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CIVIL MILITARY RELATIONS IN PAKISTAN (1998-2015)
By
Shaista Taj
Student I.D: 8427-P
Ph.D. Political Science
Supervisor: Dr. Ghulam Mustafa
Qurtuba University of Science and Information Technology
Peshawar, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
CIVIL- MILITARY RELATIONS IN PAKISTAN (1998-2015)
By
Shaista Taj
Student I.D: 8427-P
Ph.D. Political Science
Department of Political Science & International Relations
Date of Submission: 21-08-2017
Supervisor: Dr. Ghulam Mustafa
Qurtuba University of Science and Information Technology
Peshawar, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
iii
Author’s Declaration
I Shaista Taj hereby state that my Ph.D thesis titled “Civil Military Relations in Pakistan
(1998-2015)” is my own work and has not been submitted previously by me for taking any
degree from this university, Qurtuba University of Science & Information Technology
Peshawar Campus or anywhere else in the country/world. At any time if my statement is found
to be incorrect even after my graduate the university has the right to withdraw my PhD degree.
Name of Student: Shaista Taj
Date: 21/08/2017
Signature: _________________
iv
Plagiarism Undertaking
I solemnly declare that research work presented in the thesis titled “Civil Military Relations in
Pakistan (1998-2015)” is solely my research work with no significant contribution from any
other person. Small contribution/help wherever taken has been duly acknowledged and that
complete thesis has been written by me. I understand the zero tolerance policy of the HEC and
University “Qurtuba University of Science & Information Technology” towards plagiarism.
Therefore I as an author of the above titled thesis declare that no portion of my thesis has been
plagiarized and any material used as reference is properly referred/cited. I undertake that if I am
found guilty of any formal plagiarism in the above titled thesis even after award of PhD degree,
the University reserves the rights to withdraw/revoke my PhD degree and that HEC and the
University has the right to Publish my name on the HEC/University website on which names of
students are placed who submitted plagiarized thesis.
Author Name: Shaista Taj
Student/Author Signature: ___________________
v
Certificate of Approval
vi
Dedication
Dedicate to my Mother and Father.
vii
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my honorable and reverend advisors,
Prof. Dr. Ghulam Mustafa. I am thankful Prof. Dr. Aziz Ur Rehman & Dr. Qazi Sultan
Mehmood for their useful comments, remarks and engagements through the learning process of
this dissertation. They were extremely patient, benign and provided me the vision, advice and
encouragement for accomplishing the thesis culminating in my Ph.D programme. Without their
scholarly approach perfumed by their erudition, it would have been a cry in the wilderness, their
persistent, consistent support and motivation made my endeavors and resultant success a slam
dunk. I would be unfair if I do not mention the support of Dr. Nazim Rahim for his valuable and
helpful suggestions. Their guidance helped me a lot in achieving my goal. Besides, Prof. Dr.
Altaf Qadir and Dr. Husnul Amin out of the blue filled the lacunae by providing me help
semantically in shaping my thesis. I am no less thankful to Dr. Fakhrul Islam, Dr. Khalil Ur
Rehman, Ijaz Ahmad, Waqas Ahmad and Zakia Bibi whose support individually made the
achievement of my aim and goal a success and palpable possibility. They were my beacon lights
and the source of inspiration.
Last but not least, I am immensely thankful to my parents, my father Taj Muhammad
Khan and mother Khankhela, whose moral and financial support was my guidance and driving
force. I am thankful to my brother Majid Khan and my sister Hafsa Taj, I owe all of them a lot
perennially and wish I could show them how indebted and grateful I am and will be with them
forever.
viii
Abstract
Military commanded civilian authority in Pakistan in three historical phases, 1958-1971,
1977-1988 and 1999-2008 approximately 32 years. During these historical phases military
practiced diverse local government systems simply to acquire civilian legitimacy through
civilians-military support vote bank for perpetuation of military rule. This gradually promoted
military image and influence over civilian institutions of Pakistan. This dissertation is an
academic attempt to extract viable techniques and methods for symmetrical civil-military
relations for sustainable democratic order in Pakistan. Apart from defense and security affairs,
military has been rendering multiple other tasks of national construction and development,
therefore to analyze civil military nexus accurately, it is necessary to assess how both civil and
military leaders handle policy discrepancy between them. The overall civil military nexus is
broadly based on the fact how to establish civilian control over the military. The foreign policy
formulation and implementation is civilian mundane, but military interference in civilian affairs
with assertive designs directly alters Pakistan`s diplomatic interaction with neighboring and
regional states. Classical idealistic theory of state has been applied in this dissertation to justify
the role of the military to safeguard the geographical jurisdictions of the state. Civilians are
morally and politically competent to make the decisions, even if they do not possess the relevant
technical competence in the form of security expertise. In the civil-military context, this means
that the military may be able to identify the threat and generate an appropriate response to threat
for a given level of risk.Being guardian of the constitution Judiciary is an important institution of
a government with core function to maintain rule of law for good governance and democracy.
However in Pakistan during military regime judiciary took decisions on priority basis which
paradoxically alter the course of civilian democratic order therefore this thesis applies qualitative
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analysis to the factors of civil military relations to ensure viable solutions and alternatives for
promotion of civilian democratic supremacy under constitutional mechanism of Pakistan.
KEYWORDS: Civilian, Military, Relations, Dictatorship, Politics, Judiciary,
Terrorism, Foreign Policy, Pakistan.
x
Abbreviations List
ADB Asian Development Bank
AWF Army Welfare Foundation
AWT Army Welfare Trust
BD Basic Democracy
CCC Crops Commander's Conference
CJ Chief Justice
CMLAE Civil and Military Law Enforcement Agency
CMR Civil Military Relation
COAS Chief of Army Staff
CPEC China Pakistan Economic Corridor
CRP Comprehensive Response Plan
CSP Civil services of Pakistan
DCC Defense Cabinet Committee
FATA Federally Administered Tribal Area
FC Frontier Corps
FF Fuji Foundation
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GHQ General Headquarters
IMF International Monetary Fund
ISI Inter Service Intelligence
KP Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
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LOC Line of Control
MQM Muttahida Quami Movement
NAP National Action Plan
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NRO National Reconciliation Ordinance
NSC National Security Council
NSS National Security State
PCO Provisional Constitutional Order
PILDAT Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency
PLA People's Liberation Army
PML Pakistan Muslim League
PML (N) Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz Sharif Group
PML (Q) Pakistan Muslim League Quaid e Azam Group
PPA Protection of Pakistan Act
PPP Pakistan People's Party
PTI Pakistan Tehreek e Insaaf
SC Supreme Court
SF Special Forces
SIPRI Stockholm International Peace Research Institute
TTP Tehreek e Taliban Pakistan
USA United States of America
VCOAS Vice Chief of the Army Staff
WB World Bank
xii
Table of Contents Title Page .....................................................................................................................................i
Author‟s Declaration ....................................................................................................................iii
Plagiarism Undertaking ...............................................................................................................iv
Certificate of Approval ................................................................................................................v
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................vi
Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................vii
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................viii
Abbreviations List ........................................................................................................................x
Quest for Democratization in Civil Military Relations ................................................................xv
Chapter One ...............................................................................................................................1
1.1 Overview ............................................................................................................................................. 1
1.2 Background of the Study .................................................................................................................... 1
1.3 Internal Political Situation .................................................................................................................. 6
1.3.1 Ayub's Military Regime 1958 .............................................................................................................. 13
1.3.2 The Yahya Khan‟s rule ........................................................................................................................ 15
1.3.3 Tenure of Gen Zia Ul Haq ................................................................................................................... 17
1.3.4 The Musharraf 's Regime ..................................................................................................................... 19
1.4.1 Statement of the Problem ................................................................................................................. 21
1.4.2 Objectives of the Study .................................................................................................................... 22
1.4.3 Research Questions: ......................................................................................................................... 22
1.4.5 Organization of the Study ................................................................................................................ 28
Chapter Two ...............................................................................................................................29
2.1 Overview ................................................................................................................................29
2.2 Literature Review Summary .............................................................................................................. 50
Chapter Three ............................................................................................................................55
Research Methodology ................................................................................................................55
3.1 Overview ............................................................................................................................................. 55
3.2 Research Design .................................................................................................................................. 55
3.3 Data Collection ................................................................................................................................... 56
3.3.1 Secondary data ............................................................................................................................. 56
3.4 Data Analysis ...................................................................................................................................... 56
xiii
3.5 Theoretical Framework and Analysis of literature ........................................................................ 57
3.6 Limitations .......................................................................................................................................... 60
Chapter Four ..............................................................................................................................61
Data Analysis ...............................................................................................................................61
4.1 Overview ........................................................................................................................................... 61
4.2 Civil Military Relations in the Context of Internal Politics .............................................................. 61
4.3 Kargil Incident and Civil Military Relations .................................................................................... 61
4.4 Terrorism and Civil Military Relations in Pakistan .......................................................................... 64
4.5 War on Terror and Musharraf ........................................................................................................... 67
4.6 Musharraf Trail ................................................................................................................................ 68
4.7 End Of Musharraf Era ........................................................................................................................ 69
4.8 Memo gate and Civil military relations .............................................................................................. 71
4.9 General Kiyani's Era and Civil Military Relations ............................................................................. 72
4.9.1 Kiyani Upgraded morality of armed forces .................................................................................. 74
4.9.2 Differences in Commands ........................................................................................................... 75
4.9.3 National Reconciliation Ordinance ............................................................................................... 77
4.9.4 Kerry Lugar barman legislation and Civil Military Stands .......................................................... 79
4.9.5 The 18th Amendment & Transfer of Powers .............................................................................. 80
4.9.6 Extension of Kiyani Tenure .......................................................................................................... 81
4.9.7 Natural Disasters and Role of Army Under Kiyani ..................................................................... 83
4.10 Dharna and Civil Military Stances ................................................................................................... 84
4.11 The role of Judiciary in legalizing the military rule .......................................................................... 86
4.12 Economy of Pakistan ........................................................................................................................ 90
4.13 National Action Plan and Civil Military Relations .......................................................................... 97
4.14 The role of CMR in decision making regarding Nuclear technology ............................................... 106
4.2.1 Pakistan's Civil Military Relations in the Context of External Politics ..............................108
4.2.2 India ………………………………………………………………………………………………….109
4.2.3 Afghanistan ........................................................................................................................................ 111
4.2.4China ....... …………………………………………………………………………………………….113
4.2.4.1 Port of Gwadar ................................................................................................................................ 115
4.2.5 United States of America ................................................................................................................... 116
4.2.5.1 The Post September 11 world and CMRS ..................................................................................... 118
xiv
4.3.1 Impacts of Civil Military Relations on Foreign Policy of Pakistan ....................................121
4.3.2 Hopeless Scenario ............................................................................................................................ 129
Chapter Five ...............................................................................................................................132
5.1 Overview ............................................................................................................................................. 132
5.2 Findings and Prospects ....................................................................................................................... 132
5.3 Ways forward ...................................................................................................................................... 138
5.4 Recommendations: .............................................................................................................................. 139
5.5 Conclusion: ......................................................................................................................................... 143
References ...................................................................................................................................155
APPENDICES ............................................................................................................................186
Appendix A .................................................................................................................................186
Constitution defines role of armed forces clearly: CJ ............................................................186
Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary .......................................................................................... 186
Appendix B .................................................................................................................................187
1973 constitution ..........................................................................................................................187
Appendix C .................................................................................................................................187
Quaid-e-Azam ..............................................................................................................................187
Appendix D .................................................................................................................................188
Responsibilities of the Defence force (14th Jun 1948) ................................................................188
Appendix E .................................................................................................................................190
Imposition of Martial Laws .........................................................................................................190
xv
Quest for Democratization in Civil Military Relations
"You must remember that military personal are the servants of citizens. They do not
devise national policy. It is the job of civilian rulers to decide about these matters and the duty of
army is to act upon the orders given to it for the execution of any job".
(Quaid-e-Azam)
"The experience of Pakistan, however, suggests that it might be easy for a disciplined
army to take over the reign of government in a developing country but the military cannot solve
all the problems facing a new nation. It may check instability, introduce certain social and
economic reforms and accelerate the rate of economic growth, but it cannot tackle the real
problem which leads to a coup d'état creation of a viable framework of political action which can
function smoothly without the backing of the military commanders".
(Hasan Askari Rizvi)
"Civil-Military relations are one aspect of national security policy. The aim of national
security policy is to enhance the safety of the nation's social, economic, and political institutions
against threat arising from other independent states. Civil-Military relations are the principle
institutional component of military security policy".
(SamuelP.Hungtington)
An old aphorism goes: “Misfortunes never come alone. So often they come in a battalion.
(Unfortunately) in our case it has always been a full army”.
______ Justice M. R. Kiyani (Late)
1
Chapter One
Introduction
1.1 Overview
This chapter includes historical background of civil military relations in Pakistan. It
discusses different eras of military rule. This chapter includes background of the study, research
objectives, research questions, theoretical framework and plan of the study.
1.2 Background of the Study
The danger of army‟s interference in the political domain of Pakistan has been a repeated
characteristic in history. From the period of ancient Greek states till the end of the 20th
century,
seizing power or risk of army‟s intervention was a regular problem against a democratically
elected government (Afridi, 2016, p. 69). When Pakistan came into existence, it was a weak state
which was confronted with many differences, and had won freedom in the constitutional
democracy. The political struggle that resulted in the establishment of Pakistan in 1947 was
democratic in character, though; it revolved around Muhammad Ali Jinnah‟s determination,
awareness of objective and belief in the democratic constitutionalism. These have been viewed
similarly as some of the view points about Jinnah‟s leadership (Ziring, 1997, p. 146).
The initial years of freedom had been seen eventually perusing outright, depended on the
charming identity of Jinnah, he had been representative of all and also the President of the
constituent Assembly. He had a dignified personality, great influence and position but
unfortunately, he passed away on 11th Sep, 1948 taking off behind the long term political gap
(Lamb, 1991, p. 88).
2
Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, the first Premier of Pakistan ran the country with high
spirits and confidence during a difficult time, but that authority of Quaid-e-Azam was wanting in
him. He did his best to make the parliamentary system strong, but his reign was brought to an
end in October 1951 by an assassin. The demise of two leaders of high caliber at a very early
stage soon after the independence of the country produced a space and the fatherly style of
government established by Quaid-e-Azam was ended.
With the passing away of Liaqat Ali Khan, the principle of parliamentary democracy
started to deteriorate. The officers at the top in civil services soon changed the office of
Governor General as a mean of bureaucratic interference (Rizvi, 2013, p. 81). The bureaucratic
interference in the province appeared on many occasions in the garb of governor‟s rule (Saeed,
1989, p. 142). "The chief ministers of the provinces were removed, in spite of the fact that the
parties they belong had a majority in the provincial legislatures" (Rizvi, 2013, p. 77).
Jinnah while reminding the military top brass about their pledge of loyalty to the
constitution and administration of the recently made Pakistan need constantly pushed upon the
prevalence of the citizen legislature. It was the only remedy and a way for the people of Pakistan.
"According to Jinnah the Armed forces are the servants of the people because he had full faith in
stable parliamentary institution" (Rabbani, 2013, p. 2; Hassan, 2011, p. 69).
Due to feeble parliamentary system after Jinnah‟s death, Pakistan‟s efforts to check the
security risk and preference to defense resulted in the hegemony of the General Head Quarters
over defense ministry to a great extent (Chambers & Croissant, 2010, p. 186). "Liaqat Ali Khan‟s
inability to prepare an acceptable constitution for the country provedas a great setback to
political stability" (Hassan, 2011, p. 69).
3
In the initial stage, it was easier to seek a solution to the problem which became difficult
in the ensuing years. In this way, the leaders did not have enough time to set up and legalize
democratic institutions and process. The civilian leadership has been inept from the beginning of
the state. It was difficult to establish proper civilian institutions as the military would not allow
their growth and would blame them for the country's failures even though the military itself often
wielded actual power (Paul, 2014, p. 84).
A collaborative research of the political set up of both India and Pakistan testifies the
above mentioned historic truth. "Nehru died in 1964 while Quaid-e-Azam lived for only one year
after independence, which created a gap in the leadership of the country, resultantly the military
came forward to take this place" (Cohen, 1984, p. 106).
In the process of state building after the colonial powers had left the knotty challenges
lead to minimize the distance between military and civilian relations in many newly born Asian
countries, especially in Pakistan (Chadda, 2000). Here the bequeathed phenomena of the
democracy of civilian rule over the military and the army sidelined role of politics changed
slowly but significantly after independence, which led to various regimes moving between army
dictatorial rule and elected political authoritarians (Talbot, 2012, p. 7).
In order to analyze Pakistan‟s Politics and state efforts shorn oftaking into account the
civil military relations, is impossible. It‟s too much important to establish strong civil military
relations for the maintenance of general sustainability and socioeconomic stability of the political
system. That‟s why the Elites of the civilian federal government instigate about the establishment
of friendly relationship between military and civilian government.
The fact remains that the reins of so called “page” are in the hands of the army and the
civilian leadership who puts themselves on the same page. This "on the same page" thinking
4
faces problems from time to time. Pakistan's political history and the process of the political tug
of war took place, it plays a destructive role in weakening the democratic zeal and gave strength
to the element of dictatorial system in the country (Aziz, 2001, p. 40). It is surprising that
Pakistani army survived because the very existence of Pakistan was at risk when it came into
being and the state had to rely on army for its safety (Lieven, 2011, p. 164). In five decades,
Pakistan's politics, parliament, leaders and democracy became a laughing stock except military
dictators (Aziz, 2001, p. 52).
The incessant military coups and weakening of democratic governments has endangered
the future of Pakistani people. Military dictatorial rule helps in preparing the minds of people to
acknowledge the army rule (Khan, 2005). If the people can forbear the civilian dictator, they
welcome military dictator and also vote for him. The communication or message that the nation
could have in acknowledging the military rule is that if Ghulam Muhammad or Sikander Mirza
can claim to have legality than why not Ayub Khan or Yahya Khan could have the same
principle (Jalal, 1995, p. 52). " The assignation of authority from Ayub Khan to Yahya Khan, did
not shift political power from the hands of the military and the bureaucracy but it was in fact an
opportunity to these elements for exercising political power without any tang of popular and
constitutional hesitation" (Rizvi, 2013, p. 182).
Slowly the ordinary citizen becomes habitual by showing no resistance to every dictator
without considering qualification whether he is a civilian or military General. Sherwani or
uniform possesses the same power. In such case an irreparable loss is done to politics in
whatever way are analyzing the civil or military dictatorship, these phenomena have put the
existence of the state in danger. In other words, not only the political system is at risk but the
state structure is also at great loss.
5
Pakistan‟s 70 year history revealed that one civilian and three military rulers tried to have
revolutionary changes in the country. General Ayub and Pervez Musharraf military rulers in
1958-69 and 1999-2008 respectively idealized Mustafa Kamal Attaturk (Paul, 2014, p. 67), who
was a great scholar and modern nationalist and founder of the Turkish republic (Cohen, 2011, p.
55). Gen. Zia (1977-88) adopted a different method. He tried to have unity and development in
Pakistan by attaching to stricter and purist form of Islam that mixed with Pakistani nationalism
(Haqqani, 2010, p. 285).
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto the originator of Pakistan's People Party and Prime Minister of
Pakistan in the 70‟s tried to win the hearts of people by introducing anti VIP (the State granting
favors to elite class) economic program which also had the element of Pakistani nationalism. All
the above mentioned rulers failed in their attempts and every one of them rallied and circled by
the same VIP class, whom they wanted to distance and patronize the national politics. No ruler
was able to form a party which had professional politicians having ideological commitment
rather than landlords in villages and bosses in cities. In fact, except Bhutto no other ruler
endeavored seriously in this regard. Bhutto‟s PPP itself boom fell a prey to local landlords and
their guardianship.
The marital law governments, which came into power promising to throw down the VIP
culture in politics but they were failed. They were influenced and run by the same VIP class
because no military ruler was so strong to rule without parliament, which is filled with same VIP
culture politicians which the martial law regimes wished to topple down."The military ruler
Ayub khan, Zia and Musharraf regimes patronized equally venal politicians with state offices, in
exchange for their loyalty against opposition parties"(Dawn, October 13, 2014).
6
The principle demands of western powers from such regimes to reform the country and at the
same time restore democracy in the country looks far from logic (Lieven, 2011).
1.3 Internal Political Situation
Within a year after independence, Pakistan fell a prey to leadership which lacked vision
and political insight that caused many issues sprung, which created a lot of disturbance in
internal as well as external policies of the state. The leadership after the death of Muhammad Ali
Jinnah remained at the mercy of division and confusion. That unsettled scenario of political
structure encouraged military and intelligence apparatus to surface and declared themselves as
the real protectors of the country (Siddiqui, 2006, p. 621). While in India under the leadership of
Jawahar Lal Nehru, he gave strength to the political infrastructure of the country and had
succeeded in establishing a cemented political system in his country (Ahmad, 2013). The fact
behind the prosperity and stability of India is the result of strengthening the political system
(Bhimaya, 1997).
Since the inception of Pakistan, national assembly as pointed out by Gunnar Myrdal
(1968) is an old wine in a new bottle because, Pakistan's leaders have the old mindset with the
old system that finds itself in failures on every stage. The arbitrary suspension of parliamentary
government,both at the centre and various times in the provinces. Furthermore; for curbing riots
military rule got imposed to prevent public agitation.
The resulting signs of political fragile stability and vanishing discipline surged that gave
birth to further economic and political turmoil. The inept politician with their immature vision
(Paul, 2014, p. 45) brought a complete cessation to politics that might have worked for the
amelioration of the public and the state overall.
7
The prevalence of the martial law covered almost half of the Pakistan existence, since it
got independence. "The military intervenes in the politics when all other institutions confronting
war against each other, they called upon military to handle the situation" (Kukreja, 1991). But on
the other hand, some scholars have the opinion that, the monstrosity of military rule devoured
most of the country's vision for prosperity and progress. Such situations made the constitution
null and void while the emergency situation became routine in the country that further hurled
down the country into the abyss of uncertainty (Saddiqa, 2011).
Mehdi (2005) has rightly pointed out that Pakistan's constitutional history is marked with
ambiguous distinction with three permanent and five provisional constitutions. Pakistan's
existence is woven around executive orders, ordinance, regulations and adohocism. The core
reason behind such vile process is the avarice for power and the lack of enlightened visionary
leaders.
A vivid tussle between executive and legislature can be seen, consequently; the executive
has always a wielding upper hand. Executive makes a decision on party forum which is
subsequently translated into the mainstream law by legislative procedure and adopted and
implemented rigidly and forcibly by bureaucracy. The dominance of the extra parliamentary
institution is taken by politicians as essential fabric needed for political order streamlined by
these institutions frequently power pre dominancy outside the legislature. Those in power
practice legal and moral authority. It is surprising, but historically authentic to fill the emptiness
almost all four military governments held so called election in 1962-1970-1985-2002 (Siddiqa,
2007, p. 65).
It is quite obvious that the institution of leadership in Pakistan has remained weakened
and dependent right from top to bottom. The degraded status of Pakistan owes a lot to the crisis
8
of genuine leadership. The self centered and greed has been the deadliest element that has
brought down the standard and morale of Pakistani politician. Personal vested interest gives
preference over national cause (Rehman, 2011, p. 196).
According to Rehman (2011), a nation recompensates the follies of its leadership in the
shape of miseries and backwardness in almost all spheres of life be it political, social or
economic. The irony is that Pakistan is a victim of many harassing issues about which Pakistani
leaders are unconscious and unaware what is to think about their solution and address.
Pakistan could be compared to Hobbes where almost all political and provincial groups
are found in disputing state against one another. There generally occurred a constant and
relentless tug of war for grabbing power. "The leaders were found with an inclination of self
centeredness and narcissisms" (Taj & Zia, 2015,p. 112). They brought about their families, their
comforts and luxuries thinking little for their country Pakistan(Sayeed, 1959).
Genuine leadership begins from social stratum and from bottom to top, where the issues
of common people are understood, but in Pakistan the case is totally reversed. There is complete
chaos regarding leadership (Shah, 2014,p. 252). Zardari remained reportedly a self proclaimed
leader with no actual political vision that he could utilize for the progress of the country. The
politics of Pakistan is based on family lineage where son replaces father, a dynasty based politics
a rule of succession as in old times of kings and monarchs.
Pakistani politics revolves around influential and rich while the benefits public
representatives are kept at the backseat of the political vehicle of the country (Taj & Zia, 2015, p.
108). Ideologies are sacrificed on the altar of personality cult while blind devotion and political
frenzy with no political vision or motives behind this madness. The naive and simple public is
9
emotionally exploited by showing them green fields and when such politicians succeeded, they
never turn back to those people.
Another catastrophic element of political instability is the illiteracy and political
inexperience that makes hurdles in the way of political institutionalization. Simple masses are
exploited for political favor by raising issues of caste system, pluralistic society and other such
deceptive tactics are fully utilized, especially in time of elections to win public favor. People are
incited on language, cultural and sectarian levels just to use them by politicians for their personal
motives."Democracy in Pakistan is not mature and ripe" (Lieven, 2011, p. 209). It needed
someone with political vision who could put back the train of democracy if it ever derailed, but
Pakistan has been deprived of such visionary politicians who could bring it to political maturity.
The reverberation of military intervention has been another menace that has been victimized this
country from the very time of its independence.
The bleak peruses of the country's history in the initial decade with countless political
upheavals, the subsequent dismissal of governments, very trivial issues in the form and
framework of the country. The period from 1951 to 1958 was an example of political stability or
can be declared as Augean stable in the history of Pakistan. It was an output of the efforts of
Pakistan leaders at that time, which can rarely be found afterward. It is also a bitter fact that there
were two governor generals and seven Prime Ministers during this period that succeeded one
another unconstitutionally (Paul, 2014, p. 49).
The death of Liaqat Ali Khan gave way to military intervention and a shift of power to
the bureaucracy. The nation got entangled into the web of conspiracies and intrigues. Both
Sikandar Mirza and Ghulam Muhammad were from bureaucratic class (Lamb, 1991, p. 11).
They were the main characters who paved the way for military ascendency in the politics of the
10
country (Rizvi, 2004, p. 95). Ayub Khan likewise missed no opportunity in exploiting the weak
and the incapable politics of the time. When an attempt for rescuing the power of the governor
general Ghulam Muhammad was made; he immediately took prompt action by dissolving the
constituent assembly, an abominable action that was legalized by the then Chief Justice Munir
(McGrath, 1997). Such indiscreet action tarnished the struggles for political stability and dragged
the country into the quagmire of greed from both military and bureaucracy (Ahmad, 2013).
The military intervention was encouraged by such unconstitutional and non legal action
which put the incompetent politicians at back drop. A clear example of military dominance could
be seen that within a period of two years i-e from 1956 to 1958 there had been six Prime
Ministers. The confused and chaotic scenario of the political infrastructure of the country and the
visible fiasco of parliamentary government boosted the misadventures of military intervention in
the politics of the country because the people needed control rather than democracy (Jalal, 1995,
p. 56).
During the government of Sikandar Mirza, presidency remained the hub of conspiracies,
intrigues and machination while the resultant martial law turned the situation in the worst form
of government. The first catastrophe in Pakistan history occurred when Ayub Khan extradited
Sikandar Mirza to England, took over the government and to shield and strengthen his hold. He
started showing various facades like Basic Democracy and quasi election to prolong his rule.
Making his rule unbearable for the masses till, they rose against him in the shape of political
seething. He handed over the government to another dictator Commander in Chief Yahya Khan,
who brought great devastation to Pakistan in the shape of disintegration of the country.
During the reign of Ayub Khan, he held his grip very adroitly by his ostentations acts of
introducing B.D (Basic Democracy) which brought the country to the threshold of corruption and
11
chaos. He declared the 1956 constitution null and void and introduced the 1962 constitution. This
indiscreet act prophesized the possibility that it was the army who would only be able to protect
and drag the country from any sort of disconcerting situations, which civil government unable to
do.
Such tactful strategies enabled Ayub Khan to rule the country till 1969, when public rose
against him there were country wide political agitations against him prominently led by Z.A
Bhutto and Ayub Khan handed over the government to Yahya Khan. A simultaneous and
forceful political uprising started against him in both wings of Pakistan (Mujeeb Ur Rehman in
the Eastern Pakistan) his government came to complete cessation.
The country underwent another night Marisa set back when Yahya Khan held election
resulting a major win of people‟s party in the west wing while Mujeeb Ur Rehman in the east.
This scenario created another tug of war in the political arena of the country. The political tussle
between Z.A Bhutto and Mujeeb Ur Rehman dragged the country towards more despondent
situation.
In such topsy-turvy situation India took advantage and attacked Pakistan. Being
internally at tension and not ready for the sudden attack Pakistan succumbed to another
disastrous accident of disintegration in the shape of another state Bangladesh. The existence of
Bangladesh got possible because of the intrigues and conspiracy of both East wing and India
(Haqqani, 2010, p. 63). Thus, because of indiscreet decisions of Pakistan's leaders and the
unjustifiable craze for power caused the inception of Bangladesh right from the womb of fragile
Pakistan. Pakistan's political history is full of such heart wrenching incidents. "The 70 years
existence of Pakistan on motherland is a story tale of political tussles and quick succession that
left the country hollow and miserable" (Rabbani, 2013, p11).
12
Another tragedy that blotched the country's political history was "the dethroning of Z.A
Bhutto by Zia Ul Haq and his consequential execution" (Siddiqi, 2016, p. 71). Thus the
democratically elected Prime Minister was hanged and another military regime started that
further dragged the country into the military monstrous jaw that had to devour the country and its
public. Zia Ul Haq introduced Shora to the parliament and new experiences were observed while
the political forces of the country remained as silent spectators or showed their consents over
what the military wanted to do.
The regime of Zia Ul Haq was challenged when Benazir who had been returned to the
country and built up the political status by standing against Zia. Elections were held and Benazir
won overwhelmingly thus getting herself elected or the Prime Minister of the country. Thus,
once again the country came into the lap of the public representative elected by the public itself.
The 1988 plane crash gave another turn to the politics of the country. Ghulam Ishaq Khan
applied 52/2(B) of the constitution on August 1990 and toppled down the government of Benazir
Bhutto. "Allegations of corruption publicized in the media by the ISI against Benazir Bhutto
because she had lost the confidence of the army" (Shah, 2014, p. 171).
Thus the nation once again had to face bleakness and despondency. The recurring
political wrangling weakened the country and created an air of confusion, chaos and utter
disappointment for the nation. Such kinds of slew of challenge put the integrity of Pakistan at
stake and its existence threatened, the question that can be posed from political parties at present
time is the survival of Pakistan. Such internal damaging acts made Pakistan‟s status dubious in
the comity of nations.
None of the political government came up to the expectation of the public, a public that
has been an aspirant for a government, that could fulfill their needs, most of which were related
13
to their basic needs. The public had been hoodwinked by almost every government (Lodhi, 2011,
p. 169). The dreams that they usually attached with every political government shattered because
of the incompetence and self centeredness of the politicians who showed not even an idea of
consciousness to drag the miserable public out of their problem and to fulfill their dreams in the
least possible way.
The posterity will never give such consciousness to politicians and leaders who did
nothing but fill their banks and however the exchequer like vultures. Pakistan will prosper if its
leaders preferred national interest upon individual and personal vested interest. Leaders should
stop presenting their political party's motives or doing favoritism for a number of people, they
should rather have nation based spirit for the development, prosperity and welfare of the nation
as whole (Taj & Zia, 2015, p. 103). Their approach should be macroscopic rather than
microscopic. Sincerity, love and sympathetic understanding of the public must be the highest
priority of Pakistan political leaders (Lieven, 2011, p. 195).
1.3.1 Ayub's Military Regime 1958
In a coup in 1958, when Ayub Khan seized power and declared himself Field Marshal
and Supreme commander of the armed forces (Chaudry, 2012, p. 26). Unlike other military rulers,
Ayub Khan kept the army away from the day to day affairs of the country. Administrative work
was done mainly by the civil service of Pakistan in whom Ayub Khan had great faith. Because of
this, many senior officers became part of Ayub Khan‟s military rule and took the responsibility of
ministers. Ayub Khan introduced a basic democratic system (BD) which took the place of the
constitution of 1962 (Bhimaya, 1997). BD system legalized Ayub Khan's rule by electing him as a
president for five years (1960-1965). Ayub Khan relied more on civilian officers for making
public policies rather than his staff; a core commander.
14
During Ayub Khan‟s rules Z.A Bhutto was his foreign minister and the closest
companion. He gave the military high class discretionary powers with increased defense budget
and obtained a great deal of US military aid packages for its modernization. The first visible
parting ways between Ayub Khan and the military. Ayub, Bhutto and others began growing a
military solution for Kashmir problem, but the army as an institution did not take active part in it.
Therefore, planning for such operation was handed over to a Joint Civilian Military cell by Ayub
Khan. Bhutto‟s men had great influence and dominance in this cell that, belong to foreign official
and intelligence offices. This cell out short the military command and challenged its power in
unity (Afridi, 2016, p. 74).
There were two phases of the regime's plan. The first phase of the plan was the
intervention of thirty thousand Guerrillas across the line of control in Indian held Kashmir and
indicate the revolved. And the second was that the Pakistan's Army would confiscate the
essential areas of the Indian held Kashmir before the strike back of the Indian Army cross the
line of control (LOC). Chief of army staff (COAS) Mosa Khan and other army officers objected
Ayub Khan's plan's success, keeping in view high risk of escalation but Ayub Khan rejected this
reservation. Military thought that Indian army would counter attack on Punjab border if it lost a
fight in Kashmir and in such case it was difficult for the Pakistan army to win it.
The military top brass was hesitant to support the plan of war and General Malik, who
was delegated the responsibility of Kashmir operation planning and execution did not notify
anything about it to the lower cadre officers. Pakistan had bitter defeat in 1965 war but got some
success in Kashmir (Rizvi, 2015, p. 61). Indian counter attack on Punjab was met by entirely
unprepared Pakistan‟s forces plus this favor of the military to be the part of war made the army
unhappy with Ayub Khan and Bhutto blamed them for mishandling the war. GHQ made senior as
15
well as mid level officers disappointed by its poor generalship. General Yahya Khan was
appointed as COAS in place of General Musa Khan. After two wars of 1965 the rift between
Ayub Khan and the military intensified (Rizvi, 2015, p. 45).
Moreover, political support for Ayub Khan also came to a low level, which resulted in
the formation of new political parties. Bhutto parted ways with Ayub Khan and set up his own
political party PPP in 1967. His popularity in Punjab and separate agenda became a great threat
to the military rule of Ayub Khan. Opposition parties began demanding parliamentary
democracy due to which Ayub‟s BD system collapsed. Yahya Khan after consultation with core
commanders refused to impose martial law on behalf of Ayub Khan. He staged a counter coup
for himself. Ayub Khan had no support of the army and resultantly he resigned and handed over
the powers to Yahya Khan.
Centralization of power is another feature of military rules which gives rise to
provincialism, separatism and breakup of the country. Ayub Khans‟s lengthy military rule
deprived the people of East Pakistan and at last Bangladesh came into being (Baloch & Gaho,
2013, p. 58).
1.3.2 The Yahya Khan’s rule
Yahya Khan became president in 1969, he adopted a new style under his military rule as
government. General Yahya himself wanted to solve those political problems of Pakistan which
had a long history since the independence of Pakistan and in this way he wanted to keep away
military from coming into power directly. He announced elections for the national assembly and
abolished Ayub Khan‟s constitution 1962.
For the first time in Pakistan proportional representation in East Pakistan compared to
West Pakistan was guaranteed. The army had the reservation on transferring political authority to
civilians because it had been involved in collective efforts and did not want to put into danger
16
especially giving the right to vote to Bengalis. The political parties of both the wings of the
country had a different way of thinking (Jackson, 2002, p. 48).
Since the country was without a constitution and the military regime believed that it
could act as a mediator between the split parties and that it could also defend the militaries long
term interest. The result of the elections in 1970 completely failed the military regime's plan.
Awami League in East Pakistan had a clean sweep while in West Pakistan, Bhutto won two
thirdmajority. Awami League demanded regional autonomy and East Pakistan own military in his
six points. Bhutto did not want to have a government with Awami League. Talks between the two
parties and the military regime were held in 1971 were failed and the session of National
Assembly could not be held for a long period. At this Awami League declared East Pakistan as an
independent state as Bangladesh and revolted against the central government. Full scale civil war
broke out in East Pakistan, when Yahya Khan ordered to deal with protestors with an iron hand.
Thousands of people were killed in nine months. Thousands of Bengalis refugees entered into
India, and Indian army attacked East Pakistan to support Bengalis rebels (Haqqani, 2010, p. 65).
Pakistan assailed India from West Pakistan but they were confronted with a very
embarrassed and humiliating circumstances and was trapped in East Pakistan as well. As a result,
Yahya Khan was compelled to surrender without any tang of procrastination. It was the matter of
great grief for the people of West Pakistan. After this great incident, Yahya Khan was still
anxious to continue the authority but most of his Core Commanders blamed him for the 1971
disaster and badly affecting the moral of the army.
General Gul Hassan keeping in view the demands of lower rank commanders threatens
Yahya regime that if he and military government did not resign, tanks would be sent to the
capital to remove him from the seat. General Hameed Khan presented himself as an expectable
17
alternate to Yahya khan but this proposal was rejected (Khan, 2011). At last Yahya Khan and
General Hameed Khan resigned in 1971. After the removal of military rule, General Gul Hassan
was honored as a new Chief of Army staff and the arrangements were started to transfer the
power to Bhutto and that the military would return to the Barracks.
1.3.3 Tenure of Gen Zia Ul Haq
In order to put down the protests of the opposition about rigged parliamentary elections in
1977, Bhutto asked military to impose martial law but the army seized power. He wanted army
to work like as an institution and had a share in his rule. General Zia did not know and expel to
be the COAS. He was lucky enough to have the respect from the higher ups and senior
commanders. Zia facilitated army in the shape of different incentives like increase in personal
pay, increased defense budget, houses, big agricultural farms, bank loans and other benefits. In
1980 the army decided to hold elected and return to democracy. It wanted to side with Zia‟s
efforts so long as the interests of the military were not threatened.
In 1984 Zia Ul Haq was given the Presidentship for five years in a referendum, Zia
wanted to hold elections on the non party basis next year and he selected Muhammad Khan
Janejo a civilian politician from Sindh as the Prime Minister and declared Martial law. Zia
thought that Junejo and parliament would be a more puppets in his hand, but they proved to be
very active and vigilant. They refused to be dictated by Zia (Richter, 1979).
This created differences in military as a government. Political parties, especially PPP
demanded for the restoration of democracy. The tussle between Zia and Junejo caused
resentment and displeasure in the military. The military was not happy over the interference of
Junejo in the affair of military like appointments, military spending, promotion, benefits and the
dual role of Zia. The military did not like the attitude of Junejo and deemed it as an attack on the
18
interests of the military. Moreover, the failure of Zia to defend the corporate interest of the
military in order to save his own civilian rule was not liked by the military.
The period of cooperation of military as government and as an institution was brought to
an end by the Zia- Junejo, tug of war. General Zia wanted to save his government, so he
civilianized his regime and kept aloof from the military as an institution. He had to face
disrespect because he interfered with the rigid promotion system of the army and adopted the
policy of nepotism. During Zia Ul Haq reign because of cruelties committed by the military in
Sindh, Sindhi separation was on rise (Baloch &Gaho, 2013, p. 58). He tried to surround himself
with civilian officers as well as loyal army officers. Officers whom Zia did not trust were not
given promotions to the important positions.
Many military officers who were active or retired were appointed in the bureaucracies to
keep them away from having command in the army; Zia rotated the Vice Chief of Army Staff. In
1987 he appointed Mirza Aslam Beg to this post. Promotions of senior at the top positions
compelled Zia to promote junior officers on senior posts and cease taking political feedback and
meetings with senior officers.
In the year 1988 there was great tension within the regime between the civilian rule and
military. An ISI ammunition depot which used to arm Afghan Mujahedeen exploded in the city
of Rawalpindi; the Headquarters of Pak army killing a great number of People. Junejo‟s in order
to pacify the public anger demanded handing over to his regime the then Chief of ISI and its
former head who were very close to Gen Zia. Over this, Zia dismissed Junejo‟s government and
dissolved the parliament without taking into confidence the Vice Chief of the Army staff
(VCOAS) and core commanders. He ordered to control the key buildings and most of the civilian
leaders of Junejo‟s government. He once again made a plan for re-election to remain in power
19
setting aside the political unrest in the country. In August 1988 Zia was killed in a C-130 crash in
Bahawalpur along with US Ambassador and top military officers after returning from a tank
demonstration. After his death General Mirza Aslam bag became the new Army Chief and he
with the consultation of military top brass decided to return to barracks. A civilian cum taker
government was appointed to hold free elections in Nov 1988. Benazir Bhutto won a majority in
the elections.
1.3.4 The Musharraf 'sRegime
In 1999fourth Martial law was imposed by Gen. Perveiz Musharaff by overthrowing the
civilian government of Mian Nawaz Sharif. There were differences between Nawaz Sharif and
military on Indo-Pak relations and defeat on Kargil (Haqqani, 2010, p. 227).
The initial years of Musharraf were similar like that of Zia Ul Haq, he also gave facilities
and benefits to the army. He respected the Core Commanders and protected the corporate
interests of army seriously. He became president of the country and held general elections in
which his own party (Pakistan Muslim League Quaid-e-Azam group) took a majority. In 2006
Pakistan army was engaged in war against terrorism and some tribal areas that were at the side of
Al Qaeda. In such tense environment the Musharraf regime wanted to plan presidential, as well
as parliamentary elections (Akhtar, 2009, p. 45), but the military did not show any favor.
Supreme Court challenged the legitimacy of the Musharraf regime and his dual role as a
president and COAS (Ghias, 2010).
Clashes started all over the country because "Musharraf suspended the Chief Justice of
Supreme Court" (Talbot, 2012, p. 197). Demanded for restoration of democracy was sought by
the public in all major cities of Pakistan. "Musharraf had no other choice except to allow the
major political parties PPP and PML (N) to contest elections under the pressure from military
and US" (Shah, 2014). Supreme court threatened to declare his re-election as invalid, if he did
20
not forgo the position of COAS. Musharraf once again suspended the court and declared
emergency, abrogated constitution and ordered the army to suppress the protests. The military
was not in favor of this, tension between Musharraf and military increased within two months of
emergency.
For Musharraf it was against the ground reality to compel the military to come forward
to defend his political government because senior generals were not happy with the situation. So
having no other choice, Musharraf had to quit from the seat of COAS and get retirement after
several months of tense situations in the country due to the impositions of emergency. Gen
Ashfaq Pervaiz Kiyani was designated the new Army Chief by Musharraf. The new COAS bent
upon to restore the dignity and solidarity of the military and it was decided that the army would
no longer let the corporate interest of army for Musharraf.
All the army personnel deputed in civil departments were ordered to return back to their
duty and resign from the civilian posts. Restrictions on all the officers were imposed to have
contact with Musharraf or to perform any political role for him. Survival in the political field was
solely left for Musharraf. He lost the support of the army because hundreds of ex army officers
asked him to resign. "The military did not want to play any political role and returned back to the
barracks" (Siddiqa, 2007, p. 53).
In the general elections of 2008 the PML (Q) of Musharraf and all other political parties
were contesting elections. The COAS had strictly ordered the army and intelligence agencies not
to take any part in the election. In the elections PML (Q) got bitter defeat while PPP and PML
(N) won majority seats in the elections. Musharraf had to face the charges of impeachment
because of two reasons, i.e. the antagonistic attitude of the new parliament and the criminal
charges from the apex court (Siddiqui, 2006).
21
At this juncture Musharraf wanted to sack Kiyani as COAS and dissolve parliament, but
the army stood united with Kiyani and Musharraf‟s thinking could not be materialized. Kiyani
proposed Musharraf to resign from the post of president instead of confronting the charge of
impeachment. In such case Army would defend Musharraf from any punishment. So, Musharraf
had no other option but to resign from the seat of president and Asif Ali Zardari of PPP became
the next President. The army was happy and returned back to barracks for its interests were
safeguarded well.
1.4.1 Statement of the Problem
Pakistan's weak political system and political parties devoid of democratic sense were
mainly responsible which failed to introduce stable, active, durable political culture. Whenever
civilian leadership failed to handle chaos and unrest in the state they knocked at the door of
Pakistan's army to handle.A political system could be developed that could fight against those
who abrogates the constitution. It could not create a suitable environment for the politically
elected democratic government to grow in order to come up to the expectations and dreams of
the people.
Moreover, ruling class always found to be non vigilant quarrelsome in political tug of
war, mutual rivalries and unexpectedly fast changing governments. This state of affairs caused
by the failure of political governments provided much room for military to handle the reign of
government, because it was comparatively more organized, strong and efficient. In the history of
Pakistan military intervention destroyed the very fabric of political institutions by imposing
martial laws as an aftermath of successful military coups for a long time and restricting political
parties, political activities and dissolving assemblies putting an end to the constitutions. Army
considers itself the preeminent guardian not only Pakistan's external but also its internal interest.
22
Musharraf coup was not much different from his predecessors. The 9/11 (2001) was
blessing for his rule, just as the soviet invasion of Afghanistan had been boon for Zia. Musharraf
at his discretion reauthorized president to dissolve national assembly. The military is perceived
as the godfather that is only capable of guarding the nation against all adverse situations. Such
self made beliefs encourage the military to declare itself as the sole defenders and guardians of
the country. And on this self righteous decision, it boastfully levels itself to have the right to
make an intervention in the political and economic affairs of the country. Military with their
tactful tricks have kept the nation in a state of oscillation regarding the security system always
pursuing various problematic policies e.g., Kargil issue, support of US after 9/11, removal of
Judges and various other. Question arise here that that is responsible for all these, whether it is
military or civilian? Analytical understanding regardingfrictions in civil military relations in
Pakistan is needed.
1.4.2 Objectives of the Study
The main objectives of the study are:
1) To analyze civil military relations in Pakistan.
2) To go through the reasons of military intervention in the politics of Pakistan in general and
specifically to identify the reasons of 4th military coup in Pakistan
3) Effects of military involvement and possibilities of healthy democratic system in Pakistan.
1.4.3 Research Questions:
1. What is the nature of civil military relations in Pakistan? Why does military interfere in
the political domain?
2. The period since 1998 till 2015, what were the areas where military influenced the most?
23
3. How does military involvement in political matters affect Pakistan‟s politics and what
are the possibilities of positive civil military interaction. ?
1.4.4 Theoretical Framework
The theoretical road map begins with Plato‟s “Republic” in which the whole philosophy
revolves around two things; one is the basic requirements of the people alongside economic
prosperity and a powerful army to protect the republic from outside invasion and safeguard the
rights to life and property of the masses (Ober, 1996, p. 146). Second is to counter the tendency
of cruel powers adopted by the military rule i; e no stone should be left unturned; changing this
tendency of governing the people by the military. The guardian should not have any personal
property or family life because this would corrupt them and would bring downfall for the states
and society. For this purpose, the guardians must be educated highly because it is the only and
most suitable way of reforming the mindset of military on ethical and moral grounds to save
citizens from their high handedness cruelties.
According to Plato‟s the guardians are the watchdogs of the state whose job should be
twofold. They should defend their nationals devotedly on the one hand and on the other hand,
they must have intimidating attitude towards the aggressors. So, Plato vividly mentions the
syllabus for the guardians, who are based purely on moral values for the industrialists and the
military. A line of demarcation should be set for their functions and the limit thereof, with the
people to have full knowledge of the role and limits of these two segments of society. Only the
philosophers should be left to rule the country (Bloom & Kirsch, 2016). The downfall comes
when the businessman who has avarice for wealth assumes the role of a ruler or when an army
commander utilizes his forces to set up a military dictatorship.
24
The best field for a businessman is economic field and a soldier can best display his
abilities in a battlefield. Both are totally a failure in statesmanship and because they are novice
and inexperience in the political realm, so it suffers a great deal at the hands of traders and
guardians. Only educated civilians or philosophers can do the job of statesmanship at their best.
According to Plato, soldiers are special people skilled (trained) for specific purpose to defend the
state. That is why military is gaining more attention all over the world today. This is evident in
the continuous rise in the military budget in most countries of the world especially in Pakistan
and in India.
The theoretical framework‟s fold also mentions about the scheme put forth by Confucius,
a sage of the ancient age, which stresses upon three most important points, i.e. The basic needs
of the masses strong military for defense and mutual trust between the ruler and the ruled. This
scheme considers mutual trust as the supreme element for the stability of a state.
Ibn-e- Khaldoon also opines that the role of the military is of prime importance for the
stability of the state, but the problem started when the rulers hired the military for the protections
of their walled cities and courts instead of sending them to defend the borders and save the
general public from foreign aggression. In this way, the ruling class is left at the disposal and
sweet will of military, civil authority and control of the military. It is required that civilian rulers
must have a way to instruct the army for a military action but should not try to unduly affect the
methodology of the military action to avail any reaction (Feaver, 1996).
To decide about an objective should be job of civilian authority and how to achieve that
objective should solely be the prerogative of army without being dictated by civilian authority.
The key to best civil military relationship is the intensity of civilian control of the army. Too
much control of the military would result in a weak defense, while losing control would create a
25
chance for a military coup. According to Huntington (1995) for effective civil military relations
civilian control over military should be in the objective form these factors should be kept in mind
for such objective control i.e.;
i. The army must adopt professionalism and recognize their limits.
ii. The military should agree to effective superiority of the civilian authority which is
solely responsible for adopting strategic foreign and military policies.
iii. Agreement and acceptance by the political leadership over giving free hand to
military in deciding professional matters.
iv. To refrain from interfering in each other domain both civil leadership and military
should stick to their own spheres of functions.
Undoubtedly, without armed forces no state can survive, but it is also true that without
strong moral values and training they would be a permanent source of security risk for the
political ruler and the state. Therefore, civil military relations in Pakistan are going to be
analyzed along with convergence and divergence of their interests as a factor. In the modern
world system nations state occupies the most pivotal position and this concept originated from
the Westphalia treaty in 1648. This system has two aspects, i.e. one is political and the other is
economic. Both aspects developed over the centuries till they adopted the modern global system.
The driving force behind capitalism is amassing the wealth or investment and production
of commodities. This system is a threat of a modern nation state. The second aspect has of the
nation state which is concerned with political matter nation states faced many difficulties like the
legality of politics and the balance of power among organs of government. These are important
for a good democratic society. If there is no check and balance system, the judiciary is not free
then this situation leads to one man show or one man rule. The absence of separation of powers
26
is a great impediment in the evolution of the institutions which is faced by present day nation
state system. Restrictions on media are an indicator for the downfall of the progressive
democratic system.
As the main purpose of this thesis is to deal with the collapse of the political institutions
so the findings appear in support and favor of nation‟s state system. Promoting a great leader
results in successful nations which create an environment in which ordinary people can rule well.
The army is the most disciplined and important institutions of a state. It has a specific structure
which functions the world over and it is set up to protect the country from external as well as
internal threats. In modern states, military has no concern with politics or government affairs.
Pakistan came into being after a successful democratic movement led by Quaid-e-Azam
but deficiency in the democratic process and centralization of powers posed serious problems for
Pakistan right from the beginning, unfortunately, there have been four military coups in the
country i.e. 7th
Oct 1958, 25th
March 1969, 5th
July 1977 and 12th
Dec 1999. The military ruled in
the country for about 32 years.
The Turks have a deep feeling of thankfulness and sentimental attachment with their
army because they believe that it lives to defend them, but at the same time they are not in favor
of the army‟s role in political affairs which has became unbearable for the Turks. They want
democracy to work in the country instead of military superiority. Then here in Pakistan, where
there has always been the problem that whenever army was invited to help in resolving the
differences among politicians it resulted in the imposition of martial law and seizing of powers.
There is a psychological reason behind the military‟s take over in Pakistan i.e. They are
trained in such a way that the officers deem themselves superior to any other institution of
civilians or politicians (Khan, 2005). Their nonpolitical role makes politics with this mental
27
approach. Even this superiority complex extends to other fields as well, i.e.; Due to its large size
and structure, it utilizes the resources of the state at the cost of private sector and there are less
resources left for more production sectors like health and education (Ziring, 1997; Lodhi, 2011,
p. 253).
The World Bank report published in 2005 disclosed that Pakistan‟s defense expenditure
was 3.4% of the GDP as compared to India 2.3% (Lodhi, 2011, p. 180). "Economic growth can
only be generated when a country is politically and socially stable"(Hayat, Fatima, Mukhtar and
Bano, 2016, p. 690). This is a great headache for the political rulers of Pakistan because they
have to think of their future on the one hand and the nature of the army on the other, because
Pakistan has to ensure its defense at all cost.
The US has always favored military rulers in the third world countries like Pakistan as
they help it in achieving its motives and targets as a reward for US support and economic
package (Paul, 2014, p. 66). The military takeover in 1958 and 1977 is an example of this favor.
In Pakistan, the ineffectiveness of democratic system resulted in the creation of weak political
leadership which had no democratic culture, values and sense to deliver. Thus political
leadership runs over democratic norms and values so abruptly that the military had to remove
them from the political scene of the country in a short span of 10 years after independence. There
are many cases like that of "the army public stance on Kerry Lugar Bill showed its denial of
civilian supremacy as well as the revelation of Osama Bin Ladin's residence in Abbottabad and
his killing resulted both national and international criticism of Pakistani army" (Talbot, 2012, p.
224).
28
1.4.5 Organization of the Study
Chapter one is the introduction of study by explaining the statement of the problem,
objectives and questions of the study. Chapter two is literature review on civil military relations
in Pakistan. Chapter three lights on research methodology, and chapter four Data analysis deals
with the civil military relations in the context of internal politics as well as external relations with
reference to India, Afghanistan, China and USA.
Chapter five contains conclusion, findings and recommendations for stable civil military
relations. Pakistan's history is an interesting study for civil military ties in which army has a
dominant role while civil society has significance equal to zero. It is hoped that Pakistan has the
potential to overcome the internal chaos, it is comforted with and become a strong democratic
state.
An age long history of martial laws in the country has caused the political, economic and
social life towards militarization. In spite of all this the military rule has never been granted
sanction by the masses. In the dominant martial law system military enjoys superiority on the
issues pertaining to strategic policy and decision making institutions. It can plan and instruct the
conduct of political leadership and interest groups in the desired direction.
29
Chapter Two
Literature Review
2. 1 Overview
In this chapter there is a complete exposition of the literature review, which I have read
related to my research work. Innumerable erudite, political thinkers and defense analysts have
made a comprehensive approach towards the role of military in Pakistan's political arena. The
researcher in this part of research enumerates some relevant literature which has done on the
same issue what the researcher is going to conduct.
After going through this chapter, the reader can easily apprehend the causes of military
intervention in the political sphere of Pakistan and the effects of divergence in civil military
relations on the entire political system. Disparity and fluctuation in civil military relations has
leaded to some serious impacts on internal as well as external politics of the country. On the
other hand, it clarifies the distances between the civilians and the militants which were not tried
by the scholars to examine and focus. Some gaps which the scholars tried to solve but they did
not succeed. Therefore, this chapter can provide the critical understanding about the research,
their problems and solutions.
Pakistan is deprived of any substance save handful articles and editorial of local press.
Among these reports, studies and official documentations before the parliament available,
provides no impartial views to justify their decision, which is being quarried over the world
while admitting these boundaries, this research is to bring off a detail study of all accessible
academics and non-academic work in the field which encompasses;
30
1. Text and reference books.
2. Experts Research studies and reports.
Adeney (2004) Democracy in South Asia: Getting beyond the structure-agency
dichotomyremarks the fragile structural element of Pakistan‟s democratic system. It is an
acknowledged fact that Pakistan security of external order and the indispensability to build the
country from the fragmented smithereens has caused the issue of democratic shift. The army has
received its boosting strength from the threat which has been posed by India, while the
differences among politicians gave birth to substantial gap that cannot be filled equally by both
the bureaucracy and the army.
Acemoglu,& Robinson (2013) why nations fail: The origins of power, prosperity and
povertyopenly declared that the prosperity and progress of a country do not mostly depend on
climate, geography or culture, but these are the institutions which play a vital role in its stability.
The example of ancient Rome and the Tudors of modern China are the examples which are given
by them.
Aziz (2001) Pakistan's political culture: essays in historical and social origins a political
thinker and also his religious and sociological insights unfold and analyze the background of
Pakistan‟s political insight. He puts forward authentic explanation of the political system that
underwent a stumbling process from one crisis to another crisis. During 70 years of its
independence Pakistan has made it politically laughing stock as parliament a fish market and its
political figures, but of ridiculous while democracy has remained in its ugliest form, only
military generals feel comfortable in such ambience (Khan, 2017). The political leaders can do
nothing but are only spectators. Pakistan's politicians are naive in the field of politics and behave
31
like pampered and spoilt children. Poor leadership brings bleakness over the whole perspective.
It also destroys the political institution and makes the military intervention inevitable.
Military rule derails a country from its progressive track, which has two grave
consequences. It kills the democratic and political instinct of a nation. Military intervention
paves a pattern to be followed by the civilian leadership to monopolize their prowess and
establish constitutional autocracy.
Bengali (1999) History of educational policy making and planning in Pakistan aptly
compasses civil military problems in Pakistan and other democratic countries and asserts that in
Pakistan, the flourishment of many sectors are carried out at the expense of the masses.
Pakistan's military expenses have weaken other sectors of mass amelioration suffer a lot.
Cohen (1998) The Pakistan Army: with a New Foreword and Epilogue analyses the
inclination of civil military relation in Pakistan in 2011. He urges that the role of the army,
although has been receded, but not minimized. The army remains as the undisputed power
having its deep roots in almost every government of the country that has got established during
the various phases.
During Musharraf‟s regime, various nonmilitary practices with the vested interest of the
military as a priority has greatly encouraged the military, while the civilians have been kept in
the background. Although, two years apparent stability in the government army is yet unable to
gain both the confidence and favor of civilians. But in spite of such defiance towards army a
sound political leadership could not be brought forward to stand against military power and to
keep them confined to their barracks. The civilian power that has governed the country
encompasses two families monopoly, the Bhutto‟s and the Sharif's. The fragile leadership has
32
resulted in domestic stability while if such interventions from army continues, the public will
accustom to welcome military rule in the country.
Eliot A Cohen Author Links Open the author, workshop: What relation does exist
between civilian, the security overall and the public as a whole and the military has established a
segregated armed frame to defend the society. This question finds it apt reply difficulty in the
various countries keeping in mind the deep influence of historical, emotional and conventional
background. It depends upon the role of the military as a state institution in a particular country,
the subservience of the military to the civilians, government and leadership as directed by the
law and constitutional framework.
The perceptiveness of public about military officials, the influence of the army officers,
professional public understating towards security and foreign policy of the regime and certain
deeds of the army determine it. The very pattern of the issue is constantly changing as both
society and the military are on a perennial state of changing.
Haqqani (2010) in his book Pakistan: Between mosque and military describes Pakistan,
among USA allies as having an ambiguous state of neither as a friend nor a foe? Working along
with US with full support Pak army has strengthened its position both outside and inside the
country, which left a deep impact on the already fragile political setup of the country.
Huntington (1995) Reforming Civil-Military Relations analysis that, there is a great
difference between the civilian and military worlds. He further says that these both worlds could
coexist without risking and jeopardizing the liberal democracy. He suggests that for maintaining
order the civilian authorities are needed to frame a way of directing the military without letting it
get into the autonomous character and organization or the prerogative of the military world thus
keep the politics at bay. A subtle harmony between army and civilian world can be built-up if
33
there a proportionate distance is maintained. This can be done if political system and its
leadership, comprehending the essential occupational military by maintaining its dominance over
the army. It must get adhered to each other institutionally proximate with better comprehension
and conjoint accord and understanding.
Huntington and Janowitz suggest that for better relation to be maintained the civilian
power must build up a paramilitary force for tackling any internal disturbance. This paramilitary
force must be at the beck and call of the political world. The army must be kept away from the
negative political and social effect of the civilian world.
Jalal (1990) asserts in her book The state of martial rule: The origins of Pakistan's
political economy of defense that the sun-set and looming peril that Indian masqueraded to
Pakistan has beefed the anti democratic factors in the country. The defense budget is expanding
annually and other sectors of social infrastructure are left undeveloped. Both the countries have
waged three wars without resolving security issues. India accuses Pakistan of backing terrorists
in Kashmir and in India.
These accusations sometime cause grave tussle. For example, India leveled blames on
Pakistan for carrying out blasts in Mumbai in July, 2011 and also declaring Pakistan as the sole
perpetrated against these blasts. Such incidents boost up military preponderance strategic wise.
This contrived the whole procedure of peace and bolstered military insight for survival. The
feeble rhetoric's of visionary intellectuals have resulted in futility on both sides of the border that
could have comprehended the overall magnitude of the matter that could enhance the political
power of both countries to resolve these grave issues of security.
Khan (2005) in his book, Constitutional and political history of Pakistan brings another
vital issue regarding the military zeal for their intrusion in the political setup of the country. It is
34
the sense of superiority complex that is inculcated into the army officers' minds, which look at
politicians & civilian as incapable and inferior. However, the military role keeps on varying from
disdaining politics to adhering to it. There are various sectors that have been affected by military
in one way or another. The military consumes larger part of the budget, which leaves other
sectors undeveloped and almost have ignored, especially health and education. The fact, that the
army has dominating effects on the economy and society. It is true, because of its large size and
their personal vested interest in public sectors. Such military adventurism damages the economy
of a country and its rightful distribution.
Kukreja (1991) Civil-Military Relations in South Asia: Pakistan the blemishes of
electoral procedure have caused a perpetual contraction and the un-representativeness of self
perpetuating elite has also made the military to overtake the rule of the country after a decade,
which speaks in volumes the inability of the politician with their shallow insight and self
centeredness, which has paved the way for the army to overthrow civilian government.
It is also an acknowledged fact that military rule had deprived masses of their
fundamental political rights, which hurled down the country into the abyss of underdevelopment.
After overtaking power, General Ayub Khan had abolished constitution; he had eliminated
central and provincial governments and also had dismissed their legislature, nullified the political
parties, expatriated president and brought martial law in the country. There had been a complete
ban on press freedom and public discourses about the new political system.
Lieven (2012) Pakistan: A hard countryprojects the regional state of Pakistan as of
immense importance, not only for the United States but for the whole world. He carries out an
authoritative research of the highly complicated and poorly understood country, not only its
regional and geographical, ethnicities, contesting religious customs, diversified social
35
chronography, deep rooted political conflict, tension and historical motif of violence but also its
astonishing essential stability, engraved in affinity and the potential of embedded local elites.
Myrdal (1968) Asian drama:An inquiry into the poverty of the Nation makes a fair
analysis of the party led by an army from the early stage of the country's inception. He has
discussed the strife for power both moral as well as ideological bases. A government which tries
to create national cohesion and consolidation along with national progress is prone to confront
inescapable complications. Pakistan lacks political identity and national allegiance. The
inequality based on social and economic growth has created gaps among public. But if contrived,
Pakistan can achieve better living standards, diminish inequalities, reduce population ratio and
obtain the cooperation and participation of the people. Pakistan can still realize the dream of a
great section of its people.
Nawaz (2008) Crossed swords: Pakistan, its army, and the wars within exposes the
elements behind the army‟s constant political interference and colossal effects in the national
life. He analyzed its complicated nexus with civilian sector and the internal system to stress that
civilian dominance must be the main objectives. He focuses not only on the relation between Pak
and US armies, but pictures Pakistan as the sole Muslim state in one of the world‟s challenging
neighborhood. He concludes by saying that this conflict of military intervention with the civilian
sector of resolving many help builds up a stable political scenario in a country. Nawaz‟s research
brings forth the relation of both the army and civilian by using unpublished material acquired
from the USA, the UK and the General Headquarters of Pakistan. It also encompasses interviews
of top military and political figures of Pakistan as well as the USA. His focus is not only on
Pakistan's army and its connection with the US, but it also focus Pakistan as a vital Muslim
country with its challenging neighborhood giving it a tough task regarding security issues.
36
He explores different facets of numerous wars waged against India and the consequential
rounds of political musical chair. He also sheds lights on the Kargil conflict of 1999. He
concludes his analysis in the retrospection of this history that may help Pakistan to bring its
internal war to an end and pave its way towards political stability. Nawaz Asserts that both
Pakistan civilian and military leaders have a prolong history of Tug of war relation and the
output of this is that the country is entangled in the cycle of tussle between the coercive power of
the army and the rightful constitutional authority of the state.
Niaz (2009) The Culture of Power and Governance in Pakistan declares, that the
incompetence of politicians have eased the way for a military intrusion in the political arena of
the country. Whenever Pakistan slides towards bankruptcy theocracy and state, future military
assistance has sought, but it generally resulted in military take over a military coup. Furthermore,
the army has helped in natural disaster management and provided them to taste the flavor of
political power that they got accustomed to and their presence or unnecessary intervention
became a matter of routine. Thus the political power and institutional development have tumbled
down under the indomitable and formidable power of the army.
Oldenburg (2010) India, Pakistan, and democracy: Solving the puzzle of divergent
pathscompares the democratic system of India and Pakistan and resultantly points out the factors
that have made Indian democracy stronger than Pakistan. According to him in many third world
countries the governance system is an arena with various participants, which he calls constitutive
authorities, which is a combination of civil bureaucracy, military power, publicly elected
representatives, religious or clergy and other related parties. The tug of war usually takes place
among them. The common belief is boasted by the army is there beings the only protectors of
Pakistan.
37
This notion is generally believed by Pakistanis that the reason for this strong dogma is
that the army handles the external policies that include issues of Islamist militants. The
normalized civil military understanding is an essential element to address the security issues, but
if this normalization is bringing the army would be on the losing ground, where it finds itself
losing its power and the lion's share inside the country‟s political system. The stakeholder
position of the army will be at stake and it is reluctant to do so. The good and bad relation of
civil and military worlds depends upon the fact, the good one is, that if the army strictly adhere
to its constitutional realm and the bad one is, when there are frequent coups carried out or the
military deviate from its defined limits.
Rashid (2008) Descent into chaos: the US and the failure of nation building in Pakistan,
Afghanistan declares Pakistan as a Hobbesian country and says that the root causes of its
instability lies in its government‟s foolishly indiscreet policies. In spite of having a powerful
army nuclear weapons, geostrategic importance. Pakistan remains unable to maintain solid
political system inside, where it can play vital role in uplifting public lives by meeting their
needs. Its weak economy, its illiterate population, unemployed youth and above all the military
that supports Taliban in Afghanistan while consistently fight them in Pakistan.
Double faced and double dealing government that deceived its citizens. It is clear that
Pakistan has remained entangled in this quagmire and will never be able to see it flourishing with
prosperity; it would rather be seen as a failed state, which will make keep its ideological
existence alive till its army and politician shun their pursuit for their vested interest.
Rizvi (1998) Civil-military relations in contemporaryPakistan in his book, the military
and politics Pakistan 1st
edition portrays a vivid picture of military role and their strife for legacy.
The feebleness of political leaders have provided immense chances to interfere the political
38
scenario of the country. A dearth of the political insight of the leaders, who hankers after
personal vested interest more than the overall amelioration of nation based benefits and lack of
self-confidence of political leader have made politics impotence and fragile in Pakistan.
Rizvi declares Pakistan as Praetorian state, where the military has gained credentials to
have their dominance over the fundamentals political infrastructure and process of the country.
Its role slowly has encompassed the area, where it has emerged as an important stakeholder in
the formation of the decision particularly in the defense and security matters. He asserts the
Praetorian nature of military with its external tussles and constrained relations with India post
Bangladesh insecurity and Afghanistan war remains such factors that have made the indulgence
of military process indispensable in country's political setup.
According to Rizvi if a retrospective view of the political development of Pakistan is
dawning with the fact, that the lack of competency in the political arena and the disorganized
political parties have led to the intervention of the military in the civilian politics of the country.
The enhancement of regionalism and political negotiation and the wide contraries of the part
played by parliamentary democracy increased disability that decrease the authority and
productiveness and effectuality of government system and operation in which contrary to this
military has kept gaining power and strength.
Shaft (1989) Political system of Pakistan and public policy: Essays in interpretation in
his book covers the reign of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto, but touches issue regarding
the military dominance in the policy of the state.
Shah (2014) The army and democracyin his famous book has drawn a vivid description,
which projects a noticeable involvement of the army in Pakistan politics since its inception. Shah
clearly unfolds the permeable complicity between the country‟s civilian and military spheres.
39
Apart from supplying a marvelous study of the relation between Pakistan‟s military and civilian.
Shah makes vital and more general scholarly addition, he elucidates that the security challenges
overpower the political infrastructure of the country that has made the military intervention
indispensable. He has given a detailed analysis of military and civil clashes since 1947 with
particular concern about the army‟s part in comprehending democracy. It is quite a fact that since
its inception in 1947, only once an elected government has peacefully shifted power to another
one.
Turks have great respect for their army and declares it indispensable for them, but they
have kept an army at bay from political power. They have tasted the flavor of politics and are its
champions. But it is an undeniable fact that whenever army‟s help was ever sought for a settling
issues among politicians it ironically took over the government. As collected data from world
bank has taken in 2005, that the Pakistani defense budget has as percentage wise GDP around 3-
4 percent, while that of India stood at 2-3 percent. It is a gigantic challenging task for the
political regime. It shows the helplessness of the politicians and the monstrosity and
extravagance of army official. Such adventurism leaves a country on the verge of collapse,
because of imbalance and injustice with other sectors of the country. USA openly shows its
support for the army regime, because it paves their way in gaining geographical objectivism and
as a reward USA extends its economic support for the military run government. The 1958 and
1977 military takeovers are cases in reference.
Siddiqua (2007) Military Inc.: Inside Pakistan’s military economy puts forward the
concept of Milbus (military capital) as a different military investment in various sectors be it (FF,
SF, AWT) has been working for the personal vested interest of senior military officers. The
expenses of Milbus have thrown Pakistan into the abyss of uncertainty and its future bleak. The
40
research is good contribution but she emphasized only on the military for Pakistan's failure. It
has some gaps which they did not discuss like civilian's failures in tackling the political
situations.
Stern (2003) Changing India: bourgeois revolution on the subcontinent;identifies some
of the key obstructions and hurdles in the development of parliamentary democracy in Pakistan.
He points out, that the biggest obstacles are the unlimited and unbridled power of anti-
democratic elements. All coups reflect the same purpose prevailing army‟s supremacy. The
irresistible intervention of military in the domestic politics results in weakening of democratic
structure of the country. Corruption is another menace that has destroyed the politics internally.
There is a tussle between the corruption enriched of the dominant class and the ambitious
military bureaucratic authoritarianism.
Zaidi (2005) Issues in Pakistan's economypoints out that the vital role played by the army
in the democratization process. The military regimes in Pakistan did their best to thwart the way
for democracy and make it claws firmly in political power of the country. Many hurdles are
created for a democratic government by the military for destabilizing it. Many issues are self
created issues that paved the way for military takes over. The operational element behind the
craze of army for political power had been the perception, that they have better strategies for
running the government and the politicians lack insight for the same work. It is worth mentioning
here that because of the corrupt politicians and their indulgence in personal vested interest that
has provided them enough excuses to put democracy in the backyard while the army with their
superiority complexes mentality got encouraged. It is the reason that after a decade martial law
was imposed in the country. The clashes between these two world for political power trodden
41
down the public and various sectors of public amelioration. The tug of war for political power
has dragged the country into the abyss of underdevelopment.
Ziring (1997) Pakistan in the twentieth century: A political history has pointed out both
the vision and the reality of South Asian polity. He pointed out,that Pakistan had been dominated
by the political figures little consideration was given to the institutional development and nation
building. Constitution remained the victim of constant martial laws imposed. Pakistan remained
an inceptive nation. Pakistani‟s must bring harmony in understanding one another, they must get
closer, united and assist one another to meet the demands of the modern age. Pakistan does not
depend upon the armed forces to survive; it‟s the people who are the real asset of the country
who must work as a community for its progress. Though diversified in cast and tribes they can
play vital role in the country‟s building process. In a nutshell, according to the analysts, Pakistan
has the potential to become a modern stable state if serious reforms are taken. Sincere leadership
with visionary political insight and a harmonious understanding can drag Pakistan back from the
brink of crisis.
Pakistan since its inception has been under the mercy of military domination. The age of
Pakistan is half covered with the military dominance in the shapes of coups and takes over, that
kept the civil governance quite vulnerable and sabotaged. Civil-military relation, if has reformed,
can bring vital changes in Pakistan‟s internal political stability in solving regional conflicts and
the apprehended warfare with India. Not only the internal but also the external stability of the
adjacent regions, mostly depends on the democratic pattern of civil military relations. The army
has to be subservient to the civilian politician and be neutral in political affairs of the country.
The vested military interest is the operation element behind its interference in the politics.
Apart from this element poverty, economic setback, unstable institutions and corruption are also
42
some of the reasons of Pakistan‟s destabilization and its collapsing infrastructure. Furthermore,
the weak political institution has added a lot to the misery of Pakistan. The military coup and its
governance has put the country further into the mire of issues instead finding a way for many
reforms.
Military government never handed over the government to civilians in a stable order, but
rather it has left it entangled in complications. Even if politicians make links with the military it
is for the purposes of their personal interest or for the expansion of their political power.
Moreover, the clash between politicians, military and judiciary has resulted in the utter political
instability of the country. The cost that Pakistan has paid and will be paid in the future for such
indiscreet move is very high. It consumes the asset that could on the contrary be in the economic
strength and for the betterment of the public.
The notion woven around the military clash with civilian political power is that the
military has rendered immense services to the country while the politicians are declared as
incapable and inept for running the country. According to military perception civilian politician
will easily sacrifice this country for the sake of their personal vested interest. Military think of
themselves as a godfather who is the sole protectors of the country.
The distrust of the army upon the civilian politicians and the resulted corruption that has
infested the country becomes the cause of clash between the army and politicians. Another factor
is the sense of superiority of the military over civilians that have encouraged them for
interventions in politics of the country. It can fairly be said that there are multi-dimensional
elements, that have played vital role in encouraging the military to meddle in the affairs of the
state and the result of this is obviously nothing but catastrophe for the country.
43
The politicization of religion has a dominating role. It played framing the history of the
Pakistan‟s civil society, its root can be traced back to the strife has been made by the nationalist
in the 20th century. Although, Pakistani Muslim showed diversified religions and rituals. Yet it
(Islam) is the religion that has played a vital role in unifying the Muslims in Pakistan, which
remained a source of inspiration for a brief period after 1947. The 1971dismemberment of
Pakistan caused a catastrophic blow for religious identity in Pakistan. Although the same identity
has been brought to resurrection in the rule of Zia, but it was the military regime of Zia in which
the foundation of the radicalization of the civil society has been laid. Zia not only ushered a
period of complete Islamization, but he also brought the political system of the country under the
umbrella of Islamic mindset. The whole generation of the time was indoctrinated into
Islamization.
This generation with the Islamic mindset, paradoxically came from the public schooling
system rather than religion Madrassas. This trend found its vehement virtualization after 9/11
resulting in great turmoil and agitation in Pakistan. This fashion of ritualism and piety adopted a
few forms of extremism. Public exhibition of religiosity is turning people into member of a
political Dawah group. The whole system introduced by Zia turned into a well netted
organizational structure. This explores the role performed by these subsequent well organized
groups in making the civil society under radicalization and the implication of this for the failure
existence of civil society. Pakistan is still in its initial stage of development impressively
struggling to achieve stability against aggression both domestically and externally. A state
which, has undergoing a sea of challenges. Which to a great extent has deeply shaken its very
existence, draggling it into the backwardness, causing faltering economy and offering sacrifices
for its internal and external security stability?
44
Historically Pakistan democracy has remained ineffectual but in the recent scenario the
political establishment is getting stronghold, particularly the adamant judicial system of the
country with its independent Chief Justice more importantly, the awareness and support of the
public shown for political issues. Independent judiciary which can stand against army
unconstitutional acts in a state in its development process, striving for democratization. Such acts
are to be thwarted with due assertiveness by the judiciary. In Larry diamond‟s view laws in
constitutional governments are the fundamental factors before democracy is established. He
further elaborates that in England and other European countries the constitutional governments
and the rule of law are given priority as compared to democracy.
From an international objective deliverance point of view military has been declared as the
only institution that can operate sufficiently better than other systems or institutions of Pakistan.
Thus the army remains a top choice in partnership for many countries, extensively in the United
States in particular, however, it is noteworthy that the military regimes have put Pakistan in a
great crisis as military manipulated its power in helping its partner countries in achieving that
objective.
Pakistan has been ignored completely and as a result, it has suffered a lot as it has got
completely isolated, imperiled its stability and its economy shattered. Here the regime of General
Pervez Musharraf has been focused who‟s unexampled support which he has expected from the
United States both political and material have brought Pakistan once again at the brink of
destruction. The United States must extend their solid support for the democracy and justice in
Pakistan rather than supporting the conservative concepts of order, they should provide
privileged support for the people of Pakistan over the support of military rulers.
45
Although democracy has been restored in Pakistan yet the military‟s influence remained
has domineering in the overall political process of the country. The top brass military leaders
though do not inclined towards assuming power yet they have subtle control over the decision
making process on the foreign policy, security affairs and other internal issues. Their
temperament and behavior is essentially shaped by their professional and corporate benefits.
These leaders are willing to work with the government as long as it can handle the issues of
governance in an effected and balanced way and does not meddle with the army interest. The
civilian government can have full freedom to joy their political and economic benefits of solely
managing them but it has to give due deliberation to the military sensitivities.
The military interaction can only be fully comprehended by analyzing both the partner of
threats and domestic political management. The indispensability of military influence is based
upon the civilian government incompetence, the impending terrorism attacks, domestic violence
in the shape of religious extremism and its perpetual conflicting relations with neighboring
counties specially with India and Afghanistan. Comparing the Pakistanis military with that of
Indians, it is quite, surprising that both the militaries came into existence simultaneously, but
took completely different ways, keeping in mind the political trajectories.
Do Pakistan rulers want to improve and extend security at the expense of domestic
security deterioration? In fact grave external threats do evoke military loyalty. The political
leaderships must prefer to ensure their control and domination over the military using
institutional level that confine the military's authority and enhance its benefits for loyalty.
However, it has noteworthy that where the rulers are doubtful about the threat environment a
usual occurrence that puts civil military relations at strain.
46
The use of institutional power proves more intricate because it happens that rulers
sometimes are unable to fashion a response that both protects the military loyalty and ensure a
sufficiently solid defense against threats to make their regimes stable, leaders must find out
nexus between the danger of a coup and international conflict by thinking about alternatives.
Two theoretical expectations can be offered in this regard; when the structural coup
proofing operation gets powerful leader should lose the incitation and the capability to use
deviation. Military finances should lead to incongruous behavior when considering regime type.
The armed forces must be given the incentive, mainly in the shape of allowances by the civilian
government. It will be required from democracies to utilize expenditures to promote the public
good of national security to due to the translucency in their rules. Civilian government must use
incentives to promote diversion as a financial endowment to their military enhancement, while
democracies will keep on showing a diversified vision trend due to enhance military capabilities.
Lack of security or insecure leaders are most expected to adopt aggressive foreign
policies as compared to those secured. This assumption is based on the proposition of interstate
dispute involving, that assists leaders inhibit possible challenges against their governance or
rules. This hypothesis can be operated keeping in mind the coup attempts analysis based proof
tells, that cross national time series from interstate dispute partake over the period 1960-2000
shows, that a state facing militarialzation with another state is about 60%, is expected to
experience minimum coup attempts, in the coming years. It is proved, that the interstate disputes
involvement of the military keeps the coup at maximum distance. Coups can be avoided if
domestic issues are mutually resolved without seeking the help from military. From the past,
various examples can be witnessed that the inability of the autocrat leaders can eventually seek
the assistance of military.
47
According to the author of Democracy in the developing countries, where the authors
follow a general judgmental framework to find out the experiences with democratic and
authoritarian government and analyze the deep rooted causes of the democracy. Its successes and
failures in ten Asian countries. The authors also apply the same on Africa and Latin America. An
apt and comprehensive theory related to the social, cultural, economic and political factors that
maintain stable democracy is the case studies carried out by Diamond and Linz, and Lipset.
Eluding reductionists and mono causal explanation, they stress the interplay between
constitutional and party structure, ethnic tussle, socioeconomic changes, international
prohibitions, political values, doctrines and the mannerism, choice and policies of political
leaders. The democratic stability is largely based within either the socioeconomic or the politico
institutional tradition but generally not on both.
The long shifting from the military rulers in Pakistan (1977-88) and Bangladesh (1995-
90) remained neglected in the particular studies of democratization. They need to be given more
attention because through the studies of these two cases, Pakistan can deduct helpful ideas which
can isolate the most important elements that became the cause of successful transition and
strengthen democracies. There are three important factors connected with the Bangladeshis
transition towards democracy in 1990, which Pakistan has not succeeded in establishing it as it
underwent more military domination in the shape of coups.
Firstly, it supports Alfred Stephen‟s agreement in rethinking military, politics: Brazil and
Southern cone (1998) where military as an institution remains under the continuing threats of
civilian power, as in Bangladesh such countries are more likely to have transitioned from
democracy. Secondly an autonomous civil society plays critical role in the maintenance of
democracy which Bangladesh has but Pakistan does not.
48
At crucial stages in 1987, 1990 and 1996 civil society has huddled the unwilling and
corrupt politicians to unite against the military rule and succeeded in bringing them in new
democracy's political institutions. Third ethnic polarization is a great obstacle in the development
of an ethnic free civil society, capable of putting pressure on the military and politicians to
democratize.The available literature on military productiveness set up the vigorous claim that
democracies can succeed and effectively win interstate wars. One process that elaborates this
relationship largely based up the fundamental effect of regime type on this relation has not been
worked upon systematically and precise objective research on this issue remains astonishingly
scarce.
To handle this lacking, this study analysis the pattern of civil military nexuses in
accordance with various regime type i.e. democratic and non democratic. Most particularly it is
examined whether and how democracies invest in coup proofing, means the strategies applied for
preventing the military from usurping power. It is augmented that coup proofing is considered as
both comparatively less appealing and it also needed instrument for democratic principles.
In the previous years, it has occurred multiplying research studies on the army take
over's in Africa that presents the role of African army. Army lender wants a judgment process,
keeping in mind their social and ethnic complexity, practicing ideology as well as socializing
influence in the circle of the seemingly and hiding reasons for their interference in the civil
government system of the country.
Plain and difficult doctrines of the nexus and the relation of civil with military takeover
has been built. Data collected both in soft and hard form has been made operational as well as
overpowered to factor and reversion assessment so that the examination of the practicality and
49
performance of the officers corps‟ when they have came into power to see its inclination to serve
as a modernizing as developmental agent.
We have the example of American civil military relations where there is no crisis, if crisis
stand for the sort of conflict between civil and military establishments, that would came a coup
d‟tate or other exposition of a situation where civilians fails to control military such an observing
disobedience towards system or orders. But to a considerable degree, members of the defense
task force cannot deny, there is a deep and pervasive problems plague civil military relations. It
is the cry of the day that these issues need attention and exploration and painstaking attempts are
needed, to revive the relationship between the military and civil society that the founders have
visualized for the modern democracy of the 21st century.
The generally acknowledged rule of governing and military nexus in the people's
republic of China has always been observed that the party dominates and commands the gun but
the ground reality of these relations depends upon the variation and complexity. Although that
control of the military has generally been maintained throughout the history, but its effectiveness
remained rugged. The people‟s liberation army has remained dominator in the part in the whole
gamut of parts are assumed by the military in politics from the political doldrums to political
supremacy, then back again, though not from the starting point. Due to these variations and
changes the equilibrium of power between the party and PLA has transitioned quickly for several
times. The objectives of this thesis are to analyze the changes in the role of the army and their
impact on civil military relations in the People‟s Republic.
The civil military relations theory applied in the retrospective analysis to build up sound
democratic values and states. It deals with the concept of how to inculcate a conception about
and how to sustain an army that protects the values of democracy show, how classic and state in
50
vague are the ideas presented by Huntington and Janowitz are deep infested. Both in the civil
democratic theory of republican could not solve this issue.
2.2 Literature Review Summary
The Pakistani military is not only highly politically involved institution, but it has also
excellent indigenous, discipline and unity. The COAS is the most influential military and
political position in Pakistan. In 1947 Pakistan emerged as an independent state out of the British
India. A span of 30 years has been the rule of military since then. Undoubtedly, there could not
be two opinions about the Pakistan army's predominant role in the politics of the country. It is
regarded as the largest political party of Pakistan.
It is all because of the feeble political government in the country, vehement domestic
behavior, strong and powerful neighbor. As far as Pakistan politicians are concerned, they seek
help from army generals, beyond constitutional ways in order to weaken the ruling party. In this
way army assumes the role of a mediator in national politics. There are some other reasons for
military‟s involvement, i.e; army itself does not come to terms with democratic authority,
judiciary‟s failures resist army. Moreover, religious clergy are also against democracy, corrupt
bureaucracy develops the situation for military coup in the country. Under the rule of Zardari and
Gilani, according to transparency International report 2010, Corruption in Pakistan has been on
its peak. The reports of the World Bank and Asian Development Bank corruption in Pakistan
increased manifold during the last year.
This situation results in the discontentment of the public towards the political
government and serves a genuine reason for the army to be the undisputed and efficient body to
run the country and often topple down the fragile civilian government. For the policy makers in
the US, Pakistan is considered to be a very important country from its strategic, geographical and
51
the nuclear point of view. In cold war as well as in war on terror, Pakistan has played the role of
frontline state. US has always supported the army to come into power because being a strong
ruler, an army general can best fulfill the requirement of US government, which it wants from
Pakistan.
These are the prime reasons that military in Pakistan began to involve in the political life
of the country and weakened the democratic process. If seen in historic perspective, Pakistan‟s
army is the continuing process of confrontation and struggle of more than two thousand years
across areas, that are included in present day Pakistan and South Asia. The Pakistan armed
forces, especially the military has played significant role in shaping the country after 1947.
After becoming an independent state Pakistan was thought to be governed by the
democratic system, but throughout Pakistan‟s history, the military has been the most powerful
institution and it has overthrown the civilian governments on the pretext of corruption and
maladministration. Right from the beginning, there have been four military coups in the country
without having any justification. All the ensuring political regimes exhibited dutifulness to give
weight age to military‟s say before taking an important decision, especially on matters regarding
Kashmir and foreign affairs. Each time army has been involved in political matters and through
coups set up its own dictatorship.
The areas which constitute present day Pakistan have a legacy of fighting spirit and
martial virtues of sacrifice and forbearance, which are the sources of inspiration for the Pakistani
military. Till now there have been three full scale, and limited wars Kargil conflicts with India.
Pak army is the asset inherited by the British army at the time of emergence of Pakistan in 1947.
At that time military has strictly followed the president of civilian supremacy. The war between
Pakistan and India in 1947-48 over Kashmir was included and it was the result of splitting united
52
India. The Kashmir problem became the first test for Pak army to be involved in the political
affairs of the country.
Civilian rule in Pakistan is a sensitive matter, because it has to maintain equilibrium
between the army high officials and civil government. It is considered as a portion of power and
system through which military exercises, deep effects of extrinsic policy, safeguard of internal
peace and other vital inside concerns. It solicits among various political leaders, parties or state
organs if it thinks that such confrontation is undermining the political process and stability. No
doubt the civilian governments have a lot of authority in political and economic administration
and in the use of state authority, yet it is expected, that it would care for the military‟s interests.
The military has time and again exhibited, that it can and will have an effect on the nature and
course of political transformation in the country without coming into power.
The martial law of 1958 was clamped by Sikandar Mirza as a result of strategic
communication with military led by Ayub Khan. In a martial law government, the people are
denied their basic rights, which results in the backwardness of the society. When Ayub Khan
imposed martial law, he abrogated the constitution of 1956, dismissed parliament, banned the
political parties and forced the president Sikandar Mirza leave the country for good. Freedom
and powers of media, public meetings and the judiciary were curtailed. Criticism on the new
political system was not allowed. Apart from it discussion on regional beliefs or external policy
was declared as illegal.
Sikandar Mirza planned to increase the powers of his parent department, but he was
sacked. For the first time in Pakistan‟s political history, military had played the most significant
role since 1958. Some civil servants, political, judicial personalities joined hands with army
53
thinking it to be a realistic approach, because they saw their own personal interests to be better
served in a martial law government. They never care about the country‟s larger interests.
Ayub Khan considered it too expensive to confront the agitation, resigned from the seat
of president. Yahya Khan attempted the second coup to challenge the protestors, but soon
decided to favor the democratic process, because he thought confrontation could be fatal. This
idea worked, because there was no time left for the politicians to take part in general elections.
Unlikely the politicians and military could not be on the same page after the elections of
1970 and as a result country was dismembered. After the defeat in the 1971 war, the military
could not be able to continue as the most powerful body to govern the country, because of low
morale and severe criticism at home. The politicians led by Bhutto assumed the role of civilian
rulers. This turn over suggests that civil military relations were based on nonstructural grounds.
If the military had its roots deep in the society, it would have been able to continue as the most
dominant power.
Bhutto began reforms in the organizational set up of the civil services, the judiciary and
even the military, but before he could finish his agenda successfully his government was packed
up by Gen Zia Ul Haq as a result of the third military coup. Bhutto‟s fate shows that every time
military‟s interest is undermined by any civilian ruler, there is much likelihood, that there would
be a reaction from the former in the form of military coups.
However, the timing to give effect to this probability is chosen by the military itself. It is
interesting to note, that some elements from politicians, judiciary and civil service welcomed the
new power. The coups of 1977 and 1999 were the result of antimilitary policy adopted by the
civilian ruler and these coups were planned to show their limits to the civilian rulers for
challenging military‟s central position.
54
There is a question whether there would be a sixth coup in the country or not? The
situation is that the government of Nawaz Sharif and other politicians has learnt lesson form
1999 and there is less chance of any coup to be staged by the military led by Gen. Raheel Sharif.
Moreover, the politicians, judiciary and military are on the same page on Musharraf‟s affair and
have same strategic understanding. If military‟s interests in domestic and foreign levels are
harmed, then the possibility of 6th
coup cannot be denied. In such case some politicians as well as
bureaucracy would help to increase the influence of the military in political and economic fields.
Confrontation and splitting up of political parties caused instability in the country and it
resulted in the change of leadership in the center at a faster pace. Before the first coup was staged
by Ayub Khan in 1958 there had been rapid change of 7th
Prime Ministers in the country in the
period from 1951-1957. The army‟s involvement in the politics of the country and its critical role
could be seen well before 1958, when politicians ruling the country compelled the army to clamp
martial law in 1953. Then the army ruled the country in 1958 to 1969 under Ayub Khan then
from 1969 to 1971 under General Yahya Khan from 1977 to 1988 under Gen Zia and from 1999
to 2008 under Gen. Pervaiz Musharraf.
The exiting literature did not distinguish the variables that what were the factors which
played important role in increasing the possibilities of army intervention in Pakistani politics.
What factors were responsible for divergence in civil military relations? This research will try to
examine all those gaps which remained in the existing literature. It will also discuss and observes
all those areas where there was divergence in civil military relations specially, the era from 1998
to 2015.
55
Chapter Three
Research Methodology
3.1 Overview
This chapter includes the research methodology which is the main part of the dissertation;
it includes research design, the method of data collection, the data analysis and theoretical
framework. The sources used are relevant to civil military relations in Pakistan.
3.2 Research Design
The study is a descriptive study; it helps to clarify descriptive information on the
dynamics of the Pakistani civil military relations from 1998 till 2015. A qualitative approach of
research is used in the study, which in turn helped to save time as the study was conducted
during working hours. Open ended questions were refined into quantitative data which became
numbers that were interpreted to formulate meaning. To comprehend the subject a comparative
approach has been made in order to be researched from different parameters of history, internal,
regional and foreign dimensions.
Encompassed by this standpoint, for analysis of documents secondary data is used in this
dissertation. The sources which are used as secondary sources, contain books from thesubject of
political science in general and civil military relations in particular. This study has been wired by
the working papers and reports published by various think tanks. This research focuses on
various news reports, editorials, articles and opinions published in the national and international
newspapers and magazines.
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3.3 Data Collection
Data collection is a process of gathering and measuring information from various sources
on a specific aimed variable in an established system, which enables one to answer relevant
research questions and evaluate outcomes. There are two sources of data collection techniques,
Primary and secondary. Primary data collection uses experiments, surveys and direct
observations while in secondary data collection, data is collected form a diverse source of
documents or electronically stored information.
Following qualitative methodology for the study, while studying literature on the concern
topic, civil military relations in Pakistan have been examined from 1998 till 2015.
3.3.1 Secondary data
The research problem is of the national and regional concerns. However, the purpose of
the research and its scope was narrowed down and confined to the national interest of Pakistan.
The data for the research was collected from libraries, think tanks, government reports,
parliament papers and testimonials of various officials of Pakistan administration.
3.4 Data Analysis
Qualitative data is made up of words, observation and images. Deriving meaning from
such data is impossible; therefore, for exploratory research it is mostly used. Analysis for
qualitative research often begins as soon as the data is available. First the researcher reads and
gets familiar with it and then looks for patterns and observations and finally transcribed the
available data. The researcher answers the questions which already identified through the
available data. After developing framework the researcher then identifies themes looking for
identifying data and the common responses to questions and fined the areas which can be further
explored.
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The theoretical framework is modeled on classical idealism of Plato, which revolves
around two necessitation of the state. A stable economic system, that fulfills the fundamental
needs of the people and an ever ready, robust army that safeguards it against the external threats.
The presence of a tyrannical status from army towards the civilian and an ever lingering image of
the army as the real guardian of the country must be brought to a complete haul. The army's self
co conceived supporting over civilian must be eliminated (Waterfield, 1994). Plato clearly
defines two necessary obligations of the army: first they should watch over the civilians and
should possess the qualities of being repulsed and retaliating towards the threatening elements
(Plato, 1988).
The concept of establishing dictatorship by the army, it brings nothing but devastation
and catastrophe in the country. Civilian leaders are best to strengthen the economic system,
whereas, the warriors at their best in the arena of battle. They both prove worst of the meddle in
each other's portfolios and working capacities. Their interference in each other's areas bring
nothing but distrust, chaos and destruction in the internal system and destabilization into the
external matrix of the country. Only educated rulers are suitable to lead the country. Plato adds
that there must be trust established mutually by these two systems. Trust becomes indispensable
for the development and stability of the state. Without the element of trust there occurs doubts
and an ambiance of suspicion and distrust which make a state suffer greatly.
3.5 Theoretical Framework and Analysis of literature
Theories are formulated to explain, predict and understand phenomena and in many
cases, to challenge and extend existing knowledge within the limits of bounding assumptions.In
the same way theories in political science are used to pledge and explore the convolutions within
the field of politics because it is a dynamic field. Civil military relations have the focal point of
58
consideration for the researchers everywhere throughout the world, it gained immense
hypothetical aggrandizement in the period of 1950s and 1960sbecause significant improvements
in the field occurred during that period. Numerous countries experienced critical changes
including certain household military trespassing,coup d'etate and connivance against non-
military personnel government.
Researchers have given different speculations which recommend the various ways by
which democratic civil military relations have been kept up in aggrandized states which can be
applied in the third world states too. A few scholars have the opinion that military is possibly a
positive supporter of domestic politics while the vast majority of others cautioned the militaries
domesticpressure and supremacy.
Different case studies and correspondent literatures were studied and analyzed to find
similarities in civil military relations in Pakistan and other nations. As a result, differences were
identified and elucidated but it does not encompass the theme of this research. In order to
generalize the issue in a well conversant way for ample understanding, a frame of appropriate
theories was set.The Idealistic state theory of Plato was discussed and explicated to apprehend
the problem. Along with this theory, the theory of Samuel Huntington 'The Soldier and the State'
(1957) and Morris Janowitz's 'The professional Soldier': A social and political portrait (1960)
addressing both military effectiveness and civilian control (1964). Traditional theories based on
democratic control, as embodied in the Huntington and Janowitz School of Thoughts, take more
account of broad exogenous factors such as the external threat. The idea of winning belief system
inside regular citizen society and the extent inculcation between the civilian and military
trailblazers as significant variables of impact in connection between civil military authorities. As
indicated by Huntington that it is perfervidly significant to resolve the issue of civil military
59
inconsistency. For thwarting the supremacy and dominancy of a preventing force possessing by
a democratic society, Huntington devised two practical models of objective civilian control and
subjective civilian control as two conflicting models for democratic control. He contends that
actually officer-ship is most persuasive and strongest when there exists ample proximity with
professional Ideal; it is frailest and flawed when it falls short of that ideal (Huntington, 1981).
There should be no intervention of the political leaders in military operations and in the same
way military commanders don‟t trespass in the politics and policy process of the country. The
subjective civilian control placing legal and institutional restrictions on the military‟s autonomy
and stresses on the maximization of power of the majority ruling Party. The Plato theory of
Idealistic State was comprehensively discussedwhile other theories were elucidated in reference
to Plato's theory.
This research will emphasis on the development of two theories, Plato‟s 'idealistic state
theory' and Huntington theory of 'Soldier and State' in terms of civil military relations in
Pakistan. Vicissitude incivil military relations almost led to subsequent military intrusion in
Pakistan. This study will provide a temporary model, highlighting the discrepancies in the
restructuring of state responsible for unbalanced patterns of civil military relations. Pakistan is
confronting with the absolutely humiliating and obnoxious, unstable mechanism of peaceful
decision making since long. Its dissonance historycommenced with Ayub Khan's regime, further
ensued by Yahya Khan, Zia Ul Haq and Pervaiz Musharraf.
The research encompasses and construes certain historical discussions and analysis of
civil military relations in Pakistan. The related literature review is also conducted in detail, in
chapter number two. This chapter provides enough material and understanding of issue civil
military relations in Pakistan.
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3.6 Limitations
The prime limitation faced by the researcher was of not getting access to the military and
civilian leadership therefore the researcher relies on available secondary data. This dissertation is
about convergence and divergence in civil military relations so; the researcher's main focus is
from 1998 till 2015 era. Although civil military relations in Pakistan is a broad topic but the
researcher remains in the domain of this particular era.
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Chapter Four
Data Analysis
4.1 Overview
This chapter is based on data analysis. Data analysis is the systematic organization and synthesis
of research data. The whole discussion is based on the role of military in the internal and external
politics of Pakistan that there are some areas where civilian and military rulers are on the 'same
page' and where they are not on the 'same page'.
4.2 Civil Military Relations in the Context of Internal Politics
From the very beginning, Pakistan remained entangled in various problems, both from
inside and outside. Among multiple issues, the core issue is that of its constitutional stability and
the crises of its visionary leadership. Constitution determines civil military relations;
nevertheless Pakistan confronted the enigma of constitutional formation from the beginning. As
a result, civil military relations remained in oscillation and incisiveness in the proper direction to
be given to military, but there remained always a vacuum which was filled with logical and
illogical justification. In democracy, in spite of how strong the military is, civilians are believed
to remain the political masters.
4.3 Kargil Incident and Civil Military Relations
During the winter absence of Indian troops, that was sometime around mid-November
1998, four Pakistani generals had planned to inhabit the territory in Dras Kargil, those included
Aziz Khan, Mahmood Ahmad, and Shahid Aziz led by Musharraf(Lavoy & Lavoy, 2009).
Arrangements continued in secret by keeping the plan undisclosed from additional military
commanders. At some point in December 1998, Musharraf approached the matter with Sharif in
an informal way but Nawaz Sharif rebuffed that as a Prime Minister of Pakistan he was not
62
consulted and was not taken in confidence during the operation of Kargil. Ultimately the Army
of Pakistan failed to present an inclusive scrutiny of the extent of the operation and plausible
conclusion.
General PervizMusharraf and the three other generals saw the actions of the controlled
Indian territory as an opportunity for the Kashmiri freedom movement. The proposal is
introduced by the Pakistani military leadership with the political objective of finding a just and
permanent solution to the Kashmir problem in line with the wishes of the Kashmiri people.
However, "the military objective that led to the political objective was to establish a military
threat which could be considered capable of leading to a military solution, the main objective of
this operation was to capture strategic peaks and to cut off Indian army's supply route to Siachin
(Shah, 2014,p. 180). The strategic plan envisaged India buildup troops at the Line of Control to
deal with Kargil threat resulting in a vacuum in their rear areas" (Haqqani, 2010, p. 226).
In the plan trivial insinuation was given to the international response and also the
panorama of India‟s disposition of disparate battlefield diplomacy. Pakistan‟s military intrusion
into Kargil was not a matter of negligible importance from India‟s point of view. Pakistani forces
occupied “mountain tops overlooking the Kargil highway” and tried to disrupt India‟s control of
a large part of Kashmir. Likewise, it also profaned the spirit of the peace that Sharif and
Vajpayee negotiated a few months ago and amounted to treason on the part of Pakistan. India
acknowledged the U.S and China, among others, and also obtained the highest diplomatic
campaign. Collectively the international community demanded Pakistan‟s withdrawal from
Kargil. Musharraf and his three fellow generals worked to rally the international community
against Pakistan as an alternative to concentrate on the war against the independence of Kashmir.
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Pakistan struggled to blame Mujahideen for the incursions and repudiated that the
Kargilmilitary operation included government troops. India released a tape-recorded
conversation between Musharraf and the Chief of General Staff, Lieutenant General Aziz Khan
that left no doubt about the presence of Pakistani troops in Kargil. The conversation between
Musharraf and Aziz Khan took place while Musharraf was in Beijing and Aziz Khan at army
headquarters in Rawalpindi (Haqqani, 2010, p. 227).
Unable to refute the position of Pakistan any longer and faced with India‟sdream of
militarily crushingPakistan for the first time under civilian rule, Sharif repeatedly crack to find a
solution to this disgraceful and embarrassing issue. India provided Sharif a way of expurgating
himself from actions in Kargil by claiming that the campaign had been conducted by the
Pakistani Army without any political authorization (Qadir, 2002, p. 24).
Sharif was loath to show the world that he did not manage Pakistan‟s alliances as Prime
Minister did not want to openly claim the leadership of the military. Paradoxically, during both
her terms, these were the same concerns that had forbidden Bhutto to go public about her
disagreement with the generals. Compared to Bhutto, Sharif paid a heavy price for agreeing to go
along with the rambunctious and out of hand generals. He lost the power that he tried to hold
onto, and also the reliability that could havesustained after the world turned against Pakistan
during the kargil crisis, he revealed military miscalculation of General Perviz Musharraf.
Thus the Pak army withdrew and made a retreat from LOC. The blame ground had
started and Nawaz openly occurred army of the aggression & trespassing. Nawaz was fully
determined to replace COAS Musharraf. As retaliation Musharraf after his visit from Sri Lanka
took control of the country (Nawaz, 2008). Thus such incidents led a coup and detention of
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Nawaz Sharif thus started an era of military regime and inhibited the duty of the army in the
internal security system. This campaign encompassed military operation against terrorism
sectarian & ethnic violence and other connected crimes. During the Musharraf regime there had
launched various military operations containing and confronting diversified sinister activities like
terrorism religious & ethnic extremism. These operations were supposed to continue for an
unlimited period. According to Lavoy "Pakistani approach towards Kargil is chauvinistic
andprejudiced. There had been no official Pakistani government or military version of what
happened on the heights of Kargil for a long time. The story of Kargil‟s sequestration and
instantaneous withdrawal of Pakistani troops quickly became disheveled with the civil military
dispute between former Nawaz Sharif and former president Musharraf, who was the Chief of
Army staff that time". (Lavoy & Lavoy, 2009). According to Paul, "the failure of Pakistan at
Kargil created a major political backlash. Sharif relationship with General Musharraf
deteriorated dramatically" (Paul, 2014, p. 66; Talbot, 2012, p. 167). The main reason of this
imbalance in civil military relation is because of the military wield's a veto and suppress and
control political government's veto (Paul, 2014, p. 79). Thus civilian life is deeply penetrated by
military.
4.4 Terrorism and Civil Military Relations in Pakistan
Pakistan has been one of the most targeted countries of terrorism (Memon, Memon,
Shaikh, & Memon, 2011). The main reason is the political instability which results in
mishandling and misinterpreting the issue of war on terrorism. Pakistan has been active against
terrorism for the sake of not its own security, but for the stability of global peace and prosperity.
It has extended its full fledged cooperation against war on terror. As far as Pakistan is concerned,
it is entangled in both internal and external security challenges. It requires a mutual struggle and
65
cannot be dealt by either civilian or military alone. A united strife is needed to handle this acute
issue.
For a stable political system the civilian leaders must not take over the issues of terrorism
and its ultimate elimination from the country. Peace, prosperity, progress and security can be
guaranteed, if terrorism is put under check and ultimately eradicated. If an army takes all
responsibility related to state. It is mandatory to have civilian functional order to have internal
and external security authentic. The intervention of the army into the political system of the
country is a stark contradiction to its duty for which it has been deputed and assigned.
Democratically elected leaders understand the political management of the country better
than army, the foremost obligations entrusted to the military is ensuring peace and security in the
country. The prior duty of military keeping in mind the present scenario of the country is to
guard the state against terrorism and its eventual elimination. Terrorism is not only the problem
faced by Pakistan, but it is a global issue that requires united struggle by the whole world. But to
be more precise, the role of Pakistan in generating terrorism and its eradication is vital (Rizvi,
2016).
The general discernment is that the civil military divide has roots in the Pakistani army‟s anti-
India and anti-Afghanistan standpoint, as well as in the military‟s approach to combating terrorism in the
section. For the purpose of peace and democracy the civilian government is supposedly struggling to
transform these long held policies in its struggle. Other than the authenticity is a lot more complex than
this Eurocentric view of Pakistan‟s civil military relations, which have a tendency to strengthen a
discernment of Pakistan that serves Western powers interests. At the core of this Euro centrism is a
inclination to view Pakistan‟s civil military relations through a foreign policy lens, while almost utterly
neglecting the domestic political and structural issues at play. Western commentary also tends to treat
civilian political leaders as passive actors overlooking their role in the imbalance.
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The civilian and military leadership in Pakistan are on the same page when it comes to
foreign and security policies. Disagreements are only over the right methods for achieving these
foreign policy goals, and reflect an internal power struggle rather than an ideological difference
between civilian and military factions. Such as Nawaz Sharif took authority at the 2013 elections
after former Prime Minister, he was interested in bold steps to move quickly on peace with India
often even going beyond state protocol and opening backdoor channels. The Pakistan Army was
not interested in tranquility with India. Military leaders immediately required to put back
together relations in a organized way that would not compromise Pakistan‟s interests and that
would make stillness last beyond rhetoric.
Sharif overlooked military leaders advised concern and also the small steps to achieving
sustainable peace with India. After a number of months of unsuccessful challenges to court
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who hard pressed on Pakistan after his enhance to
command, Sharif faced an uncomfortable state of affairs. He acknowledged that his approach
had been a breakdown and permitted the military to devise a new strategy to engage India.
Civilian and military leaders were similarly split over issues of method when it came to tackling
terrorist safe havens inside the country. In 2013 the then new government under Sharif was not
interested in launching operations inside the country against the Taliban and other extremist
actors. The government instead began peace talks with the terrorist outfits despite repeated
advice from the Pakistan Army to the contrary. The Pakistan army pressed the outlook that terrorist
outfits use peace talks as pretence to regroup, develop integrity and then launch attacks again when the
government is susceptible. Sharif again was embarrassed in front of Pakistan‟s security enterprise and
allowed the military to launch an operation that is months later, when the terrorists continued their attacks
on Pakistan and US forces despite the ongoing discussions with the Pakistani government.
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4.5 War on Terror and Musharraf
Ayub Khan's bargaining for larger economic and military aid became the norm for his
successors. In 1979 after soviet invasion in Afghanistan, Zia Ul Haq similarly drove a hard
bargain when in Afghanistan, U.S sought to expend anticommunist insurgency. Musharraf was
also fortunate enough to get full recognition of his government after 9/11 attacks on the United
States. His government received robust acknowledgement from USA when he extended his full
support for its war on terror (Perlez, 2008). Pakistan became the frontline country in this
adventure. Musharraf assured USA of his full support this resulted in conflicts from political
institutions.
The providence of Pakistan its airfields to and its alliances with the United States was
deemed mostly in negative. It is strange that public opinion went into supporting the Taliban
especially from urban area of Pakistan while many people declared Osama bin Laden as a
freedom fighter as compared to terrorist while support for the USA was marginalized. Many of
the people are of the opinion that the attack on the USA was clearly an act of terrorism. Pakistan
not only brought booming economic aid, but it elevated the image of Pakistan in the world
community. Musharraf also followed Ayub Khan in seeking the right price for cooperation in the
war.
American policy towards Pakistan is dwindling and has always been in a state oscillating.
The American think tank perceived that pressure on Pakistan for killing or capturing Al Qaeda
war lords and leaders thus putting an end to the war on terrorism as a win. Although Pakistan
remained supportive towards America in its war against terrorism yet their nexus remained
dubious. America supported every military ruler in Pakistan because it is easy for America to
influence one person easily as compare to the whole parliament that is why there is always
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imbalance in civil military relations regarding Pakistan's stand on international front. This
imbalance leads to political chaos within the country.
4.6 Musharraf Trail
Most analyses hurriedly praise General Kayani for the ease of change. The People of
Pakistan were cajoled thatregardless the inefficiencies of the political government the army
chief does not impose military rule in Pakistan because of his clemency. But why do we think
that a military general is always in a hurry to seize power, particularly if he can get this
opportunity without any tang of dejections and bewilderment? The people have probably
understood the militaryverge a little better over the past few decades. The people of Pakistan
have come to know form the past practices that the military had always intervened and took
over the charge of the government when the interests of the high command and the officer
cadre had been violated. The stories of an action becoming imperious due to national interests
were then spun around the action.
The leaders of the political government know what buttons not to press that would
infuriate the generals. The same was happened in the case of General Perviz Musharraf. If
politicians are make accountable under the constitution of Pakistan then what about the
military generals and what about the justice institution. In Musharraf's case civilian
government would try to leave the ball in the Supreme Court‟s court and in all probability go
through the motions of a trial. A big question is 'Will the judges use their newly acquired moral
courage to take the case to its natural wrapping up'?, to which there were no understandable
answers. The court‟s recent decision to provide a safe exit to the Frontier Corps IG in the
'missing persons‟ case might be an indicator of how it will proceed in this one. In
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additionanother case is the fate of the Asghar Khan pointer that the muck will sooner or later
get thrown at the politicians and the two generals involved in it will only have to face the
mortification of keeping silent.
Saleem Shahzad, a renowned journalist, was abducted, teased and brutally assassinated
on 29th
May, when he exposed links between Al Qaeda and Navy personnel involved in a
deadly attack on a naval base in Karachi (Shah, 2014, p. 229). If wishes were horses, one
would like the aforementioned trials to be conducted seriously. On the other hand it does not
seem thata range of stakeholders were prepared to go the whole hog. This does not suggest,
though, that the former dictator must feel smug and not be satisfied with the generosity of the
new era in which appearances must be preserved. It would make it better for him not to open
his mouth too often and to think that not being punished could be used as a personal political
dividend.In such circumstances a retired general of the Army is putting things at risk for
everyone, not civilians.
4.7 End Of Musharraf Era
There were a series of events that brought the end of Musharraf rule. The judges removal
and their movements, the red mosque incident and assassination of Benazir Bhutto. These
incidents might be declared unfortunate for him, because these left his image spoiled. The next
election shows his political party badly defeated. It showed how fed up people were during his
rule. Not only this but during his era increasing terrorism, economic set back and social
pluralization caused Pakistan greatest damage. Musharraf's blind alliance with America in the
war on terror dragged the country into the perennial battlefield of bloodshed in the shape of
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civilian death and financial losses. The war of outsiders was brought to the country that shattered
everything; political system, social set up and even economic collapse.
To please the international community Musharraf took some indiscreet steps (war on
terror, removal of Chief Justice, attack on red mosque, Abbotabad operation) that brought havoc
and catastrophe in the country. Innocent people were relentlessly killed in that suicide bombing.
The operation against militants and the insurgence in KP under pressure from international
community had caused cessation to Musharraf's role as a president of Pakistan. Military rulers
always maintained their rules legitimate for which they brought considerable change in
constitutions. Every military takeover was subsequently legitimized by the judiciary (Lieven,
2011, p. 164). All these steps taken confirms that Pakistan's political leaders are utterly
incompetent and having no political vision to handle politics, so the army in a different way keep
the latter at bay just to adhere it to security stability (Shah, 2014). Another vital element in
democratization is the economic aid received from external sources, especially from the USA has
been deeply affecting the political freedom and sovereignty. It is also a fact that the Pakistan's
involvement in America's war against terrorism, the Taliban and Al Qaida remains a pressure
from the international community (Baloch & Gaho, 2013).
Pakistan's army ruled the country and its rule covers a great chunk of the life of the
country. It has formulated countless external and domestic policies that included the Islamic
militants that has used as an instrument for external influence in India and Afghanistan (Haqqani,
2010). Since inception Pakistan has been in competition with India, after both countries
confronted each other in different conflicts and war that include wars of 1947, 1965, 1971 and
1999. Pakistan geared up its defensive measurement over the years. Owing to such
circumstances army had developed dominance over the state. Too many observers and policy
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maker suggest that a bonafide civilian government shift is needed. It can change the internal
condition of Pakistan to a great extent. Pakistan should shun its revisionist commitment to
Kashghir, have reconciliation with Afghanistan and accept it as a neighbor rather than a client
(Christie, 2011). The army has been exploring its guardianship of the cavils for its economic
interest, whereas the political system of the country is trodden down by the army and the army
has coursed irreparable damages to the economic and political system of the country (Kronstadt,
2010).
Pakistan has been deeply weakened and immensely dysfunctional, the army with its
continuous expansionism based on their own financial and political interest got substantially
robust in its establishment (Khawaja, 2007). It is also an acknowledged fact that since its origin
Pakistan has been ruled by army extensively. Whereas democracy has never been let flourish or
established. The army has been using several people in the past specifically political leaders to
help them to come into power (Rizvi, 2000).
4.8 Memogate and Civil military relations
Since there has been conflicting relations between Pakistan army, Bhutto's PPP
government from 2008 to 2013 strived to underestimate Pakistan army along with the Inter
Services Intelligence Several times. First it alleged Pakistan army for the grant of U.S 7 Billion
aid to Pakistan, which according to PPP was not rightly utilized by the army. Secondly in 2 May
2011when USA raided, which resulted in Osama Bin Ladin's assassination PPP allegedly sent a
treasonous letter to the USA to help it against the military take over. PPP was ready to
compromise on Pakistan's nuclear program and its national security. The conspiracy against the
country was smelted and the Supreme Court formed a judicial commission which was halted by
PPP's then ambassador to the USA Hussain Haqqani. The suspect has managed to flee from the
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country with the help of the leadership. The ex-Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Galani further
condemned establishment in the parliament on 23th Dec, 2011. Civil military relations reached at
apex when Prime Minister condemned the unconstitutional and illegal act of the armed forces for
filing affidavits on the memo issue in the Supreme Court and he said that "his government would
not tolerate a state within state" (Shah, 2014, p. 230). On the other hand armed forces replied in a
very harsh manner and said the premier's remarks could have grievous consequences.
4.9 General Kiyani'sEra and Civil Military Relations
A new commencement for democracy and a start that is based on falsehood, there rise a
wave of optimism among the public, who expected to have a genuine civilian hold after the
military takeover came to an end. On 7th August the oscillating and transient coalition,
government of the Zardari and Nawaz Sharif announced their intention of impeaching the
president Parvaiz Musharraf. Musharraf tendered his resignation and that was a planning that did
seem to be genuinely realized.
The two major reasons of hurdles in the accomplishment of this impeachment; firstly the
government remains unable to have needed the support of two third of legislators in both the
senate as well as in the national assembly. Secondly, it is beyond the forbearance of the army to
let its general be victimized in impeachment as it will open the door for the army official to be
impeached in the future. It will question the army's authority and will jeopardize their
fundamental interests. Furthermore, the impeachment of Musharraf will be equal to thwarting the
army from its intervention in the political system of the country because the army is supposed to
be at liberty to intervene in the state affairs whenever it wants, impeachment will bestow upon
the political leaders. An authority that can be used against army to keep it at bay from the
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political arena of the country and army can be brought to accountability in the case of financial
embezzlement. Musharraf after his resignation has brushed away all the allegations against him.
Since 2004 Musharraf has kept on promising for tendering his resignation as Chief of
Army Staff. The domestic situation deteriorated for him. His fatal blunder took place when
dismissed the Supreme Court Chief Justice Iftekhar Ali Chaudry, who has challenged many of
his policies. These policies included the illegal privatization of public and government assets, the
handing over the illegally arrested citizens to the United States. He has also apprehended that the
legality of his planned election in 2007 will be foiled by the court. His ultra unconstitutional
dismissal of Chaudry supersedes a galvanization and prompt mobilization of civil society that
was labeled a "lawyers movement". Under Musharraf's rule Pakistanis army was deeply
immortalized as it was compelled to fight war against the country men, just to please US war
lords in extending its support for its war on terror.
Such demoralized deed defamed the Pakistan army and lost to a great extent respect and
honor in the eyes of the public (Fair, 2011, p. 579). The consequential fatal error that Musharraf
did was his declaring emergency on the 3 Nov 2007 to foil the Supreme Court‟s stand against his
being reelected the president. It was followed by the imposition of martial law, but it was a
transient baseless stand for Musharraf. He has stepped down as COAS and was succeeded by
General Ashfaq Pervaiz Kayani, a man who has full confidence upon from Musharraf side and
whom he fully used for his support and the later apprehension of his impeachment by the
political leaders. It is considered as a sagaciously clear move by Musharaf because even after
retirement, he had sufficient support from army till he declared that the general election was
designed to take place in January 2008 with the hope of remaining the president for another five
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years. This suggestion came from Benazir Bhutto but surely Bhutto got assassinated and coming
elections were being delayed till 20 january 2008.
In the February 2009 election took place and Musharaf was dismissed, giving way to the
establishment of democracy. The phase of draconian rule came to an end and gave way to the
publicly elected leader. The nation took a sigh of relief as it becomes optimistic for a good time.
People took this change as a harbinger of a new era, a government for the people, because the
falters of martial law and of Musharaf's rule have been shattered and broken. People expected a
new dawn of prosperity, public amelioration and betterment.
Kiyani was given a thorough demoralized army with the dark hollowness of
consciousness of waging war against its own people. Pakistan‟s public abhorred army for its
operations that it conducted against the FATA and Tribal areas (Fair, 2009). A negotiation based
deal was preferred for the issues to be settled. The conscience of army roused as many of the
army officers objected fight to countrymen. Many officers of army showed their unwillingness to
fight anymore against their own people.
4.9.1 Kiyani Upgraded morality of armed forces
To suffice that army had completely lost its image and trust of the people. It was Kiyani
who felt this degrading status of army and consequently he braced himself to restore the lost
honor of the army and to regain people trust. Kiyani convinced the international community that
he was a “devoted democrat” was proclaiming his democratic authority. He however is of the
opinion, that four time martial laws since Pakistan‟s inception has been the prerequisite of
ensuring the country‟s stability. According to Kiyani the past coups were the need of the time,
because the country felt the army‟s need to sound security and appeasement to political turmoil
and agitation that could have resulted in the total collapse of the country. He declared that coups
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and military takeover were indispensable for the restoration of country‟s images, when it
underwent a series of indiscreet discussion on the part of political leaders and the consequential
derailment of democracy.
A detour is necessary which keeps country on the track of normalcy. He however,
maintained that coups better be temporary and when the situation is restored towards stability
then the government would be handed over to the elected leaders. To rebuild the moral of the
army that underwent to the bleakness and was dragged into abyss of defame and degradation, he
declared the year 2008 to be the year of soldiers. He directed the concerned officials to allocate
monetary fund to upraise the living standard of soldiers. He boosted the morale of soldiers who
felt inner price on seeing their dignity and image restored. The year 2009 is declared as the year
of training when soldiers were given training to increase their devotion and ownership of the
internal security duties for Pakistan (Tribune, 2007). Kiyani further arranged various “battlefield
circulation” to uplift their commitment to embrace the war against insurgents and terrorists as
their own war.
4.9.2 Differences in Commands
There were hill of differences between the Musharaf and Kiyani‟s commands. Musharaf‟
carried out operations to please the Washington, while Kiyani took domestic peace and security
very seriously. Kiyani extended his favors towards political machinery even while he kept on
reshaping the impression of army both at domestic as well as abroad. He shows that he is a true
commander and a patriotic Pakistani simultaneously. He did not make any hindrance in the way
of political leaders in establishing their rightful government. The submission of Kiyani‟s two
pages budget for all services have been appreciated by the USA. The PPP promised that it will
demand a more considerably detected budget from the army. Previously the army received
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overall funding at its request without any security. The American analysts declare this move a
generous bowing towards army‟s speedy democratic control. It was 2009 when Kiyani made a
deal between Zardari and Nawaz Sharif over the retirement of Chief Justice Choudhary (Akbar,
2009). During the dismissal of Justice Chaudhary by Musharaf, Kiyani had witnessed the whole
process of their meeting and final settlement as it took place two years back at the army house.
At that time Kiyani headed the Pakistani intelligence agency the ISI. According to
Kiyani‟s own account he was the sole aide who witnesses that meeting. He remained silent as
well as did not file affidavit against the Chief Justice of Pakistan. Some political analysis deemed
Kiyani‟s this move as being apolitical disposition. He remained indifferent towards the political
turmoil that took place between Musharaf and Justice Choudhary. There were tussles between
Zardari and Nawaz Sharif over the status of the judge. The alliance between the PPP and PML
(N) saw their coalition demolished over this issue. Zardari on the one hand opposed the
retirement of Choudhary while Nawaz Sharif insisted upon his hasty retirement. It is also an
undeniable fact that Zardari was the sole beneficiary from the Musharaf and PPP coalition. Thus
Zardari inherited the leadership from his wife Benazir Bhutto. This arrangement is labeled as the
national reconciliation order (N.R.O) that liberated Zardari and other PPP leaders from all
charges of corruption while giving them authority to hold public offices as well.
Zardari feared that Chief Justice will have a revision of suit of extra constitutional
presidential order bestowed upon by Musharaf. Zardari also feared that he might be dismissed by
the Apex count as an unconstitutional president and declared liable to prosecution (ABC News, 16
March 2009). Nawaz Sharif on the other hand insisted that the retirement of Justice Choudhary be
halted so that he be instrumented against Zardari for his removal as unconstitutional president
(corruption charges against him) and declared liable to prosecution. Thus one can say that the
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insistence of Nawaz over the reinstatement of Justice Chaudhary had deep objective for him
(Schifrin, 2009). On the second anniversary of the justice‟s dismissal agitated crowd rallied in
favor of Nawaz Sharif stand against the justice‟s removal (ABC News, 16 March 2009).
Later a large procession of protesters led by Nawaz Sharif started coming from Lahore to
Islamabad proved as the final storm. The rally reached the capital in spite of ban imposed by
Zardari (BBC News, 2009). The rally showed harmony in declaring the removed of justice as
unlawful and absolutely out rigorous. On the one hand he has challenged Zardari putatively on
moral ground because he had solid proofs of Zardari‟s unconstitutional presidency because of
corruption charges, while on the other hand he had strong motive to support the dismissal justice
Chaudhary and his consequential reinstatement, because justice Dogor had disqualified his
brother Shehbaz Sharif as the members of provincial assembly of Punjab and consequentially
strep rid him from the chief minstership in a view to prevent further political turmoil that might
have led to instability (Rizvi, 2013).
4.9.3 National Reconciliation Ordinance
On 5th Oct, 2007 G. Pervaiz Musharraf issued NRO which gave amnesty to those who
were accused of money laundering, corrupt and murder during 1986 to 1999. Supreme Court of
Pakistan declared NRO unconstitutional. Kiyani made intervention to secure Zardari‟s
compliance in the retirement of judge. This whole intrigue and conspiracy process has personal
veiled vested interest of political leaders who hounded down one another for their political
powers, little thinking for the amelioration of nation that they were bringing to the verge of
political collapse. But unfortunately the Supreme Court in December 2009 declared NRO null
and void and showed determination in reviving the cases leveled against those who were
declared exempted by the NRO agreement thus it proved a thinking blow for Zardari and his
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crooked cronies in corruption. Zardari through NRO has a scot free record from his allegation
leveled against him for the corruption and the money he transferred to foreign countries. Most of
the charges were solidly proven by an accountability bureaus and the establishment showed
keenness in manhandling him and his consequential arrests, but as already said how one corrupt
could arrest another for accountability. Right from that time Zardari remained under sword of
damocles while criminal cases were heaping against him.
Zardari and his inner acquaintances keep trying to smoother the process of entrapment
by providing fodders to the concerned authority that included army too. In such situations
coordination for Zardari, Nawaz Sharif took advantages of his support for the restoration of
judiciary. It was unlucky for Nawaz Sharif that in spite of such political intrigues and conspiracy
for letting down Zardari, he was declared as unfit to contest the election because of alleged
involvement of planning the murder of Musharaf in 1999 which compelled other generals to
seize the government and save Musharaf from being murder. The allegations were great setback
for Nawaz Sharif whose dream of becoming Prime Minister seemed unrealizable.
However luck stroked again and in May 2009 the Supreme Court ordered his being able
to stand for the election (Guardian, 26 May 2009). It was Kiyani‟s diplomatic circumspection
that wards off further instability in the country by the power vultures. It was Kiyani's political
insight and sagacity that weakened Zardari and paved the way for Nawaz as political alternative
to bring appeasement to the political agitation of the country that right have ended in collapse for
the country. Although many political observers could not deem Kayani‟s this move as
inappropriate. His timely intervention in the political arena brought considerable rest to the
political system.
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The clutches of Zardari were loosened and the government of Nawaz Sharif seemed
eminent as Kiynai himself has witnessed a complete collapse of the system with Zardari as the
head of the state. Kiyani‟s this move was appreciated by Washington and declared him as an
important player in dragging the country out of chaos and political crises. Kiynai made this truth
dawn upon Zardari that he could not depend upon soldiers to halt the protesters who have
marched towards Islamabad to demand the reinstatement of Chief Justice Chaudhary. He
declared that soldiers will never be utilized to serve the ambition of an individual army. He has
further declared for the defense of whole nation and doesn't care about petty issue of personal
vested interests of an individual.
Jahangir Karamat who was dismissed by Nawaz Sharif and served as an ambassador to
the United States explained that military‟s function is to avert, reform and to authenticate the
way for democracy. Democracy has its central position and it is parliament and its people.
Karamat further detailed and went as far as declared the military strategies as Kiyani model. It
was Kiyani‟s vision and for sightedness that staved off the country‟s down fall. Kiyani has
played a vital role in this connection. He has planned and gave practical touch to every step. His
timely decision, his same thinking with a touch of democratic zeal, his effective influence in the
right way for the restoration of democratic norms in the country. He not only handle and tackled
the internal security situation by establishing peace and settlement of the internal differences, but
he also corresponded with foreign affairs through press releases and prolonged conference with
army‟s corps commanders.
4.9.4 Kerry Lugar barman legislation and Civil Military Stands
It was confirmed through the press that general‟s overall contradiction of Kerry Lugar
barman legislation and the emphasize that conforms semiannual report monitored that mainly
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deals and analyze to the limit where the Pakistani government strives to succeeding in
controlling the military (Shah, 2014). It was of course a daring step initiated by Kiyani in a
situation of such exigencies in the domestic political unrest and the military confrontation with
the insurgency and terrorism that posing threats to the overall security of the country.
Furthermore it is also demanded in the bill to make an analysis of the politically elected office
bearer that how much they practice and observe, supervise the allowance of army budget. It also
included the succession commanding up-gradation of officials on seniority basis. The attachment
and participation of the civilian in the country‟s direction in its strategic infrastructure and the
forces (army) adherence in the administrative infrastructure of the civilians and other state
related affairs.
4.9.5 The 18th Amendment & Transfer of Powers
Zardari voluntarily shifted his powers to the parliament was a fact that made a new
demarcation in the history of the political system of Pakistan. It is asserted that Pakistan while
definitely emerge as an enlightened nation with sound political vision and all the focus now
should be diverted towards the betterment of the nation. The parliamentary insight working
behind all such enterprising spirit. The 18th
amendment bill was vision as a harbinger of
democratic stability and economic strength. A powerless president Zardari expressed his views
that it is his cherished wish to put an end to dictatorship eternally (Zardari 18th Amendment bill).
The legislation has many loopholes to be criticized. Some political analysts are of the
opinions that it will have an adverse effect on democracy. The law discards Musharaf‟s despised
conditions that every political party subdued to law will hold intra party election to nominate its
office bearer and figurehead. It also prohibits floor crossing or challenging his position through
parliamentarian voting. In such case the speaker should be consulted and the person be removed.
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Another menace is the horse trading that needs to be curtailed, because it damages the norms and
transparency of the parliament operation and its functioning on matters of national importance.
Horse trading and its elimination will definitely be useful, because it will make certain that no
parliamentarian can change party.
The apex court is reassessing the bill‟s various stipulations. It is also considered that the
bill was processed to diminish Zardari‟s power that he inherited from Musharaf, it was another
blow that darkened the importance of the bill. The bill has some military interests and motives
for dismissing Zardari because it was Zardari, who made intervention in the army's affairs
surprising the GHQ as he announced “No first use” nuclear policy which apprehensively put the
ISI in the control of civilian leadership snatching its authority and bringing ISI completely under
the command of civilian leadership which the military strongly opposed (Paul, 2014, p. 84).
Gillani elaborated that Pakistan has confronted a tough time and lauded the accomplishment of
successful operation by the army supported by the civilians in Swat. Gillani further applauded
Kiyani's leadership in cooping the insurgency and the armed forces war against terrorism. He
declared army that is the protector and defender of the masses by fighting against terrorist and
consequently driving them out of the country.
4.9.6 Extension of Kiyani Tenure
In such situation the continuity of the army leadership is indispensable. It was obvious
from such declarations that the government is inclined to extend the tenure of Kiyani (Fair, 2011,
p. 584), as a mandatory step for maintaining peace and establishing security and economic
stability. The leadership of Kiyani is seen as a source of salvation for the country from the
clutches of terrorism towards sound security and peace. Zardari showed his consent in carrying
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out the plan for Kiyani's extension. Like Kiyani's extension decision the extension of Lieutenant
General Ahmad Pasha, the ISI director general was possibly in pipeline.
It is speculated by analysis that the possible extension of Pasha would definitely pave the
wave for Kiyani's long term extension (Perlez, 2011). Shuja Pasha having close acquaintance
with Kiyani explained that it was the first time that a civilian government willingly extended an
Army Chief tenure for a full term. It has been considered as a goodwill gesture for the peace and
security of the country. In the past extensions in the Army Chief's tenure were either short or
were carried out by military rulers for themselves (Fair, 2012). There are numerous cases of such
sort where extensions were in military ruler's person vested interests. It was Benazir Bhutto who
then broke the conventional order, by offering an extension to General Abdul Waheed in 1996,
but he denied this privilege by refusing it. Kiyani did show his unwillingness for the extension,
but it could be speculated that the offer he was given could not be refused(2011).
It is acknowledged that the move was considered as a controversial one because some
appreciated and welcome it as a sane decision considering the present scenario of the country
with its constant position of war against terrorism. The abrupt change in armed forces leadership
will definitely affect the ongoing planned strategies. It is also taken as a right step to let the
military leadership be continued till further term and to the elimination of terrorism and the
consequential peace, security reestablishment. On the other hand the decision is taken as a
retrogressive move which presented a clear contradiction against the institutionalized system of
selection and promotion.
According to the author Nawaz it is a politically motivated move as the decision was
solely made by politicians (Fair, 2012). Nevertheless several interlocutors elaborated to the
present authors, who resided in Pakistan at the time of this announcement that it is observed that
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Kiyani himself demanded the extension. Abdul Nishapori summarizes the whole view by
declaring that the whole game is perpetrated by the Gods in khaki uniform, the decision of the
Kiyani's extension was nonetheless, imposed upon the civilian government (2011). Whatever it
was a bad decision under whatsoever circumstances or compulsion, it was taken.
In a nutshell after Musharraf's discreditable downfall and the concurrent reestablishment
of democracy, it is quite obvious that the army could not keep it at a distance from its historical
activeness in managing political disputes and orchestrating internal as well as external policy,
when not being let to govern the state directly. Kiyani tenure as a Chief of the Army had to
expire in Autumn 2013 simultaneously by the time the PPP government's five year term expires.
4.9.7 Natural Disasters and Role of Army Under Kiyani
It has remained to be seen whether Kiyani will step down willingly keeping in mind his
well established reputation and grace was concerned or he will be convinced by his own
inevitableness. Essentially the military received applause from public as it was perceived that the
civilian government was unable to handle the destructive 2010 monsoon flood. Pakistan was
inflicted with great loss both human and financial while the nation was passing through suffering
and pains. Zardari has seen lavishing his time at his Normandy chateau (Curtis, 2002). Zardari to
defend himself from being accused of this national detachment argued that after the 18th
amendment, it was the responsibility of the Prime Minister to handle such affairs and he
exempted himself completely from considering being responsible.
Thus, in such situations it has been left for the army to work steadfastly. For the
alleviation of Pakistan's misery by evacuating the flood affected people and providing them with
ration and shelters (Shah, 2010). However, the government could not be blamed justifiably
because the flood has managed in a commendable way as compared to the scale of the disaster
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about 2000 people died. There is no second wave of death happed, no epidemic broke out while
averting the food insecurity and shortage efficiently (Fair, 2011). But the military has their lien
share in the applause and commendation heaped by public.
General Kiyani has confirmed his importance again when US-Pakistan strategic dialogue
took place. On Oct 2010, the third ministerial level meeting was summoned by secretary of state
Hillary Clinton and Pakistan's minister for foreign affairs Shah Mehmood Qureshi. It is based
upon bargaining to the fore US engagement with Pakistan's civilian government. However, this
declared precedence has been weakened by the presence of Kiyani, who met both military and
civilian leaders, including Obama (Senior, Journal) the meeting is concluded by USA
announcing the allocation and disbursement of US$2 billion for security assistance (Inayatullah,
2013).
4.10 Dharna and Civil Military Stances
As far as military‟s successive dominancy in civil-military ties in Pakistan is concerned,
it is due the country's early development as a security state due to security threats and the fear of
an internal collapse at the time of independence. (Rizvi, 2013, p. 267). American pecuniary and
military support played a significant role in the modernization of military, thus focusing on the
institutional imbalance in Pakistan. The reputation of the institution was because of the fragile
and fragmented political leadership in the post-military withdrawal period, prolonged tenure of
direct and indirect military rule and war in Afghanistan. Military provides the most important
bells and whistles in making foreign policy and security related choices. It has a near-monopoly
over the nuclear program in Pakistan.
When Nawaz Sharif became Prime Minister of Pakistan and took over the charge in June 2013,
he appeared to command the political system (Daily Times, 2015). Since the inception of Sharif's
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government in June 2013, the military debilitated and eviscerated the whole political system.
(Pildat, 2017). In 2014, the Pakistan Tehreek-e- Insaf dharna was the first attempt in this regard.
The ataraxia of civil-military relations gradually shifted away from Nawaz Sharif with the PTI
dharna and he devastated ground to the military in 2014-15. (The Express Tribune, November
16th, 2015). The trailblazers of Pakistan Muslim League decided to take military in confidence
and induce them to work together to scuffle against the onslaught of the opposition. In a short
move, Chairman Pakistan Tahreek Insaf, Imran Khan and Tahirul Qadri created a political storm
(sit-in) in the capital of Pakistan, Islamabad which concluded with the diminishing of Nawaz‟s
fascinations and desires. The Army has returned to a supernatural abstract power. (The Nation,
2016). Chairman PTI, Imran Khan embarked upon turbulent politics with the result thathe,
Allama Tahirul Qadri and the Prime Minster fled to the military general headquarters to protect
themselves on August 28, 2014. The causes and effects of the deterioration of civil military
relations after the Pakistan Tahreek Insaf sit-in lie here. (Daily Times, August 21, 2015). This
humiliating and awkward story was witnessed by the whole world and as a result Pakistan could
not host the Chinese President‟s visit in September 2014 where CPEC agreements would have
been signed (Pildat, 2017).
Military is instigated that the democratic civil government is unstable and fragile. There is no
criteria for being effective and fair political party and subsequent government, it is not the job of
military to sit in the efficiency of the elected political governments. The problems of democracy
are resolved worldwide, even in emerging democracies, by supporting the system in which
citizens vote governments in and out. (Pildat, 2017). The Sharif government's inability to counter
religious extremism and terrorism has adversely affected its ability to pursue these concerns with
firmness and clarification. The perseverance on negotiation with the TTP showed
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maladministration and mismanagement of the negotiation choice when the mob did not give any
signal of direct contact with the government. Nawaz Sharif procrastinated the military action by
giving sufficient time to the group‟s leadership to move. After that the military partially verdict
to launch operation in North Waziristan on June 15, 2014. (Javaid, 2016).
The Sharif government was compelled to accept the decision and nothing else. Due to non-
availability of the required mass support in Sindh, Punjab and at the federal level for persistent
implementation of the NAP and the control of corruption in the government, madrasa reforms
and funding of terrorist groups, military was badly embarrassed and frustrated.
The civilian leadership is not likely to adopt a forthright approach on these issues as its support
base overlaps with those engaged in these activities. Civil-military relations will continue to
move on an uneven path (Shah, 2014). The management of this relationship will be a delicate
balancing act for all stakeholders. Pakistan faces acute internal and external security challenges.
Neither the civilians nor the military alone can deal with them. They will have to work together,
showing restraint towards the peculiar behavior patterns of each side. A functional civilian order
is required for ensuring internal and external security (The Express Tribune, November 16th,
2015).
4.11 The role of Judiciary in legalizing the military rule
Judiciary is the guardian of the constitution and human rights, rule of law, equality and
human rights are being protected by the judiciary. But in Pakistan in 1958, 1969, 1979 and 1999
it seems as to serve the interest of military to legalize their rule in Pakistan under the umbrella of
law of necessity. The doctrine of necessity gives the martial law a legal cover (Dailytimes,
March 31, 2018). Pervez Musharraf's martial was legalized by the Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudry
(Siddique, 2006, p. 622). This feebleness of the Judiciary is the outcome of the pressure that has
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been put upon it in occasions of political emergencies that come from political leaders and
military power.
The judiciary has never been left to demonstrate its bonafide authorities on issues related
to political conflicts. Pakistan Judiciary system though rich yet unstable and powerless in many
matters. Pakistan's courts have become immensely submissive that the decision against military
or civilian government seems the most challenging and herculean task. Even these judicial
machineries find themselves in jeopardy, if these two powers are ever challenged, the country
has seen contemptuous attacks on even apex court of the country. The commencement of
Judicial power occurred in 1955, when Ghulam Muhammad the governor general dissolved by
dismissing the government of Muhammah Ali Bogra, the Judiciary of the time declared this
move quite unjudicial and unlawful yet necessity made it lawful. This incident was labeled as
“the doctrine of necessity”. It became a trend for many military coups such as that of Yahya
Khan, Zia and Musharraf.
Thus Pakistani judiciary became a myth of the constitution that legalized the military
coup under certain situations (Lieven, 2011, p. 164). Constitutionally justified decision that
speaks in volumes about the pressurized, helpless and feeble judiciary systemsuch tragic
incidents opened ways for corruption because of the lack of accountability. The unbridled
ambition of corruption knew no bound and as a consequence the public suffered at large because
there was nothing left and given no attention to other sectors of public betterment and
development on national basis.
The fact was clear that the monsters of corruption were unstoppable while led corruption
to take place on the lower level and the consequent misery befallen on politics (Khan,
2005). When Musharaf took office there remained everything calm and unchanged as it was
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promised that the judiciary will remain independent void of any restraints from the military
government. It was declared that the judiciary was sovereign and not dependent on its decision
even against the government and its machinery.
This delirious period ended when innumerable petitions were lodged against the military
takeover on October 12 pursuant to article 184(3) of the constitution for the purpose of
reestablishing Nawaz Sharif‟s efficacy. It is pertinent to mention that when the oath of
office(judges) under 2000 was announced on 25th
January 2000,that castigated all the apex court
Judges to take oath in compliance with the Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO). The said
decision was rejected and defied by the former Chief Justice of Pakistan and rebuffed to take
oath along with other Judges of the supreme court.
Thus they ceased to hold their office anymore. It is another example of the military
indiscreet action that demean the status and values of the supreme court just for the sake of
maintaining military rule and constitutionally legalizing them.
Another important incident that occurred on 12th
October 1999, when Nawaz Sharif was
accused of hijacking the plan that Musharaf was boarded on. The anti terrorism court in Karachi
declared Nawaz Sharif as the culprit and consequently sentenced him to life imprisonment. The
lawyer of Nawaz Sharif advanced that since no corruption was proved against the former Prime
Minister so, the removal of the Army Chief was his constitutional right, later on Nawaz Sharif
was given an official pardon on the condition of being excluded and would pay a sum of 500
million rupees in property and he had to stay away from politics for a period of the next ten
years.
The apex court comprised of 12th
Judges and headed by Chief Justice Irshad Hassan Khan
had declared the entire petition against the military takeover as null and void and dismissed the
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appeal for the restoration of assemblies. Furthermore, " The supreme court of Pakistan upheld the
military takeover and reprimand the government to accomplish its seven points programs (rebuild
national confidence, strengthen federation, revive the economy, ensure law and order, depoliticize the
state institutions, devolve the power to gross root level) within a short span of three years. Thus the
supreme court maintains a burning example of how it was pressurized by various powers to get
their personal motive accomplished" (Kennedy & Botheron, 2005).
The visible motives behind the 12th October take over were of various kinds. The
prompting motive was to stop Nawaz Sharif from the dismissal of Musharraf as the Chief of the
Army and to be replaced by General Zia Uddin (Jaffrelot, 2004, p. 92). Another element of the
coup was seen as Nawaz Sharif was crossing the limits and challenging the corporate interest of
the army including its lion‟s share in the governing structure of the country. Yet there was
another reason that was the vacuum and a gap that rose over Kargil war and the resultant
rendition of Kargil.
It is worth mentioning here that the 1999 coup took place without any bloodshed or any
agitation from public side that could here stopped its way of imposition. But one thing was quite
obvious and it was the judiciary that became puppets in the hands of both military and civil
powers and both of them used it for their nefarious purpose on the altar of public betterment and
amelioration. A country whose justice department is not independent,” It deprives the nation in
meeting its needs and fulfilling their dreams"(Kennedy, 2006). Both military and civil powers
have been at loggerhead with each other since military got the upper hand over civilian
politicians (Shah, 2004).
Thus adventurism started right from Ayub Khan and reaching to Musharif who remained
in power for about a decade. Each military government after taking over an accountability drive
against the ongoing civilian government is a tradition set by Ayub Khan in 1960. For
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strengthening his rule, Musharaf followed the same strategies of Ayub Khan by introducing
presidential referendum and local bodies‟ elections. Such indiscreet self protective measures,
though unconstitutional were legalized by Supreme Court (Shah, 2014, p. 187). Behind such
unconstitutional and unjustifiable action the judiciary either remained a spectator or it had been
pressurized by both civilian and military powers.
Dictators instrumented the justice department for their ambitious planning (Shah,
2002). The instability, weak and fragile political system and the devalued status of Pakistan in
the comity of nations owe a lot to the military intervention in the political structure of the
country. Another vital factor is the incompetence and lack of visionary leaders, who if Pakistan
had its politician would confine the military to their barracks and boundaries. The strong political
leaders would have been their own defenders and solve their internal problems rather than
seeking the help of the army and would not let them taste the flavor of power (Waseem, 2006).
4.12 Economy of Pakistan
It is an acknowledged fact that a country with lowest economy with underdevelopment
and "poverty trickiness is liable to become a victim of instability and insufficient economic
performer and at last consequentially fall prey to coup d‟état" (Cohen, 2011; Khan, 2012, p. 7).
The political system run by the incompetence and selfish leaders who only hanker after their
personal vested interests ignoring the national cause has no right to govern the public. It is the
reason that a great number of public endorse and favor the military coup as seen in the case of
Musharaf. Such country is prone to the economic disasters. Pakistan is unluckily one of the
poorest states with low per capital with its shabby and disappointing standard of living and its
wealth that is distributed with inequality base are some of the features that are likely to bring
doom and havoc in the country and its people (Lodhi, 2011).
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Though claiming to be an agricultural country, it could hardly feed its people adequately
by growing sufficient food. The indispensable dependence on import of food is a shameful stab
over the face of the Pakistan boastful agricultural country. The primitive types of agricultural
implements are unable to suffice the food for the exploding population. The incessant demands
for food is not met enough to cover the needs. Pakistan has less resources and more population,
its agriculture can hardly fulfill the need, therefore food is also important like other goods which
hurled down the economy into the abyss of uncertainty.
Poverty is a menace which does not let people ponder over the brighter aspects of their
existence. Their thinking revolves around how to provide food for survival, let alone education,
health and other related factors of life. Democracy and education are the most vital way for them
to exist from all ills and maladies, whether social or political or economic. The failure of the
state owes much to lack of education, health facilities, security, respect, justice and the absence
of equality of opportunities (Mydal, 1968).
Education is the backbone for the stability of a state, its living standard and for the
overall betterment of a country. A society without education travels in darkness and stumbles
now and again without finding light and redemption from the evil of darkness. Pakistan must
take a fresh start for equipping its posterity with the tools that can ensure their security and
decent and respectful livelihood such process will certainly play a vital role in establishing
overall peace and prosperity in the country.
Thus economic stability and security keep a country prosperous inside while its image
outside remains strengthened in the global arena of political and economic display (Acemoglu &
Robinson, 2012, p. 398). Education equips its genre with enough vision and insight that help in
finding a way, for tackling any kind of problem both on national and international level.
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Education establishes a sense of responsibility that compels the nation to drag the country out of
the sea of problems towards safety.
Strong political system and strong economy are the two prerequisites for the prosperity of
a country and it is education that establishes these two indispensable factors (Shah, 2014).
Education brings enlightenment and this can be used for creating a vision for the establishment
of a progressive and developed country. Islam is a religion of progress and sophistication. It
provides remedy for all the ills of security. Through Islamic values regarding state Pakistan can
be put on the road of progress and development. There is a cure for all ills and drawbacks i.e;
Islam can salvage Pakistan from all ailments, whether they are social political or economic
(Lodhi, 2011).
Poverty is another menace that destroys the roots of a country, because it cause many
countless social, political and economic complications that would not let a country flourish.
Overpopulation, unemployment is the offspring of poverty. Poverty does not let the poor to
choose their leaders, who genuinely understand these problems and their adequate solutions
because the poors are easily exploited poverty shatters the very infrastructure of a country
whether it is social, political or economic (Staniland, 2008). Poverty does not let the people think
about the bigger side of their lives consequently they remain under the shadow of deprivation
and frustration (Mydal, 1968).
This deprivation gives birth to many other social, economic and political issues. In such
situation "government loses its trust of the people and an ambivalence of distrust follows that
further drag the country into the abyss of a chaotic web" (Craig & Porter, 2006, p. 20), that
damages the country and the elements related to its development and prosperity, poverty can be
declared as the mother of all evils in a state. When people cannot find means to upgrade their life
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standard they usually inclined towards other unfair means which breeds more problems in the
country (Lodhi, 2011).
The declining status of Pakistan, political system owes a lot to the unnecessary
intervention of the army in the politics of the country. It is impossible to keep the army at a
distance from their intervention into the political system of the country and let govern the
publicly elected political leaders. It is of course a dream which will never find its fulfillment in a
country like Pakistan. The army backed up by politically established propagation keeps its strong
hold over every government to get a lion share in almost every sphere of power in the country
(Nawaz, 2008). Army to carry out their share in the economy of the country it has established
various four welfare foundations.
These foundations raise money from various enterprises. Arrange operator various
sources and means for generating money, therefore various foundations and franchises that
increase welfare foundation like Fuji Foundation (FF) Army welfare trust (AWF) & various
other foundations that further functionalized different Schools, Colleges and Universities,
Radios and TV channels and Insurance companies. These sources provide financial supports to
both retired as well as on Job military officers(Siddiqa, 2007: Shah, 2014). According to San
Francisco crammed report the military has been indirectly ruling half of the nation since its
inception. Taking the economy for granted and exploiting the resources for their personal interest
such indiscreet and unscrupulous action of consciousnesses are directly damaging the very
infrastructure of the country.
According to this report the army has spent about 102 billion dollars on buying various
items of luxury that include land, mansions and other items of extravagant luxury the report
concomitants with the Pakistan‟s editorial general where there is complete appropriateness in the
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amount spent and the record preserved. It has been reported that there is a particularly wealthy
class that has a strong grip over the country‟s economy army is one of them. Apart from such
lion's share the arena of corruption and embezzlement is crowded by these military officers. No
one is there to stop the army from this advertise of corruption and embezzlement because the
army has power.
A power that is absolutely indisputable & unchallengeable in a country like Pakistan
where that state remains at the mercy of its army in almost all spheres of the country‟s
infrastructure. It was left for Farhatullah Baber & Sherry Rehman whose bold steps were
appreciable they demanded an inquiry to find out why the exchequer is being used by the army
officers for their personal vested interest. It has been a fact that some of the political leaders have
been facilitators in providing financial support to the army officers. Behind these facts are the
hidden motives of the political leaders who sought the help of army in maintaining their
government or power.
These political leaders use the army for defending them from any political upheaval
against them or to protect their government from downfall. Such selfish acts encouraged the
army and habitualized them with the taste of power and money. The unavailability of such
privileges sometimes compels army to take such step that endangers the whole political system
of the country that ends in on uncompensatable damage to the constitution as well as to the
judiciary of a country. Army considers itself as the godfather and protector of the country while
the political leaders are considered as inferior as they suck the country‟s resources while
rendering no service at all.
Apart from these factors, there are countless other elements that have caused considerable
damage to the economy of the country. Being an agricultural country as serve 70% of its
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population is connected with agriculture. But it is also the fact that Pakistan failure in generating
the agricultural production, according to the green revolution of the 70‟s. Even the home demand
of agriculture production is not enough, therefore, there is export of the same commodity,
besides, there are numerous resources that if systematically utilized can play important role in
enhancing the country, economy towards social stability. Resources like oil and gas, coal,
limestone fishery etc. are of great importance in playing a positive role in the flourishing of the
economy. These resources have fallen victims to personal vested interest and strong difference of
political leaders while national interest and progress of the country is put in the background. If
these sources are properly utilized keeping in mind, national interest can play vital role in getting
the country out of the mire of backwardness and decline. Pakistan needs stable economy and its
only possible if these resources are used with conscious efforts solely for the prosperity of the
country and the well being of its people. Pakistan can become economically independent its
dream of becoming a strong country can be fulfilled with the efforts taken within not outside.
Self-determination, a sense of nationalism and selflessness efforts can put the country on
the road of progress and development. The country is blessed with countless natural gifts but
they need hands that could handle them caring for its own betterment and not for the well being
of an individual or group of people. Pakistan has been very unfortunate because it has never been
handled by patriotic people; it has been exploited by generation after generation. It has been
plundered and looted for personal purposes. It has been ruthlessly ruined for the pleasure of
outsiders. It has been a victim of the intrigues and conspiracies.
Such are the factors that have brought Pakistan to the largest of an indispensable collapse.
Social ills, political instability dangling economy, joblessness, poverty, corruption favoritism and
moral degradation have brought this country to cessation. Its very existence is tarnished with
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selfish motives and greed for power the feebleness of the political system of Pakistan will be
well understood if we make an analysis of army‟s intervention in the political arena of the
country. According to Stephan Cohen (2011) Pakistan army is powerful enough to get solid
position into the power of the country to use that power for the goodness of its country. Army
rather preferred personal interest rather than national interest. These have always been tiny of
war between army general & civilian politicians. If an honest analysis is made none of these
power has ever done any good for the country as both of them monopolized country for their
own interest.It is usually observed that there has been a dilapidation in gross domestic product
(GDP) growth, export value, income per capita growth rate and increased defense spending, in
the military rule which badly effects the standard of life for the people of Pakistan. The period of
military rule has not pushed the economy but reliance on high defense expenditure has traded
this situation.
Pakistan has been sufficiently gifted with natural and divined resources of all kinds. If
people are loyal, honest and champions of democracy the leaders are God fearing, sincere and
champions of genuine integrity, Pakistan can have a phoenix like rise and put the country on the
road of economic stability, political integrity and social prosperity. The bleak past can be washed
away with our bright vision and enterprising spirit. The catastrophic blunders of the past can be
recompensate with rectification and the dead past can be done rise from its very ashes.
Pakistanis have in front of the examples of India and China who built their countries from
scratches. Pakistan feels remorseful and regretted as it sees these two countries flourished. It has
to wash away the stigma with its industrious and diligent effort for rebuilding the country. The
lamentable and miserable status of the country in the comity of the nations implores from US
initiatives that could drag it out from the abyss of degradation. Pakistan's politicians should
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rectify their mistakes of the past and take sincere steps to reclaim its lost identity, judicial
department‟s military brass should sacrifice their personal priorities for their country (Cohen,
2004).
A united struggle from all superior powers is needed to reconsider their duties and an
honest & sincere discharge of them. We must bury the hatchets of personal differences
disagreements and get united only for the progress and development of the country. It is never
too late to mend the ways and feel the prick of the conscience to identify the reason of its
backwardness within the country and outside as well and as a result to find out ways of
redemption and salvation from this adverse situation. Nothing should disintegrate it for its
national cause. The most prominent role of Army is to serve the land of Pakistan and Pakistani nation
from any foreign prejudices and aggressions and to make the country prosperous and tranquil. In the
prevailing situations of political instability and economic decrepitude the democratic civilian
government should work to set up an unquestioned supremacy and influence over the military
because it has deeply devastated their political and economic authority.
4.13 National Action Plan and Civil Military Relations
Many analysts observed that the civil military relations took a new bonding following the
tragic incident of Peshawar on December 16th, 2014. This gore incident paved the way for the
formation of national action plans. There were found enhanced coordination by the PML(N)
supporting fully the army in the formation of military courts. The 21st constitutional amendment
in the parliament on January 2015 and allowing lifting ban and a moratorium on the death
penalty were the outcomes of this coordination.
This decision proofs more authentic, when a statement issued from the Prime Minister's
office dully confirmed, that civil military leaderships are on the same page. It was further
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solidified, when consensus were expressed in the formation of military courts. Army power
overreached not only in security policy making, it boosted the image of army at international
level crediting the COAS's profile.
Some political analyst has observed that the growing role of military ushered its
interference in areas of civilian government, where it should not have been as demanded by
army's ethical codes. There were many issues that needed prompt attention both from military as
well as from the civilian government. The foremost among them was the repatriation of the
displaced people during the Zar-e-Azb operation. The federal government stated working on
fund raising (PILDAT, 2015).
During the inauguration of a section of the central trade corridor in South Waziristan, the
Military Chief General Raheel Sharif asserted, that there are 10, 178 projects in the pipeline
undertaken by the Pakistan army. Such projects cover areas of social sector such as
communication infrastructure and power sector both in Fata and 19 in Malakand areas (PILDAT,
2014). The Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif during his maiden visit after his election to Waziristan
agency visited many areas including headquarters Miran Shah. This visit proved quite
encouraging for army Jawans fighting against terrorists. Uplift in the moral of the soldiers was
sighted. The Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif extended his full assurance on the collaboration of the
government with the military on the rehabilitation of the displaced people in the various areas of
Waziristan as a result of Zar-be-Azb operation.
The Swat operation of 2009 known as Rahe-e-Rast has been cited by PILDAT. Where
the civilian government has failed in primary effective service to the suffered and affected people
after the army cleaned the area following the operation. The credit goes to the armed forces
which played vital role in the overall rehabilitation work in Swat. It is military who trained the
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local police in combating the insurgents, schools were rebuilt by the army, what is more the army
helped setting up medical camps for the affected people of Swat. The parts of the country that
underwent these operations, the damages and losses faced by affected people and their eventual
displacement, were issues that have been redressed by the army with enterprising spirit.It must
be born in mind that the rehabilitation of the region's social and economic landscape must be
undertaken by the civilian government as against the Raheel Sharif's declared; that the army is
determined in recruiting soldiers from FATA and their children were admitted in the army run
schools and vocational training institutes.
The Prime Minister must show serious determination in the rehabilitation of the war
stricken people of North Waziristan with its about 69021 internally displaced families be
operated by the civilian government in accordance with the comprehensive response plan (CRP)
briefed in the national internal security policy of Pakistan 2014-2018. It was also stressed by
PILDAT, that according to its monitor on civil military nexus it was expected that the
government will be steadfast on doing well to enhance and solidify the role of FATA secretariat
FATA disaster management and authority and FATA development authority in reestablishing the
socioeconomic landscape of the tribal areas (PILDAT, 2015).
A task that needed serious consideration and posed a challenge for the FATA
administration authority. This rehabilitation process though will take time but it was ensured that
its accomplishment was the first priority of the government as well of the armed forces. Thus the
relation of the army with the civilian government enterprise in the amelioration of the war on
terror in Waziristan. Both showed great zeal and zest in carrying out tasks on the reestablishment
and rehabilitation of affected people of Waziristan. A task that the nation appreciated it proved
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another feather in the honor of the army who had already been praised by the public in their war
against terrorism and insurgencies.
The most vital and notable development in the process of worsening the civil military
relations in Pakistan has been launched for operation in Karachi and Sindh in November 2013,
which were further deteriorated and keep momentum, when the headquarters (Nine zero) of
Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) was raided, which had full support of the centre
(Islamabad). PILDAT having full support for the operation declare that the dissection of Karachi
operation an obvious story of the civil military relation at play in the Sindh metropolis more
particularly, about the weakness and incompetence of the Sindh police in handling its internal
problems and the eminence and dominance of Pakistan Rangers (Sindh). This operation
demarcated a clear imbalance and contradiction between the relations of civil and military law
enforcement Agency (CMLEA's) that launched the Karachi operation.
The indispensability of launching Karachi operation was the ineffectiveness and
incompetence of the Sindh police, who has headed their operation without the consent and
consideration of the political administration. PILDAT confirms that launching of Karachi
operation cause quite a gap between civilian and military relations. Since, the military has been
fighting against terrorist in the country. The Karachi operation proved nothing but a burden and
waste of time and resources for the military ad parliamentary forces of Pakistan.
The intensity of lawlessness reached to the boiling point and the Sindh police
helplessness made the intervention of army inevitable. Has the provincial government found a
way out of the lawlessness, and settle the issue itself, army would have kept it at bay from
involving unnecessary operations, but again it has to be said the army has to undertake the final
responsibility when other security agencies fail.
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It is quite noteworthy, that the military recent disappointments were the cause of its not
being supported by a civilian in Sindh and Punjab as well as at the federal level for persistent
imposition of the NAP and to curb corruption in government infrastructure, stopping funding of
terrorist groups and Madrassa reforms. The equilibrium on these issues between the civilian and
military has remained oscillating due to various reasons. One of them is that the civilian
government is unable to adopt a prompt approach on these issues as its support base overlays
with those involved in these activities. As a result the civil military relationship will see
unevenness while dealing these issues on national level as they pose stark differences on both
sides. The settlement of this relationship will be a sensitive balancing act for both stakeholders.
The civil military relations remain on the horn of a dilemma and a clandestine strain could be
seen.
However, the cat was out of the bag, when a statement has been issued by the chief the
armed forces about the negligence of the civilian government in the implementation of the
national action plan (NAP). Viewing the complaints of the military, the civilian government has
earnestly made NAP functioning. Nonetheless, apart from other differences between PML (N)
government and the establishment, some elements PML (N) is in a conspiracy campaign against
the establishment, neutralizing and contracting the Prime Minister's elbow greasing to improve
this relation (Express Tribune, August 22, 2016). As far as the parliament and its parent
committee is considered, it shows complete incompetence in developing the imperative super
intendancy of the security sector. The obliviousness of the national assembly and the senate
standing committee on defense can be judged from the fact, that not even a meeting was
conducted to oversee the implementation of the national action plan and its function.
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A briefing, regarding the 13th interior ministry on the national action plan has once
received by a senate committee. It was an exposition of utter indifferences regarding the
implementation of NAP and its subsequent function for the stability of the security and peace in
the country (Rizvi, Tribun, 22Aug, 2016). The imbalance of civil military relations left a deep
impact on Pakistan's foreign policy especially Afghanistan, India, the United States, China and
gulf countries. The military leadership surpassed the civilian government in taking lead operating
foreign policy management with these countries, even the parliament was kept at bay from
inclusion in this regard. The COAS's 17 seventeen international trips an official level that he
undertook where he met foreign political leaderships while 40 in-country meetings where the
chief of armed forces meet with foreign delegates representing the political leadership of those
countries (The News, July 31, 2016) was an obvious evidence of the COAS's over all overseeing
the foreign policies of the country.
The military has overshadowed the overall foreign policy of the country, which speaks in
volumes about the story of the civilian government and its incompetence in handling matters
regarding the country's political and security infrastructures. Keeping in mind the existing
security threats and the rise of the insurgency, Pakistan could not have an easy said through the
sea of commotion and seething. The impending danger of terrorism and ever readiness for
terrorist attacks and their consequences have posed a constant threat for Pakistan. But Pakistan
underwent this turmoil and survived rather survived well, defying all the conventional strategies.
But the oscillating civil military relations and their tussle may prove damaging for the
country. This tussle takes place on elite level while the common man keeps aloof from it. This
weak civil military relation proves devastating as it may probably tarnish the image of the
country and its overall political and military nexus in the eyes of international communities.
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Such weak narrative is replaced by a strong societal civil military relation. Inter institutional
warfare results in nothing but creates a weaken image of the country, because Pakistan is passing
through such tough and difficult time. Keeping in mind the terrorism stricken nation and the
dwindling economy that solid civil military relation is indispensable for the country's stability
both security, economy and political wise. The argument presented here does not advocate the
idea of giving carte blanche to any of the stakeholders, "it is rather be taken mandatory to work
according to the institutionally given mandate of its respective institutions" (Acemoglu &
Robinson, 2012, p. 81).
To bury the hatchets and forget the differences took place in the past was what the both
institutions must consider. Transgressing from these mandates will result in nothing but a more
fainted relation and difference that will definitely prove damaging for the country overall issues
need to be negotiated and difference diminished for the sake of Pakistan. An institutionalized
power of making decisions alongside additional reforms be propagated, and it is a sane planning,
that is the cry of the day. A mutual relation based on harmony understanding with developed
political and military insight of the country is the dire need. An agreement and bilateral
consensus on issues regarding the country's welfare and good image be conducted between the
civilian government and military leadership. The national action plan is materialized for the
benefit of the country.
The national action plan must be operational for the potential benefits of establishing a
robust civil military relation, which will further benefit for the overall solidarity and
strengthening of the country. Suffice to say, that the balance in civil military relations is of
paramount importance for the goodness and amelioration of Pakistan and it can drag Pakistan out
from the abyss of economic instability and political chaos. The ineffectiveness of the NAP in its
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operation by the Nawaz Sharif government and the resultant comprise on territorial compromise
further deteriorated the civil military relations that led to extreme aggravation in tension between
the two institutions.
According to the international crisis group, there is minimum evidence of NAP progress
on many of its objectives that were put forward to be accomplished. The tug of war between the
two systems caused unevenness in many matters of national interest. It is noteworthy here, that
the military on dealing issues of security has shown obvious transgression in many of the
portfolios where there is vivid demarcation for military entry.
A notable fact is the incompetence and weakness of our politicians. Who saw themselves
unable at solving domestic issues and consequently sought military assistance. But General
Raheel Sharif with his military adroitness and diplomatic sagacity succeeded in rebuilding the
esteemed image of Pakistan army in the public. The return of the general counter terrorism
powers being the duty of civilian government received immense support from the nation for him.
It can be fairly said that the conflicts between civilian governments with that of the military,
mostly sprang from issues related to security and stability of peace. The civilian government
could not keep abreast with the strategic vision of the army regarding these issues.
Civilian government with its speculations, negotiation and assumption has been unable to
get along the military prompt action and clear cut straight forwarded thinking, especially in
matters such as Madrassa 's reform and at large operation against domestic insurgents. It is also
worth mentioning here that in matters of security concerns, politics must be bridled and be
passive, operation, counterterrorism must be a matter of national consensus and unity. Any
deviating consideration might lead in clash of various institutions and systems of the country.
After the Peshawar attack in December 2014 that caused catastrophic human loss, General
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Raheel Sharif got the squabbling politicians together, lifted the ban on executing the convicted
terrorists and got consensus of the courts through a constitutional amendment.
Such abrupt changes of the chief aimed at extreme counter terrorism and its dominations
from the country completely. The army also formed a committee with its corps commander
jointly assessing and supervising the governance problems with the chief ministers of four
provinces. These panoramic approaches were taken to tackle down the terrorists and the civilians
connected with these terrorists either as facilitators or having their any sort of assistance with
these insurgents. Furthermore, the army obtained considerable broad range powers through the
Protection of Pakistan Act (PPA) which permitted them to wage operations and arrest of civilian
related to financial corruption declared as economic terrorism. These orders created panic and
apprehensions because of their corruption. It was also feared that allowing such adventurism for
army may end up in arresting many politicians who have looted country's money. It was Zardari
who warned Nawaz Sharif to be alert because he might be enlisted among culprits who have
looted nation's wealth.
Considering such alarming law the politicians let it perish quality with rising any fuss or
agitation. If we take an analytical view of the scenario that covers these laws, the fact is down
upon us that an honest, integral and sincere decision about the protection of the country can
engulf many related things and people be it a system or corrupt politicians. General Raheel
Sharif's prompt decision has created quite expostulation among many people connected with
government administration. But such sincere decisions are not entertained or welcomed by
politicians who strive only for their personal vested interest in keeping the national cause aside.
It was thought that with the exits of General Raheel Sharif on November 2016, the
military courts will also come to a complete halt on 7th January 2017. It is of permanent
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importance to notice the imbalance in civil military relations owes a lot to the political
chauvinism on the part civil government and military's distrust on the government machinery.
But here military can also not be exempted from their intrusion in the political arena of the
country, but again it can be said that it has always been the incompetence of politicians in
handling matters of domestic as well as foreign policies that gave way to the military to manage
in its own way.
4.14 The role of CMR in decision making regarding Nuclear technology
The issue of nuclear technology has proven the decision which has been taken by both
civil and military leaders‟ unanimously showing undeterred agreement, which can be regarded as
the great triumph of CMR. Though there may be differences on various planning's and decided
between civil and military systems, yet there is enough evidence showing no difference of
opinion and an utter agreement relating to Pakistan's nuclear program. It is a program
commenced by civilian Prime Minister, operated by prominent civilian scientist and preserved
and protected by the Pakistan armed forces while last but not the least, protected by an article of
faith for each coming governments, be it military or civilian. This unity and steadfastness in the
matter of nuclear program is quite exemplary on both national as well as international level.
Differences are buried but no comprise on nuclear program. It is dealt as a matter of faith
and integrity. There have been individual mistrust, citing the example of Memo gate and Mehran
gate resulted in creating fuss and hype on media, yet in spite of these contradictions the nation
has been showing exceptional unity and faith, while showing solidarity on the nuclear program.
Suffice to say that the civil military relations has undergone quite fluctuations and in this
respect. None can be exempted from the allegation of having their own drawbacks loopholes and
mistakes. Imbalanced in this relations caused quite setbacks for the country, its economic aspect
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as well as the political aspect (Acemoglu & Robinson, 2012, p. 430). But as far as the issue of
the nuclear program is concerned, it is beyond doubt to say that the exemplary unity of civilian
military institutes offer paragon and an embodiment of unity, faith and disciplined of high caliber
that has surprised even the international community as well.
In a nutshell it can be fairly same said that security challenges have left deep impacts on
the country's economy and politics. Terrorism has paralyzed the country from every aspect.
Military's operations against terrorist made the civilian pay high prices. Countless human and
financial loss proved a severe setback for the country. Civilian governments mostly found
themselves helpless in confronting these challenges and their solutions. It may be called
incompetence of the civilian administration. The role of the Pakistan army cannot be ignored in
this regard.
The clean up sweep of terrorists from tribal areas are bringing full proof, security are
appreciable acts of the military. Yet keeping a balance between these institutes proved a
herculean task for both. But it is worth mentioning here that as far as the nuclear program in the
country is concerned, there can be no comprise on this from either side, be it civilian power or
military institute. An agreement of biblical proportion of nuclear from civilian and military
institute is quite praiseworthy. It is a matter of national importance and survival, and the whole
nation stands united.
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4.2.1 Pakistan's Civil Military Relations in the Context of External Politics
Pakistan‟s military establishment defends its prominent role in Pakistani society due to
the set of complex threats and a series of conflicts which Pakistan has faced. By the time of its
creation, Pakistan found itself in the midst of perennial instability due to the adverse policies of
its rival neighbors. Due to the decisive position of Pakistan in the power politics of globe; power
politics, domestic economic division, presence of religious and ethnic basis, such disconcerting
situations have developed according to one security analyst a sense of guardianship (Shah, 014).
The army believes that the civilian government lacks the vision and political insight which
enables state to operate the affairs other than the security issues without soliciting military
institutions.
Pakistan has been confronted with strategic challenges since it came into being (Lodhi,
2011).Today the instability of politics and the economy have enhanced both the challenges of
domestic as well as foreign level, and simultaneously these challenges have to be faced by
Pakistani society. Lodhi holds that by the time of its inception, Pakistan has faced strategic
challenges (2011). With instable politics and economy, there is a visible inflation in the domestic
as well as foreign challenges. The bitter portion of all this development is that Pakistani society
has to face the music. These situations tests the abilities and demands readiness from institutions
like government and its public, particularly in the areas of politics and economy as these are the
ones which hardens the basis of a country to the greater extent. Despite the fact that Pakistan is
receiving aid and support around the globe yet the mismanagement is due to less fidelity on the
part of Pakistani leadership and the aid is not being employed for the right purposes. There is a
greater need to reform the politics and economy (Memon, et al., 2011).
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The political conflicts among politicians and the embezzlement in the given aid has left
the foundations of political and economic infrastructure hollow, as this may lead to irreparable
disintegration (Khalid, 2013). There is a need to understand this fact that such distressing
situations give way to anti state forces working the state externally and internally (Memon, et al.,
2011). Due to the extraordinary external and internal pressure in Pakistan, military service is a
requisite. Keeping in view the external and internal threats the civilian government has to revise
its security profile. This can be achieved while improving ties with neighbors, establishing peace
on its borders and trimming the role and authority of the military.
In case Pakistan wages a war against India, successfully brings Afghanistan under its
control and is able to influence Iran, the power graph of Pakistan‟s military will rise
considerably. This all be done if Pakistan pays heed to its ultra nationalist ambition as this will
boost the role of military at the cost of other considerations, ultimately influencing policy
making and its related fulfillments. Civilian government has failed political vision and has failed
to improve its ability to devise solutions to the challenges. In either case there is a considerable
risk that such failures may increase the possibility that the stake holders seeking the solution of
these problems may end up in the lap of military setup. Such policies which may be enable
to put the system on auto pilot. So to avoid the security hazards must be developed at priority to
decline the military influence (The Express Tribune, Apr 7, 2018).
4.2.2 India
The recent statistics reported by a renowned journal Stockholm International Peace
Research Institute (SIPRI) while quoting the defense analyst are pretty alarming as the defense
spending of 15 countries of the world as their defense expenditures exceeds the four fifth of the
expenditures of the whole world. In the context of Pakistan‟s civil military relationship India is
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one of such countries (SIPRI, 2013-17). Pakistan stands nowhere if one considers the internal
and external security threats. Pakistan basis the justification of its defense expenditures on the
war she has waged against terrorism. The foreign policy of Pakistan and its security aspects are
mainly based on its relations with India.
It is widely understood that between both (India and Pakistan) the countries, Kashmir is
the basic issue of contention as it is one of the most influential factor determining the military
and civilian government‟s policies. The military establishment of Pakistan has tried to handle
skillfully the issue of Kashmir for two ulterior motives; first to engage Indian army and economy
and second to strengthen itself financially as an institution so to increase the defense budget. One
of the reasons behind the expansion in military budget is to abide by the strategic mantra i.e. to
maintain balance of power. The scenario of warfare between Pakistan and India is conventional
and unconventional. It is worthwhile to mention here that the provinces of Punjab and Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa support the issue out of the other four provinces of the state.
In past Pakistani military establishment has been staunchly defending the issue of
Kashmir, it seems that it hasn‟t budged a single step. In this regard, historically speaking to
governments of civilian setup was sent home i.e. Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif as both had
made their minds to settle the Kashmir issue. Such policy of the civilian leadership highlighted
and alienated the military severely (Khakwani, 2003).
For an instance the Lahore resolution is a historical development between the two civilian
governments: Benzair meeting the Prime Minister Rajiv Ghandi a step to resolve Kashimir issue.
These and such other pacifying steps taken by the civilian governments were not supported by
the military establishment. In similar instance when Nawaz Sharif met his counterpart Atal
Bihari Vajpayee and the historical Lahore resolution was signed between the two countries. All
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the political parties of Pakistan hailed the decision including that of Benazir government who
was sitting on the opposition benches (Ashraf Mumtaz, 19 February, 1999). It has been widely
reported in Pakistan‟s media that after the Lahore declaration, Pakistan‟s army sabotaged the
deal while infiltrated into Kargil adjacent to Line of Control (Baloch & Gaho, 2013). In 2013
Sharif wanted bold steps to move quickly on peace with India while military wanted to mend
relations in a systematic way that would not compromise on Pakistan's interest. This divergence
in relation is due to the method for achieving foreign policy goals rather than ideological
difference between civil military.
4.2.3 Afghanistan
If Indo-Pak relationship is tense ever since the start, among immediate neighbors
Pakistan‟s relationship with Afghanistan is based upon three major objectives. The first and
foremost objective of Pakistan‟s foreign policy with respect to Afghanistan is to hold the
strategic depth. An amiable regime in Afghanistan is one of the ultimate objective of Pakistan.
Rubin & Siddique believe that a friendly government in Afghanistan will help Pakistan to
achieve strategic depth (2006).
Pakistan has been cautiously monitoring Indian supremacy in the region and for this
purpose she keeps her military on alert (Hussain, Dawn, 2nd February, 2010). The strategic
depth provides to Pakistan an opportunity to avail the fall back option. Nevertheless the Pakistan
army despite her less strength and logistic capability can counter attack even if chased from
Pakistan‟s territory and in such scenario the utility of support and fall back remains an option
(Hussain, 2016).
Despite the utility of strategic depth the whole idea can be a mere frustration if the danger
is posed from Afghanistan and from the Western border. A far greater Pakistani force can
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equally match India in this case on the eastern border. In case of hostile regime in Afghanistan,
Pakistan will be definitely encircled by its enemies. In such a case there is a possibility that India
will be present in Afghanistan and will try to encircle Pakistan from all sides as this is an
imminent threat (Lieven, 2002).
India since 2001 has been proactively involved in diplomatic and humanitarian efforts which
have also provided her with countless opportunities to hatch conspiracies against Pakistan. India is trying
to establish herself in Afghanistan while spending multibillion dollars in the guise of developmental
projects. With such spending they have established hundredths of consulates. But it is also notable that
all such speculations are based on the military perspectives, opposed to this, as a matter of fact
there is only one Indian embassy all over Afghanistan (Mushtaq, et al., 2010). In the views of the
chief of army staff no one can allocate 1.3 billion dollars for a project unless there are ulterior
motives behind it.
In this context the west needs to ensure that under such circumstances any adventurism
on the part of India will not be acceptable to Pakistan. Historically speaking Afghanistan has
rejected the presence of Durand line which is an open challenge to Pakistan. The historical
background to the Durand line is that it was drawn in 1890 by the British government but it has
been clearly rejected by the Afghan government right from the start. The reason behind this
rejection is that Afghans believe that the areas populated by Pashtoon and Balouch on the both
sides of the Durand line are part of Afghanistan (Johnson & Mason, 2008). That‟s why
Afghanistan right from the time of Pakistan‟s independence as a state hasn‟t accepted it. Pakistan
devised a new strategy to counter the Afghanistan persistent animosity and opposition against
herself and in this regard Pakistan supported those groups with in Afghanistan politics who
supported Pakistan but this strategy had its risks as well.
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Benazir Bhutto as the Prime Minister of Pakistan supported the Taliban who mostly
comprised of Pushtoons because these Taliban favored security in Pakistan (Shaw & Akhtar,
2014). Post September 11 the strategic vision respecting Afghanistan evolved completely when
on 2001 September 11 Al-Qaida attacked New York and Washington. Pakistan has to change her
policy post 9-11 when United States and leading world powers pressurized Islamabad to abandon
her support of Taliban. In this context the Pakistan cooperated with US and withdrew all sorts of
support. Pakistan could not withstand the pressure of international communities. Two prestigious
institutions the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and the Harvard Kennedy
School held that the Pashtuns and Northern Alliance dominated Hamid Karzai‟s politics
(Johnson & Mason, 2008.)
Pakistan supported Haqqani network to maintain the strategic depth in Afghanistan
(Brown, 2016; Haqqani, 2010, p. 285). Besides supporting Haqqanis Pakistan has been
supporting militants faction led by Gulbaddin Hekmatyar (Mazzetti, et al., 2010). All these and
other policies have been developed by Pakistan‟s security establishment. Pakistan‟s support for
the insurgents is based on strategic gains which ensure the security of Pakistan‟s interest after US
pulls out from Afghanistan. Pakistan denies these allegations however it is fair enough to say that
Pakistan carries multidimensional interests in Afghanistan.
4.2.4 China
Pakistan-China relationship has been ever friendly and reliable. Both the countries hold
deep cooperation and trust in all the military areas like conventional arms, nuclear technology
and other military exercises. Right from the time Pakistan‟s independence till to date China can
be termed as all-weather friend. China has ever sought to help out Pakistan in critical conditions
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and has proved to be Pakistan‟s closest ally. (The News, January 10, 2010), that is the reason that
both civilian and military leaders are on the 'same page' for having good relations with China.
Pakistan and China have held several joint military exercises, i.e. in 2004 and 2006 both
the People‟s Liberation Army and Pakistan Military held joint exercises (accessed June 21,
2011). China Military Online suggests that China prefers to participate with Pakistan in naval
based on search and rescue drills (2008). In the days when Pakistan army conducted operations
in tribal areas, China‟s advice was sought. China has always expressed her concerns over the
military presence in her western provinces and ensuring regional security for her economic
progress.
There are numerous such instances where we see China supporting Pakistan. China and
Pakistan have resolved many economic and security concerns with bilateral assistance. Pakistan
values China‟s support in various developmental enterprises and it seems that both are
interdependent on each other. While keeping a check and controlling cross border terrorism
Pakistan and China in 2007 signed an extradition deal (Daily Times, 2007). Those Chinese who
violated Pakistani law were sent back to China, legal cases were registered and they have been
put on trial in China (The News International, 2009).In a bid to support the Chinese communist
party‟s stand on Xinxiang Uyghur an autonomous region in China a memorandum of
understanding has been signed in 2009 between Chinese communist party and Pakistan‟s main
religious parties (The News International, 2009). Briefly Pak-China relationship is tried and
tested and a deep level of understanding exists between the two countries on security, economic
development and technology advancement. Historically speaking China has stood side by side
with Pakistan through thick and thin especially in the times when Pak-US relationship has
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wavered. Pakistani military as well political representative support relations with China because
in the matter of national security and foreign relations they are on the same page.
4.2.4.1 Port of Gwadar
In this dissertation the researcher has tried to explain the dynamics of civil military
relations in Pakistan has assured the continuity of policy towards China. Gwadar port project
epitomes the vitality of Pakistan-Chinese relationship over the last 15 years. The paradigmatic
shift in Pakistan‟s foreign policy in the scenario of post 9-11, nonetheless expresses policy of
Pakistani army‟s top brass. As a matter of fact civilian say in the policy matters is more a myth
than a reality. The researcher has found out that the succeeding civilian government has followed
and adopted the foreign policy of General Pervaiz Musharaf as this clearly indicates control of
the military establishment on foreign policy.
The civilian and military establishments have unanimously developed this policy that
Chinese investors should be provided with security and authentic investment in Pakistan. This all
has been felt because of the role China has been playing while supporting Pakistan‟s strategic
stance. China‟s developmental contributions and assistance in the development of military
technology has gained popularity both at civilian and military levels. A semi structured interview
conducted in early 2017, revealed that the civilian military relations revolve around these main
points, port Gwadar, economic and foreign policy and domestic security measures. Both the
military and civilian establishment have agreed to support the Chinese in the development of
Gwadar project, as a matter of fact the development of Gwadar project depends on unanimous
narrative and mutual cooperation between the sectors of establishment.
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4.2.5 United States of America
The political instability in Pakistan especially with respect to the differences between
ruling and opposing party along with price hike is main reason why military establishment keeps
meddling in the political affairs of Pakistan. Besides these little other contributing reason could
be weak foreign policy and extending undue favor to the western world. Prominent military
leadership of Pakistan Iskander Mirza and General Ayub Khan in 1958 conveyed to the US
ambassador that only dictatorship has the capability to provide the best viable government
system to Pakistan (Gilmartin, 1992; Hassan, 2011, p. 92). Although there are no such evidences
against US available where, she has consented in favor of dictatorship in Pakistan. Despite the
fact that Ayub khan was in good books of the US administration and same goes in the case of
two other coups whose main leaders had support of the US administration and these took place in
March 1969 and in July 1977. It is pretty interesting to know that both the military regimes in
Pakistan had full ethical and ideological support from the US state department which includes
the Zia Ul Haq regime. It is believed that the Zia regime extension took place because of the
American support both from military and economic point of view. The major factor in the case
of Zia regime was the ongoing Soviet military invasion of Afghanistan. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto
claimed that US supported his political opponents who due to this support started mass protests
against his rule in 1977. He raised serious objections on the US diplomats and rejected to mould
his nuclear and foreign policy (Shah, 1997).
It is unlikely to say that Capitol Hill conspired or supported Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto regime
change but there is considerable evidence of indirect involvement of US administration to
imbalance the Bhutto government in those times when Bhutto‟s government was facing mass
protests organized by right wing party and the army. There are numerous facts supporting the
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view point that US sabotaged Bhutto regime which resulted in his eventual execution. US
government successfully encircled the Bhutto government, complicated political matters for him
and there was a consequential downfall. During the cold war days Pakistan military
establishment tried to develop warmer relationship with the west. These warm relations they
thought would help them to attain certain goals like military equipment, assistance and
considerable transfer of military technology (Abbas, 2015).
Pakistan military establishment was in favor of resisting US pressure and toeing her line
while developing the atomic program. In this regard they enhanced their relationship of trust
with the civilian set up to detonate a nuclear bomb on 28th
and 30th
May, 1998. The seniors
commanders of Pakistan military views cordial relationship with US administration a priority.
The military establishment believes likewise as such an approach is considered mandatory for
maintaining security in the region. The senior commanders while exercising their discretionary
powers develop policy related to the security of the region. The senior command is fully aware
of the latest global trends and developments. The newest trends emphasize over democratization
of the society, better government, economic freedom and liberal trade. These developments at
the international level oppose the concept of military establishment (Rizvi, 2012).
These latest political trends have discouraged Pakistani military establishment to interfere
directly in power and to hold constitution and democracy in high esteem. Nonetheless if
Pakistan‟s political situation worsens and social order and stability falls below the average level
and the top military brass starts realizing that professionalism and corporate interest has been
undermined, in such situation the international trends will lose its controlling effects.
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4.2.5.1 The Post September 11 world and CMRS
Post 9-11 attacks General Musharraf fully consented to join the world comity on
permanent basis against war on terror. He categorically condemned Taliban and vowed to start a
full fledge war on terrorists. In this endeavor he held the support of US. Many Taliban militants
and members of Al-Qaeda fled to Tribal areas. These were the days when Pak-US relations were
perfect. According to an analysis during these days Inter Services Intelligence provided
maximum benefits to Afghan Taliban. It is also believed that ISI supported the Afghan Taliban
in reorganizing and rebuilding themselves as a more solid operational force (Fair, 2011, p. 587).
Taliban were driven by the US army across the western border (Rashid,11th March,
2010). In these days militants supported various attacks in Kashmir. On December 13, 2001
brazen attack on the Indian parliament was carried out by the terrorist in day time during which
14 people were killed. The terrorist involved in this attack is where Pakistan based (Brussels,
ICG, 2009). Musharraf dismissed the allegations made against Pakistan (Watson, et al., 2015).
Pak-India saw the lowest dip in their mutual relationship, at such time US administration tried to
pacify the agitation between the two countries (Brussels, ICG, 2009).
President Musharraf in reaction launched military operation in the tribal areas,
nevertheless the operation failed to dismantle the strong hold of the militants in the area.
According to Khalid the militants and insurgent grouped in Quetta (2010). It is alleged that
Lashkar-e-Taiba an Islamic terrorism militant organization carried out attacks on Indian
institutions across the border as it is based in Muridke, Lahore.
The US administration demanded from Pakistan to curtail the cross border attacks while
launching operation against the Taliban militants located in North and South Waziristan. During
these operations Pakistan army suffered great human loss, resulting in a peace deal between
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Pakistan army and the militants, who later came to be known as Pakistani Taliban. In reaction to
the failure of the agreement between the Pakistani Taliban and Pakistan army, a large scale
offence was launched by the Pakistan army in 2009 against the militants present in Federally
Administered Tribal Agency, on the other side political conditions worsened when President
Musharraf sacked the chief justice of apex court.
Due to such confusing situation Pakistan‟s legal community went on strike and large
scale street protests were held across the major cities of Pakistan. These protests were rampant
with sloganeering against President Musharraf while demanding his resignation (Asia Report,
ICG, 2009). President Musharraf put the constitution of Pakistan in abeyance and declared a state
of emergency, on the other side he arrested the protestors and imprisoned them. He promised to
hold fresh elections in January 2008 but these were delayed due to the assassination of Benazir
Bhutto on 27 December 2007, consequently he shifted his political moves and doffed off his
army uniform on 28th November, 2007 (Nawaz, 2008).
General Ashfaq Pervaiz Kiyani filled the shoes of General Musharraf as the Chief of
Army Staff. President Musharraf held the portfolio of presidency later on Asif Ali Zardari the
widower of Benzair Bhutto became the president of Pakistan (Perlez, 2008). General Kiyani held
his vision to rebuild image of the army. He ensured that civilian officers fully served the country
and discouraged those who wanted to become part of the Pakistani politics (Masood, 2008). He
received a warm welcome for the paradigmatic shift. The reason behind this change in
underlying assumptions was the active engagement of Pak army in different operations against
terrorist militants in various parts of the country. The army remained engaged throughout all the
Pakistan.
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One of the famous milestone army achieved under the command of Kiyani was
emancipating the scenic valley of Swat from Taliban stronghold. This historic achievement made
General Kiyani a hero not only at institutional levels but also among the masses (Sehgal, 2010).
General Kiyani was given three years extension as the continuity of his policies was necessary.
His performance was lauded nationally and internationally. Acknowledging the efforts of
Pakistan army against terrorism, US held out logistic and financial support.
Despite all caution, Pakistan army could take the losses were significant. Pakistan fully
appreciates the importance of war against terrorism, as it is essential not only for her survival,
but also important for her positive international image. Pakistan lost her children in this war, but
has inflicted heavy losses on the militants as well. Over the passage of time she has made
significant gains against the militants and terrorism and has successfully managed to push out
these militants to Pak-Afghan border area (Alam, 2010).
Pakistan was praised in its war on terror while the sacrifices it made were internationally
acknowledged; Pakistan became a blood shad battle where both militants and army received
great losses. But the army to a great extent seemed to overcome these insurgents and drove them
out of the country across the border to Afghanistan (Alam, 2010).
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4.3.1 Impacts of Civil Military Relations on Foreign Policy of Pakistan
Analyzing the part, rendered by the main decision making bodies in Pakistan is a matter
of interest as the National Security Council and the defense committee of cabinet projects.
Conflicts, that exists between civil military relations, which as result leave deep impact on
overall country. The reason behind the defeat of Pakistan in the 1971 war with India, and the
Indian army superiority lay in the fact, that there is a dire lack of mutual and shared decision
making procedure. Such mutually shared decisions are of paramount importance for the
development of a country, be it in the field of economy or security. This shared and effective
decision making mechanism further made a grave issue as a result of which Pakistan faced the
dismemberment of Bangladesh and the Kargil war in 1999.
The advocacy by the military for the establishment of the National Security Council
reflects the military intention of making way for a legal fabric, to have their authentic role in
security and foreign policy of the country. Although, National Security Council (NSC) was set
up in 1969 in the reign of Yahya Khan. But it was confined to papers domain rather than as an
authentic and entitled decision making authority. The ineffectiveness of NSC mostly in the time
of national emergency caused a great setback to the country.
Absence of military coordination in judging the dangers and the appropriate implication
of Pakistan policy towards the east wing resulted in the eventual separation of Bangladesh that
was declared as one of the main reasons of losing the 1971 war against India. An established
harmony between civil military establishments is indispensable for stability in the country, an
essential element that is lacking in Pakistan and for which the country suffered severe damages
both in civilian as well as military level.
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Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto dismissed NSC in 1976 and established the defense cabinet
committee (DCC) as the main decision making body to justify and established democratically
elected politicians over the military and its leadership. It was trying to be revived when Zia Ul
Haq came into power through a military coup. However, it could not be restored because of the
strong opposition by political parties and to be shunned. Benazir Bhutto, when she came into
power in 1993, it is noteworthy that the opposition against NSC came stronger from the PPP site
is composed of other political parties. The possibility of NSC restoration surfaced again as
military preference was seen in its strong favor.
During the government of Nawaz Sharif in 1998 the chief of the Army Staff Jehangir
Karamat stressed the need to reestablish the NSC for institutionalizing the military to be included
in decision making body. This urge was expressed by him during his address at the naval war
college Lahore. Nawaz Sharif however did not like this statement and was compelled to resign as
Prime Minister.
National Security Council nevertheless was fully created by General Pervaiz Musharraf
after his military coup in 1999. Furthermore NSC was given approval by the parliament and was
made part of the Pakistan's constitution. There occurred a tug of war over the creation of the
NSC between political parties -i-e, civilian governments and military governments. Military's
urge for the creation of the NSC is mostly based on their power hunger and the eventual
intervention in politics, power and foreign policy with the downfall of the Musharraf
government, the PPP government after it was declined victoriously replaced DCC once again
while discarding the NSC. The DCC was given the authority to be at the heart of the security and
foreign policy decision making process.
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Although DCC was created by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in his government yet it was confined
to paper. On defense organization it could not be brought into practice. It was never regarded as
a confectioning in the real sense. The basis of the DCC is to set up civilian governance in both
security and defense policies. The preeminence of the military in matters of security and foreign
policy, the DCC remain utterly failed to render its remits thoroughly. There are several African
countries that collapsed and become dysfunctional because of their internal conflicts and
violence (Jackson, 2002).
Pakistan is witnessing catastrophic consequencesboth in 1971 and 1999 due to lack of
institutionalization of defense making mechanism at the time of crisis and emergency. The
military can fairly be declared responsible for such indiscreet actions but civilian government
cannot be exempted from these unscrupulous acts. The constant constrains between the Prime
Minister and Chief of Army Staff became hurdle in the way of bringing harmony and coherence
in the country, what is then deducted from the analysis after the twin crisis of 1971 and 1999.
The major elements are the internal clashes between civilian and military establishment
in chalking decisions. The sole responsibility comes with the lack of mutual understanding
between civil and military institutions. Both the national Security Council and defense
committee of cabinet and their clashes for obtaining authority for decision making ended up
affecting the final outcomes of Pakistan's strategic stand. It is also an undeniable fact that both
NSC and DCC though setup formally were never let be operational in the actual sense to define
foreign policy and defense objectives at all.
During Kargil war the decision making authorities are fully conferring upon the crops
commander's conference (CCC) and the Chief of the Army Staff. The most startling point in this
respect is that the civilian government was supposed to be the in charge, yet the foreign policy
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was fully conducted by the military. Here again a clear display of disunity and sheer conflicts
can be seen quite visibly.
There remained an opposite view and struggles especially with India. While Nawaz
Sharif has indulged in dialogue with the Indian counterpart on one hand, the military remains
fully determined to wage a full fledge operation in Kargil. It tells in volumes of how big gap is
there between the two institutions. Such conflicting steps bring nothing to the country, but utter
chaos and breeds elements of complete downfall to the system.
A monstrous lack of mutual shared understanding is broadly prevailed between the two
establishments. According to analysts there has been an understood pre-planning and mutual
share knowledge of the issues, the result of 1971 and 1999 would have been something else. A
sense of self righteousness and power hunger are the elements military can be blamed for, while
the civilian government can be declared as incompetent and lacking political insight that have
made them utterly weak and dependent upon the military. It is however notable that the
formation of NSC has been place in 1969 but still under Yahya Khan's power, it has not been
formally operational, while the main decision making mechanism was taking in person with him
and other few military officials while the civilian cabinet and the NSC are given no significant
role or authority to define the foreign policy objectives.
This clash between civilian and military establishment thwarted the way of coherence and
mutual shared vision that could be used to Pakistan's foreign policy. Thus the country foreign
policy has suffered a great setback which further caused damage to the internal system and to the
overall security infrastructure of Pakistan. Thus, as a result failures in many foreign affairs and in
taking proper security and defense measures in times of wars and other emergencies of national
proportions.
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Nevertheless the prima facie democratic revival that the country sighted in 2008 and May
2013 elections testifies that now the decision making process encompassing the DCC and
parliamentary committee will start working formally under the newly elected civilian
government. Especially in the previous years, the DCC has several meetings and made decisions
regarding various issues that included the supply route for NATO's allied forces to Afghanistan.
In 2011-2012 as well as the civilian involvement in the foreign policy decision making
mechanism likewise several decisions of both domestic and foreign policies are made by NSC. It
has been a response to the 70 years of contingent crises and the decisions made were never
actually practicable in the country. It is considered as a good omen for the country to put the
foreign policy of the country on the right track. It was a genuine move on the part of the civilian
government which in a way was not only to declare civilian supremacy but to actually
channelize. The decision making process in the institutional structure to be more precise. This act
of formally making NSC fully operative has a genuine step taken by the civilian government in
years.
It has also challenged the individual and the single institution monopoly established in
the previous years by military leaderships. Furthermore, the meetings of the NSC have been held
on monthly basis to form a structure and framework to define the country objectives. These
meetings on monthly basis covered many issues related both to domestic and foreign policies on
time. Keeping in mind the given consideration, it is a matter of great interest to know that
decision making process and the overall evaluation of the civil military interplay in Pakistan.
Both these portfolios i.e. decision making mechanism and the defense institutional architecture
will be supervised none other than the COAS General Ashfaq Pervaiz Keyani after his retirement
in November 29. Rumors revolve around the considerations that he will be opposite as the
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chairman of the revived Joint Chiefs of the staff committees that will become a main pillar
among Pakistan defense institutions. As Huntington has pointed out that the civilian domination
offers a direct contrast to subjective civilian control that achieves its objectives by civilizing the
military by getting it involved in politics (Huntington, 1956).
The reason of the military preeminence in Pakistani society is the underdevelopment of
civilian government. The reason for this supremacy of army owes a lot to the mutilating issues
that pave the way forpathology of civil military relation; these issues are the unstable economy,
growing hectic energy crises, domestic religious extremism and the constant threat posed by
terrorism.
All these problems possibly have caused public distrust on democratically elected
governments to provide basic public demands like security, the promised expectation attached
and that unfulfillment can erupt disturbance into the politics of the system (Lieven, 2011, p.
206). This situation can be exploited by the military as tough as it may seem the civil military
relation can be reformed with the help of public support by giving broad and unquestioned
legitimacy to the democratic rule.
The military records of the era testify that the military specifically feels proud of its clean
record of serving the nation on every plate form. The nation on every platform and in any
condition, whatsoever military expresses its deep abhorrence and digest for the civilian
leaderships whom, the military thinks would sacrifice the national interest for the sake of their
personal vested interests. Political leaders are considered as inept and incompetent to run matters
of national importance.
These assumptions of the armed forces have created the need for military solutions,
declaring a self proclaimed image for themselves as guardians of the national interest. Another
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support for this claim is that military officials are very sensitive to the negative effects of the
poor economic and political conditions of the country.
It is such a stand that has been wrapped in the genuine fabrication and this stand plays
vital role in uplifting military images and their consequential intervention in the political system
of the country. It won't be an exaggeration to say that there is an acute sense prevailing in the
military of their being remaining at supreme level and to hold an upper hand in national matters
and interests of the country. The military has no hold bar approach towards playing its role both
in domestic and foreign policy.
Here it is noteworthy to consider the civilian government as having a sufficient lack of
confidence and capability to handle issues regarding security and to utilize military for this
solution and not for, their policy adoption. This is the main requirement needed by the civilian to
handle it very sagaciously. The adverse impact of military intervention and the domination of
foreign policy by the military has caused decision making ambient, overly shadow by the
national security consideration. Thus, military influence of a disproportionate status of the
political decision making in the country has consequences that yielded militarization of the
whole system while religious ideologies are confused with national security.
Some observers are of the conviction that behind the sought after preeminence of the
military is all about the large corporate interest in the shape of running welfare business which
has caused deviation of shortage national resources because of the subsidies to these welfare
business projects. Such motives of the military have risen quite fuzz in the political arena of the
country but due to the weakened political system nothing can be done for its stoppage. A military
centered security viewpoint along with obdurateness of predacious neighbor has claimed down
all the initiatives taken for peace based on give and take hampering space of diplomacy.
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The military influence on national decision making mechanism has been boosted by the
external security threats from India and Afghanistan and the internal threats posed by the ethno
sectarianism. Both these viewpoints have fully exposed by the military to the political leadership
and have taken some of the great exploitation by the military in Pakistan. To fully comprehend
the intricacy of civil military relation both the internal and external threat milieu on the sensitive
issue of civil military power balance requires elaboration. As the cold war came and end bring
uni-polar uncertainties, it created threats at both national and international security levels that
changed into a complex chain of nontraditional and non state threats.
The importance of the political factors that has been well comprehended at the politico
transformed into a primacy of political effects at the operational level of war. The above fact has
resulted into the revived agitation for political control of the military over the civilian
leaderships. As pointed out by Feaver, there occurred a coexistent divergence and convergence
between the military and civilian leaderships and their functions as cold war came to an end
while it left the traditional threat overshadowed by the nontraditional threats. He is also of the
strong opinion that the unquestionable importance of the civilian policy and hold the conviction
that the principle of military subordination means that civilians should be obeyed by them are
pursuing a wise policy.
The question that arises is that what the ideal balance of civil military relations are
presaged to equalize this relation and what elements make hindrance to facilitate its
fructification. The most agreeable civil military relatives are expected to rest upon a mutualism
of civilian political management/commandment and effectiveness of the military services. The
most effective balance between the civilian and military relations accompanying efficacious
military instrument as a factor of national power is predicated upon elements that include
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domestic as well as external threats, the power of political institutions, and the ideas based
arrangements and the speculated role of the armed forces in the domestic policy.
4.3.2 Hopeless Scenario
The most despairing scenario is Pakistan's reliance on IMF and other agencies. Pakistan
could not become self dependent country, even after six decades of its independence. The
American influence has hindered the way of Pakistan's becoming a genuine democracy. Such
American intervention in the political system of the country has never left it to democratization.
The army supremacy in the political structure of the country dominated. Although the judicial
strife in the revival of the democratic system yet military is a crucial component possessing
power to make military takeovers in case democracy prevails and is victorious. Judicial
involvement can also bring imbalance among the other institutions.
The judiciary is getting such power which proves an impediment in the usual process of
legislation leading to the tussles between judiciary and legislature. If a democratic government
succeeds in its establishment by reviving genuine democracy. Chances are that it will not sustain
itself because of prevailing corruption, incompetence in the management and ineptness of the
new democratic government in dealing with the issues like energy crises, joblessness, terrorism
and inflation.
These are the core issues faced by the country and their eradication needs political insight
and readiness which the democratic government fails to have the economic instability and the
weak political system are the results of the incompetent civil government and the military who
never take the civilian leaderships into confidence and work with them to share knowledge
which may bring many positive results both in the past (if had it been considered) and in the
future too.
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Pakistan has suffered in its war on terrorism extensively more than any other country has
suffered in the whole world. Countless unthoughtful decisions taken in the past regarding
economy and security by both the civilian as well as by the military leaderships have ended in
great disadvantages in the country. Supporting America in its war on terrorism brought
catastrophic consequences for Pakistan and the military can be solely declared for this
unscrupulous decision. While politically elected civilian leadership has completely failed in
understanding these economic crises and their solutions. Debts from the IMF and other agencies
on conditions have dragged Pakistan into the abyss of backwardness. Corruption, nepotism,
lawlessness, unemployment, inflation and terrorism have made the country foundations hallow
and have brought it to the brink of collapse and utter downfall.
The army is the foremost front runner in carrying out security deals with the United
States. The US aid deals are ended solely by military while keeping the politicians at bay. The
billion dollar deal on security measurement and assistance between Pakistan military and US
kept the politicians oblivious. The political and economic instability owes a lot of failed military
government. Such unscrupulous decision on the part of the military has brought the country to
the verge of collapse because of lack of political insight.
It is also notable that it is the weakness of Pakistani politicians and their incompetence
that they cannot confront and handle affairs wisely. Asking military for solving a civilian issue
tells a sorry tale of Pakistan's political naiveness and shallow insight. Though military might
solve problems efficiently but it is not to be taken for granted that the military can be summoned
to be given the task of handling a complex political issue. It is the arena where military scum to
fail and the country suffers. Military‟s lack of political insight cause deterioration rather than
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amelioration. Such facts must be clearly understood by politicians who wholly rely upon the
army in handing over such tasks (Rizvi,1998).
No doubts that the military services are worth needing when issues regarding national
security rise and their assistance became essentially indispensable. It is the reason of army chief
General Raheel Sharif‟s popularity that his successful coup the internal terrorism iron handedly
winning every battle and operation against terrorists. We cannot ignore the importance of
Pakistan's army. They are the real defenders of Pakistan but they should not forget their
constitutional limits.
It is noteworthy here that the nuclear weapons of Russia could not protect it from its
downfall and the resultant dismemberment because of the inefficiency and corruption that the
state institutions were infected with. Russia was one of the super powers at the time, same is the
case with Pakistan as a state owes a lot of corruption and inefficient institutions. It is high time
that the civil military brings mutual understanding of their decision making process and work
together to cope with the issues both at the domestic level as well as at the external level.
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Chapter Five
Conclusion
5.1 Overview
The study has reached to a point to explore Pakistan‟s strategic position in the region and
the development of military institution through expansion of its role in the development of
Pakistan confronted with threats and insecurity syndrome since its inception to date. This
dissertation has tried to assess contemporary Pakistan's military ability to address the terrorism
and other related insecurity issues. Consequently study has come to this conclusion that it is
pertinent for Pakistan to hold balanced civil military relationsin order to make substantial
respect, dignity and trustworthy Pakistan regionally and internationally. Because every civilized
modern society has essential features e.g. harmony, stability and justice in accordance with the
principles of impartiality and fair conduct in private and public affairs. As elaborated by the
Greek scholar through Idealism centuries ago to justify supreme virtue is the highest happiness
of the greatest number in a society through demarcated boundaries between politicians and
military generals for promotions of civilian rules under modern democratic principles.
5.2 Findings and Prospects
History shows that the military has always upper hand and it always dominated the
political institution, it rather manipulated the political system for its personal gains.
Furthermore, due to external threats and internal secessionist movements, military kept
intervening on various occasions in political institutions and the process of election have
always been targeted and never allowed to flourish for the sake of country‟s political
stability. The institutional growth in Pakistan is only possible if a steady and solid change
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of state from NSS to the welfare state is carried out and it will require huge changes in
overall governance, economic and social reforms.
As Pakistan has seen in the past in connection with wars against India and in the present
scenario the operations against Taliban and religions extremists posing danger to the
domestic peace and stability. This balance in relation is indeed the holy grails of the civil
military equation in power.
US has never trusted the civilian leadership on the ground that it lacks the authority in
policy making which helps US to resolve different issues in the region.US have its own
interest in the military governments as most of the support US ever obtained was during
the military regimes.
Pakistan need an independent judiciary because an Independent judiciary can play a vital
role to protect the democratic system. But unfortunately we have a weak judicial system
like other institutions
leadership plays a vital role to flourished the democratic system but unfortunately we do
not have any visionary leadership after the death of Quaid Azam and Liaqat Ali Khan.`
Educated electorates can play an important role to promote democratic system and to
prevent the undemocratic moves as well but unfortunately almost 60 percent of
electorate is uneducated and they don‟t know the sanctity of their vote and democratic
rights.
Feudal system in Pakistan is a hurdle in the way of democratization.
Terrorism and its elimination need a mutual and united struggle for both institutions.
Pakistan has been fighting war and there is win in this war if there is unity among state
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institutions. Disunity further deteriorates the conditions and does not let a country win its
war against terrorism.
The prospects for civilian control of the military and will it matter? In a nutshell it is
quite uncertain that the civilian institutions will positively have the needed rewards, competence
or even practice genuine control over military. But the possibility of military takeovers seems
unlikely in the near future. It is also a fact that though the civil government has many loopholes,
yet Kiyani seem uninclined to take over a country that is entangled in swamp of problems.
Nawaz Sharif too does not seem to bring his government to an end which if done will definitely
bring anger and agitation in his party. The pressure from army headquarters over Supreme Court
will certainly be put to thwart actions which may spell the end of this government.
Keeping in mind the present scenario the Supreme Court is in authority to stop any kind
of conspiracy from opposition against the present government. Such a move from the apex court
will be beneficial. But looking the seeming conditions that handicapped government is likely to
complete its five years tenure.Although US is missing to bring civilian control and legislature
struggles to cultivate the Kerry Lugar Berman legislature, encompasses diversified quit claims
that moreover the US has never trusted the civilian leadership on the ground that it lacks the
authority in policy making which helps US to resolve different issues in the region.
According to the newspaper “dawn” that Washington's response to military take over's
has traced the same strategy at primary level, condemnation and criticism, then approval and
endorsing it and at last complete willing support for public in question. US have its own interest
in the military governments as most of the support US ever obtained was during the military
regimes. The US plays a double game giving priority to its own interest in the
background.Berman remarks are based on sincerity while saying that US wishes to establish
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strengthen democratic institution in Pakistan. But there is no guarantee that the self-styled
proponent of democracy will not play the same old game with the same pattern, if circumstances
change in the opposite direction as the tides turn.
Will US give guarantee that it will not support a military coup and its usurper dictator
again irrespective of circumstances? Keeping in mind the US-Pakistan relation in historical
perspectives, there is no evidence that this author's circumspection is anything but justifiable.
Ikram Sehgal says that U.S observation was that the program once started should not be
interrupted in the middle. The process should go on without fail.There is no doubt that
government thinking for a professional army. It is essential to be capable of having consistency
of the process. Moreover the US has never trusted the civilian leadership on the ground that it
lacks the authority in policy making which helps US to resolve different issues in the region. US
extend its supports towards military more than civilians.
It is true because whenever the congressional delegations paying their visits to Pakistan
prefer meeting with Chief of the Army Staff and show less interest towards civilian
parliamentarians. Eventually Pakistan keeps on developing apprehensiveness about US
determination in favor of democracy in Pakistan and its increasing civilian control over the
armed forces and intelligence agencies, especially keeping in mind the recent events.
If one looks at the past record of all civilian leaderships of Pakistan it suggests that the
hopes and supports that US express for the civilian leaders of Pakistan may be misplaced
particularly in the short term. It is also an undeniable fact that the civilian governments be it of
Benazir Bhutto or Nawaz Sharif have extended their support for extremist organizations like
Lashkar-e-Jahargvi, a political deal has always been made with these Islamic militant
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organizations. There might be some political interest of these politicians in such organization
they provide huge banks of voters.
Not even these domestic organizations, but the Taliban in Afghanistan and Deobandi
militant organization has also come into this fold. The support for Afghan Taliban came to
accelerate during the second term of Benazir Bhutto‟s government. Retired general Nasurallah
Baber was her interior minister who also remained the inspector general of the frontier corps, the
governor of KP and given the duty to oversee the ISI operation in Afghanistan for Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto. The Taliban weres given training, financed and received another form of support through
military and intelligence agencies during the government of Benazir Bhutto.
These supports have been continued even during Nawaz Sharif‟s government. Another
fact regarding these militant was the full support extended by civilian government for Kashmir
Jihad. If honestly speaking civilian governments are more sensitive to public sentiments as
compared to military. They will not dare to do anything that present opposition from public take
any decision against or in favor of these militant organization specially Afghan Taliban and other
Jihadi groups. There can be seen a political motivation from civilian governments who
understand public sentiments in a better way by maintaining their political stronghold over them.
It has been the main motif of ISI to raise and use Islamic militants.
The civilian government‟s support if justified on the ground that it is good for security
measure taken against India however, it is hard to imagine that civilian cannot resolve their
troubles with India which needs more capacity and creatively so, that to smooth the way for
Pakistan to get rid of damaging militant assignment. India does not extend their help in this
connection. Just in the style of Washington, India holds contradiction about civilian government
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and does not have such vision of failure of Pakistan. It is not astonishing that India has been as a
complete failure in making policies that can bring flexibility in its future relation with Pakistan.
However it is difficult to declare that keeping the army under the control of civilian
leadership is seemed as an essential step for a stable Pakistan or at least deeply unstable one.
Though, from a principled approach civilian leadership can chalk out policies that could slowly
diminish the overall support that some militant groups are given by the public. Civilian
government should bring their parties under democratization and work for policies instead of
sponsorship and patronage that will be definitely with the passage of time be showing more
responsibility for the demands of economic boost, spending money on human capital and
minimizing its budget for the military, while more allocation of finance into social sector.
It is imperative to change the belief of public about army as being the genuine protector
of Pakistan as compared to the civilian leadership. It will play a vital role in minimizing army‟s
budget and enhancing the allocation of more money to be spent on public and social sectors.
Although it is not that easy but it is not impossible either. There is another way to have some
resolution with India even if the decision comes from the army. For the sake of its own
institution the persistent interference in political system undermines morale, discipline and
professionalism.
There is a dire need for civilian to enhance political will and competence to govern aptly,
getting the role of the army minimized in the political field of the country. Security issues,
whether of domestic or external nature must first be approached politically with a vision on first
hand solution. It is the incompetence and lack of political approach with a vision and first hand
solution. It is the incompetence and lack of the political circumspection that Pakistan's politician
takes help from the army, who takes this for granted and mobilize their interest in other spheres
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of the country. It is the army‟s massive economic interest in the shape of various welfare
business that has compelled it to gain overall economic hold and manipulate, politician's
dependence upon the army. Politicians on the other hand remain under the apprehension of the
military coup and resultantly tried for their corruption that has compelled the civilian leadership
to let the army in and have their lion‟s share.
5.3 Ways forward
Keeping in mind the present scenario, the civil military relations is not amicable and
cordial as they are needed to be. There are doubts and fears on both sides. It is an undeniable fact
that on the issues of operation against Taliban, the two institutions have considerable gap of
comprehension. These issues declared as the core of partition between the two systems.
It is however the cry of the day for both the civilian and military to have a solid united
stand against the monstrosity of terrorism and to take the country out of the multitude of crises,
that have adverse affects on Pakistan and its citizen overall. Terrorism and its elimination need a
mutual and united struggle for both institutions. Pakistan has been fighting war and there is win
in this war if there is unity among state institutions. Disunity further deteriorates the conditions
and does not let a country win its war against by issue like terrorism.
1. There should be defined place for law and constitutional provision, which the chain of
command and civilian authority over military are defining and determined. This
constitutional provision sets up legitimacy for action to prevent any trespassing or
encroachment by the military in the affairs of the state.
2. It should be propagated on realistic approach among the public that there is a solid
possibility of setting up certain rule. The mindset continues and acceptability among masses
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about this fact needs proper education and inculcation in their minds. This campaign of
inculcation can be made possible by determined and committed media and neutral press.
3. There should be proper place of structure and processes declaring who will command. And
an unrestrained openness and clarity or freedom of information so that everything is opens to
the civilian leadership as well as to the masses.
4. There should be a check on the military budget by the civilian establishment. However if
civilian deputed to this process then it should undergo thorough scrutinization for their
honesty and truthfulness. Pakistan right from its independence has unfortunately inherited
poor political institution and a powerful military.
5. Military leadership must shun the self proclaimed protector and savior of Pakistan's security
and ideological wise. The balanced and ideal relations between civilian and military with an
army strong enough to carry out anything, the civilian ask them to do will a military
subordinate enough to do only what civilian authorize them to do. The tough challenges that
are faced by civilian military can only be handled if a balance is brought between the
relations of civil and military establishments, to save the society and societal imperatives to
protect its values, ideologies and the institution.
6. It will be a chaotic situation if both the institutions go in opposite directions on issues
concerning national security besides this opponents and enemies of Pakistan will get the best
out of it.
5.4 Recommendations:
To maintain a balance representation of both civil and military institutions for decision
making mechanism, it is to be ensured that the democratic greater fusion of these two institutions
and structures is the top priority. Meticulous care should be taken in the accomplishment of the
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above ideals. Nonetheless, to avoid the inclination of over interfering monitoring effectuated to
technological advancement in command and control sources.
Keeping in mind the firm but high threat environment democracies like that of Israel
require to upgrade the civilian establishment more to make them capable to frame better use of
diplomacy on political accommodation, while at the same time finding solutions to security
problems at national levels that are intractable.The power of the parliament is required to be
increased considerably in order to practice the wanted influence over the military for obtaining
the needed balance in the country's decision making mechanism.
It is imperative for democracies like Pakistan to develop political institutions
significantly, led by competent political leader for minimizing the reasons that pave the ways for
military coups and praetorianism in the country.
To realize this vision of bringing genuine civilian control over the military for the
survival of country democratic rule, there should be an independent media, outspoken, energetic
intelligentsia, distinctive and aggressive civil society that need to be encouraged to work as a
societal fence to military intervention and its predilection for praetorianism. Like Israel a
systematic policy should be adopted to counter the army influential officers in the mainstream of
trade and business and that of the government service. This corporate excluvism, which is the
negative aspect of military if countered sagaciously, will definitely let civilian government
flourish and stable.
And finally the political leadership should take diplomatic initiatives to bring the threat
environment to moderation, developing human security, centric national security pattern. The
perceptual and expertise gap should be tried to be narrowed down in societies and policy levels.
The perceptual gap can be diminished by shifting down the hard shell of ideological separatism
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which is used by military to safeguard their warrior culture against the attack of devitalizing
force of political liberalism.
This can be achieved through constant interaction between military and civilian in the
professional as well as educated development processes. The balanced ethnic and geographical
representation of the military is decorous in most of the countries and specifically in high threat
environment countries of the world. As far as the expertise gap is concerned, it can be decreased
through the extensive involvement of the civilians in defense and military institutions. The
common educational experiences between civil and military can be considered another way of
obtaining a perpetual and expertise unity.
The interaction between civil and military can play a vital role in bringing the two
institutions closer as a good opportunity, especially for the civilian to understand the mindset of
the military. Civilian should be admitted in military colleges and universities. A corresponding
exposure to military professional with a higher civilian education will go a long way in putting
the ideological and perceptual angularities.
Controlling the military with a thoroughness of the government approach in intricate
security and humanitarian intervention should be the vital principle of future stable civil military
relations. It is up to the civilian leadership to keep military at bay from intervening into the
political system, yet they adopted strategies for this purpose that must be based upon the
meticulously methodical way without infuriating the military but taking them into total
confidence.
Of most vital to disaffect the military from the political system of Pakistan, the danger
posing by India should be reduced on priority level. Keeping in mind this urgency Pakistan
should immediately take initiation to get into peaceful dialogues with India on confronting issues
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that could stop the military from their intervention in the politics of the state. The international
community should come forward to settle the Kashmir issue in a peaceful way.
There is a strong need for the neutralization of Geo political vulnerability with countries
that pose threat to Pakistan. If we look at the past we find that there was strong support for the
military intervention in the country‟s politics from major powerful countries like the US. But this
support from the US carried their own personal interest as US always wanted Pakistan military‟s
readiness to follow pro US policies. Pakistan finds itself again involved in Afghanistan and its
proxy war.
The civil military relations are deeply affected by the presence of NATO in Afghanistan.
The policies forged in the regime of Musharraf are still intact as Pak-US nexus and is relying on
the will of the military, which is posing danger to the democracy of the country. It is mandatory
for the political leaderships to seriously reduce the influence of the military by thwarting their
intervention in the mainstream politics of the country.
It is also of paramount importance to deprive the military of their lame excuses. It
mobilize in justifying itself proclaimed stance as the real guardians of the state. The civilians
have to get the upper hand over military by getting themselves competent leadership with a
vision of political insight that is capable of handling the domestic issues as well as the external
conflicts independently without military assistance that they take for granted and as a result
manipulate it extensively for their own vested interests.
As far as US influence is concerned that the political leaderships must take serious
measures to get their institution strengthened and abate the colonial system and structure. The
US instrumental use of Pak military should be considered as one of the main reasons for army‟s
uninterrupted intervention in Pakistan's political system. Civilian leaderships should come
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forward with visionary leaders to exercise their capabilities in dealing with domestic as well as
external issues. Issues with neighboring countries should be resolved through negotiations and
table talk.
The international community needs to play their role in settling issues between India and
Pakistan in a genuine way. Pakistan's political leadership should learn lesson from India who,
after its independence has never faced a single military coup as their political leadership have
taken drastic measures to practice sustaining democracy without confronting any threat from
military intervention in the mainstream political system of the country.
To suffice, Pakistan is passing through a critical time in its history, as it has been a
constant victim of calamities for the last many decades. Terrorism, unemployment, unstable
economy, corruption, impending threats from rival countries have badly shaken the country. The
failure faced by Pakistan in the past was the result of disunity between civil military institutions.
All these factors contributed a lot to weaken Pakistan. But Pakistan has the ability to get itself
revived by first bringing mutual understanding between civilian and military and above all settle
its issues with India. Pakistan must refrain interfering in Afghanistan and should focus on
building its economy. Pakistan must find ways of departure from the US influence; bright future
will wait for Pakistan.
5.5 Conclusion:
Pakistan must take lesson from countries that have reestablished civilian primacy after
prolonged domination of military rules. This demands a redefinition of Pakistan external and
internal security profiles. If political leaders are not serious in security and domestic religious
extremism, violence and terrorism then political system remains under the domination of the
military and will hold central importance to state policies and state survival and dependence. It
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also needs an acknowledgement on the part of top military officials, that day to day political
affairs and their management is not suited to their professional and organizational temperament.
The important factor is that the elected civilian government has elected legitimacy, but it
is also important that it must earn performance legitimacy as well. Civilian government must
always be in pursuit of social economic policies that give optimism to the public for a prosperous
future. Socioeconomic disparities must be reduced and new policies of economic development
should be explored that create opportunities for the public to have employments. Affairs of the
state should be managed transparently to bring a corruption free, efficient and accountable
government while working in the framework of law.
The military intrusion can be abolished if the civilian leadership works on creating a
dependable and credible government that enjoys popular and common support. It is seen from
the above reasonable questions that civilian government if shows seriousness towards adopting
good governance can be capable of strengthening its position and a good strong civilian
government can easily bridle the military commands. Pakistan could not have smooth and easy
sailed through such a massive turmoil, but showed defiance toward conventional thinking,
nonetheless, it showed resilience and steadfast and succeeded in surviving through all odds, and
will show the same determination and iron to survive.
But it is also a fact that the constant emerging of the narrative of fragile civil military
relations are burden for the nation, as it just projects the nature of elite power and the common
man has been completely excluded. Such antagonistic feelings between civil military relations
depicts a negative image to other communities in the world, as a weak family state where inter
institutional warfare is an utter reality. There is a dire need of replacing such weak image with a
narrative of powerful societal civil military relations.
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However such perceptions should not be taken for granted by giving absolute powers to
any stakeholders for taking extremely aggressive moves which may be marked as an
unconstitutional and given the mandate of its related institution. But still the cry of the day is that
both civil military institutions must bury their hatchets and come together in the future planning
regarding country's security and development. An institutionalized decision making mechanism
should be established coupled with reforms and the promulgation of strong supporting narrative
is the demand of crucial time of the country.
There should be an established national consensus regarding national action plan to
obtain potential advantages of a powerful civil military relations. The nation should be taken into
confidence while showing steadfast, by both civil military institutions to fully make NAP
operational under the military rules for decades, the political system of the country remained
trenched in problematic pattern.
According to Nawaz Sharif when civilian rule starts after the military government. It is
very different to give up the automatic power which the former government possessed. Army
acts upon the policy of wait and look when it notices that things are getting unmanageable, it
make up its mind that it is the right time to save the country and come into power. An elected
government became strong when it has strong popularity among the public, this popularity can
be gained by the effective and quality services that is rendered by the government to the public.
These services are done under the state functionaries and prevalent policies under the
supervision of the political government. It is the people who became the focal point of the
democratic government. People enjoy the true fruit of the democracy if a good government is
maintained. A democratically elected government is a public welfare government in which
public receives maximum benefits, but if the political government succeeds in establishing good
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and people favored governance. People always desire for democracy but they yearn that there
should be peace, security and justice, which provide them a sense of homeliness and boost their
support for the elected government at large. The public wants to eliminate poverty from their
lives and to see prosperity.
Their main concern is with better health, good education and they want to see equal
opportunities for their off bring today and not tomorrow. They want employment and social
security. In a nutshell they usually attach great expectations with democratic government. This is
the overall crux of the social contract. The fusion between the civil government, political elite
and civil military professional occurs when good governance is delivered and it has the eventual
contentment that is the guarantee of the perfect policy. Democracy is in its real sense covers
almost all the concerned factors of a state that can play important role in bringing benefits to the
people. As far as the military intervention is concerned, the civilian leadership should try almost
to establish such civil governance system that receives massive support from the public.
This can be achieved if both electoral and performance legitimacies go head in hand
coupled with good governance having flexible and accommodating political management. The
assigned duty of military is its organization, maintaining discipline and curb the means of
sources of violence along with bringing stable peace and security in the country. The strength
that the civilian leaders receive is from the widespread support.
Nevertheless, this support for the civilian government is mainly attached with three
domains of civilian. Firstly prevalence of good governance, secondly rendering genuine services
to the mass and thirdly keeping economic obligation on them under check. To suffice, it can be
said that the perpetual influence of the military rules and the oscillating relations between
civilian and government institutions has not yet come to an end.
147
The present civil military relations are imbalance and unstable, shrouded with doubts and
confusion. An invisible strain and a sort of clandestine tug of war over issues, both concerning
external and domestic policies reside between civil military establishments. Such ambiguous
state of affairs between the important institutions does not prove healthy for the overall existence
of the country and its related institutions are it political, economic and security level.
The resolution by the COAS and the support of the armed forces for democracy is of
course very approachable and can bring positive change in the fragile civil military relation
overall. To maintain an amicable working environment with militarized, the civil government
should positively put their personal interest and business aside and mainly focus on national
cause. The most sabotaging aspects of the democratic government are the gap between theory
and practical, words and deeds, when it is used as an instrument given to the ruling class which is
used to strengthen them by their influence in politics of the country.
This turn democracy into elitist democracy, which gives plenty of opportunities for the
upper most classes to abuse the system and turn the government into authoritarian rule. It has
been witnessed that most of the democratic governments display such disposition of the leaders
who take government for granted and use the system for their personal gains. Such propensities
bring the elected governments to the verge of dawn fall and the eventual end.
Democracy owes its success to maintain checks and balance over the state institutions. A
vigilant overseeing process positively protects institution from manipulation of their authority.
Those should be a mutually shared report among the institutions in the state. Each institution is
under obligation to work in its domain and let other institution work in their own domain. There
is no authority for a single institution to have its domination over other institutions and
mechanism and process of the state.
148
Such predicament is usually in routine in the countries that have undergone the
domination of military to political governance. Instead of establishing an effective civilian
government against the military ascendency. The elected government gets engaged in struggles
for power with the military institution.
Pakistan has an obvious example of Nawaz Sharif government, which is involved in
power with the ambitious military. The gap that exists between the civilian government and the
military is the outcome of the negative statements issued by federal minister against the army,
the publication of the news item from the media wing of the Prime Minister house about the
national security affairs. Such in discretionary reports against military definitely breeds an
environment of hostility between the two institutions. Another factor that created troubled in
civil military relations is the appointment of new COAS which became a bone of contention
between the civilian leadership and military top command.
A learning lesson for Pakistan is there regarding how various countries in the world got
themselves established in civilian government after remaining under the military rules. Pakistan
keeps in mind such facts must work for redefining its external as well as internal portfolios. If
Pakistan does not take serious initiatives about defusing its external issues and eliminating the
domestic security threats that of terrorism and religious extremism, through political insight,
military will remain dominated its centrality that is certain in state policies.
The top military officials must not be heedless about the fact that it has no moral grounds
to intervene in the day to day state affairs and political management. Such actions are absolutely
against their professional and institutional temperaments and obligations. Civil military relation
is a smooth pattern and is imperative for the political stability and effective management of both
the domestic and external issues of security of Pakistan. Therefore, it is of paramount importance
149
that both the political and top military officials must maintain a friction free relation, to dedicate
thoroughly to their respective domain of responsibilities and authorities and also extend mutual
help in a harmonious way in the decision making process or when they needs each other
assistance.
The military influence expanded into Pakistan which resulted in the discontinuity of
democracy. The army rules in the shape of the cops have brought considerable challenges for
democratic government to reestablish. The very existence of Pakistan when it became
independent was based on security, because of the prime threats posed by India and Afghanistan.
Besides, there was apprehension of external collapse also that happened in the shape of the
dismemberment of Bangladesh.
Therefore the focus was fully directed towards the security of the country both from
internal as well as external pressures. Thus due to such consideration Pakistan was compelled
from the very start to enforce the notion of nationhood, aggressive center and powerful military
instead of a democratic political system. Army thus became the pivotal consideration to be
looked at in times of any expected security breach from external. Mostly the civilian government
also looks at military for supporting civilian authorities in case of political agitation.
Not only this, it did supplement in managing their administration issue, national disasters
and other crises that popped from time to time. The military had central status in almost all the
problems that could not be solved by the civilian governments, thus military received a full
fledge exposure which turned into a great reliance and the resultant strong support from people.
It turned the people's notion of a civil military that only army is there, to save the country and
drag it out of the quagmire of problems.
150
This notion still prevails, it is the army and paramilitary forces which are needed in
handling the elections and perform consensus duties. Security is provided by military during
Murarram, for reading electric meters, provide security to polio campaigner, managers, food
provision to drought and flood hit areas of the country, carrying out medical assistance in time
of national calamities such services are undertaken by armed forces specially the army.
All it shows a central status of the army in the affairs of the state. A complete dependence
on the army is a matter of indispensability for the civilian government. Furthermore, the internal
security is a complete job done by the military. Terrorism, ethnic and religious violence and
other issues of criminology in post September 2000 incident.
There are several operations launched against terrorism and religious and ethnic violence
lay by the army, paramilitary and air forces cope with these insurgencies. These are the
possibilities of the tasks to be continued for an unlimited time. Such dependence of civilian
government on military in situation of emergency and their solution caused a great setback to the
civilians which further resulted in great disadvantage in the civil administration.
All these processes provided experience to the army the handling of civilian issues and
affairs. Thus the military in a way succeeded upon, if the civilian government fails to solve
issues concerning public security and amelioration. It also showed that the civilian government is
weak and cannot handle issue itself or without the assistance of the military. But it is to be born
in the mind that, though the military is capable of handling management problems yet it cannot
solve complex political problems of the country. It is this area where the military remains a
failure.
Reducing the internal security threats, specially terrorism and religious extremism
causing violence has been an outstanding service rendered by the military, which became the
151
reason of the COAS General Raheel Sharif's popularity among public. As the army has driven
out the insurgents out of the country, they were greatly appreciated for this job. Raheel Sharif
became an instant hero for such service to the nation.
Pakistan is in dire need to heed lesson from countries that got rid from military rules and
restored their democratic values. These demands from Pakistan are redefinition of its national as
well as external portfolios. Pakistan needs to defuse its internal issues, of terrorism and violence
and external problem with other country on priority level, otherwise Pakistan remains under the
domination of the army and will have central status in the affairs of the state.
Military on the other hand, should recognize that intervention in the day to day
management issues, is not their job or against their professional or institutional obligations. It is
the work of civilian government and it suits them better. The civilian government is however,
requested to keep the performance legitimacy abreast with the electoral legitimacy. It must focus
on socioeconomic policies that inculcate hope in people for a better future. Civilian government
should extensively work on minimizing socioeconomic issues have neutral approach toward
managing state affairs and create a corruption free, capable and accountable governing system in
the country overall, within the boundaries of law and order.
Since 2008 civilian government has been confronting crises after crises and loyalty of the
common people could not be mustered in this regard. These civilian governments evoked
patronized loyalty on party basis using state resources and allowing corruption in the
government, instead of creating a "credible and popular civilian alternative. The Nawaz Sharif
government burnt more energy on surpassing the army.
Some of the federal ministers earned their popularity by severely criticizing the security
establishment, a complete propaganda campaign against defaming military institution regarding
152
security issues were carried out. The recent controversy caused by the new item has played
adverse part in creating a considerable gap between the two institutions. Sharif government's
complaints that the security establishments were more involved in making foreign policies as
compared to the civilian ministries.
Though such complaints were not registered which Khurshid Mehmood Kasuri,
Mehdoom Shah, Muhammad Quraishi Hina Rabbani Khar were the foreign ministers (2002 to
2013) respectively, one can sample the whole process of constraining civil military relation by
simply saying that both civil as well as military institutions are responsible in their own domain
to ignite the heart of uncertainty, contradiction and antagonism in their relations.
Considering the optimistic scenario of the country, inconvincible conclusion can be
deducted from the present political development of the country. The 2008 election ushered an era
of much political maturity among politicians. They have embraced the politics of patience and
tolerance and make sure the political stability. The judicial actions and a function which
supported by civil societies for the first time in the history of the country will leave an officious
effect on the institutional development, rule of law and to have a check and balance on the
overall performance of the democratic government. Another important move of the judicial
activism is to abolish the doctrine of necessity.
The last and most important development is the role of electronic and print media that
happened in the first decade of the 21st century in Pakistan. Electronic and print media have
done an important job in the recent affairs of the state. It was this field of media that played a
vital role in the restoration of the Supreme Court judges and ousting of the general Musharraf
from the presidency in August 2008. Pakistan suffered immensely in its war against terrorism,
but this war yielded positive impact on the elimination of extremist element from the country.
153
The sacrifices did not go in vain for the public as the end of the war brought the
prevalence of free liberal and tolerant society. The threat environment needs a joint integration of
both the military and civilian leaderships to be contained and to let the liberal democracies be
prevailed. Complete obliteration of high threat environment is the only panacea for establishing
and strengthened civil political institutions.
Nevertheless, the most threatening challenge to the balance between the civil and military
relations is the evident in the growth of democracies having a past history of military
interference. Under such circumstances, it is a powerful military and political impartial
leadership assisted an assertive civil society, independent judiciary and strongly built political
institutions. The quality of civil military relations, to a great extent, owes to the quality of both
civilian and military leaderships in such affairs of the state.
As pointed out by Feaver, it is the civilian leadership which will bear the brunt and suffer
extensively in case of failure to establish a better and balance civil military relationship, because
of its central role as the final decision making authority. The increasing challenges regarding
political stability and security soundness in the present situation of the country pose new
challenges for the civil military relations overall. The idea of the primacy of the civilian, though
embraced as the dominant dogma in the sophisticated polities would be challenged to its utmost
limits particularly in the intricate counterinsurgency warfare ambiance. A winnowing gap
between the civil military belief system is the most needed reality that promises to keep together
the fabric of civil military cooperation in the future as in the past.
In a nutshell one can easily analyzes that strong and mutually corresponding civil military
relation should be the top priority for a developed secure and also economically developed
Pakistan. Without sound civil military relation people cannot imagine Pakistan having good
154
name in the international committees. Many things needed to be scarified and many relations
with other countries need to be analyzed and countless personal interests have to be buried just
for the sake of the country.
155
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APPENDICES
AppendixA
Constitution defines role of armed forces clearly: CJ
BY NNI, (LAST UPDATED APRIL 16, 2011)
Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary
ISLAMABAD – Chief Justice of Pakistan, Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary has
said that the role of Armed forces has been clearly defined in Article 245 of the Constitution of
Pakistan which envisages that the Armed Forces shall, under the directions of the Federal
government, defend Pakistan against external aggression or threat of war, and, subject to law, act
in aid of civil power when called upon to do so.
Addressing to visiting officers of Command and Staff College Quetta, he said that the Supreme
Court (SC) in its various judgments held that the solider and the citizen stand alike under the law.
“Both must obey the command of Constitution and show obedience to its mandate. The Armed
Forces have to act within the scope of their jurisdiction as defined under the Constitution. The
Government may call the Armed Forces “subject to law” to “act in aid of civil power”, he said.
He said that a government elected by the constitution could only perform its functions and ensure
187
observance of the provisions of the constitution by making the civil power superior to and not
subordinate to the Armed Forces during peace and war.
He said that this was the foundation stone of constitution of Pakistan as reflected in article 2A
that sovereignty over the entire universe belongs to Almighty Allah alone and the authority to be
exercised by the people of Pakistan within the limits prescribed by Him is sacred trust and that
the State shall exercise its powers and authority through the chosen representatives of the people.
Appendix B
1973 constitution
Under article 245 of the 1973 constitution of Pakistan, "the armed forces shall, under the
directions of federal government defend Pakistan against external aggression and threat of war,
and subject to law, and act in aid to civil power when call upon to do so"(Constitution, 1973, p.
144).
Appendix C
Quaid-e-Azam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah
“Do not forget that the armed forces are the servants of the people. You do not make
national policy; it is we, the civilians, who decide these issues and it is your duty to carry out
these tasks with which you are entrusted.”
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Appendix D
Responsibilities of the Defence force (14th Jun 1948)
Address to the Officers of the Staff College, Quetta 14th June, 1948
I thank you, gentlemen, for the honour you have done me and Miss Fatima Jinnah by
inviting us to meet you all. You, along with other Forces of Pakistan; are the custodians of the
life, property and honour of the people of Pakistan. The Defence Forces are the most vital of all
Pakistan Service and correspondingly a very heavy responsibility and burden lies on your
shoulders.
I have no doubt in my mind, from what I have seen and from what I have gathered, that the spirit
of the Army is splendid, the morale is very high, and what is very encouraging is that every
officer and soldier, no matter what the race or community to which he belongs, is working as a
true Pakistani.
If you all continue in that spirit and work as comrades, as true Pakistanis selflessly, Pakistan has
nothing to fear.
One thing more, I am persuaded to say this because during my talks with one or two very high-
ranking officers I discovered that they did not know the implications of the Oath taken by the
troops of Pakistan. Of course, an oath is only a matter of form; what are more important are the
true spirit and the heart.
But it is an important form, and I would like to take the opportunity of refreshing your memory
by reading the prescribed oath to you.
189
“I solemnly affirm, in the presence of Almighty God, that I owe allegiance to the Constitution
and Dominion of Pakistan (mark the words Constitution and the Government of the Dominion of
Pakistan) and that I will as in duty bound honestly and faithfully serve in the Dominion of
Pakistan Forces and go within the terms of my enrolment wherever I may be ordered by air, land
or sea and that I will observe and obey all commands of any officer set over me…..”
As I have said just now, the spirit is what really matters. I should like you to study the
Constitution, which is in force in Pakistan, at present and understand its true constitutional and
legal implications when you say that you will be faithful to the Constitution of the Dominion.
I want you to remember and if you have time enough you should study the Government of India
Act, as adapted for use in Pakistan, which is our present Constitution, that the executive authority
flows from the Head of the Government of Pakistan, who is the governor-general and, therefore,
any command or orders that may come to you cannot come without the sanction of the Executive
Head. This is the legal position.
Finally, gentlemen, let me thank you for the honour that you have done me by inviting me. I will
be glad to meet the officers informally, as suggested by the General Officers Commanding in his
speech, and such a meeting can be, arranged at a time convenient to us both. I have every desire
to keep in close contact with the officers and men of the Defence Forces and I hope that when I
have little more time from the various problems that are facing us in Pakistan, which is for the
moment in a state of national emergency, and when things settle down–and I hope it will be very
soon–then I shall find more time to establish greater and greater contact with the Defence Forces.
Pakistan Zindabad
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Appendix E
Imposition of Martial Laws