proposal on the process

7/28/2019 Proposal on the Process

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THE CONSEQUENCES OF MOVEMENT PARTICPATION: A COMPARATIVE

STUDY ON THE ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE OF SELECTED STUDENT

ACTIVISTS AND STUDENT NON- ACTIVISTS AROUND THE AREAS OF

UNIVERSITY BELT

Submitted to the

Sociology Section

Social Science Departmentin Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements in

Thesis Writing

for the degree of

Bachelor of Arts in Sociology

by

Rosechelan Charity G. Acorda

University of Santo Tomas

Faculty of Arts and Letters

Sociology Program


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made its mark in countries such as France, the Czech Republic, Latin America since the early

1920s, as well as those in Africa, and Asia, particularly the Philippines.

The youth, refusing to be stilled, have decided to have a say on their future. Catalysts to

this urge would be, first, youthful freedom and interest brightly aflame and not dulled by

apprehensiveness over job stability and family problems (Catedral, 2006). Second is idealism.

Unlike the tired and frustrated old man who has undergone lifes harsh realities, the not-so-

experienced youth will pursue his dream even against all odds. Third, the still growing youth,

unable to contain vibrant energy, shows forth his impulsiveness and impatience. Making him an

eager beaver, willing to go where no man has gone before, so to speak. And finally, modern

knowledge and sophistication is rampant among the studentry.

With these, they have become concerned with more than just petty problems. They have

developed a keen awareness of society, environment, government, and human rights. Student

Activism is also a major concern of our society, since, our society is facing many political,

economic, and social problems, Studentry is a major force in making a difference for our society.

But we also need to seek for assessment on how students are put into these kind of activities that

involves both physical and intellectual capacity.

We may ask now, if all these student activists are aware of what they are doing. We may

also ask, if what are their intentions and what are the issues involved in doing these social

activities.

The researcher will try to develop empirical linkages between movement participation

and the academic performance of student activists and non- activists.


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Statement of the Problem:

The study will attempt to determine how movement participation affect and influence the

academic performance of students around the University Belt. This study is devoted and is still

centered on the actors rather than the system.

How does movement participation affect the academic performance of student activists in

areas of University Belt?

With this is mind, the study aimed to:

1. To identify students who are active in mobilizations2. To determine the effects of mobilizations on student activists academic performance3. To understand the situation that student activists undergo with regards to their academic

performance

4. To view the connection of roles of student activists in different aspect of their lives5. To determine the relationship between mobilization and academic performance of student

activists while controlling for the length of the participation of student activists in the

streets of Metro Manila.


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Scope and Limitation:

The study will primary be focused on exploring and identifying the effects and factors of

student activists participation on movements and on their academic performance, particularly

the researcher will collect the data needed from selected student activists around University Belt

area.


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Theoretical Framework:

Symbolic Interactionism of George Herbert Mead (The Act)

Social Role Volarizations Theory of Wolfensberger

Motivational Theory of Frederick Herzberger

Basis of the Theories that will be applied to the study:

Macro Factors (opportunity,

Structures, etc.)

Micro Factors (incentives, Individual Protest/

Frames, etc. ) mobilizing activities

Pre-existing events

The basic structure of theories of social movements and protest (Opp, 2009)

Protest event/social movement

1 3

2a

2b


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Theory of Rational Action/ Collective Action

The theory of collective action is one of the theoretical perspectives in the field of social

movements and protest. It is based on Oslons seminal work (Olson 1965 as cited in Opp 2009).

This perspective is the only one that uses explicitly rational choice theory (RCT) to generate

hypotheses that explain specific social phenomena. In this theory the preferences of individual

actors (student activists) are conditions for their behavior. In other words, individual behavior is

goal-oriented or, put differently, an individuals interests are a determinant of his or her

behavior. The next proposition reads that the behavior depends on the constraints or,

equivalently, behavioral opportunities the individual is faced with.

Constraints are any phenomena that impede the individuals goal attainment, whereas

opportunitiesare any phenomena that promote the individuals goal attainment.

The theory of dissonance and balance are theories deduced from the rational action

theory. This theory are focusing in the relations between cognitive elements which are

constituents of a mental model or, equivalently, cognitive structure. Since the subject of the

study is focused on the academic performance of activists and non- activists students, the theory

of dissonance and balance are suited for the validation of the data that will be gathered in the

latter part of this study. The theories state conditions specifying when which types of changes are

likely. Olson assumes that individuals are rational and self-interested. Rational as defined by

Oslon, means that individuals behavior is governed by its costs and benefits and that individuals

do what is best for them. In other words, individuals maximize their utility.


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The theory of collective action is concerned with a collectivity of individual actors who

have a common interest (Oslon 1965 as cited by Opp 2009). Olson defines this term in the

following way:

A common, collective, or public good is here defined as any good such that, if any person

Xi in a group X1,Xi...,Xn consumes it, it cannot feasibly be withheld from others in

that group.

The researcher will try to associate and link the interconnections of concepts found in this

study. However, the theories that will be used will serve as guide and validate the concepts that

will be gathered throughout the study.

Social Role Valorization Theory by Wolf Wolfensberger

According to Wolfensberger 1995, social role valorization theory is the application of

what science can tell us about the enablement, establishment, enhancement, maintenance, and/or

defense of valued social roles for people. This is an applicable theory for the study since activism

is often stigmatized is a doctrine of vigorous and aggressive practice in achieving goals for the society

(Shclummp, 2001). The words, vigorous and aggressive are words that can be identified and stigmatized

for devalued social roles.

The major goal of Social Role Valorization is to create or support socially valued roles

for people in their society, because if a person holds valued social roles, that person is highly

likely to receive from society those good things in life that are available to that society, and that

can be conveyed by it, or at least the opportunities for obtaining these.


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In other words, all sorts of good things that other people are able to convey are almost

automatically apt to be accorded to a person who holds societally valued roles, at least within the

resources and norms of his/her society. All individuals in a specific society, have certain roles

and functions that they carry out (Taliping, 1997- 1998).

Social Role Valorization Theory is especially relevant to two classes of people in society:

those who are already societally devalued, and those who are at heightened risk of becoming

devalued. Thus, SRV is primarily a response to the historically universal phenomenon of social

devaluation, and especially societal devaluation. In any society, there are groups and classes

who are at value-risk or already devalued in and by their society or some of its sub-systems.


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Conceptual Framework:

Mobilizations, Students, Academic Performance, University Belt,

This study will be focused, on the consequences of movement participation of student

activists but to make the interconnections of the idea of the academic performance of student

activists, they will be tantamount to student non-activists.

AcademicsMovement

Participation

Student

Activists

Student

Non-Activists

P

E

R

F

O

R

M

A

N

C

E


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CHAPTER 2

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES

To the Filipino youth

whose passion for reforms

was a constant source of inspiration

This research tackles about the issues and effects of youth activism among students who

are involved in mobilizations and the like. This chapter seeks to answer the following questions

which will be used in the whole research. What were the motivations, similarities of demands

and patterns of strategies perceivable in the demonstrations in mobilizations involving the

Filipino youth. This will also tackles about the historical roots of student activism in the

Philippines.

Motivations. There is indicated an intensification of interests and participation in matters

political. Students seem to have taken the stand that Filipinos themselves are mainly, if not

solely, responsible in the task of nation building. This responsibility extends to both the internal

and external affairs of the country. (Santiago, 1972) According to the conducted study of

Santiago, the findings tend to indicate an increasing sensitivity on the part of the students in

matters that affect basic human dignity and rights, and a tendency to be outraged by practices

that violate these. Students are likewise concerned with conditions that directly affect their lives

as students. This growing concern is particularly perceivable in demonstrations during the 60s.

There are evidences that tend to indicate that students can be made instruments in causes the

responsibility of which normally, legitimately and ethically belongs to other quarters. Student

demonstrations have demanded from government authorities, for instance, the release of funds

for state colleges and universities, for school buildings, for the operation of government


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hospitals- a task that logically should be done by school or hospital administrators. There are

indications that students are not immune to suggestions or influences from people or groups who

stand to benefit one way or another from the direction that students movements take. The

demonstrations protesting against harassment or withdrawal of confidence in some public

officials, seeking the release of unprogrammed appropriations and funds for retirees, bewailing

the interference of the Iglesia ni Cristo groups in politics, asking the appointment or recall of

the appointments of government officials, endorsing the candidacy of some political candidates,

and the lobbying of some professors and students for the status quo of Republic Act No. 1881

despite numerous demonstrations for its repeal, support the belief that certain classified

information must have been made available to the students by parties who were privy to these

matters or those who directly stood to be benefited. Some demonstrations that were intended for

the discussion of a specific issue became multi-issue rallies. This can be taken to indicate that

students can get carried away beyond their original imaginations.

Some student demonstrations in school campuses in the Philippines seem to have been

inspired by the successes of other demonstrations. The youth in general do not show any kind of

ideological orientations. Their demonstrations were spontaneous reactions in certain issues.

There are few leaders who seem to have long-standing and sustained interest in student

demonstrations and organizations. They started as student leaders then became known advisers

of student organizations or still actively involve themselves in demonstrations. Some student

leaders have been student for years.

History. After the despotic Queen Isabela II of Spain was overthrown by Generals Primo and

Serrano in 1868, a more liberal Governor General, Carlos Maria dela Torre, was assigned to the


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Philipines on June 23, 1869. De la Tores grant of freedom of speech and of the press to Filipinos

encouraged them to aspire for reforms. It was during the term of Governor General De la Torre

that the first known nationalist student movement in the Philippines was organized by group of

Filipino students of the University of Santo Tomas. The society was called Juventud Escolar

Liberal (Young Liberal Students) to whom Dr. Jose P. Rizal dedicated his famous poem A La

Juventud Filipina (To the Filipino Youth). Felipe Buencamino, Sr. was the societys president.

Some of the active members were Paciano Rizal, Gregorio Mapa, Manuel de Leon, Gregorio

Sanciangco, Ramon Soriano, Hermogenes del Rosario, and Pablo Luciano. It was also during the

administration of Governor dela Torre that Filipino student first began to discuss openly public

issues of the day, voicing their praise or criticism on the state of affairs and administration of

government in their country without fear of reprisal. (Santiago 1972). The long-drawn

campaign for reform succeeded immeasurably in rousing the Indios from lethargy and instilling

to their political consciousness the Western-developed ideology of nationalism.

The ilustrado reformists were strongly influenced by the nationalistic movements then

sweeping Europe including Spain itself, and were generally carried away in their eloquence and

articulateness by the vogue and provocative nationalistic ideas and emotions, particularly the

emphasis on racial pride and common heritage. Stirred by hangover of early 19th

century

Romanticism, the reformists produced a body of nationalistic writings and works of art, as in the

novels of Jose Rizal and Pedro Paterno, the speeches of Graciano Lopez Jaena, the essays of

Marcelo H. Del Pilar; and in the epical art of Juan Luna, particularly his famous painting of the

Blood Compact between Legazpi and sikatuna which portrayed the unspoiled glory of a

Philippine pre-colonial past, the free and daring spirit of pre-Spanish ancestors (reminiscent of

Jean Jacques Rousseaus noble savage entering in to a social contract with the Spanish


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conquistadors) and the landscapes of Felix Resurrecion Hidalgo presenting the pristine and

pastoral beauty of the Philippine countryside. (Sevilla, 1997)

Movements. Filipino youth have frequently participated in events that have shaped

national directions. The first youth organizations were established in the country during the

American peaceful colonization period, with youth political parties formed during the 1930s

and 1940s. A national student organization, Kabataang Makabayan (KM), was formed in 1964.

During the turbulent decade of the 1960s, splinter groupsfor example the Malayang

Pagkakaisa ng kabataang Pilipino (MPKP) and the Samahan ng Demokratikong Kabataan (SDK)

broke away from KM (NYC 1997b). Other more moderate youth groups also formed in the

1960s, predominantly along religious lines. Such moderate groups campaigned on issues such

as reducing the voting age to 18 years and provision of a Magna Carta of Students Rights.

Although considered moderate in their leanings, the students held parallel protests coinciding

with those of peasants, workers and more radical students.

In 1970 and 1971, radical and moderate organizations such as KM, SDK, the MPKP and

the National Union of Students (NUS) launched protest activities against the Marcos regime in

campuses and communities nationwide. Young intellectuals vowed solidarity with the

impoverished Filipino masses, some pursuing the revolutionary path being waged in the

countryside by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CCP). In the South, the Moro National

Liberation Front (MNLF), led by a young Muslim intellectual, challenged the highly centralist

administration. By 1972, President Marcos declared martial law and the burgeoning peoples

movement were suppressed. Soon after the military crackdown many student activists went

abroad or underground, with a long period of silence in the communities and campuses. Through

the Marcos Administration, one generation of young politicians was bypassed, owing to the


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absence of democratic elections. In 1975, the President issued a decree creating the Kabataang

Barangay (KB), which became the governments youth arm. This organization failed to develop

youth as a democratic force so many other cause-oriented youth groups emerged. Youth action in

the 1980s saw student groups rally around the issue of academic freedom.

When martial law was lifted, student groups were involved in a series of negotiations

with education and defense officials, calling for academic freedom and for recalling military

detachments from school premises. In order to coordinate the action of various groups and

student councils, the Student Leaders Forum (SLF) was established in 1983. Other militant and

moderate groups also formed after martial law was lifted. After the people power revolt in 1986,

militant student activism was reduced.

Youth became more involved in the affairs of government, shifting their focus to work

from the inside. Many people-power inspired youth groups formed, such as Laka ng

Sambayanan, Lasak ng kabataang Pilipino (LKP), Volunteers for Popular Democracy, and

Movement for the Advancement of Student Power (MASP) (NYC 1997b). In June 1986, a

government-sponsored KB study group recommended that the KB be abolished and replaced

with a national youth commission. They also recommended the establishment of a national youth

assembly, confederation of youth organizations and youth representation in the government. In

response, the government abolished the KB National Secretariat and organized national youth

consultations. A meeting in 1997 brought together some 400 youth leaders who drew up 42

resolutions covering issues such as students rights, education, land reform, tuition fees,

womens issues, human rights, US military bases and peace. The delegates also reaffirmed the

recommendations made earlier by the KB study group. The Aquino Administration established

the Presidential Council for Youth Affairs (PCYA), which had much more limited powers and


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functions than the youth commission that students had envisaged. The representation of youth in

Congress between 1988 and 1990 contributed to the introduction of the 1991 Local Government

Code (LGC) that outlined the election process forbarangay SK representatives.

It was not until enactment of Republic Act 8044, the Youth in National Building Act of

1995, that a legislative framework was introduced to promote youth welfare and development.

The Youth in Nation Building Act mandated the establishment of the National Youth

Commission (NYC),

To serve as the governments direct link to youth in terms of policy and programme

formulation and implementation. Filipino youth have been quite successful in lobbying for a

greater political voice, despite the fragmentation that exists among various youth organizations.

Coalition building is required now that mechanisms and structures have been put in place so that

increased participation of Filipino youth in socio-political life can be facilitated.

Social Class and Protest. In the late 1960s, the class composition of the student movements was

abundantly clear: participation was concentrated in the upper-middle classes. Movement activists

have been shown to come predominantly from upper-middle class backgrounds and to have

higher level education than non participants (Braungart 1972; Fendrich & Krauss 1978; Learly &

Mazur 1978 as cited in Sherkat and Blocket 1994)


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Chapter 3

METHODOLOGY

3.1 INTRODUCTION

In this chapter the research methodology used in the study is described. The

geographical area or the locale of the study, the study design and the population and sample are

described. The instrument and procedure used to collect the data are also described.

3.2 RESEARCH DESIGN

A qualitative comparative approach will be followed in this study. According to

Creswell (2002), qualitative approach is largely an investigative process where the researcher

gradually makes sense of a social phenomenon by contrasting, comparing, replicating,

cataloguing and classifying the object of the study. Marshall and Rossman (1989 as cited in

Creswell (2002) suggest that this entails immersion in the everyday life of the setting chosen for

the study; the researcher enters the informants world and through ongoing interaction, seeks the

informants perspectives and meanings. The study will use the comparative research design

procedure.

3.3 DATA GATHERING PROCEDURE

Locale of the Study

The study will be done in the premise of University Belt, on the Universities of

Santo Tomas, Centro Escolar, San Beda, San Sebastian, Arrelano, Far Eastern.

Sample

Selected Students from the said University will be part of the Sample.


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Data Gathering Instruments and Procedure

The researcher will be used as the primary instrument in the data

gathering. A questionnaire will be chosen as data collection instrument. A questionnaire is a

printed self-report form designed to elicit information that can be obtained through the written

responses of the subjects. The information obtained through a questionnaire is similar to that by

an interview, but the questions tend to have less depth (Burns & Grove, 1993).

Data will be collected with the aid of questionnaires primarily the questionnaires to be

used: Activism Orientation Scale to know students' involvement in activism, and likewise some

other questionnaires will be used in the data collection to know the academic performance of the

students. Questionnaires were decided upon because of the following:

- They ensured a high response rate as the questionnaires were distributed to respondents

to complete and were collected personally by the researcher.

- They required less time and energy to administer.

- There was less opportunity for bias as they were presented in a consistent manner.

- All of the items in the questionnaires were closed-ended, which made it easier to

compare the responses to each item.

Apart from the advantages that have been listed above, questionnaires have their

weaknesses; for example, there is the question of validity and accuracy (Burns & Grove, 1993).

The subjects might not reflect their true opinions but might answer what they think will please

the researcher, and valuable information may be lost as answers are usually brief.

A sense of confidentiality was ensured during data collection as findings could not be

linked to specific respondents. After the data was collected it was organized and analyzed. Data

were entered onto the computer as presented by the respondents. For the analysis of the


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questionnaires, Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) or the Microsoft Excel will be

used.


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proposal on the process

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