5th Batch 2nd Semester, Department of Public Administration,

University of Dhaka

Department of Public Administration5th Batch 2nd Semester

Course: PA-121, Politics and GovernmentClass Assignment # 1

Submitted To- Dr. Nasima Khatun Associate Professor

Department of Political Science

University of Dhaka Submitted By- ATM Abdullah

Roll- 62

Class- 1st year, 2nd semester

Session- 2010-2011

Submission Date: 26th November, 2011

Practice of Parliamentary Democracy in BangladeshFrom 1991 to 2011

CONTENTS1. Introduction2. Meaning of Democracy3. Types of democracy3.1. Pure or Direct Democracy3.2. Indirect or Representative Democracy4. Parliamentary from of democracy

5. Democracy in Bangladesh before 19906. History of Parliamentary Democracy in Bangladesh 1991 to 20116.1. Period 1: The Government of Khaleda Zia (1991-1996)6.1.1 Challenges in the Economic Sector6.2. Period 2: Political Crisis in 1994 & Short Time Power of BNP

6.3. Period 3: The Government of Sheikh Hasina (1996-2001)6.3.1 Economic Conditions6.3.2 Increase of Favoritisms and Corruptions6.3.3 Political Conflicts6.4. Period 4: 2nd Time in Power of Begum Khaleda Zia (2001-2006)6.4.1. Improving the Law and Order Situation6.4.2. Sluggish economic condition6.4.3. Increase of Terrorism6.4.4. Unbearable Corruption6.5. Period 5: 2nd time of the Government of Sheikh Hasina (2009-2014)6.5.1. BDR Mutiny-20096.5.2. 15th amendment of the Constitution and Share Market Fall7. Practice of Parliamentary Democracy in Bangladesh 1991 to Present7.1. The Parliamentary Committees and their Ineffectiveness7.2. Violating the Provision of ROP7.3. The Speakers Role7.4. Opposition Bench Ignored7.5. Boycotting Parliament Session7.6. Quorum Crisis7.7. Ineffective Legislature7.8. Lack of Democracy in Party Politics7.9. The Backbenchers influence7.10. Lack of Trust and Respect8. Conclusion1. Introduction:The global discuss on and understanding of democracy revels that democracy enjoys an unparalleled admiration as a norm. Democracy is generally defined as a form of government in which all adult citizens have an equal say in the decisions that affect their lives. South Asian countries have had a variable democratic history since their emergence from British colonial rule in the late 1940s. Bangladesh like most of the third world countries has a twin challenge to face: institutionalization of a democratic order and at the same time attains a target rate of economic growth of development. The focus of this assignment is to review the era of parliamentary democracy in Bangladesh since its emergence in the year 1991. The raison deter of our war of independence was parliamentary democracy, and that commitment had been reflected in her Constitution in 1972. Still 20 years took for the light to shine in her political history which was already marked by a mixed and scandalous culture. Parliamentary democracy first came into being in 1991 when Bangladesh national party, one of the two ever present force in political arena took power after national election .The main emphasis is on the working of parliamentary democracy after 1991.The total review is based on the time length that holds the history of democracy in Bangladesh after 1991 and is derived mostly from the national events and their consequences. 2. Meaning of Democracy:

The term democracy is derived from the Greek word demos and kratos. Here demos means the people and kratos means power. Democracy thus means power of the people.(1)Democracy is the form of government in which people rule over themselves. Ideally, this includes equal and more or less direct participation in the proposal, development and passage of legislation into law. It can also encompass social, economic and cultural conditions that enable the free and equal practice of political self-determination. In a democratic state people have the right to give a shape to the government, to appoint it and to dismiss it. The people appoint a new government after some years through elections, and express their will on important matters through the press or other matters. The following are the definition of democracy:- President Abraham Lincoln, it is a government of the people, by the people and for the people.(2) According to Bryce, Democracy is that form of government in which the ruling power of a state is legally vested, not in any particular class or classes but in the member of the community as a whole.(3) Prof. Gettell said, Democracy is that form of government in which the mass of the population possesses the right to share in the exercise of sovereign power.(4)In brief, we can say that democracy is that form of government in which the sovereign power of the state is in the hands of the people and the people are the source of the state power and people take part in the government directly or indirectly.3. Types of democracy:

In the above we define democracy. Now we see its types. There are two types of democracy:-

3.1. Pure or Direct Democracy

3.2. Indirect or Representative Democracy

These are defined bellow

3.1. Pure or Direct Democracy:When the people themselves directly express their will on public affairs, the type of democracy is called pure or direct democracy.(5) The people formulate laws in a mass meeting. It was established in ancient Greek city-states. Direct democracy is a political system where the citizens participate in the decision-making personally, contrary to relying on intermediaries or representatives. A direct democracy gives the voting population the power to; change constitutional laws; put forth initiatives, referendums and suggestions for laws and give binding orders to elective officials, such as revoking them before the end of their elected term, or initiating a lawsuit for breaking a campaign promise.. Examples of this include the extensive use of referendums in California with more than 20 million voters.

3.2. Indirect or Representative Democracy:In an indirect or representative democracy the will of the state is formulated and expressed not directly by the people themselves, but by their representatives to whom they give power of deliberation and decision making. This type of government was established in England in the 17th century. Representative democracy involves the selection of government officials by the people being represented. If the head of state is also democratically elected then it is called a democratic republic. The most common mechanisms involve election of the candidate with a majority or a plurality of the votes. A characteristic of representative democracy is that while the representatives are elected by the people to act in the people's interest, they retain the freedom to exercise their own judgment as how best to do so. Parliamentary form of democracy is one kinds of indirect or representative democracy.

4. Parliamentary from of democracy:

Parliamentary democracy is a representative democracy where government is appointed by representatives as opposed to a 'presidential rule' wherein the President is both head of state and the head of government and is elected by the voters. Under a parliamentary democracy, government is exercised by delegation to an executive ministry and subject to ongoing review, checks and balances by the legislative parliament elected by the people. One of the commonly attributed advantages to parliamentary systems is that it's faster and easier to pass legislation. This is because the executive branch is dependent upon the direct or indirect support of the legislative branch and often includes members of the legislature.. Parliamentary democracy is also practice in Bangladesh. 5. Democracy in Bangladesh before 1990:

Parliamentary democracy in Bangladesh since its emergence in the year 1991.Only two exceptions can be marked from the pre-1990s era. One is the election of 1946 where Muslim league won most of the East Bengal seats which in turn outlined the borders of current Bangladesh. The second instance is the 1970-71 general assembly election where Awami League won all of the East Pakistan seats. This gave the Bangladeshis enough political support to ask for independence and thus push Pakistan into the War of Liberation in 1971. Since in 1971, democracy has been in crisis in Bangladesh. After the independence, the 1972 Constitution provided a fairly parliamentary system of government similar to the Indian model but comparable to the Westminster type. Undoubtedly, this was one of the greatest achievements of the newly elected government headed by the Father of the nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Although Bangladesh succeeded in framing a Constitution within the shortest period of time, yet its capacity for democratic governance as a nation-state has been under constant political strain, such as fostering the transition towards democratic governance since her birth in 1971. Although Bangladeshs commitment to democracy and the UN Human Rights was clearly reflected in its 1972 Constitution, the people of Bangladesh soon witnessed the defeat of their long cherished parliamentary democracy to authoritarian rule on 25 January 1975. The failure of the new rulers to resolve the clashes between the centripetal and centrifugal forces of social, economic, and political cleavages clearly demonstrated their inadequacy as agents for solving the economic as well as political development problems facing the country. The violent change of the populist Government by the bloody military coup, and the assassination of the Father of the nation by a handful derailed army personnel on 15 August 1975, left the whole nation bewildered and perplexed. For the next 16 years, the country was run by the civil-military-bureaucrats left behind a section of demoralized and inefficient bureaucracies that were used to ensure regimes survival. During the army autocracy, there was no scope of the rule by the will of the people nor did the democratic rites and procedure of free and fair elections receive any fair play.6. History of Parliamentary Democracy in Bangladesh 1991 to 2011:

After liberation, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Ziaur Rahman and Hossain Mohammad Ershad were the three prominent leaders. All of them proclaimed democracy but none showed any sign of acknowledging peoples opinion. Actual democracy in Bangladesh started from 1990 with the overthrowing of Hossain Mohammad Ershad. The disgruntled people of all strata of social life were utterly helpless but to launch an antigovernment movement which finally turned into a mass upheaval. Following the prolonged and violent anti-government agitation, the last autocratic regime of General Ershad ultimately had to step down in early December 1990, surrendering power to a Caretaker Government headed by Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh. After that we had four general elections. Two of them were won by Bangladesh Nationalist Party and two were won by Bangladesh Awami League.6.1. Period 1: The Government of Khaleda Zia (1991-1996):The center-right BNP won a plurality of seats and formed a coalition government with the Islamic party Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, with Khaleda Zia, widow of Ziaur Rahman, obtaining the post of Prime Minister. The electorate approved still more changes to the constitution, formally re-creating a parliamentary system and returning governing power to the office of the prime minister, as in Bangladesh's original 1972 constitution. In October 1991, members of Parliament elected a new head of state, President Abdur Rahman Biswas. The first three and a half years of the Government of Begum Khaleda Zia was a very brief period for a parliamentary democracy to take shape. One notable feature of the parliamentary democracy was the formation of various parliamentary Committees and sub-Committees, which were overseeing the activities of various Ministries. Though structurally the Committees seemed to be quite sound, operationally they failed to be effective. For instance, the Committees on curbing terrorism in the University Campuses, administrative corruption, as well as the Committee on Indemnity Bill could not come out with positive recommendations owing to the lack of any consensus on their modus operandi. The opposition seemed also indifferent to parliamentary norms and practices by their frequent boycotts of the parliamentary sessions. The bureaucracy, though made constitutionally subservient, seemed to have remained dominant functionally due to the lack of administrative experience of the Ministers. In addition to the continuance of the Special Power Act (1974), the Khaleda Zias Government passed the Antiterrorism Act without the participation of the opposition parties, was, however, branded as a Black Law.6.1.1 Challenges in the Economic Sector:

The shattered economy inherited from the previous regime was getting much better gradually under the BNP Government (1991-96), in spite of the catastrophic cyclone and tidal waves that swept over the eastern as well as the southern part of the country early in 1991, killing thousands of people, destroying more than eighty percent of the crops, and many more homes. It was the natural disasters of 1991 caused major infrastructural damages and did make negative impact on the economy, especially in the aftermath of the earlier floods and cyclones of 1987 and 1988. Thus, the first part of Begum Zias Government was dominated by the management work in relation to crises following the cyclone and tidal wave of 1991 as well as the economy recovery programs. Any assessment of Bangladesh economy during her regime must, therefore, be made in the context of economic constraints resulting from endemic natural disasters. Yet, there had been significant economic gains over the 5 years tenure of the Regime. For instance the per capita income, GDP, and the GNP marked creditable improvement.

6.2. Period 2: Political Crisis in 1994 & Short Time Power of BNP:In March 1994, controversy over a parliamentary by-election, which the opposition claimed the government had rigged, led to an indefinite boycott of Parliament by the entire opposition. The opposition also began a program of repeated general strikes to press its demand that Khaleda Zia's government resign and a caretaker government supervise a general election. The opposition then continued a campaign of Marches, demonstrations, and strikes in an effort to force the government to resign. The opposition, including the Awami League's Sheikh Hasina, pledged to boycott national elections scheduled for February 15, 1996. In March 1996, following escalating political turmoil, the sitting Parliament enacted a constitutional amendment to allow a neutral caretaker government to assume power conduct new parliamentary elections; former Chief Justice Mohammed Habibur Rahman was named Chief Advisor in the interim government. New parliamentary elections were held in June 1996 and were won by the Awami League; party leader Sheikh Hasina became Prime Minister.6.3. Period 3: The Government of Sheikh Hasina (1996-2001):After a protracted movement for long 21 years, the Awami League (AL) under the Prime Minister ship of Sheikh Hasina formed a sort of' Consensus Cabinet of 44 members. Like most of the previous governments, the newly elected Government had to face challenges from three fronts. First, how to institutionalize the revived parliamentary democracy? Second, how to attain the target rate for a sustainable economic growth for development? Finally, how to improve the fast deteriorating law and order situation in the country? Sheikh Hasina formed what she called a "Government of National Consensus "included one minister from the Jatiya Party and another from the Jatiyo Samajtantric Dal. Although international and domestic election observers found the June 1996 election free and fair, the BNP protested alleged vote rigging by the Awami League. The success of the AL Government headed by Sheikh Hasina, seemed not plausible after the completion of 2 years of its 5-year term. On the political front, one notable feature of Sheikh Hasina's Governance was the formation of a government of Consensus with the support of its one time archrival, military dictator, General Ershad's Jatiya Party (JP), seemingly an interesting development in the history of parliamentary democracy in Bangladesh. This period was facing a series of boycotts of Parliament by the BNP parliamentarians. 6.3.1 Economic Conditions:

In spite of some improvement in the country's law and order situations and achievements of foreign policy decisions, the AL Government's economic performances during its tenure in office seemed not all praiseworthy. In respect of savings and investment, country's domestic savings declined to 7.7 percent in 1997 from 8.2 percent in 1995, and similarly the gross national savings marked decline in 1997 from 1995 position. Of course, the total investment marked slight increases; except for the agricultural sector, which recorded an all time high growth rate of 6 percent in 1997 against 3.7 percent in the previous year, all other sectors, including industrial, construction, electricity, gas, water and sanitary services, declined considerable in terms of productivity. Soon after the Government took office, the country's stock market got bogged down because of its faulty policy. The downward trend in share price index began since November 1996 with no sign of improvement whatsoever as yet.6.3.2 Increase of Favoritisms and Corruptions:

Despite some success in the political, economic and diplomatic arena, the regime seemed to have been bogged down by the free style crimes and corruptions of its political cronies. It was alleged that even the constitutional institution like the Public Service Commission (PSC) was turned into the depot of corruptions, nepotism and party parlor. The University campuses and residential Halls of the students turned into safe heaven for the terrorists and hijackers. For the last five years' tenure of the regime may be characterized by terrorism, unabated corruption, politicization of administration, govern mental facilities and opportunities.6.3.3 Political Conflicts:

At the end of 1996, the BNP staged a parliamentary walkout over this and other grievances but returned in January 1997 under a four-point agreement with the ruling party. The BNP asserted that this agreement was never implemented and later staged another walkout in August 1997. The BNP returned to Parliament under another agreement in March 1998. In June 1999, the BNP and other opposition parties again began to abstain from attending Parliament. Opposition parties have staged an increasing number of nationwide general strikes, rising from 6 days of general strikes in 1997 to 27 days in 1999. A four-party opposition alliance formed at the beginning of 1999 announced that it would boycott parliamentary by-elections and local government elections unless the government took steps demanded by the opposition to ensure electoral fairness. The government did not take these steps, and the opposition has subsequently boycotted all elections, including municipal council elections in February 1999, several parliamentary by-elections, and the Chittagong city corporation elections in January 2000. The opposition demands that the Awami League government step down immediately to make way for a caretaker government to preside over parliamentary and local government.6.4. Period 4: 2nd Time in Power of Begum Khaleda Zia (2001-2006):

The Eighth parliamentary elections, the third national elections under the Caretaker Government since 1991, were held on 1st October 2001. The election results show that the BNP led 4-Party Alliance secured 214 seats while BNP alone bagged 191 seats out of 300 parliamentary general seats. The AL headed by Sheikh Hasina captured 62 seats while the remaining seats were shared by the 'Independent' candidates and other smaller parties. Professor Dr. lajuddin Ahmed was sworn in as the Seventh President of Bangladesh on 6 September 2002.Begum Khaleda Zia was sworn in for the second time as the Prime Minister on 10 October 2001 and formed a "JUMBO" Cabinet of 6014 members with 13 State and 2 Deputy Ministers. But it could not worked effectively and its result shown in 2008 national election. It was alleged that the political leadership of the BNP failed to deliver perceived outcome of democracy in her second term of 5-year rule. In fact, brute majority of the 4-Party Alliance made them overambitious, callous, confused and irresponsible and thereby they appeared to be a possible threat to democracy in Bangladesh.

6.4.1. Improving the Law and Order Situation:After assuming the State power, the 4-Party Alliance leadership declared a 100 days program to improve the fast deteriorating conditions of the country specially the law and order situation which was but mostly the legacy of past regimes. In fact, during 5-year's tenure of the regime, the law and order situation did not improve rather deteriorated further. The violation of human rights or sending of opposition workers under the bar had been a common phenomenon since the introduction of the parliamentary democracy in the country. The cases of extra-judicial murders increased alarmingly. The measures or steps taken by the regime to arrest the on going situation were ineffective if not inadequate. Common people had to live under a vicious circle of uncertainty and constant threats to their life and property. The army takes an operation called Operation Clean Heart to increase the law and order condition for a time of one month in this period.

6.4.2. Sluggish economic condition:It was alleged that during the past regime, the foreign currency reserve was sunk to its lowest recorded level. The Alliance Government succeeded, to some extent, in salvaging the trickling down economy of the country. Yet, the overall economic condition was not encouraging. The much-coveted objectives of Millennium Development Goals and turning Bangladesh into an Emerging Tiger were frustrated by the powerful vested interests if not the perpetrators enjoying political as well as State patronage.6.4.3. Increase of Terrorism:

The most vexing problem facing the Government was terrorism. In fact, the defeat of the AL Government in the October 2001 elections was greatly attributed by terrorism almost all part of the country. The 4-Party Alliance Government could do a little improve to this situation rather in some cases it worsens further. Different so called Islamic terrorist group hamper the situation of the country. Islamist violence targeting courts and imposing social strictures became a serious problem as Zia's term wore on. For example of the 21st August greened attack on ALs meeting.6.4.4. Unbearable Corruption:

One of the main reasons of the defeat in 2008 election is the resulting of huge corruption in every sector of the government and bureaucratic sectors. The survey carried out by the World Bank, Transparency International, Bangladesh (TIB) and other agencies surveys shows that the corruptions in customs and income taxes, police and judiciary (mainly in the lower level), had been a common phenomena. On the other hand, transport, public corporate sectors and city-corporations' administrations became a den of corruption during the 5-year tenure of the Beghum Zia regime.6.5. Period 5: 2nd time of the Government of Sheikh Hasina (2009-2014):Against the back drop of unbridled corruption, failures, inefficiency and in effectiveness of the regime, the Ninth parliamentary elections were held on 29 December 2008. Earlier it was scheduled to be held in January 2007, but due to the unprecedented protests, agitation and movement led by the main Opposition party, AL, against the Khaleda regime's heavy corruption and specially elections engineering mechanism devised to favor her regime prompted the military backed Caretaker Government to postpone the elections for an extended period of time. In January 2007, the head of the caretaker Professor Dr. lajuddin Ahmed government stepped down, many believe under pressure from the military. Fakhruddin Ahmed, former governor of Bangladesh Bank, was selected to replace him and has committed himself to rooting out corruption and preparing a better voter list. Emergency law was declared and a massive campaign to crack down on corruption is underway. By July 2007 some 200,000 people had been arrested. Sheikh Hasina, the leader of the majority party in the Parliament and the newly formed Grand-Alliance was sworn in for the second tenure as the Prime Minister on 6 January 2009. And formed a Coalition Cabinet with 31 Cabinet members among them 23 are Ministers and eight State Ministers. Only three years passed in this tenure. In these three years some incident are haled.6.5.1. BDR Mutiny-2009:

Within its first month in office, the Grand-Alliance Government led by Sheikh Hasina had to confront the mutiny of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR). Without going into details (because the case is still under trial), it may be maintained the BDR mutiny could lead to an unprecedented bloody war between the two major security establishments of the country, each equipped with sophisticated weapons of war. The armed clash between the two security forces could have engulfed not only the Dhaka, capital city of Bangladesh, but it could have spread throughout the country16. The Prime Minister demonstrated her political sagacity and that saved the nation from an imminent blood shed and civil war.6.5.2. 15th amendment of the Constitution and Share Market Fall:

In 3rd July 2011 the government amended the Constitution of Bangladesh without any negotiation of the opposite party. It abolishes the caretaker government system which was not accepted by all groups. It also changed the principle of the nation. It also changed or added some article of the constitution. Another incident happened in the 5th period of the Hasinas government was the huge fall of the share market price. This happened during the December 2010 to present.7. Practice of Parliamentary Democracy in Bangladesh 1991 to Present:

Parliamentary from of democracy was first established in Bangladesh in 1991. After the passing of 20 years, we cannot see any difference among the political parties and their activities. Now we see shortly how the political parties practice democracy in these 20 years:-

7.1. The Parliamentary Committees and their Ineffectiveness:Parliamentary Committees are the most important system in democracy. It is often called a "Mini Parliament". Additional committees are appointed by the Parliament for the purpose of considering draft Bills, examining legislative proposals, reviewing and proposing measures for enforcement of laws and investigating or inquiring into the functions of the Ministries and administration require expert views. But it practice occasionally. 7.2. Violating the Provision of ROP:

In 2005, the Law Minister asked his party lawmakers in writing to take permission of the Leader of the House or the party's parliamentary Whip before placing a private Member's Bill in Parliament. Sensing that the instruction was not compatible with the Rules of Procedure of Parliament (ROP), the Speaker requested the Law Minister to sit with his party lawmakers to resolve the issue. But the Government in the Law Ministry stood by its own decision. This amounts to the Speaker's inability to protect the rights of the legislators from the executive arrogances.7.3. The Speakers Role:The functioning of a vibrant Parliament depends largely upon how the Speaker conducts the business of the House. Article 74 of the Constitution provides that Parliament shall at the first sitting after any general election, elect from among its members, a Speaker. As a result the speaker belonging to a specific political party actually the ruling party. Sometimes speaker role are not suitable for the opposition.

7.4. Opposition Bench Ignored:

The main opposition party members' notices relating to matters of general public interest and notices relating to matters of urgent public importance, etc. had in many cases, been disallowed by the Speaker. In every parliament we seen that our opposition could not join the assembly.

7.5. Boycotting Parliament Session:

Prolonged boycott of the Parliamentary session by the Opposition parties has become an endemic problem in the parliamentary politics. It is very common in our country. Thats why the opposition party could not influence the decision making.7.6. Quorum Crisis:

According to the Constitution, if 60% or above MPs are not present the parliamentary session could not be held. After the 15th session of the Eight Parliament, the parliamentary sessions have been facing the quorum crisis. It is alleged that most of the parliamentarians, irrespective of their party affiliations, have less or no eagerness to join the parliamentary sessions regularly. Even passing of the Bills and opening of sessions without quorum have been a common phenomenon.7.7. Ineffective Legislature:The story of the role of the legislative body in Bangladesh is not palatable. Constitutionally, the Parliament was the only authority to make a law or unmake a law, but in practice, it could hardly exert or ascertain its constitutional position. Since 1972 the Parliament has been under the grip of the leadership of the party in power. However, if the lawmakers are not allowed to speak for the people who elected them, parliamentary democracy or rule by the will of the peoples representatives will remain remote possibility.7.8. Lack of Democracy in Party Politics:Like other modern states, Bangladesh has political parties but it failed to develop a party system. There are many political parties, big and small, but there is hardly any emotional or psychological attachment of the people with a particular party or some parties on the basis of which some concrete rules of political behavior may be discerned. Many political parties came into being as a result of either splits in their ranks or an alliance of various contending factions.7.9. The Backbenchers influence:

Members of a Parliament who are not the members of the Cabinet or some Opposition members of a party usually occupy backbenchers' seats may be termed as 'Backbenchers'. They also influence the democratic order of the government.7.10. Lack of Trust and Respect:There is no trust and respect among the political parties in Bangladesh. They often blamed each other. But they could not come forward to solve the problem. The opposition only stands side and talks to done the work by the government. Thats why democracy cannot give the result in our country.8. Conclusion:

After a protracted movement for more than a decade, people of Bangladesh were able to defeat the army autocracy and return to much-coveted parliamentary governance in 1991. But after the passing of 20 years we cannot achieve the success of democracy. These happened because we have some limitations. These are:- sound system of education, enlightened citizenship, lack of political awaking, week law and order, minimum sprit of co-operation, decentralization of power and local self government, sound party system etc. They are committed to establish participatory-democracy through free and fair elections. If we can minimize those limitations we can able to achieve the success of democracy and able to achieve the main reason of liberation war.----------------000----------------

Reference:1. R. C. Agarwal, Political Theory, 18th Edition, P-264.2. R. C. Agarwal, Political Theory, 18th Edition, P-264.3. Bryce, Modern Democracy, Vol-1, P- 20.4. Seely, Introduction to Political Science, P- 324.5. R. C. Agarwal, Political Theory, 18th Edition, P- 265.6. Hearnshaw, Democracy of the Crossways, P- 17 to 22.7. Dr. M. Nazrul Islam, Two Decades of Democracy in Bangladesh (1991-2010): Disillusionment with Practice.

8. Bangladesher Nirbachan 1970-2001 by A S M Samsul Arefin, Bangladesh Research and Publications, Dhaka, Bangladesh, 2003, P- 23 to 40.

9. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Politics_of_Bangladesh#Ninth_General_Election.2C_2008.

10. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democracy.11. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parliamentary_system.

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