles)), (App. Syr. 57; BCH 45 (1921) 17,iii.62). The city-ethnic is v (F.Delphes iii.4 405.3(C3e)) or vo (I. Oropos 98 (C3l)). Europos is called apolis in the urban sense in Ptol. Geog. 3.12.36 (cf. 17) and inthe political sense in two honoric decrees for Roman gen-erals (SEG41 570 (c.110), 42 575 (c.3938)). Thuc. 2.100.3 callsEuropos a chorion. The collective use of the city-ethnic isattested internally in SEG41 570 (c.110) and externally in theC4l contribution list from Argos (IG iv 617.17). For the ear-liest individual use of the city-ethnic, see the proxenia decreefrom Delphi (F.Delphes iii.4 405.3 (C4l)).The territory of Europos bordered on those of Pella to thesouth-west, Ichnai to the south-east and Gortynia to thenorth.Citizens of Europos received the proxenia at Delphi(F.Delphes iii.4405.3 (C4l)). A cult of Artemis Elaphebolos isattested in a C3 inscription (SEG43 399). The Europaians arerecorded in the Argive list of contributors of C4l, which maybe connected with the dispatching of theoroi (IGiv617.17; cf.Perlman (2000) 74).Europos was most probably a walled city in 429, sinceSitalkes besieged it but was unable to capture it (Thuc.2.100.3). Of its public buildings we know only of an aque-duct mentioned in an inscription of Imperial times (SEG38608). Ongoing excavations aim to delimit the settlement;sporadic nds, such as an unpublished late Archaic kouros(Savvopoulou (1988) 137), testify to Europos importance asa trading centre of the Axios valley.537. Herakleion (Herakleiotes) Map 50. Lat. 40.00, long.22.40. Size of territory: 3. Type: A. The toponym is, (Damastes (FGrHist 5) fr. 4.3; Ps.-Skylax 66;IG i 77.v.21 (' )), , (Steph. Byz.304.3). The city-ethnic is o (Gonnoi 93).Herakleion is called a polis in the urban sense in Ps.-Skylax66. The collective use of the ethnic is attested externally inGonnoi 93B.24 (C3l)).The territory of Herakleion bordered on that of Gonnoito the south-west (see the dossier in Gonnoi 93107),Leibethra on the north and possibly Homolion, beyond thePeneios, before the foundation of Phila on the mouth of thatriver in Hellenistic times.Herakleion became a member of the Delian League sometime between 430/29 and 425/4 or, at least, the Atheniansclaimed its membership and had it assessed for a tribute of1,000 drachmas (IG i 71.iv.108, completely restored;77.v.21).Herakleion appears as a walled city in 169 (Polyb. 28.11.1;Livy 44.9.19), but its fortications most probably date fromC5, since the city could successfully challenge the authorityof Perdikkas II and remain a member of the Delian Leaguefor years. Presumably, the walls covered the entire hill, sinceHeuzey (1860) 9293 saw remains of them at the bottom ofthe hill, near the river bank.538. Ichnai (Ichnaios) Map 50. Lat. 40.45, long. 22.35. (Onthe location of Ichnai on the right bank of the Axios, seeHatzopoulos (2001) 15960.) Size of territory: ? Type: A. Thetoponym is , (Hdt. 7.123.3; BCH 45 (1921) 17.iii.63), (Eratosthenes according to Steph. Byz. 342.17, butprobably referring to the Thessalian Ichnai; cf. Steph. Byz.152.16). The city-ethnic is (IG ii 8944 (undated)).Ichnai is called a polis in the urban sense in Hdt. 7.123.3 andin the political sense in a treaty(?) between that city andDikaia(?) (Struck (1902) 310 no. 15.2 (undated)). The collec-tive use of the city-ethnic is attested internally on coins ofC5e (infra) and in inscriptions (Struck (1902) 309 no. 14.6and 310 no. 15.2). The individual use of the city-ethnic isattested in a Delphic C3m proxeny decree (F.Delphes iii.3207.3 (C3m)) and in an undated Attic sepulchral inscription(IGii 8944).The name of the territory of Ichnai might be o (Hsch. s.v. , unless the reference is to thehomonymous Thessalian city). It bordered on the territo-ries of Pella to the south-west, Allante to the south, Tyrissa tothe north-west, and probably Herakleia in Mygdonia to theeast, across the Axios. The probable site of the urban centrehas been totally destroyed by intense agricultural activity(ArchDelt 49 (1994) Chron. 455).Two fragments of an inscription of unknown date mightbelong to a treaty between Ichnai and Dikaia (Papazoglou(1988) 15556). A citizen of Ichnai was awarded proxenia byDelphi (F.Delphes iii.3 207.3 (C3m)); another Ichnaian wasappointed theorodokos for theoroi arriving from the samecity (BCH45 (1921) 17 iii.63 (c.220)).Judging by the onomastic evidence, Ichnai must havebeen originally a Paionian settlement which already inArchaic times received an inux of Southern Greekcolonists. After the Makedonian conquest, settlers from theOld Kingdom were added to its population (cf. Hatzopoulos(1996b) i. 107 n. 1). It seems that citizens of Ichnai, in theirturn, participated in the Makedonian colonisation ofAmphipolis (Hatzopoulos (1991) 86).802 hatzopoulos and paschidisBefore the Makedonian conquest, Ichnai struck silverstaters and octadrachms (c.490480). Types: obv. male g-ure, usually between two bulls, or beside a horse; rev. wheel,or cross in an incuse square; legend: [][],, , (Gaebler (1935) 6365;Price and Waggoner (1975) 2930, 117; Papazoglou (1988) 155;SNG Cop. Macedonia 18384).539. Kyrrhos (Kyrrhestes) Map 50. Lat. 40.50, long. 22.15.Size of territory: 4? Type: B. The toponym is v, (Thuc. 2.100.4; Steph. Byz. 430.17; Vavritsas (1977) 8),v (Diod. 18.4.5, MSS, apparently a mistake), v(in the MS of Ptol. Geog. 3.12.36; cf. the form Scurio (It. Burd.606.3). The city-ethnic is (SEG40 520; Plin. HN4.34: Cyrrestae; cf. SEG 27 258 (Roman)) or (SEG43 435.3 (early third century ad)). The only attestations ofKyrrhos as a polis (in the urban sense) are Plin. HN4.34 andPtol. Geog. 3.12.36 (cf. 17), but its mention alongside Dionand Amphipolis in Alexanders (infra)leaves no doubt that Kyrrhos too was a polis already in C4.The collective use of the city-ethnic is attested internally ona second century ad boundary stone (SEG 40 520). For theindividual and external use of the city-ethnic, see SEG43 435(early third century ad).The territory of Kyrrhos bordered on the territories ofEdessa to the west, Skydra to the south-west, Pella to thesouth-east, Tyrissa to the east, and Europos to the north-east. An unpublished C3 decree (cf. Vavritsas (1977)) revealsthat Genderrhos was a kome of Kyrrhos. The name of anoth-er meros (kome?) of the city, Mandarai, is preserved in Steph.Byz. 430.17.The earliest public enactment of Kyrrhos is an unpub-lished C3 decree concerning public works in the vicinity andin the agora of the city (Vavritsas (1977)).Kyrrhos was renowned for its sanctuary of AthenaKyrrhestis, which was located on the hill of Palaiokastron(Vavritsas (1977)). It would be tempting to interpret themass of semi-worked limestone blocks in a nearby C4squarry (Bakalakis (1970)) as preliminary work for the ` of Athena which Alexander was planning tobuilt in Kyrrhos (Diod. 18.4.5); two C4l/C3e poros capitalsprobably of a templemay attest a later attempt to imple-ment Alexanders plan (Haddad (1993); Adam-Veleni (1998)6). The sanctuary of Artemis Agrotera is known from dedications of the Roman period (Panayotou andChrysostomou (1993) 37980). The agora of the city is men-tioned several times in the C3 unpublished decree (Vavritsas(1977) 8; Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 43839).The patron deity of Kyrrhos was Athena, for whomAlexander was planning to build a magnicent temple at thetime of his death (Diod. 18.4.5). The cult of AthenaKyrrhestis, which is also attested epigraphically (SEG 27 258(Roman)), was transferred to the homonymous city inSyria. Other communal cults were those of ArtemisAgrotera (attested by Roman evidence: SEG 30 55354, 35750, 43 4045) and of Zeus Hypsistos (P. Chrysostomou(198991) 4041).540. Leibethra (Leibethrios) Map 50. Lat. 40.50, long.22.30. Size of territory: 3. Type: C. The toponym is, (Aesch. fr. 83a.9; BCH 45 (1921) 17 iii.53) or (Strabo 10.3.17) or (Paus. 9.30.9). Thecity-ethnic is (Arist. fr. 552; Gonnoi 2.6) or (Paus. 9.30.11).Leibethra is called a polis in the urban sense in Paus.9.30.9, referring to the mythical period. The term patris isused in Orph. Argonaut. 1374. Alternative site-classicationsare ethnos (Arist. fr. 552), chorion or oros (Strabo 10.3.17),topos (Hsch., s.v. ) and (Lyc. Alex. 275).The collective use of the city-ethnic is attested internally onan inscribed weight of one mina (SEG27 283 (undated)) andexternally in Arist. fr. 563 and in a C3e decree from Gonnoi(Gonnoi 2.6).Originally populated by Thracian Pieres, Leibethra andthis part of Pieria were conquered by the Makedonians c.C7(Strabo 10.3.17; cf. Hammond (1972) 417).According to the legend mentioned by Pausanias (9.30.11),the city was destroyed by the river Sys. The topography of thesite and the remains of the walls make such a destructionbythe four torrents in the area quite possible (Kotzias (194849)3334), although the continued existence of the city is securedby Classical (Pritchett (1991) 127) and Hellenistic (Kotzias(194849) 34) remains, by the mention of the city in the C3inscription from Gonnoi (Gonnoi 2.6) and by the C3l Delphiclist of theorodokoi (BCH45 (1921) 17 iii.53).The territory of Leibethra probably extended from themountainous area of Lower Olympos to the valley of Sys(Helly (1973) 3536; Gonnoi 5). The city bordered on Gonnoito the south-west, presumably on Herakleion to the south,and Dion to the north.The cults of Orpheus, the Nymphs, the Muses andDionysos are attested in literary sources (Kotzias (194849)2628). The cult of the latter deity has now found a possiblearchaeological conrmation (SEG27 283).The legend of the citys destruction mentions the exist-ence of walls (Paus. 9.30.11). Kotzias ((194849) 3334), whomakedonia 803excavated the site, discovered part of a circuit of 1.5 m-widewalls. According to Pritchett ((1991) 127), the circuit was nomore than 500 m long. Recent work has conrmed that theacropolis (1.5 ha) was walled and that the site was not aban-doned until C1 (ArchDelt 50 (1995) Chron. 49798).541. Methone (Methonaios) Maps 4950. Lat. 40.30,long. 22.35. Size of territory: 3? Type: A. The toponym iso, (Thuc. 6.7.3; IG ii 130), o (IG iv.194.ib.8). The city-ethnic is (IG i 61; Thuc.4.129.4; Arist. frr. 55152). Methone is called a polis both inthe urban sense (Dem. 9.26; Ps.-Skylax 66) and in the polit-ical sense (IG i 61.4445; Plut. Mor. 293B, probably derivedfrom Aristotles treatise). In Din. 1.14 polis is used in bothsenses simultaneously. The politai of Methone are men-tioned in Diod. 16.34.5 (r354), and there was an AristotelianMethonaion politeia (frr. 55152). The collective use of thecity-ethnic is attested internally in abbreviated form oncoins (infra) and externally in IG i 61.1. For the individualand external use of the city-ethnic, see e.g. IGii 9330 (C5l).According to Thuc. 6.7.3, Methone bordered onMakedonia ( " ), and its territory( []) is mentioned in IG i 61.22.The territory of Classical Methone bordered on that ofPydna to the south and Aloros to the north-west. The size ofthe territory must have been close to 100 km, perhaps a lit-tle more. After 354 it must have been added to that of Pydna(Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 181).Methone was originally a Thracian settlement. It wascolonised by Eretrians c.730 (Hammond (1972) 42526) andjoined the Delian League after 431 (for the date and the erro-neous restoration of the ethnic in IG i 280.ii.67, see Pirart(1988)). It belonged to the Thracian district and is registeredin the tribute lists from 430/29 (IG i 281.ii.33, restored) to415/14 (IG i 290.iii.8) a total of three times, paying a phorosof 3 tal. (IG i 282.ii.53). It was assessed for tribute in 425/4(IGi 71.iii.157 (5 tal.), ethnic completely restored).In 364 or 363 it was captured by the Athenian Timotheos(Din. 1.14 3.17) and became an ally of Athens but probablywithout becoming a member of the Second Athenian NavalLeague (Dreher (1995) 26). Methone was conquered anddestroyed by Philip II in 354 (Dem. 4.4; Diod. 16.31.6 and34.45). The inhabitants were allowed to leave the city withone garment each; the city itself was razed to the ground,and its territory distributed to Makedonian settlers. A fewdecades later, old Methone was succeeded by a new settle-ment 1 km to the north-west of the former city, which, how-ever, did not enjoy the status of polis but was probably akome of Pydna (Hatzopoulos et al. (1990); for the origin ofthe new settlers, see Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 18081).Our only information about the constitutional arrange-ments of Methone concerns its magistrates, the archontesand the polemarchos mentioned in Arist. fr. 551. AMethonaian theorodokos hosted the theoroi from Epidauros(no. 348) (IG iv.1 94.b.8) c.360. Another Methonaian isknown to have been granted citizenship in Ephesos(I.Ephesos 48 (C4l)).Methone was a walled city in 354 (Dem. 1.9; Theopomp.fr. 52; Polyaen. 4.2.15; Just. Epit. 7.6.14). No remains of thewalls are visible today.Methone struck only one type of bronze coinage in C4f.Types: obv. female head to the r.; rev. lion breaking spear;legend: (Gaebler (1935) 7879; Psoma (2001) 115).542. Mieza (Miezaios/Miezeus) Map 50. Lat. 40.40, long.22.05. Size of territory: ? Type: B. The toponym is , (Plut. Alex. 7.4), (BCH45 (1921) 17, iii.59), v (inthe MS of Ptol. Geog. 3.12.36); the alternative name given by Steph. Byz. 452.1 (perhaps quotingTheagenes (FGrHist 774) fr. 7) is probably an epithet. Thecity-ethnic is (Theagenes (FGrHist 774) fr. 7),later spelt (I.Leukopetra 71.89), or v (Arr.Ind. 18.6 (r325)).Mieza is called a polis in the urban sense by Steph. Byz.452.1, possibly quoting Theagenes (FGrHist 774) fr.7 (C3); cf.Ptol. Geog. 3.12.36 (cf. 17). For the individual use of the city-ethnic, see Arr. Ind. 18.6.The territory of Mieza is called inI.Leukopetra 71.89; we know the names of two settlementsthat were probably its komai, Gaimeion and Nea [---] (SEG24 524 (C3)). It bordered on the territory of Beroia to thesouth, Marinia to the north-west, and Skydra to the north-east.Among the magistrates, the eponymous priest ofAsklepios, the epistates, tagoi and dikastai are attested in theHellenistic period (SEG24 524 (C2f)), and at least the priestof Asklepios and the epistates are likely to have existed sinceC4 (Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 156). The cults of Asklepios (SEG24 524 (C2f)), the Nymphs (Plut. Alex. 7.4), Artemis (SEG2452526), Herakles Kallinikos (Demitsas (1896) no. 18) andthe river god Olganos (Kallipolitis (1952)) are attested inMieza.Although the archaeological complex of LeukadiaKopanosNaoussa was well known from the nineteenthcentury, only most recently have excavations started at thevery site of the ancient city (Rhomiopoulou (1997)). A large804 hatzopoulos and paschidis(over 106 m long) C4 stoa, which might form part of aAsklepieion complex, has come to light (Allamani-Souriand Misaelidou (1992) 20312; Allamani-Souri et al. (2002)).Moreover, the school that Aristotle founded in Mieza (Plut.Alex. 7.4) is almost certainly to be identied with the build-ing complex at Isvoria, to the south-west of the civic centre,where three caves are joined by elaborate peripatoi, niches,stoas and staircases (Siganidou and Trochides (199o), withearlier refs.).543. Pella (Pellaios) Maps 4950. Lat. 40.45, long. 22.30.Size of territory: 4 (P. Chrysostomou (1990) 223). Type: A.The toponym is , (Hdt. 7.123.3; Thuc. 2.99.4; Syll.267A.4), earlier (or as an epithet?) v or (Steph. Byz. 515.78). The city-ethnic is (Arvanitopoulos (1909) no. 16; Arr. Anab. 3.5.3). The alterna-tive forms of Plut. Mor. 339B and ofSteph. Byz. 515.910 are otherwise unknown. Pella is called apolis in the urban sense in Hdt. 7.123.3 and Ps.-Skylax 66. AtXen. Hell. 5.2.13, isused about Pella both in the personal-political and in theurban sense. The earliest attestation of polis in a purely polit-ical sense is in the asylia decree for Kos (SEG12 374.9 (243)).Ina verse dedication of Queen Eurydika, wife of Amyntas II, is used about the female citizens, presumably ofPella (Plut. Mor. 14B with BE (1984) 249). Pella is called apolisma in App. Syr. 57 and a metropolis in Strabo 16.2.10. Ps.-Skylax 66 writes: v (C4m). is used about Pella in a C4s epigram from Delphi(SEG 18 222a), in AG 7.139 (C1) and in Strabo 16.2.10.Demosthenes description of Pella as a . . . (18.68 (rC4e)) is clearly a rhetorical distortion(cf. Xen. Hell. 5.2.13). The collective use of the city-ethnic isattested internally in the C2f coinage of the city (Gaebler(1935) 9397) and externally in the asyliadecree for Kos (SEG12 374 (243)). For the individual use of the city-ethnic, seeArr. Ind. 18.3 (r325), and Arvanitopoulos (1909) no. 16 (C3e).Pellas extensive territory, (Strabo 7 fr. 20), bor-dered on the territories of Allante to the south-east, Ichnai tothe east, Tyrissa to the north, and Kyrrhos to the north-westand to the west. We know the sites of ve secondary settle-ments, at Archontikon, Damianon B, Agrosykia, LeptokaryaB and Ag. Nikolaos (Krya Vrysi), and two suburbs, one to thenorth-west and one to the west of the city (P. Chrysostomou(1990); Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 11112).Pella, originally a Paionian settlement, received an impor-tant Ionian inux from early Archaic times. It became amember of the Chalkidian Federation for a brief period inthe 380s (Xen. Hell. 5.2.13). The transfer of the royal resid-ence to the city in the reign of Amyntas III was accompaniedby a signicant Makedonian migration which transformedthe character of the city, as the onomastics and the archaeo-logical remains show (Hammond and Grifth (1979) 56;Hatzopoulos (1996b) i. 17173).There is no evidence for the Classical constitution ofPella; in C3 there is evidence of an archon, an epistates (SEG48 818), a boule and a demos (SEG 48 817) as well as tamiai(SEG 12 374). In C4s (Syll. 267; SEG 18 222a) and in C3m(F.Delphes iii.3 207.2) several citizens of Pella received theproxenia of Delphi.The patron divinity of Pella was Athena Alkidemos (Livy42.51.2; cf. Gaebler (1935) 9397). Among other cults, thoseof Apollo, Artemis, Asklepios, Dionysos, Zeus Meilichios,Herakles Kynagidas, Herakles Phylakos, the Muses and Panare attested from epigraphic, literary and archaeologicalsources (SEG 24 540; Papakonstantinou-Diamantourou(1971) 3851; P. Chrysostomou (1989) 1056). Moreover, theC4l sanctuaries of the Mother of the Gods, of Demeter andof Darron have been uncovered in or near the city(Lilimpaki-Akamati (1987), (1990), (1991), (1996), (2000),(2002)). For none of the cults do we have evidence from theClassical period. A Pellaian theorodokos was appointed tohost theoroi from Nemea (SEG 36 331.B.2324 (323317); forthe identication of the theorodokos, see Knoeper (2001)18790). A citizen of Pella was victorious in the Isthmian andPythian Games (SEG18 222a (C4s)).Pella was the largest city of Makedonia; for a generaldescription, see Lilimpaki-Akamati (2002). The rectangularC4s wall is of mudbrick upon a stone foundation and pre-dates the C4l grid plan of the town (Siganidou (1987a)). Thecity had two citadels. The acropolis, situated on the north-ern hill and covering an area of 6 ha, is entirely occupied bythe palatial complex. At the southern end of the city the isletPhakos in Lake Loudiake, which was connected with themainland via a drawbridge, qualied as an and housedthe central Makedonian treasury (Strabo 7 fr. 20). The citywas built on a regular Hippodamian grid line with two mainnorthsouth roads and one westeast road crossing them inthe agora area (Siganidou (1990)). The 200 182 m-wideagora is surrounded by stoas: the north one probablyhoused the seat of the politarchs, while on the north-westside of the agora probably lay the city archive; along with thebuilding complex around it, the agora covers an area of tenblocks in the centre of the city (Akamatis (1999)). The palaceof the Makedonian kings (central complex C4f) covers theentire acropolis area (6 ha) north of the agora. It consists ofmakedonia 805three building complexes, along an eastwest axis. Eachbuilding complex is composed of two buildings, one to thesouth, towards the city, and one to the north. All threesouthern buildings have a large peristyle court. The north-ern buildings of the west and central complex have bathingfacilities. A long stoa of more than 153 m with a 15 m-widepropylon forms the southern faade of the central and eastcomplex facing the city (Siganidou (1987b), (1996);Ginouvs (1994) 8891; P. Chrysostomou (1996)). Otherpublic buildings uncovered are a large C4l tholos, probablya heroon of Herakles and used as bouleuterion by theMakedonian Council (Hadzisteliou-Price (1973)) and thesanctuaries of the Mother of the Gods and Aphrodite inthe agora area, of Demeter in the south-east quarter of thecity, and of Darron in the south-west quarter (Lilimbaki-Akamati (1987), (1990), (1991), (1996), (2000)). A theatre ismentioned by Plutarch in a C4s context (Mor. 1096B).544. Pydna (Pydnaios) Maps 4950. Lat. 40.25, long.22.35. Size of territory: 3 or 4. Type: A. The toponym isv, (Thuc. 1.61.2; Gonnoi 98.7), v (IG ii329.13 Staatsvertrge 403), v, which is considered tobe the authentic form of the name (Theagenes (FGrHist 774)fr. 5 Steph. Byz. 390.810). The city-ethnic is (Dem. 1.5; Hatzopoulos (1996b) ii. no. 55), , (only on coins: Tselekas (1996) 14); (IG ii 339.b.3). Pydna is called a polis in the urban sense atPs.-Skylax 66) and is listed as a polis in the urban and politi-cal senses simultaneously at Din. 1.14 3.17. The term asty isattested in Polyaen. 4.11.3 (r317), and the term polichnion in ascholion on Arist. Rh. 1411a9. The earliest epigraphical attes-tation of the is in an honoric decree ofc.169 (Hatzopoulos (1996b) ii. no. 55). The collective use ofthe city-ethnic is attested internally on coins (infra) andexternally perhaps on a fragmentary asylia decree (SEG 12374.16 (243)). The individual use of the city-ethnic is attest-ed internally in an honoric decree (Hatzopoulos (1996b) ii.no. 55.2 (c.169)) and externally in a C4s Athenian proxenydecree (IGii 339.b.3 (333)).The territory of Classical Pydna bordered on that ofMethone to the north and of Dion to the south, and mayhave covered over 200 km.As the recent excavations have shown, Pydna was not acolonial foundation but a Makedonian settlement (Bessiosand Pappa (1996) 5). Already in the reign of Alexander I itbelonged to the Makedonian kingdom (Thuc. 1.137.1). In 432it was unsuccessfully besieged by the Athenians (Thuc. 1.61).In 410 it rebelled against King Archelaos and seceded fromthe kingdom, but it was besieged again, and captured after along siege. Its inhabitants were transferred some 4 kminland, perhaps to modern Kitros (Diod. 13.49.2).Apparently the old site was reoccupied already in C4e(Bessios (1990) 241), and in the reign of Amyntas III Pydnaseems for a time to have again successfully seceded from thekingdom, since it struck its own coins; but in the reign ofAlexander II, at the latest, it seems to have returned to thefold of the kingdom (Hatzopoulos (1985) 253 n. 66; for a dif-ferent interpretation of the numismatic evidence, seeTselekas (1996) 1924). In 364 or 363 it was captured byTimotheos (Din. 1.14 3.17; for the date see Diod. 15.81.6)and became an ally of Athens, but probably without becom-ing a member of the Second Athenian Naval League (Dreher(1995) 26). In 357 it was besieged and captured by Philip II(Dem. 1.9; Diod. 16.8.3), presumably by being betrayed tothe Makedonians (Dem. 20.63, see Hammond and Grifth(1979) 24244); it thereafter remained an integral part of theMakedonian kingdom.Only two temples are attested in the Classical period: thatof Athena (IG ii 329.13 Staatsvertrge 403 (336)) and thatposthumously erected in honour of Amyntas III (Habicht(1970) 1112). Pydnaian theorodokoi received theoroi fromEpidauros c.360 (IGiv 94 i.b.7).Pydna was a walled city at least from 432 (Thuc. 1.61.3,implicitly; cf. Diod. 19.49.1 (r317)), but probably already inC5e (Bessios and Pappa (1996) 56). Traces of the wallswere seen by Hammond ((1984) 377). The area enclosedby the walls was c.25 ha, making Pydna one of thelargest Makedonian cities in C5e, undoubtedly because ofthe importance of its harbour (Bessios and Pappa (1996)6).Pydna struck bronze coins in C4f. (1) During the reign ofAmyntas III, types: obv. head of young Herakles wearinglion skin to the r.; rev. eagle with closed wings to the r. devouring serpent which it holds with its talons;legend: or and once. (2) C.364357: obv. female head facing l. orr., wearing ear-ring and necklace, her hair in a sphendone;rev. owl to the r., standing on olive branch; legend: (Gaebler (1935) 1056; Tselekas (1996) 14,2630; SNG Cop. Macedonia 317).806 hatzopoulos and paschidisAdam-Veleni, P. 1998. o vMutatioScurrio, in M. Lilimpaki-Akamati et al. (eds.), . (Thessalonica) 111.Akamatis, I. M. 1999. o : 15 , in Ancient Macedonia, vi(Thessalonica) 2343.Allamani-Souri, V. 1993a. 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K. 1977. v , inAncient Macedonia, ii (Thessalonica) 711.Voutiras, E. 1993. v v , in Ancient Macedonia, v (Thessalonica)25165.makedonia 809The speech of t he anci ent Macedoni ans, i n t he l i ght of recent epi graphi c di scoveri es By Mi l t i ades Hat zopoul os, VI Int ernat i onal Symposi on on Anci ent Macedoni a, 1999. Moder n di scussi on of t he speech of t he anci ent Macedoni ans began i n 1808, when F. G. St ur z publ i shed a smal l book ent i t l ed De di al ect o macedoni ca l i ber ( Lei pzi g 1808) , i nt ended t o be a sci ent i f i c enqui r y i nt o t he posi t i on of Macedoni an wi t hi n Gr eek. However , af t er t he publ i cat i on of O. Ml l er s wor k ber di e Wohnsi t z, di e Abst ammung und di e l t er e Geschi cht e des makedoni schen Vol ks ( Ber l i n 1825) , t he di scussi on evol ved i nt o an acr i moni ous cont r over sy - - i ni t i al l y sci ent i f i c but soon pol i t i cal - - about t he Gr eek or non- Gr eek nat ur e of t hi s t ongue. Di ver se t heor i es wer e put f or war d: I) Macedoni an i s a mi xed l anguage ei t her of par t l y Il l yr i an or i gi n - - such was t he posi t i on of Ml l er hi msel f , G. Kazar of f , M. Rost ovt zef f , M. Budi mi r , H. Bar i c; or of par t l y Thr aci an or i gi n, as i t was mai nt ai ned by D. Tzanof f . II) Macedoni an i s a separ at e Indo- Eur opean l anguage. Thi s was t he opi ni on of V. Pi sani , I. Russu, G. Mi hai l ov, P. Chant r ai ne, I. Pudi c, C. D. Buck, E. Schwyzer , V. Geor gi ev, W. W. Tar n and of O. Masson i n hi s yout h. III) But accor di ng t o most schol ar s Macedoni an was a Gr eek di al ect . Thi s vi ew has been expanded by F. G. St ur z, A. Fi ck, G. Hat zi daki s, O. Hof f mann, F. Sol msen, V. Lesny, Andr i ot i s, F. Geyer , N. G. L. Hammond, N. Kal l er i s, A. Toynbee, Ch. Edson and O. Masson i n hi s mat ur e year s. IV) Fi nal l y, a smal l number of schol ar s t hought t hat t he evi dence avai l abl e was not suf f i ci ent t o f or m an opi ni on. Such was t he vi ew of A. Mei l l et and A. Momi gl i ano. What ever t he sci ent i f i c mer i t s of t he above schol ar s, i t was t he nat ur e of t he evi dence i t sel f and, above al l , i t s scar ci t y, whi ch al l owed t he pr opoundi ng of opi ni ons so di ver se and i ncompat i bl e bet ween t hemsel ves. In f act , not one phr ase of Macedoni an, not one compl et e synt agm had come down t o us i n t he l i t er ar y t r adi t i on; because Macedoni an, l i ke many ot her Gr eek di al ect s, was never pr omot ed t o t he di gni t y of a l i t er ar y vehi cl e; because t he Temeni d ki ngs, when t hey endowed t hei r admi ni st r at i on wi t h a chancer y wor t hy of t he name, adopt ed t he At t i c koi ne, whi ch i n t he mi ddl e of t he f our t h cent ur y was pr evai l i ng as t he common admi ni st r at i ve i di om ar ound t he shor es of t he Aegean basi n. Thus, t he onl y avai l abl e sour ce f or knowl edge of Macedoni an speech wer e t he gl osses, t hat i s t o say i sol at ed wor ds col l ect ed by l exi cogr apher s mai nl y f r om l i t er ar y wor ks because of t hei r r ar i t y or st r angeness, and al so per sonal names whi ch, as we know, ar e f or med f r om appel l at i ves ( < + ) . The gl osses, r ar e and st r ange wor ds by def i ni t i on, had t he maj or def ect of bei ng l i abl e t o cor r upt i on, t o al t er at i ons, i n t he cour se of t r ansmi ssi on t hr ough t he ages by copyi st s who coul d not r ecogni se t hem. As f ar as per sonal names ar e concer ned, f or want of sci ent i f i c epi gr aphi c cor por a of t he Macedoni an r egi ons, unt i l ver y r ecent l y i t was i mpossi bl e t o compi l e t r ust wor t hy l i st s. On t op of t hat , t hese t wo sour ces of i nf or mat i on, f ar f r om l eadi ng t o conver gent concl usi ons, suggest ed conf l i ct i ng or i ent at i ons. Whi l e t he gl osses i ncl uded, besi des wor ds wi t h a mor e or l ess cl ear Gr eek et ymol ogy ( [ cf . ] [ cf . ] , [ cf . , gen. ] ) , a si gni f i cant number of t er ms har d t o i nt er pr et as Gr eek ( . ; ; [ Hesychi us] ) , t he vast maj or i t y of per sonal names, not onl y wer e per f ect l y Gr eek ( , , , , , , ) but al so pr esent ed or i gi nal t r ai t s excl udi ng t he possi bi l i t y of t hei r bei ng bor r owed f r om t he At t i c di al ect , whi ch was t he of f i ci al i di om of t he ki ngdom ( , , , ) , i ndeed f r om any ot her Gr eek di al ect ( , , ) . Unt i l ver y r ecent l y i t was har d t o t el l whi ch set of evi dence was mor e t r ust wor t hy. Dur i ng t he l ast t hi r t y year s t he si t uat i on has r adi cal l y changed t hanks t o t he publ i cat i on of t he epi gr aphi c cor por a of Thessal oni ke ( 1972) and Nor t her n Macedoni a ( 1999) by t he Ber l i n Academy and of Upper Macedoni a ( 1985) and Ber oi a ( 1998) by t he Resear ch Cent r e f or Gr eek and Roman Ant i qui t y ( KERA) . Meanwhi l e t he l at t er cent r e has al so publ i shed t hr ee i mpor t ant onomast i c col l ect i ons: of Ber oi a, of Edessa and of Macedoni ans at t est ed out si de t hei r homel and. Thi s i nt ense epi gr aphi c act i vi t y f ed by cont i nuous ar chaeol ogi cal di scover i es has br ought t o l i ght an abundance of document s, among whi ch t he f i r st t ext s wr i t t en i n Macedoni an. Thi s new body of evi dence r ender s t o a l ar ge ext ent i r r el evant t he ol d cont r over si es and r equi r es an ab i ni t i o r e- openi ng of t he di scussi on on a di f f er ent basi s. Ol d t heor i es however , di e har d and r el i cs of obsol et e er udi t i on st i l l encumber handbooks and sci ent i f i c j our nal s. I par t i cul ar l y have i n mi nd R. A. Cr ossl and s chapt er i n t he second edi t i on of vol ume III 1 of t he Cambr i dge Anci ent Hi st or y and E. N. Bor za s l at est bookl et Bef or e Al exander . Const r uct i ons of Ear l y Macedoni a publ i shed r espect i vel y i n 1982 and 1999. One r eason per haps t he mai n one f or such r esi st ance t o t he assi mi l at i on of new evi dence and per si st ence of obsol et e t heor i es unt i l t hese ver y l ast year s i s t he way i n whi ch si nce t he ni net eent h cent ur y t he schol ar l y di scussi on about Macedoni an speech and i t s Gr eek or non- Gr eek char act er has f ocused on t he spor adi c pr esence i n Macedoni an gl osses and pr oper names - - whi ch ot her wi se l ooked per f ect l y Gr eek - - of t he si gn of t he voi ced st op ( , , ) i nst ead of t he cor r espondi ng unvoi ced, or i gi nal l y aspi r at ed st op expect ed i n Gr eek, as f or i nst ance i n and i nst ead of and . Her e I must open a par ent hesi s. The t r adi t i onal Engl i sh pr onunci at i on of cl assi cal Gr eek pr esent s an obst acl e t o t he under st andi ng of t he pr obl em. To make t hi ngs si mpl e, one may say t hat cl assi cal Gr eek or i gi nal l y possessed sever al ser i es of occl usi ve consonant s or st ops, t hat i s t o say consonant s obt ai ned by t he moment ar y occl usi on of t he r espi r at or y duct s. These, accor di ng t o t he ar t i cul at or y r egi on, can be di st i ngui shed i nt o l abi al s, dent al s and vel ar s ( t he occl usi on i s r espect i vel y per f or med by t he l i ps, t he t eet h or t he vel um of t he pal at e) and, accor di ng t o t he ar t i cul at or y mode, i nt o unvoi ced ( / p/ , / t / , / k/ ) , voi ced ( / b/ , / d/ , / g/ ) and unvoi ced aspi r at es i n f act expi r at es , t hat i s t o say, accompani ed by a br eat hi ng ( / ph/ , / t h/ , / kh/ ) . These aspi r at es , i n some di al ect s f r om t he ar chai c per i od and i n most by t he Hel l eni st i c age, had become spi r ant s, t hat i s t o say t hey wer e no l onger obt ai ned by t he compl et e occl usi on of t he r espi r at or y duct s, but by t hei r si mpl e cont r act i on and wer e accor di ngl y pr onounced as / f / , / / , / / . At t he same t i me t he voi ced st ops al so mi ght , accor di ng t o t he phonet i c cont ext , l ose t hei r occl usi on and become spi r ant s pr onounced / v/ , / / , / / . In f act , t he chr onol ogy of t he passage f r om t he cl assi cal t o t he Hel l eni st i c pr onunci at i on var i ed accor di ng t o di al ect and t o r egi on. The occl usi ve consonant s of Gr eek ar e t he hei r s of an Indo- Eur opean syst em whi ch di f f er ed f r om t he Gr eek one i n t hat i t possessed an addi t i onal ser i es of occl usi ve consonant s pr onounced wi t h bot h t he l i ps and t he vel um. Thi s ser i es sur vi ved unt i l t he Mycenaean per i od, but was subsequent l y el i mi nat ed f r om al l Gr eek di al ect s i n var i ous ways. Mor eover , i n t he Indo- Eur opean syst em of consonant s t he pl ace of t he Gr eek ser i es of unvoi ced aspi r at e st ops was occupi ed by a ser i es of voi ced aspi r at e st ops, t hat i s t o say voi ced st ops accompani ed by a br eat hi ng. These l ast ones ( / bh/ , / dh/ , / gh/ , gwh/ ) sur vi ved t o a l ar ge ext ent onl y i n Sanskr i t and i n moder n Indi an di al ect s. El sewher e, t hey ei t her l ost t hei r br eat hi ng ( such i s t he case of t he Sl avoni c, Ger mani c, and Cel t i c l anguages) , or t hei r sonor i t y ( such i s t he case of t he Gr eek and It al i c l anguages, i n whi ch t hey evol ved i nt o ( / ph/ , / t h/ , / kh/ , / khw/ ) . Thus t he r oot bher - i s r epr esent ed by t he ver b bhar ami i n Sanskr i t , ber o i n Ol d Sl avoni c, bai r a i n Got hi c, ber i m i n anci ent Ir i sh, i n Gr eek and f er o i n Lat i n. The suppor t er s of t he non- Gr eek nat ur e of Macedoni an r easoned as f ol l ows: i f , i nst ead of t he wel l known Gr eek per sonal names ( t he bal d one ) or ( she who br i ngs vi ct or y ) wi t h a phi , we r ead t he names or wi t h a bet a on t he i nscr i pt i ons of Macedoni a, t hi s i s because t he Macedoni an t ongue has not par t i ci pat ed i n t he same consonant mut at i ons as pr ehi st or i c Gr eek - - al r eady bef or e t he f i r st Mycenaean document s i n Li near B - - whi ch had t r ansf or med t he aspi r at e voi ced st ops of Indo- Eur opean ( / bh/ , / dh/ , / gh/ ) i nt o aspi r at e unvoi ced st ops ( / ph/ , / t h/ , / kh/ ) . That i s t o say t hat , i nst ead of t he l oss of sonor i t y of Gr eek, i n Macedoni an we ar e deal i ng wi t h t he l oss of aspi r at i on i n Macedoni an, whi ch cl assi f i es t he l at t er al ong wi t h t he Sl avoni c, t he Ger mani c and t he Cel t i c l anguages. But , i f Macedoni an was separ at ed f r om Gr eek bef or e t he second mi l l enni um B. C. , i t cannot be consi der ed a Gr eek di al ect , even an aber r ant one. What t he par t i sans of such t heor i es have not al ways expl i ci t l y st at ed i s t hat t hey al l r el y on t he post ul at e t hat t he sounds r ender ed by t he si gns , , i n Macedoni an gl osses and pr oper names ar e t he di r ect hei r s of t he ser i es of voi ced aspi r at e st ops of Indo- Eur opean and do not r esul t f r om a secondar y sonor i sat i on, wi t hi n Gr eek, of t he ser i es r epr esent ed by t he si gns , , . However , one must be war y of shor t - cut s and si mpl i f i cat i ons i n l i ngui st i cs. For i nst ance, t he sound / t / i n t he Ger man wor d Mut t er i s not t he di r ect hei r of t he same sound i n t he Indo-Eur opean wor d *mat er , but has evol ved f r om t he common Ger mani c f or m *moer , whi ch was t he r ef l ex of Indo- Eur opean *mat er . The exampl e of Lat i n demonst r at es t hat t he evol ut i on / bh/ >/ ph/ >/ f / >/ v/ >/ b/ , envi saged above, i s per f ect l y possi bl e. Thus, t he f or m al bus ( whi t e ) i n Lat i n does not come di r ect l y f r om Indo- Eur opean *al bhos. In f act t he st em al bh- became f i r st al ph- and t hen al f - i n It al i c, and i t was onl y secondar i l y t hat t he r esul t i ng spi r ant sonor i sed i nt o al v- whi ch evol ved i nt o al b- i n Lat i n ( cf . al f u=al bos i n Umbr i an and i n Gr eek) . G. Hat zi daki s ( see especi al l y Zur Abst ammung der al t en Makedoni er [ At hens 1897] 35- 37) was t he f i r st and f or many year s t he onl y one t o st r ess t he i mpor t ance - - and at t he same t i me t he weakness - - of t he i mpl i ci t post ul at e of t he par t i sans of t he non- Gr eek char act er of Macedoni an, t o wi t t he al l eged di r ect descent of t he ser i es r epr esent ed by t he si gns of t he voi ced st ops i n t he Macedoni an gl osses and per sonal names f r om t he Indo- Eur opean ser i es of aspi r at e voi ced st ops. Si nce t he mi ddl e of t he ei ght i es of t he l ast cent ur y t he accel er at i on of ar chaeol ogi cal r esear ch i n Macedoni a and al so t he act i vi t i es of t he Macedoni an Pr ogr amme of t he Resear ch Cent r e f or Gr eek and Roman Ant i qui t y ( KERA) ment i oned above have occasi oned numer ous schol ar l y wor ks expl oi t i ng t he new evi dence has been col l ect ed and al l ows us t o go beyond t he Gor di an knot whi ch si nce t he ni net eent h cent ur y had kept capt i ve al l di scussi on about t he t ongue of t he anci ent Macedoni ans ( Cl . Br i xhe, Anna Panayot ou, O. Masson, L. Duboi s, M. B. Hat zopoul os) . It woul d not be an exagger at i on t o say t hat hencef or war d t he obst acl e hi nder i ng t he i dent i f i cat i on of t he l anguage spoken by Phi l i p and Al exander