| | |

The French feel that politicians are drag-ging their feet when it comes to taking their future seriously.The demographic changes which are about to disrupt French society—as well as many other societies around the globe—have received less media coverage than economic and cultural globalisation, and are not the focus of any structured political debate, inasmuch as they are not, at this point, deemed to be a real political issue.The various ages of life and work have, how-ever, also begun to change the expectations normally associated with them. “Succeeding in life,” “becoming an adult,” and “retiring” no longer have the same meaning.The concepts, institutions and policies of the Welfare State invented for the “baby boom” generation are obsolete in terms of dealing with the new demographic situation.While public policies are struggling to acknowledge the change already underway, civil society is making strides and getting reorganised. New institutions, insurance companies, pension funds and new forms of community ownership have already begun to take over the reins from the Welfare State.

The French are also worried about other troubling issues. Willingly or not, they have been forced to manage alone, and on their own behalf, part of the risks involved (employment, health insurance, pension funds, social welfare) which are impossible to manage collectively at reasonable cost. Finding themselves occasionally at a loss in attempting to deal with these new respon-

sibilities, they feel isolated in an obscure universe.This feeling of solitude when confront-ing these recent issues is worsened by an impression that they have been abandoned by a political world which can offer no gen-uine solution.

To understand what policy innovations will be able to meet this need in the long run, and to anticipate the future construc-tively, we need to examine as closely as possible the situations and expectations of individuals, and the words they are using to describe them.To this end, the Foundation’s work has been exploring issues relating to such topics as young people’s success, educa-tion, demographic changes, activation policies and job mobility.

The issue of what kind of success young people want extends beyond the simple issue of unemployment and job insecurity and remains a huge problem in France, Germany, and Mediterranean Europe.Like young Germans (according to the mit-Wirkung study conducted in Germany in 2005 involving 12,000 youths aged 12 to 18), young French people see themselves as incapable of participating in, or having any

business world, recognised associations, or political parties. Their access to jobs, savings accounts, independent lodging and capital

feel dependent upon their home-based fami-lies or informal support networks and, as in Germany, hesitate to take advantage of geo-graphic mobility.

What do the 25-to-30 year-olds think?In order to pave the way for a more ambi-tious opinion poll, every month since last fall the Foundation has been conducting panel discussions with a dozen young pro-fessionals (aged 25 to 35) in an effort to get a better idea of their concerns and expecta-tions.

in a study by COFREMCA (Compagnie française d’études de marché et de conjonc-tures) presented to the Foundation, which shows the increasingly important role played by “inner-harmony”-based values, or even withdrawal (into a small circle, or within oneself) among those aged 15 to 35.

The role of education in young people’s occupational failuresIn a country dominated by educational institutions and the necessity of an ini-tial diploma in an individual’s career, the Foundation initially explored the roles played by schools and universities in young people’s failures.

Although the Foundation has stressed the shortcomings of the French educational system, it is also determined to support ini-tiatives aimed at facilitating young people’s entry into the job market, just as Second Chance Schools have been doing.

The Foundation is also studying the experi-ence of the Hauptschule of Hamburg, whichwas awarded the Bertelsmann FoundationPrize and whose teaching methods servedas a model in Bale (Switzerland), Berlin,Munich, and Bremen (in the region of Lippe).The success of this school can be attributed

years of schooling and the early years of the student’s work life. The Foundation willalso conduct a performance assessment of the “Trust Schools” initiated by Tony Blair.Lastly, with respect to the vocational train-ing provided by universities, the Foundationsupports the derogatory model offered bytechnical universities.

Program

National Competitivevv Teacher RTT ecruitmentExaminatioEE n

Initialtraining

TeacherTTcertification

In-service teachertraining plans

Student performance assessment

Textbooks,eeworkbooks,albums,CDs, CD-ROMs

Studentworkstations,softwarerr

French University Teacher Training Institutes,IUFM

Inspectorate(IGEN – General Inspectorate

for National EducationIA – Academic Inspectorate

IEN – National Education Inspectors, school counselors)

Minister

Scientific researchin education

(IUFMs, INRP - NationalPInstitute for Pedagogical

Research)

Evaluation andForecasting.

Directorate (DEP)PP

Textbookpublishers

IT productTmanufacturersPupils and students

Program

Instruction

provided by theoo

school teacher

Career Management

-most, preparing the younger generations to

--

erations are being affected by an increasing illiteracy which is complicating their social and vocational integration, as well as their access to citizenship.This observation is often made without call-ing into question the way schools are orga-nized or their methods. The blame falls on the “single middle school”* concept, yet the

planted in elementary school. The majority of young people who are leaving middle school in France without any diploma enter the latter after elementary school without having mastered reading and the French language.

State of emergency in FranceThe French educational system is in dire-straits, and illiteracy is without a doubt the greatest evil that must be eradicated.It has been shown that 15% of the students

reading problems and that, each year, 10% of 17-year-olds run the risk of becoming

-culties. For them, the turning point for their

school 1st grade: it is then, therefore, that something must be done.

It is paramount and urgent that a “truth oper-ation” be carried out to provide a description of the blocks paralysing the school system and propose some solutions. This is the task undertaken by the Foundation which led it to conduct two landmark studies. 1

Education: the literacy priorityThe ability to read is the basic founda-tion for any learning activity. It is the most important skill to acquire, as it constitutes one of the best factors for predicting school performance.It is therefore essential to intervene in the development of this skill.

Drawbacks of the existing systemFrench Education is a closed system.

Inside the National Education system reigns “confusion about who does what, complex networks and a self-recruitment mechanism that eventually locks up the system and allows a single way of thinking to dominate the schools.” This is hardly surprising. The takeover of French schools and faculties has been a political project led by various left-ist groups. However, when an organisation is closed to this extent, and hermetically impervious to outside opinions, it is bound “to lose contact with reality.”

Failure of the whole language approachThe reason that 54% of French children have

-curate deciphering and decoding abilities. This method induces students to “think of textbooks as puzzles,” thereby depriving them of any effective reading method.

France may not have won its gamble with educationQuantitative studies that have been carried out in North America on more than 12,000

show that the teaching methods on which the French National Education system has relied—the “cognitive” teaching methods which allow the students to discover on their own the principles of the knowledge being taught after doing group work—are much less effective than more explicit and direct teaching methods. Implicit teaching methods are, moreover, particularly ineffective with economically disadvantaged students.

Recommendations for a more effective learning methodThe Foundation’s studies identify several actions which can be taken:— Make “pedagogic freedom” effective by making it compulsory; it is currently only a formal liberty, and programmes make

the National Educational system’s teaching methods compulsory.— Put an end to the whole reading approachand return to the phonetic method.— Require reading to be part of a teaching programme in the IUFM. (teacher training schools which prepare students for competitive examinations held to recruit teaching staffs)— Introduce a culture based on outcome and accountability in the schools, so that every teacher may feel responsible for the skills acquired by his (her) own students.To that end, test the students at the end of

and not at the beginning of the CE1, second grade of elementary school.— Break away from attempts “to simplify the curriculum,” notably with respect to mathematics and grammar, which delay the learning of these subjects in primary school. Gaps in a student’s grammar can, for example, become a real obstacle to learning foreign languages in middle school.

Scores recorded by the nine pedagogical models of the Follow Through experiment carried out in Northern America over ten years, with 70000 nursery school and primary school children.

The Foundation has been working on the consequences of demographic changes since its founding. It has been monitoring these issues and their implications in close collaboration with one of its Chinese part-ners—the Center for Chinese Government Innovations.

Like Europe, China cannot entirely rely on immigration to offset the consequences of demographic shock. In Europe, the latter is destabilising all of the checks and bal-ances of the Welfare State. In China, it has made evident the urgent need to completely rebuild the country’s solidarity mechanisms. In both cases, demographic changes, to the same extent as market globalisation, will have lasting effects on economic growth, societal expectations, and institutional inno-vation. It will be one of the driving forces behind social change.

In France, the consequences of such changes have not yet been clearly understood and small- to mid-sized businesses, as well as government authorities, are poorly prepared to deal with them, according to a survey conducted by the Foundation in 2004.

urgency, quite strong in Germany and Italy, is non-existent in France.Many expect demographic changes to cur-tail some of the unemployment and reduce the civil service work force due to the large numbers of workers entering retirement, and they anticipate an increase in job oppor-tunities for young people. This perception of demographic change is an excuse to adopt a “wait-and-see” attitude.

Increasing the working population and productivity investment growth are there-fore necessary to avoid mortgaging future retirees’income, or seeing French savings invested exclusively in foreign countries.It would be unwise for France to expect its aging population to curtail unemployment. More of its labour force needs to be encour-aged to work harder so as to stimulate domestic growth. This is the gamble taken by the activation policies widely practiced else-where in Europe, but which, in France, are up against a Malthusian job-sharing logic.

Working after 55Population changes in France translate into a demographic situation which is favourable in terms of the birth rate, but less favourable in terms of the structure of the labour force. France has grown accustomed to having only one generation at work. Its labour force participation rate is one of the lowest in Europe. The policies being pursued are all focused on reducing the 25-to-55 age group’s unemployment rate, but are not striving to increase the participation rate beyond this age group. Such an activation policy, already implemented in many European countries, is nonetheless necessary.

Long retirement period

Rise in demandfor goods by retirees

Return to full employment Rise in prices

Large retired populationcompared to working population

Low profitability of capital(low financial returns)

Additional saving by workers Additional capital accumulation

Consequences of the ageing process

Source: P. Artus, IXIS.

Activation policies are necessary as they will make it possible to change the paradigm in

This involves making individuals aware of the idea that by increasing the number of hours they devote to an income-earning activity, they will improve their purchas-ing power and the quality of their social integration. This logic is the opposite of administering the labour market as a whole, which often entails taking a Malthusian and bureaucratic approach (raising barriers to limit work for some, in order to preserve it for others).“A few more hours of work for each indi-vidual will make a big difference to all” is what Carl Bildt—the former prime minister of Sweden who is now a Foundation advi-sor—used to say. The “activation” concept is sometimes hard to understand in France, where policies promoting labour force activ-ity have been less popular than elsewhere in Europe and have been controversial for a long time (why increase women’s labour force activity, or that of older workers, when the unemployment rate is 10%?)

Switching from a Malthusian approach to labour market management to a pragmatic approach to strengthening purchasing

involve granting every individual—without exception—the right to earn a better living and to participate more actively in the life of his (her) society. The fate of jobseekers must not impede the exercise of everyone’s right to choose a career path.

Having reviewed other European activation policies, the French example still needs more work. The delay in implementing French policies—both those relating to cumulative salary/pension and those concerning ways to adapt working conditions to older employees—have fallen far behind. It is essential to raise the awareness of the political community to what is at stake.

1970total working hours (left axis) working hours women (left axis)participation women aged 30-64 (right axis)

1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000

1800 %hours per year

1700

1600

1500

1400

1300

1200

1100

1000

60

55

50

45

40

35

30

25

Jobs for women: France can do betterLabour policies for working-age women have been initiated in most Western countries. Scandinavian countries have been implementing a “defamiliarisation” policy (transferring women’s domestic chores to society by creating reception centres, nurseries, day care centres, or other locally provided services) or “Work-Life Balance” (WLB) initiatives. These countries have the world’s highest female participation rate.By initiating such policies, the Scandinavian countries changed the attitude of women and of society with respect to work: having to take care of children or elderly people

rarely constitutes an obstacle to salaried employment. While 50% of women in Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom state that the birth of a child is the primary reason for their distancing themselves from the labour market—far ahead of reasons such as the non-renewal of an employment contract or an illness—the birth of a child is almost never the reason why women stop working in Nordic countries.

The purpose of the Foundation’s recommendations is to allow more French women to enter the labour market and thereby take advantage of the objectives

Trends in working time and the working participation of women in the Netherlands

Source: CPB, C. van Ewijk (Pays-Bas)

Self-EmploymentThe Foundation has been conducting research on the reasons why France has the second lowest ratio of self-employed work-ers of all European countries, after Sweden.

Despite what common political rhetoric seems to imply, employment contracts and stable employment are, with ever growing frequency, not being extended. The French, however, are among the most sedentary of populations from an occupational vantage point: at present, the French wage-earner remains an average of 11 years in each job occupied. This preference for stability over mobility is in no way surprising, inasmuch as job mobility in France is more often imposed and horizontal—or even down-ward—than it is among its European neigh-bours.

The Foundation has noted a negative cor-relation between seniority and upward job mobility:— the countries who, like France, record a high average seniority in a given job (more than 10 years) also experience low employee mobility;— after a rather long period of “job insecu-

entered a long period of stable employment. This situation can be found in all countries

encouraged;— paradoxically, it is the countries who have opted for lax job regulations often coupled

from mobility toward stable employment;— mobility toward higher-quality jobs is also stronger in countries where there is greater job mobility: the Danes, the Belgians and the Dutch, who are extremely mobile,

low-quality jobs toward higher-quality jobs. -

ing much less from this job mobility than most of their European partners, followed by Greek and German wage-earners.

According to several OECD reports, France—unlike Germany—has made no sig-

market.

Job mobility often implies geographic mobility; however, not everyone has equal access to mobility. Today, social exclusion is coupled with a “spatial” exclusion in which geographic stability, often imposed rather than chosen, constitutes a barrier for many French people.

95 96-2 -2

-1

United States Germany France

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

-1

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

97 98 99 00 01 02 03 04

Evolution of per head productivity: France, Germany, The United States

Source: Statistisches Bundesamt, BEA, INSEE.

Numerous European sociologists are now in agreement when it comes to describing the basic changes which have restructured the relationships between groups and between individuals.First, the considerable expansion of the con-cept of individual rights and its cohort, indi-vidualised rights, recognises each one of us as a producer and a consumer of law. From now on, individuals are the core element of society: they want both “more laws” and clearer standards. They want it to be easier

the judicialisation of their social lives.Second, the way people view commitment has been changing. They no longer commit themselves in the same way. Social and politi-cal pacts are being formed less automatically and in a more practical, opportunistic, and less lasting manner than in the past.It has apparently become more acceptable for individuals to refuse to follow social norms when the latter are confusing, unclear, too costly to apply, or perceived as unfair.

more elective: people are freer to choose the type of relationship they want with their parents, spouses, children, colleagues,

inventing, or reinventing, their social and political bonds.

As a result of this “disassociation” from tra-ditional and automatic ties, there is:

— a devotion to freedom and autonomy;— a feeling of impermanence and “insecu-rity”: what people expect most is the unex-pected;— a need for accountability and authority.

Now there is a greater variety of ways to form a union between two people, for example, than there were a century ago,

despite their complexity.

Today they involve much more freedom of choice, inasmuch as they rely on an “emo-tional” ideology, which also makes them more vulnerable.

Resorting to judicial procedures has become mandatory in order to dissolve bonds. Courts have become—much more than the mere institution of marriage itself—the guarantor of children’s rights.

Freedom of choice, which should lead to a strengthening of the private sphere, in real-ity results in a much more frequent recourse to the public sphere.

“individualist” revolution, French society will be able to enter into a political and cul-tural debate which will acknowledge such changes, rather than ignore them.

Individuals deprived of social bondsThe Foundation has been studying the issue of the transformation of social bonds taking place in French society. There are ambivalent aspects to this society, which is both individ-ualised and individualist: it recognises the primacy of the individual, yet also promotes the latter’s social isolation.

The individual in the grip of an “impulsive need” for social bondsIt is evident that this dissolution of social bonds is in contradiction with the inherent needs of society and of individuals.

confronting the need for social bonds in an unprecedented way. It is in this perspective that the Foundation has chosen to analyse the way they related to norms, the family and culture.

forefront in the last several years is because norms no longer seem to be the vectors for structuring and organising social bonds that they were originally.To understand this phenomenon, the Foundation has undertaken a multidisci-plinary and insightful study programme which combines a judicial approach with a sociological approach.

Judicial approach: the unintelligibility of the law and the phenomenon of judicialisationFrench people’s relationship to norms con-sists of two important factors:— Individuals feel isolated when facing a system of norms which they consider unin-telligible and obtuse;— At the same time, they are using courts more and more systematically to resolve all types of issues, producing a phenomenon

Sociological approach: individuals’ elective attitudeIn an effort to delve more deeply into the subject, the Foundation chose to analyse this phenomenon from another perspective: that of sociology.The conclusions resulting from this approach contradicted the previous studies: the prob-lematic relationship of the individual to norms apparently is not produced by an inadequate norm formulation process, but by individuals’attitudes: an elective attitude by means of which they assert their wish to be increasingly autonomous, and free to obey, or not to obey, any particular norm.

In examining the profound changes affect-ing the French family unit, the Foundation noted an inadequate management of public policies in this regard.

Nonetheless, the Foundation thought it worthwhile to refocus its attention on what is, after all, the foundation of every family: the couple. Here, too, the transformations involving French couples seem to be linked to more elective behaviour on the part of individuals. Indeed, a couple is increasingly perceived as the product of an exclusively emotional tie: it therefore becomes legiti-mate for it to dissolve when feelings have faded. Each individual acts as his (her) own arbitrator and keeps pace with his (her) emotional choices, while his (her) conduct is facilitated by recent changes in the law. At this point, the question arises as to how useful civil marriage actually is.

In many ways, the French seem to keep certain cultural concepts at a distance; for example, notions like “haute culture” or “elitist culture” are still commonplace. How can this be explained and what recommen-dations can be made?

Many contemporary artists are interested in the changes occurring in the human condi-tion, in the new expectations of society and in the future of the city. Being exposed to global trends and receptive to emotions, they develop a certain perspective of society, and their views are as legitimate as those of scientists, historians, economists or sociolo-gists. What they have to say is instructive.

Although the observation that society has more and more freedom of choice, certain topics arouse lasting interest and strong mobilisation. The latter may be temporary or lead to some original forms of institu-tionalisation. In many cases, civil society gets organised to exert pressure on a politi-cal sphere which is slow to react, or claims that it can reach the goal ahead of the latter by getting a head start without it in prepar-ing for the future. The Foundation chose to devote part of its research efforts to these new forms of mobilisation, rather than to the already fully documented crisis of tradi-tional parties. Their lobbying and demands have compelled parties and institutions to come up with an original response. Institutionalisation in associations or NGOs creates a new framework for public policy implementation.

Mobilisation for the equality of couplesThe Foundation has been striving to under-stand why and how the opening of civil marriage and adoption to homosexual couples has so strongly mobilised European opinion, particularly in France.

Mobilisation on the basis of identities and

more and more often a part of public French and European debates, to the point of inspiring vigorous mobilisations on behalf of minorities and communities. These opinion movements are striving to propose alternatives to the “Republican integration model” deemed defective.The growing inequalities, impoverishment of the middle classes, loss of cultural identity, and feelings of exclusion among many immigrants who opted for French citizenship: France apparently needs to reconsider its approach to integration. The present tendency to try to emulate

focuses on minority patriotism and the mobilisation of civil society in favour of integration and opposed to discrimination. As a result, there is a desire to adopt measures

of cultural identity communities and the introduction of occupational immigration quotas.

-ments, and the movements of skilled work-ers and researchers.

As these new talents develop and allow new visions of the world to emerge, it is vital to understand them. This exercise of under-standing is what the Foundation pursued in China, India, Russia and the United States. Everywhere in the world, a positive, open and perhaps even liberal idea of globalisa-tion is taking shape. Unfortunately, France is still not on the map as far as those who are living through and achieving this globalisa-tion are concerned.

As it confronts the globalisation process, Europe is losing its appeal and compara-tive advantage: the WTO prevails on the European market, and the security of Europe continues to depend on the United States, as if Europeans had abandoned the option to constitute any real counterweight to the American power.This raises the question of the usefulness of the construction of Europe: in a context of the appropriation of globalisation by civil society, it is imperative that Europeans rally behind the European project.

make? France—which is not a middle power, which has the means of action, and which has known on several occasions how to mobilise global opinion in support of major causes—has a role to play and, with-out question, a position to assume.

Market globalisation is not the only force at work in the present changes taking place worldwide which everyone senses will affect him (her) directly.

The real revolution which is underway is that of freedom: hundreds of millions of talented individuals have been set free in the last twenty years by a series of upheavals:— the liberation of controlled and closed economies;— newfound freedom of movement;— access to more knowledge and training through the use of new technologies.

This vast deposit of individual talents, initiatives and energies is more crucial than any other technological or energy-related discovery.This involves not just a few States, but millions of individual initiatives, which, in a more open world, will change the behaviours, perspectives and opportunities which each of us can have.

The revolutionary nature of this change is frequently underestimated:— The emergence of China, India and Russia, and of a large number of what was previously considered “developing” coun-tries is happening very fast;— The initiatives undertaken by individu-als, businesses, and NGOs are compelling those in power to make changes: an emerg-ing form of international opinion has begun to be accepted as one which States must take into account, as the image projected by

Chinese perspectivesToday’s China does not hesitate to describe itself as a power in the midst of “a peaceful rise” and the paradigm to which it is com-mitted is a “Chinese miracle.” But what is really happening?

Indian perspectivesA delegation from the Foundation travelled to India in October 2005.3 This trip was an opportunity to get a closer look and better grasp of the climate of innovation and trust prevailing in India today.Although their country is confronting many problems, the Indians have the impression that it is functioning well and is initiating the necessary reforms and adopting a suit-ably tolerant attitude with respect to glo-balisation.

American perspectivesThe Foundation has been working on an ongoing basis with several American partners: the German Marshall Fund, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the Hudson Institute, and the Heritage Foundation. Several missions have been initiated in the United States.These have allowed the Foundation to out-line some key parameters about American perceptions of the world:

— the American economy is prosperous. Americans think that its standards, prin-ciples and way of working have undeni-able value and are worthy of serving as an example in the areas of research organisa-tion, private funding of community life, ongoing reform of organisations in order to take the fullest possible advantage of gains in productivity made possible by new tech-nologies;— Americans are proud of the power of their media and civil society. They believe that the sheer number of their associations, foundations, churches, and charities is a key facture to ensure adaptation and renewal.— many Americans deplore the general provincialism of the United States, its intro-version, its lack of curiosity.— after the attacks of 11 September, Americans were gripped with a partially irrational fear of Islam as a whole, which they consider to be, in principle, hostile to the West. They perceive the spread of Islam in Europe as an additional factor likely to weaken it further;— Americans are now seeing the limitations of the so-called “fend for yourself” strategy. They are stating that they once again need allies and principles in order to pursue their global policy;— some analysts feel that the demand for “justice” seems to have replaced their demand for freedom, which had dominated international relations from the Helsinki Agreements of 1975 until the 1990s; 1

— Americans criticise the construction of Europe for its abstract and bureaucratic nature and its lack of resources and con-sensus. This does not prevent them from using it as a foreign policy resource. Europe is useful for stabilising the European con-tinent and advancing the standards of the globalised economy; 2

— Americans are not just interested in France

ascribe to it, but in what it expresses that is different, in what it is still capable of achiev-ing. They continue to expect it to make an intellectual contribution.

Russian perspectivesRussia is positioning itself to be an emerging great power committed to a liberal economy and a European, identity.

In this “global village” era, Europe is losing its competitive edge: globalisation is enabling all actors to interact with ease; as a

is practically obsolete. What is the purpose, then, of Europe?

Europe, the incomplete global actorEurope does not exist in the UN

-national arena and make its voice heard, it

is imperative for Europe to retain its posi-tion among the world’s major global organ-isations, starting with the UN.

Europe must consolidate its position to achieve a balance in transatlantic relations.The war in Iraq exposed the dissension between the European countries and the United States on the one hand, and even within the EU, on the other. This situation is symbolic of the transatlantic problem: ten-sions with the United States will persist as long as there are tensions within the EU.

The Emergence of a “development-oriented Europe”The EU’s development assistance has turned out to be quite ineffective, even though it is its own primary source of funding. It there-fore seemed important for the Foundation to reconsider the European approach to development and to make a few recommen-dations.

Europe does not want to think about making war. Europe wants to be an area

environment is characterised by tensions,

should Europe’s attitude be?

Urgent domestic reformsThe failure of the Referendum of May 2005 in France and in the Netherlands underscored the necessity for the EU to work on some practical issues. According to the analysis by Marcel Gauchet, 2 this vote has “a purely political scope” and translates the citizens’

concern. Their “No” marks their opposition

from a constituent vantage point, and which does not constitute merely a democratic

European construction; it is not producing a political object. For individuals, that means three things: it is not protective, it is not a source of identity, and lastly, it does not allow for any projection into the future.”The wording of Europe’s Constitutional Treaty may therefore have failed because some problems had not been previously resolved. The Foundation’s work 3 therefore focused on “European construction issues” for which a response and solutions must be found.

Integrating civil society into European governanceCivil society wishes to be a fully engaged in European governance. It no longer intends to be a mere tool of legitimisation used a poste-riori for policies decided a priori by European leaders, and desires to be consulted more (as part of a “People’s Europe”). Ignoring these demands would mean the risk of allowing some blocking forces to develop within the Community integration process.

In its effort to promote the idea of a European

upon how to improve the civic deliberation on European issues, and how to ensure that

European choices.

What budget and tax policies would be advisable for the European Union?The choice of European budget and tax policy which would allow the EU to optimise its Common Market are key issues in a time of economic slowdown and rising public debt

Budget

TaxationFiscal management is a key element of national sovereignty. But European synergies in this area could have a major ripple effect, especially since European citizenship cannot increase if the Union is content with merely being an economic association in which tax competition rages as much—or even more—than elsewhere, because of the geographic proximity.

The European security and defence policy In today’s world, security and defence issues are closely connected. Security impacts all facets of our daily lives (personal and property protection, industrial, health and environmental safety; major disasters, critical networks and infrastructures, migration

as in external theatres of operation.The European Union’s effectiveness and credibility in these areas call for the setting up of collective action frameworks in key sectors falling under the scope of

This Security and Defence Policy appears all the more important in that France and the EU will have to meet numerous challenges in the coming years.

A European higher education policyThe European crisis brought on by the French and Dutch referendums is an out-ward expression of Europeans’identity

a community of people of diverse origins and cultures who recognise that they share a common destiny without acknowledg-ing the factors which forged its history and without transmitting the values which all of these peoples have in common.

What European social model should be used?The European social model is a political necessity, at least as a point of reference, without which we would have no basis to

-nomic and social model is needed to build a social Europe.

Europe’s States and institutions are getting a late start in responding to the multiple challenges of our world. In dealing with this gap, global civil society is placing ever greater emphasis on being involved and playing an active role.Many individuals have thus decided—in their own way and according to their own scale—to contribute to their communities’welfare. The purpose of their committed, altruistic, and sometimes unpaid, efforts is to help their society to evolve and to respond to its needs.Although often unknown, the proponents of these individual initiatives are nonethe-less key vectors of development. Convinced of this, the Foundation has therefore been working on two particular projects:— the Ouagadougou Symposium (Burkina Faso), devoted to studying the impact of unknown actors in African development;— the World Francophone e-University (UNFM): this development aid project exem-

a stakeholder in an engaged civil society.

The Ouagadougou Symposium 1

The Foundation undertook this project in partnership with the Institute of Modern Africa. This symposium sought to stress the methods of action used by unknown actors in African development.— The solidarity economy: the increase in money transfers made by emigrants to their homelands indicates the magnitude of this development-oriented economy, which rose from USD 18 billion in 1980 to almost USD 80 billion in 2002.— The volunteer economy: volunteers are either local leaders inspired by a strong social motivation, or Western expatriates who have decided to get involved in humanitarian causes or to promote any activity contribut-ing to development.

(medicine, agriculture, justice, community solidarity, etc.), useful and effective prog-ress is being made by re-appropriating and expanding upon traditional techniques.

World Francophone e-University (UNFM)It was with the objective of supporting development aid through education and training that the Foundation collaborated with Cheick Modibo Diarra (Director,

Development, Bamako, Mali) to create the UNFM.

Alexandrie

Brazzaville

Bamako Ouagadougou

Tananarive

Niamey

COTED’IVOIRE

CAMEROUN

SENEGAL

M A R O C

M A U R I T A N I E

T UN I S I E

CONGO

E G Y P T E

N I G E R

M A L I

MADAGASCAR

BURKINAFASO

T C H A D

Implantation de l’UNFM en Afrique

Sites UNFM

Sites RAFT associés à l’UNFM

Sites UNFM en préparation

Afrique francophone

PARTNERS

Hanns-Seidel Stiftung Bertelsmann Foundation

AUSTRIA ModernPolitics, Politische Akademie der ÖVPBELGIUM European Ideas Network (EIN)BURKINA FASO Institut Afrique ModerneCHINA China Center for Comparative Politics and Economics

China Reform Forum Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Center for Chinese Government Innovations

SPAIN Foundation for Social Analysis and Studies (FAES)UNITED STATES Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

German Marshall Fund of the United StatesGREECE Constantinos Karamanlis Institute for Democracy (CKID)INDIA Center for International Relations, Jawaharlal Nehru University

Tata Institute of Social Sciences

MALTA Academy for the Development of a Democratic Environment (AZAD)MEXICO Fundación Rafael Preciado HernandezPAKISTAN Quaid-i-Azam UniversityPOLAND Institute of Public Affairs (Institut Spraw Publicznych)

RUSSIA Journal Ekspert

mic and Social Studies (TESEV)

Turkish Industrialists’and Businessmen’s Association (TUSIAD)

No large European or French foundation can be without a journal which serves as a vehi-cle for communicating its ideas and those of its friends. Such is the case for the two

2050, and of those which are to come. Thus, the Fondation pour l’innovation politique’s journal conveys the conviction that France has always made an impact on Europe and on the world because of the talents of its people, its penchant for

-most, in my opinion—because of this cul-tural and intellectual enthusiasm which has made it possible for France to be consid-ered one of the world’s great powers—far exceeding its demographic, economic and military might.But we have the impression that the source of this enthusiasm has dried up. Of course, symposiums, commissions and debates are as popular as ever. But what an outcry there is as soon as we utter the word “future”! It all seems to happen as if the torch were being

-cles” for whom innovating, breaking habits, and taking the risk of facing the world were akin to being costly, futile, or even danger-ous—not to mention so much less pleasant than living like an unconventional bourgeois, watching his weight on the scale and his soci-ety from the height of a stationary bicycle. Why this title, 2050? Allow me to simply say that we are tired of organising our lives to accommodate electoral calendars, and that a foundation which has placed global power relationships high on its agenda has a need for horizons, independence and fresh air. So 2050is neither a phase nor a millenarian rendez-vous point—it is a conspiratorial wink at the unknown aspects of the new century.

The 2050 journal is published four times a

year. Every issue consists of some 170 pages. The main editorial section offers our readers articles which are both short and condensed (about 15,000 characters).The publication is divided into four sections. The “Special Report” section is devoted to a timely topic covered by several authors, each from a different viewpoint (sociological, political, economic, etc.); the “Open Forum” provides space for outstanding

their opinions (on sports, religion, demography, geostrategy, etc). The last section, called “Work-in-Progress” takes stock of the work carried out by the Foundation’s researchers. Not to be missed is the column on literary news. Marc Crapez’ talented pen provides a snapshot of the French and foreign intellectual landscape. The content of every issue of the journal is summarised chapter by chapter on our Internet website (www.2050.fondapol.org) and two issues of 2050 have already been posted online.

The journal is open on a non-exclu-sive basis to researchers or experts

humanities. Nothing that may disturb or shock some, frightens us. Whether you are French or from another coun-try, every contribution is welcome. Publication decisions are made by our Editorial Committee. We pay for any texts selected for publication.

Two issues have already been released and we would be delighted to send them to you. The main theme of the

communities.” For or against communitarianism? Does the latter offer France a new opportunity, or a

this perpetually burning question. The special report featured in the journal’s

who in the world is a Francophile or a Francophobe? The response method

asked our foreign correspondents—Polish, Argentinean, Swedish and Turkish, etc.—to share their expert opinions on the image of France. A new issue of 2050 is scheduled for the end of

to utopias.

What would be the point of the Foundation’s work if it were not accessible and open to public opinion and to our members? The heading “Work-in-Progress,” coordinated by Frédéric Rouvillois, serves this purpose. Found in every issue, it contains a wealth of data, analyses and recommendations that would

of your criticisms, your approval or your suggestions. The Foundation receives a large volume of mail. Please keep on writing to us, attending our roundtables, and—if so inclined—debating with our authors (see our contact information).

2050

Numéro 2

2050

Numéro 2

FOUNDATION BOARDS AND COMMITTEES

Supervisory Board

Honorary President: Jérôme Monod Former president of the SUEZ-Lyonnaise des Eaux GroupPresident: Jean-Claude Paye Lawyer; former Secretary-General of the OECDVice-President: Bronislaw Geremek (Poland) Former minister; Member of the European Parliament

Sir Stuart Bell (United Kingdom) Member of the House of CommonsBarid Baran Bhattacharya (India) Economist; Vice Chancellor of Nehru UniversityAldo Cardoso Corporate executiveGrégoire Chertok Associate Director of Rothschild et CieCheick Modibo Diarra (Mali) Astrophysicist; former member of NASA; Chairman, Microsoft AfricaGeneviève Ferone Director of Sustainable Development of the Eiffage Group

(China) Director, China Center for Comparative Politics and EconomicsKarl Lamers (Germany) Former member of the BundestagDominique Lecourt Professor of PhilosophyNicole Le Douarin Biologist; Permanent Secretary of the French Academy of SciencesFrancis Mer Former French Minister of the Economy and Finance; former Chairman of

the Arcelor GroupMonique Sassier Inspector General of the Administration of the French Ministry of National

Education

Executive Board

Franck Debié Director of the Center for Geostrategic Studies of the École Normale Supérieure and Professor at the HEC

Secretary-General: Anne GoirandJean de Boishue Former French minister; now a government Advisor and Editor-in-Chief of

the journal 2050Philippe Brongniart Former Executive Director of the Suez GroupJean-Didier Vincent Member of the French Academy of Sciences and a neurobiologist

President: François Ewald Philosopher; Director of the École nationale d’assuranceChristine Albanel Senior Member of the French Council of StateBernard Bachelier Director General of the Foundation for World Agriculture and Rural Life

(FARM)Zéphirin Diabré Former UNDP Associate Administrator; former minister; Advisor to the

Chairman of the Executive Board of AREVA, ParisMarc Fornacciari LawyerEthan Kapstein Economist; Professor at the European Institute of Business Administration

(INSEAD)ény President of the European University Institute (Florence)

Pascal Perrineau Political scientist; Director of CEVIPOF (Centre for Political Research at Sciences Po)

Alain-Gérard Slama Political scientist; historian and journalistValérie Terranova Policy Advisor to the President of the French Republic

Auditing Committee

President: Jean Raynaud Honorary Prosecutor General at the Court of AuditorsCyrille Bardon LawyerJean-Daniel Lévy Corporate executive

Ethics Committee

President: Honorary member of the French Council of State; member of the Economic and Social Council

René Barbier de la Serre Corporate executiveGerhard Cromme President of ThyssenKrupp AG

Registered Auditors: Cabinet Barbier, Frinault et Autres

ADVISORS

Alexandre Adler Historian; journalistJean-Jacques Aillagon (Italy) Former French Minister of Culture; Director of Palazzo GrassiPeter Altmaier (Germany) Jurist; member of the BundestagKanti Bajpai (India) Political scientistArnulf Baring (Germany) Jurist; political scientist; journalistMarie-Christine Bellosta Senior Lecturer at the École Normale SupérieureAlbert-Claude Benhamou Professor of MedicineAlain Besançon Member of the French Institute; historianCarl Bildt (Sweden) Former Prime MinisterRaymond Boudon Member of the French Academy of Sciences; sociologistThierry Breton Minister of the Economy, Finance and IndustryMichel Camdessus Former governor of the Banque de FranceMalek Chebel (Algeria) Anthropologist; philosopherCatherine Clément PhilosopherLaurent Cohen-Tanugi LawyerJean-Marc Coicaud (United States)Stanley Crossick (United Kingdom) Director of the European Policy Center in BrusselsLars Danielsson (Sweden) Former State Secretary for European AffairsLorraine Daston (Germany) Historian of the Max Planck Institute for the History of ScienceMichèle Debonneuil EconomistMichel Didier Director of Rexecode InstituteBruno Durieux President of the French National Commission on Foreign Trade (Comité

national des conseillers du commerce extérieur)Jean Favier Member of the French Academy of Sciences; historianMarie-Anne Frison-Roche Professor of LawMarcel Gauchet Philosopher; historianChristine Gavini SociologistHeather Grabee (United Kingdom) Political scientist; Assistant Director of the Centre for European ReformsClaude Griscelli Professor of MedicineAntonio Guell Director at the CNESMichel Guénaire Professor of Law; lawyerPehr Gyllenhammar (Sweden) Corporate executiveEnrique Iglesias (Spain) Secretary General of the Ibero-American InstituteAllan S. Janik (Austria) Professor of PhilosophySandra Kalniete (Latvia) Former minister; former EU CommissionerJean Kaspar Social strategies consultantCraig Kennedy (United States) President of the German Marshall FundOlivier Klein Economist; Professor at the HEC (French school for higher commercial

studies)Line Kleinebreil Doctor; Vice-Chairman of the association Primary Care Diabetes Europe

Patrick Kron Chairman and CEO of ALSTOMMichel Le Bras Professor of MedicineEmmanuel Le Roy Ladurie Historian; member of the French Academy of SciencesBernard Loez Corporate executiveHenry de Lumley Member of the French Institute; paleoanthropologist

TechnologiesClaude Martinand Vice-President of the Conseil général des Pont (French General Council of

Roads and Bridges)Jessica Mathews (United States) President of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Pierre-François Mourier Advisor to the General Secretariat of the Elysée; LatinistUsha S. Nayar (India) Assistant Director of the Tata Institute of Social SciencesAna Palacio (Spain) Former minister; Chairwoman of the Spanish Parliament’s Joint Committee

for European Union AffairsLaurence Parisot President of MEDEF (a French employer’s association)Philippe Pouletty Doctor of Medicine; President of France BiotechJosy Reiffers Professor of MedicinePierre Richard President and CEO of DEXIAFrédéric Rouvillois Professor of LawIsmail Serageldin (Egypt) Director of the Alexandria LibraryJean-Michel Sévérino Director General of the French Development AgencyStefano Silvestri (Italy) President of the Istituto Affari Internazionali (Institute of International

Affairs) Luc Teyton Professor of Immunology; Consultant to the President of Scripps Research

InstituteGérard Tobelem Professor of MedicineLoukas Tsoukalis (Greece) President of the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign PolicyLeila Tyabji (India) Founding member of DASTKARMohammad Wasseem (Pakistan) Professor of International Relations at Quaid-i-Azam UniversityWu Jianmin (China) President of the Beijing Diplomatic InstituteCharles Wyplosz (United States) Economist at the Institut des Hautes Etudes Internationales in GenevaVincent Worms (United States) Managing Partner and Co-Founder of PARTECH

CORRESPONDING MEMBERS

Jean-Paul Bailly Chairman of the La Poste GroupAnne Cheng Historian; specialist on ChinaJean-François Colosimo Religious historianStéphane Courtois Historian; Research Director at the CNRS (French National Centre for

Marc Crapez Researcher in the area of Political ScienceCharles de Croisset Banker; Vice-Chairman of Goldman Sachs EuropeRaymond Depardon Film producer; reporter; photographerGilles Kepel Islamologist, sociologist, Research Director at the CNRS/CERIEleanor Margaret King (United Kingdom) Consultant specialised in international banking systemsBassma Kodmani (Syria) Islamologist; Researcher associated with Collège de France and Executive

Director of the Arab Reform InitiativeDominique Latournerie Senior Member of the French Council of StateRoger Liddle (United Kingdom) Special Advisor to the Prime Minister for European Affairs; essayistElisabeth Lulin CEO of Paradigmes; member of the Board of Directors and member of the

Société Générale Group’s Audit CommitteeMichel Maffesoli Philosopher; sociologistPierre Nora Member of the French Academy of Sciences; historian; editor at GallimardBruno Racine President of the Georges Pompidou Centre

Amsatou Sow Sidibé (Senegal) Jurist; Senior Lecturer at Cheikh Anta Diop University of DakarPierre-André Taguieff Philosopher; political scientist; essayist

All amounts are expressed in thousands of euros.

,

,

The surplus shown was allocated to future action programmes in compliance with

2005 2006

TOTAL INCOME 2,606 3,100

Recognised by the French government as an organisation serving the public interest by a decree dated 14 April 2004, the Fondation pour l’innovation politique is permit-ted to receive donations and legacies from both individuals and businesses.

Minister’s General Services Budget.-

pendence and continuity.

2005 2006

821

TOTAL EXPENSES 2,741 3,000

The dissemination of material concerns publication, promotion and Internet website expenses.

-tion, the administrative staff and overhead. The Foundation is seeing to it that this amount does not exceed 33% of the total expenses.