race and the control of public parks

Race and the Control of Public Parks1/16/2015

Race and the Control of Public Parks

The Oxford English Dictionary defines public as open or available to all members of a community, and, not restricted to the private use of a particular person or group. A public park is viewed as a shared resource for all citizens to engage in the life of the city and a variety of planned and spontaneous recreational activities. This view, while technically accurate, does not reflect the far more nuanced reality of public parks. The idea that all are automatically welcome in a public park ignores the ways in which the design, construction, programming, use, and alteration/renovation of the space can reinforce divisions, both physical and perceived, between populations. In this way, parks can be used to control citizens, as well as sites where controls are exerted. This exhibit provides the tools to interrogate the physical city and reveal the multiple ways in which we plan, build, and interact with it, exercising these tools through the lens of public parks and race.

This exhibition is composed of four pieces: 1. a series of 10 historic maps and 1 contemporary map that trace the movement of different races across Dallas in relation to the development of the citys park system

2. an annotated timeline of the evolution of Dallas parks and park typologies over the last 100 years

3. a series of diagrams that illustrate parks as tools for or sites of 9 types of social, economic, infrastructural, and civic controls.

4. a series of snapshots that illustrate the impact of these controls as they relate to specifically to parks and race in the City of Dallas.

Visitors should use the exhibition to find links between the different aspects of the research. Viewing any single aspect of the exhibition will be revealing in its own right with regard to race or parks in Dallas, but when understood together the visitor will gain a method by which to start to discover how and why places are designed, programmed, and used the way that they are. Parks will no longer be viewed simply as the green spaces on the map but will be recognized as places of recreation, conflict, celebration, engagement, protest, and daily life. Public parks will be seen as tools used to control social, cultural, economic, infrastructural, and civic activities.

How to Read these Maps

The following ten maps track segregation and racial geography, and expansion of the park system in Dallas by decade for the past century. Demographic data was drawn from the decennial census and City of Dallas GIS data was the basis for the chronology of parks expansion. Parks are represented by their current size and shape, they do not reflect growth or removal of parks over time except when noted. To depict degrees of segregation, each of four racial or ethnic groups was assigned a color and pattern, the pattern is made increasingly dense relative to the intensity of segregation in an area. If a single race made up a majority of the population in a given geography, that geography received the respective color and pattern.

Several geographic units - the ward, the census tract and the block - were used to allow for a neighborhood-level examination of segregation in Dallas. The 1910 map uses the ward as its geographic unit of measure, the smallest area in Dallas for which data was compiled that year. Compiled data is only available at the city scale in 1920 and 1930 for Dallas so additional historical sources were utilized to approximate the racial geography of those decades. Starting in 1940, use of the census tract was extended to Dallas, and is used here through the year 2000. While tracts have been consolidated, subdivided or expanded over time, they provide the best means for analyzing neighborhood level phenomena. It is worth noting that, despite the fine-grain lens the census tract offers, the complex relationships among populations within the city and the ways in which they overlap or separate, are not always apparent. To make these relationships more visible, 2010 depicts data at the census block level, which frequently correspond to city blocks, the smallest unit of census geography available.

The U.S. Census Bureaus contemporary language is used for each race and ethnic group. Changes over time to the racial and ethnic categories and nomenclature are chronicled on the maps.

1910

Dallas was still a small city in 1910, with a population of 92,104 and city limits that had only recently crossed the Trinity River to include Oak Cliff. Dallas was also a substantially white and American-born city, a demographic that made up 75% of the total population. 20% of the city was African-American, by far the largest minority group. The smallest type of tabulated subdivision in 1910 was the ward, and among Dallass ten wards only the 3rd Ward, an area stretching northeast from just above Harwood St to the city limits, bounded by Thomas Ave on the north and Bryan St on the south, was more than one-third African American, encompassing the Freedmanstown neighborhood (also known as North Dallas or Short North Dallas). The 1st and 5th wards also had relatively high concentrations of black residents, and smaller black neighborhoods existed in every ward. In 1910 the city had a limited park system, sporting Marsalis and Robert E. Lee Parks, recently acquired in 1909, Fair Park, City Park, and several others.

Footnote:In 1910, race was referred to in the census as Color. The racial categories presented were White, Negro (with the subcategories Black and Mulatto), Indian (referring to Native Americans), Chinese, Japanese, and all ot

Dallas was still a small city in 1910, with a population of 92,104 and city limits that had only recently crossed the Trinity River to include Oak Cliff. Dallas was also a substantially white and American-born city, a demographic that made up 75% of the total population. 20% of the city was African-American, by far the largest minority group. The smallest type of tabulated subdivision in 1910 was the ward, and among Dallass ten wards only the 3rd Ward, an area stretching northeast from just above Harwood St to the city limits, bounded by Thomas Ave on the north and Bryan St on the south, was more than one-third African American, encompassing the Freedmanstown neighborhood (also known as North Dallas or Short North Dallas). The 1st and 5th wards also had relatively high concentrations of black residents, and smaller black neighborhoods existed in every ward. In 1910 the city had a limited park system, sporting Marsalis and Robert E. Lee Parks, recently acquired in 1909, Fair Park, City Park, and several others.

Notes:In 1910, race was referred to in the census as Color. The racial categories presented were White, Negro (with the subcategories Black and Mulatto), Indian (referring to Native Americans), Chinese, Japanese, and all other.

Dallas todavia era ciudad chica en 1910, con una poblacin de 92,104 habitantes y los limites de la ciudad cruzaban el rio Trinity para incluir Oak Cliff. Dallas tambin era una ciudad con la mayora de la poblacin blanca, una demografa del 75% de la poblacin total. 20% de la ciudad era afroamericana, la minora mas numerosa. El tipo de subdivisin mas pequeo en 1910 se conoca como una zona, y entre las diez que existan en Dallas, solo la tercera - una area desde el noreste arriba de la calle Harwood, la avenida Thomas al norte y la calle Bryan al sur, era mas de un tercio afroamericana, incluyendo la vecindad Freedmanstown (tambin conocida como el norte de Dallas o el norte pequeo de Dallas). La primera y quinta zona tenan concentraciones altas de residentes afroamericanos, y vecindarios chicos existan en cada zona. En 1910 la ciudad tenia un sistema limitado de parques, tales como Marsalis y el parque Robert E Lee, y los parques recientemente adquiridos en 1909: Fair Park, City Park, y otros.

Nota:En 1910, raza fue referida en el censo como color. Las categoras raciales presentadas eran blancos, afroamericanos (con las subcategorias negros y mulatos), indios (en referencia a nativos americanos), chinos, japoneses, y otros.

1876 City Park (1st public park in Dallas)

Approximate location of Mexican Park

mill creek

five mile creek

mou

ntain

cree

k

turtle creekbachman lake

Land leased by the city for community use by Mexican immigrants

The negro population of Dallas was generally barred from using City Park, so a privately owned park came into existence for their use. No legal barriers segregated the races in Dallas and no ordinance of the period ever mentioned separation of the races, but local society generally accepted segregation as a rule of order. Little mention is made of Colored Folks Park in the local newspapers, but a license was granted in 1890 for the sale of beer in the park. Centennial History of the Dallas Texas Park System 1876 - 1976

1904 Fair Park Fair Park will be the site of many instances of segregation with designated days for a single race, Klan rallies, segregated football games, and celebrations for all

occuring in this public park.

Approximate location of Colored Fair Grounds On the property of the new century cotton company

Approximate location of Shady View ParkPrivate park that was available for both white and black use

Approximate location of Booker T Washington High School

trinity river

white rock creek

prairie creek

trinity river

oak cliff annexed in 1904

contemporary city boundary

1910

Population Total 92104

White 74043, 80.39%

Black 18024, 19.57%

Asian 36, 0.04%

Latino *not counted

Plurality

Map Features

Legend

Water Body

Trinity River

Creek

New Park in the Last Decade

Park

Location of Interest for parks, landform, or infrastructure

City Limit 2014

Location of Interest

Percentage of Race by Tract 1910 - 2000

Major Roads

Hispanic 71 - 80 %

Hispanic 61 - 70 %

Hispanic 50 - 60 %

Hispanic 81 - 90 %

Hispanic 91 - 100 %

Black 71 - 80 %

Black 61 - 70 %

Black 50 - 60 %

Black 81 - 90 %

Black 91 - 100 %

White 71 - 80 %

White 61 - 70 %

White 50 - 60 %

White 81 - 90 %

White 91 - 100 %

1920

Between 1910 and 1920 Dallas grew by more than 70%, and its white population grew by more than 80%. Census data was not compiled at the ward-level for Dallas in 1920, but a variety of sources identify the locations of substantially black neighborhoods at the time, including a handful of more rural black communities located outside of the city limits. The city expanded rapidly in every direction between 1910 and 1920 and the municipal government made an effort to expand park facilities accordingly, as did private interests. Notably, the city designated three segregated parks over the decade in the black neighborhoods of Freedmanstown, Wheatley Place and in Oak Cliff, established Turtle Creek Parkway and its anchor, Reverchon Park, and purchased the former amusement park at Lake Cliff for a public facility.

Footnote:In 1920, race was expanded from Color to Color or Race. The subcategories of Black and Mulatto leaving Negro as a stand alone category. Hindu, Korean, and Filipino were added as racial categories.

mill city

wheatley

queen city

the prairie

upper white rock

lower white rock

fields community

freedmans town

(north dallas)

little mexico

b. t. washington

addition

the bog

oak cliff

joppy

thomas hill estate

bear creek

eagle ford

west dallas (cedar village)

elm thicket

lincoln manor

Approximate location of Mexican Park

1915 Oak Cli Negro Park (Eloise Lundy Park) established

1919 Ferris Plaza established as a gateway to the city of Dallas

The Hispanic community is not allowed to use Summit Play Park at the time

1915 Hall Street Negro Park (Griggs Park) established * see park snapshot

1920 South Dallas Negro Park (Wheatley Park) estabished

1913 Turtle Creek Parkway established Reverchon Park is created in 1914 through the clearance of the Woodchuck Hill neighborhood

1913 Summit Play Park (Pike Park) created * see park snapshot

1913 Park Cities established

Wah Hoo Lake Club is used as a private recreational area by various groups

mill

creek

turtle creek

trinity river

white rock lake

trinity river

Between 1910 and 1920 Dallas grew by more than 70%, and its white population grew by more than 80%. Census data was not compiled at the ward-level for Dallas in 1920, but a variety of sources identify the locations of substantially black neighborhoods at the time, including a handful of more rural black communities located outside of the city limits. The city expanded rapidly in every direction between 1910 and 1920 and the municipal government made an effort to expand park facilities accordingly, as did private interests. Notably, the city designated three segregated parks over the decade in the black neighborhoods of Freedmanstown, Wheatley Place and in Oak Cliff, established Turtle Creek Parkway and its anchor, Reverchon Park, and purchased the former amusement park at Lake Cliff for a public facility.

Footnotes:In 1920, race was expanded from Color to Color or Race. Weve removed the subcategories of Black and Mulatto leaving Negro as a stand alone category. Hindu, Korean, and Filipino were added as racial categories.

Entre 1910 y 1920, dallas creci mas del 70%, y la poblacin blanca creci mas del 80%. Los datos del censo no fueron compuestos para dallas en 1920, pero diversas fuentes identifican las localidades de vecindarios afroamericanos en ese tiempo, incluyendo comunidades rurales afroamericanas localizadas fuera de los limites de la ciudad. Entre 1920 y 1920, la ciudad creci rpidamente en cada direccin y el gobierno municipal hizo un gran esfuerzo para crecer los parques. Notablemente, la ciudad designo tres parques segregados sobre esta dcada, en los vecindarios afroamericanos como Freedmanstown, Wheatley Place y Oak Cliff. Establecieron Turtle Creek Parkway y su anclaje, Reverchon Park, y compraron el parque de atracciones Lake Cliff para convertirlo en una facilidad publica.

Nota:En 1920, raza fue expandida de color a color o raza. Las subcategorias de negro y mulato dejaron negro como su propia categoria. Hindu, koreano y filipino fueron agregadas como categorias raciales.


White 134888, 84.85%

Black 24023, 15.11%%

Asian 61, 0.04%

Latino *not counted

1920

1930

The city of Dallas continued to grow at a rapid clip between 1920 and 1930, and anticipated future urban growth through its parks planning by annexing White Rock Lake and purchasing parkland beyond the city limits, including what would become Kiest, Roosevelt and Gateway Parks. In 1930 the city remained heavily white, although its black and Latino enclaves densified and solidified. In the Freedmanstown area, Booker T. Washington High School was moved to a new and larger campus at its current site and a new brick building was constructed for the Moreland YMCA, among other neighborhood additions. Again, no census data was compiled at the ward-level in Dallas in 1930.

Footnote:1930 Color or Race categories included Mexican as a standalone category for the first and last time. Any mixed race person who was some part white was to be listed as the appropriate non-white race.

mill city

wheatley

queen city

the prairie

upper white rock

lower white rock

fields community

freedmans town

(north dallas)

b. t. washington

addition

the bog

oak cliff

joppy

bear creek

eagle ford

west dallas (cedar village)

elm thicket

lincoln manor

little mexico

thomas hill estate

1924 Wah Hoo Park (Juanita Craft Park) is established as a public park

1930 approximate location of the Moorland YMCA established for the black community

Parks are purchased outside the city boundary to preserve a resource or plan for growth

1926 Mexican residents are allowed to use Summit Play Park for estas *

1921 The location of Mexican Play Park is proposed to be redeveloped for industrial & infrastructural development

* see control - Celebration

The city of Dallas continued to grow at a rapid clip between 1920 and 1930, and anticipated future urban growth through its parks planning by annexing White Rock Lake and purchasing parkland beyond the city limits, including what would become Kiest, Roosevelt and Gateway Parks. In 1930 the city remained heavily white, although its black and Latino enclaves densified and solidified. In the Freedmanstown area, Booker T. Washington High School was moved to a new and larger campus at its current site and a new brick building was constructed for the Moorland YMCA, among other neighborhood additions. Again, no census data was compiled at the ward-level in Dallas in 1930.

Notes:1930 Color or Race categories included Mexican as a standalone category for the first and last time. Any mixed race person who was some part white was to be listed as the appropriate non-white race.

La ciudad de Dallas sigui creciendo rpidamente entre 1920 y 1930, y anticipaba el crecimiento rpido por medio de sus planes para parques. La ciudad anex el lago White Rock y compr terreno afuera de los limites de la ciudad, incluyendo lo que se converteria en Kiest, Roosevelt y el parque Gateway. En 1930 la mayora de la ciudad todava era blanca, aunque afroamericanos y latinos empezaban a solidarizarse. En el area de Freedmanstown, la escuela Booker T. Washington fue trasladada a un campus mas grande, y un edicio nuevo fue construido para el YMCA de Moreland. Como antes, datos del censo no fueron compilados en dallas en 1930.

Nota:Las categoras "color o raza" en 1930 incluyeron mexicanos como su categora propia por primera y nica vez. Cualquier persona mixta en raza, aunque fuera parte blanca, fue incluida en la lista de su raza no blanca.


White 215720, 82.82%

Black 38742, 14.87%

Asian 71, 0.04%

Latino 5901, 2.27%

1930

1940

While Dallas still restricted where blacks could live in the city, the 1939 addition of Lincoln High School signaled the citys intent to allow black expansion in South Dallas, among some of the Dallass densest white neighborhoods. Between 1910 and 1930, the proportion of black residents in the city had dropped from 19.57% to 14.87%, resurging in 1940 to 17.10%. While black populations in Freedmanstown and Elm Thicket grew in number and concentration, these areas did not physically expand, giving them far and away the densest populations in the city. In contrast to Freedmanstown, which historically entrenched and relatively hemmed in and Elm Thicket, isolated and remote, the expansion of black population in South Dallas was met with resistance and even violence by the areas working class whites. Unsurprisingly, exclusion was greatest in majority white neighborhoods. A handful of census tracts, mostly in newer parts of Oak Cliff, had fewer than five black residents, and nearly 70% of all census tracts had a white majority over 90%; only one census tract, Elm Thicket, was over 90% black

Footnote:In 1940, Mexican was removed as a racial category and Mexicans were again classified as White. All other Color or Race categories were unchanged.

mou

ntai

n cr

eek

lake

1934 Trinity River is channelized between leveesMoved 1 mile from downtown to prevent flooding

The old Trinity River meanders remainThe area is transformed into an industrial district

Elm Thicket (North Park) has the highest percentage of black residents in the city

1938 Eighth Street Negro Park (Moore Park) is establishedThis newly established segregated park is in a census tract that is still majority white, but in an area planned for more black housing

1938 Wah Hoo Park is ocially segregatedThe shift is reported to be made at the request of black community leaders

1939 Lincoln High School is opened as a black high school

The rst established segregated parks are now located in majority black neighborhoods

1937 Cockrell Hill incorporated

While Dallas still restricted where blacks could live in the city, the 1939 addition of Lincoln High School signalled the citys intent to allow black expansion in South Dallas, among some of the Dallass densest white neighborhoods. Between 1910 and 1930, the proportion of black residents in the city had dropped from 19.57% to 14.87%, resurging in 1940 to 17.10%. While black populations in Freedmanstown and Elm Thicket grew in number and concentration, these areas did not physically expand, giving them far and away the densest populations in the city. In contrast to Freedmanstown, which historically entrenched and relatively hemmed in, and Elm Thicket, isolated and remote, the expansion of black population in South Dallas was met with resistance and even violence by the areas working class whites. Unsurprisingly, exclusion was greatest in majority white neighborhoods. A handful of census tracts, mostly in newer parts of Oak Cliff, had fewer than five black residents, and nearly 70% of all census tracts had a white majority over 90%; only one census tract, Elm Thicket, was over 90% black.

Notes:In 1940, Mexican was removed as a racial category and Mexicans were again classified as White. All other Color or Race categories were unchanged.

Mientras dallas todava restringia donde podia vivir afroamericanos en la ciudad, en 1939, la adicin de la preparatoria Lincoln seal el intento de la ciudad en permitir la expansin de ellos en el sur de dallas, entre algunos vecindarios blancos. Entre 1910 y 1930, el numero de residentes afroamericanos en la ciudad haba bajado de 19.57% al 14.87%, y subi a 17.10% en 1940. Mientras poblaciones afroamericanas en Freedmanstown y Elm Ticket crecieron en numero y concentracin, estas areas no crecieron fsicamente, creando las poblaciones mas densas en la ciudad. En contraste a Freedmanstown y Elm Thicket, las zonas mas aisladas y remotas, la expansin de la poblacin afroamericana en el sur de dallas no estuvo libre de resistencias por parte de la poblacin blanca. Sin sorpresa, la exclusin social fue notada mas en vecindarios blancos. Unas estadsticas del censo, mayormente en las partes nuevas de Oak Cliff donde vivian menos de cinco residentes afroamericanos y casi el 70% de todas las estadsticas mostraban una poblacin mayor de blancos al mas del 90%, solo una area, Elm Thicket, demostraba ser mas de 90% afroamericana.

Nota:En 1940, mexicano" fue removido como categora y mexicanos fueron clasificados como blancos. Todos los otros colores y razas se mantuvieron iguales.


White 244246, 82.87%

Black 50407, 17.1%

Asian 53, 0.02%

Latino *not counted

1940

1950

Between 1940 and 1950 the City of Dallas aggressively annexed territory, ballooning from 41 to 112 square miles. The city was larger and whiter than it had ever been with blacks making up only 13.1% of the population. 80% of all census tracts had a white majority of 90% or more and ten census tracts, most of them newly developed and annexed, lacked a single black resident- a first since the Census began tracking minor civil subdivisions for Dallas in 1910. Segregation was increasing. The modest black growth in the city did trickle outside of the historically black neighborhoods, particularly in South Dallas - where violent reactions to new black neighbors continued - and in Arlington Park, a newly planned black neighborhood.

Footnote:In 1950, Color or Race was abbreviated to just Race. Hindu and Korean were removed as racial categories and Indian was expanded to American Indian.

1944 North Hampton Park (Mattie Nash/Myrtle Davis Park) established

1946 Arlington Park is established as a black neighborhood

The purchase of park lands outside of the city to meet planned city growth continues, including areas where black and Hispanic populations already live or are planned

Although it is part of a census tract that is 90% white, the neighborhood is entirely black

1945 Rochester Park (William Blair Jr. Park) is established as a segregated park

Camp Moorland, YMCA camp for negroe boys established

Major parts of the Central Expressway are completed and lead to many changes in residential patterns across the city

Segregated public housing 1942 Roseland Homes is opened by the Dallas Housing Authority

1940s Mill Creek is culverted to prevent ooding, not transformed as proposed in the Kessler Plan

The purchase of park lands outside of the city to meet planned city growth continues, including areas where black and hispanic populations already live or are planned

1950Between 1940 and 1950 the City of Dallas aggressively annexed territory, ballooning from 41 to 112 square miles. The city was larger and whiter than it had ever been with blacks making up only 13.1% of the population. 80% of all census tracts had a white majority of 90% or more and ten census tracts, most of them newly developed and annexed, lacked a single black resident- a first since the Census began tracking minor civil subdivisions for Dallas in 1910. Segregation was increasing. The modest black growth in the city did trickle outside of the historically black neighborhoods, particularly in South Dallas - where violent reactions to new black neighbors continued - and in Arlington Park, a newly planned black neighborhood.

Notes:In 1950, Color or Race was abbreviated to just Race. Hindu and Korean were removed as racial categories and Indian was expanded to American Indian.

Entre 1940 y 1950, la ciudad de dallas anex terreno agresivamente, creciendo rpidamente a 112 millas cuadradas, cuando antes media la ciudad solo 41 millas cuadradas. La ciudad contena una poblacin mas grande y con mas blancos que en cualquier otro tiempo, con la poblacin afroamericana representando solo el 13.1%. 80% de todas las zonas de censo enseaban una mayora de blancos al 90% o mas, y diez zonas de censo, la mayora de ellas recin desarrolladas, no tenan ni un residente afroamericano - la primera vez que sucedi desde que el censo de dallas empez a tomar cuenta de subdivisiones civiles en 1910. Segregacin se fue aumentando. El crecimiento modesto de afroamericanos en la ciudad se vea fuera de los vecindarios histricamente afroamericanos, especialmente en el sur de dallas - donde reacciones violentas a los nuevos vecinos afroamericanos continuaron - y en el parque Arlington, un vecindario nuevo afroamericano.

Nota:En 1950, color o raza fue abreviada a solo raza. Hindu y koreano fue removido como categorias raciales, e indio fue expandido a indio americano.


White 377199, 86.82%

Black 56958, 13.11%

Asian 202, 0.05%

Latino *not counted

1960

Dallas again more than doubled in area from 1950 to 1960. In contrast to the previous decade, it was the black population that grew most quickly in the 1950s. In fact the percentage of whites in Dallas has never grown again. A new black neighborhood was planned and developed at Hamilton Park in North Dallas and the black population boomed in West Dallas (annexed in 1954) with the construction of the Edgar Ward Place housing project. The westward extension of city limits also brought sizable Hispanic communities into the municipality. By 1960 the transformation of South Dallas from a mixed race community to an all black community was complete. Four South Dallas census tracts went from being 90% white to 90% black between 1950 and 1960, marking the first major instance of white flight and predating busing by over a decade. New public housing projects, the transference of Madison High School from white to black and the designation of Exline and Lagow Parks as black parks cemented South Dallass place as the new epicenter of black life in Dallas. Freedmanstown experienced jarring effects from the construction of Central Expressway and the development of newer black neighborhoods; while the population remained solidly black, the density of the neighborhood west of Central Expressway fell by 24%. The intensity of segregation continued to grow between 1950 and 1960. In 1960, 78% of all census tracts had a 90% white majority and 15 census tracts had a 90% black majority. 35 census tracts located primarily in South and West Oak Cliff and Pleasant Grove did not have a single black resident.

Footnote:In 1960, the category Race or color included the new options Hawaiian, Part Hawaiian, Aleut and Eskimo. Counts of Spanish Surname were used a primitive measure of the Hispanic ethnicity.

Kidd Springs Park * see park snapshot

The Tenth Street community is divided by I-35

Griggs Park * see park snapshot

1954 West Dallas annexed

Exall Park * see park snapshot

Sleepy Hollow Park in the Arlington Park neighborhood

1950 -1954 Elm Thicket Park & Hilliard Golf Course * see park snapshotAlthough the map shows a 90% majority white area, the black community in Elm Thicket is still present, it disappears on the map due to changes in census tract boundaries

1956 Willowdell Park (Hamilton Park) is established as part of the Hamilton Park addition, an entirely black subdivision

1955 Mildred C. Dunn Park (Lagow Park) is transitioned to be a segregated park

1956 Madison High School is reopened as an all black school

1952-53 Dallas Housing Authority opens Turner Courts and Rhoads Terrace

1952 Dallas Housing Authority opens Brakins Village

1953 Exline Park is transition to be a segregated park * see park snapshot

Polk Park (site of future city park and recreation center)cited as a site of black athletic events in the 1950s

1952 Dallas Housing Authority opens 3 segregated housing developments

Dallas again more than doubled in area from 1950 to 1960. In contrast to the previous decade, it was the black population that grew most quickly in the 1950s. In fact the percentage of whites in Dallas has never grown again. A new black neighborhood was planned and developed at Hamilton Park in North Dallas and the black population boomed in West Dallas (annexed in 1954) with the construction of the Edgar Ward Place housing project. The westward extension of city limits also brought sizable Hispanic communities into the municipality. By 1960 the transformation of South Dallas from a mixed race community to an all black community was complete. Four South Dallas census tracts went from being 90% white to 90% black between 1950 and 1960, marking the first major instance of white flight and predating busing by over a decade. New public housing projects, the transference of Madison High School from white to black and the designation of Exline and Lagow Parks as black parks cemented South Dallass place as the new epicenter of black life in Dallas. Freedmanstown experienced jarring effects from the construction of Central Expressway and the development of newer black neighborhoods; while the population remained solidly black, the density of the neighborhood west of Central Expressway fell by 24%. The intensity of segregation continued to grow between 1950 and 1960. In 1960, 78% of all census tracts had a 90% white majority and 15 census tracts had a 90% black majority. 35 census tracts located primarily in South and West Oak Cliff and Pleasant Grove did not have a single black resident.

Notes:In 1960, the category Race or color included the new options Hawaiian, Part Hawaiian, Aleut and Eskimo. Counts of Spanish Surname were used a primitive measure of the Hispanic ethnicity.

Dallas otra vez creci al doble de 1950 a 1960. En contraste con la dcada previa, fue la poblacin afroamericana que creci mas rpidamente en los aos 1950. El porcentaje de blancos en dallas nunca creci mas. Un vecindario afroamericano se form en el oeste de dallas (anexado en 1954) con la construccin del vecindario Edgar Ward Place. La extensin al oeste de los limites de la ciudad tambin trajo comunidades hispanas a la municipalidad. En 1960 la transformacin del sur de dallas desde una comunidad de razas mixtas a una comunidad donde toda la poblacin era afroamericana, fue completada. Cuatro zonas de censo cambiaron de ser 90% blancos a ser 90% afroamericanos entre 1950 y 1960, marcando la primera instancia mas grande de blancos moviendose entre la ciudad en esa dcada. Nuevos proyectos residenciales pblicos, la transferencia de la preparatoria Madison de blancos a afroamericanos, y la designacin de los parques Exline y Lagoe como parques afroamericanos, cement al sur de dallas como el epicentro de la vida afroamericana. Freedmanstown sinti los efectos de la construccin del Central Expressway y el desarrollo de vecindarios nuevos afroamericanos. Mientras que la poblacin se mantena mayormente afroamericana, la densidad del vecindario al oeste del Central Expressway callo al 24%. La intensidad de segregacin continu creciendo entre 1950 y 1960, marcando la primera instancia de la huda blanca. En 1960, 78% de las zonas de censo contenan 90% mayora de blancos, y 15 zonas de censo contenan 90% mayora de afroamericanos. 35 zonas de censo ubicadas primordialmente en el sur y oeste de Oak Cliff y Pleasant Grove no tenan ni un residente afroamericano.

Nota:En 1960, la categora "raza o color" incluyo nuevas opciones: hawaiana, parte hawaiana, aleut y esquimales. El apellido espaol fue usado como medida primitiva de la etnicidad hispana.

Edgar Ward Place - 1500 units for blacks , George Loving - 1500 units for whites, & Elmer Scott - 500 units for Hispanics

1960


White 548473, 80.7%

Black 129242, 19.02%

Asian 359, 0.05%

Latino *not counted

Plurality

Map Features

Legend

Water Body

Trinity River

Creek


Park


City Limit 2014



Major Roads

Hispanic 71 - 80 %

Hispanic 61 - 70 %

Hispanic 50 - 60 %

Hispanic 81 - 90 %

Hispanic 91 - 100 %

Black 71 - 80 %

Black 61 - 70 %

Black 50 - 60 %

Black 81 - 90 %

Black 91 - 100 %

White 71 - 80 %

White 61 - 70 %

White 50 - 60 %

White 81 - 90 %

White 91 - 100 %

1970

Dallass century-long explosive population growth finally slowed in 1960s. In the same period expansion of the parks system was significant, particularly in areas along the Trinity River. Major parkland was added to the city at L.B. Houston along the Elm Fork in northwest Dallas and the Trinity River floodway was set aside for park purposes as a hundred-year desire to channelize the river for shipping purposes was abandoned. Racially, the proportion of white residents in the city continued to fall as nearly the exact same number of black and white residents were added to the city. The citys Hispanic population also doubled, bringing the percentage of white residents below 80% in this historically homogenous city for the first time since the turn of the century. Geographically, the growth of minority populations in the city followed the trends of the previous decade: black neighborhoods growing outward from South Dallas, and the intensification of minority concentrations in West Dallas. Neighborhoods in East Oak Cliff without a single black resident in 1960 were now 99% black. In West Dallas, the George Loving housing project quickly lost its majority white population following new rules by HUD enacted to combat the ongoing segregation in public housing in accordance with the rejection of the separate but equal concept in the 1964 Civil Rights Act. These rapid changes were the second stage of a white flight that would begin in earnest during the 1970s.

Footnote:The category Color or Race returned as did Korean as a choice. Part Hawaiian, Eskimo and Aleut were removed as categories. The Negro option was expanded to Negro or Black. In 1970, Hispanic appears for the first time. Outside of the Color or Race question, the census contained a question about origin or descent with the following options: Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central or South American, Other Spanish, or None of these.

Although still in a majority white census tract, Hamilton Park remains a segregated black community

Areas in historic north Dallas appear to be gaining black and Hispanic population

Black populations continue to move south

1970 The Trinity River Greenbelt becomes a park

1963 Roosevelt High School, a segregated black only school, opens

Dallass century-long explosive population growth finally slowed in 1960s. In the same period expansion of the parks system was significant, particularly in areas along the Trinity River. Major parkland was added to the city at L.B. Houston along the Elm Fork in northwest Dallas and the Trinity River floodway was set aside for park purposes as a hundred-year desire to channelize the river for shipping purposes was abandoned. Racially, the proportion of white residents in the city continued to fall as nearly the exact same number of black and white residents were added to the city. The citys Hispanic population also doubled, bringing the percentage of white residents below 80% in this historically homogenous city for the first time since the turn of the century. Geographically, the growth of minority populations in the city followed the trends of the previous decade: black neighborhoods growing outward from South Dallas, and the intensification of minority concentrations in West Dallas. Neighborhoods in East Oak Cliff without a single black resident in 1960 were now 99% black. In West Dallas, the George Loving housing project quickly lost its majority white population following new rules by HUD enacted to combat the ongoing segregation in public housing in accordance with the rejection of the separate but equal concept in the 1964 Civil Rights Act. These rapid changes were the second stage of a white flight that would begin in earnest during the 1970s.

Notes:The category Color or Race returned as did Korean as a choice. Part Hawaiian, Eskimo and Aleut were removed as categories. The Negro option was expanded to Negro or Black. In 1970, Hispanic appears for the first time. Outside of the Color or Race question, the census contained a question about origin or descent with the following options: Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central or South American, Other Spanish, or None of these.

La poblacin de dallas se disminuyo en los aos 1960. La expansin de los sistemas de parques aument considerablemente, particularmente en areas junto al rio Trinity. Terreno mayor fue agregado a la ciudad junto a LB Houston, alrededor de Elm Fork en el norte oeste de dallas, y el rio Trinity fue apartado para propsitos de parques, mientras el deseo de canalizar el rio fue abandonado. La proporcin de residentes blancos en la ciudad se disminuyo, y casi el mismo numero de residentes blancos y afroamericanos fueron agregados a la ciudad. La poblacin hispana tambin se duplic, cambiando el porcentaje de residentes blancos a menos de 80% en la ciudad por primera vez desde que empez el siglo nuevo. Geogrficamente el crecimiento de poblaciones menores en la ciudad siguieron iguales que la dcada previa: vecindarios afroamericanos crecieron mas hacia las partes fuera del sur de dallas y la intensificacin de concentraciones menores en el oeste de dallas. Vecindarios en el este de Oak Cliff que no contenan ni un residente afroamericano en 1960, ahora eran el 99% afroamericanos. En el oeste de dallas, la vivienda George Loving perdi la mayora de su poblacin blanca, siguiendo nuevas reglas del gobierno que fueron puestas para combatir la segregacin en viviendas publicas. Esto fue de acuerdo con el rechazo del concepto separados pero iguales del acto de derechos civiles de 1964. Estos cambios fueron la segunda etapa de la huda blanca que comenz en los aos 1970.

Nota:La categoria color o raza regres, igual a la categoria koreana. Parte hawaiano, aleut y esquimales fueron removidas como categoras. La opcin negra fue expandida para incluir negro o black. En 1970, "hispano" apareci por primera vez. Fuera de la pregunta de color o raza, el censo contena una pregunta sobre origen o ascendencia con las siguientes opciones: mexicano, puertorriqueo, cubano, centroamericano, suramericano, espaol, o ninguno de estos.

The parks sits in the lowest area of the city adjacent to, but disconnected from many poor communities, communities of color, and industrial areas

The changes actually reflect white flight north along Central Expressway and the Toll Road

as housing opportunities open, white populations move north, east, and west


White 626247, 74.16%

Black 210238, 24.9%

Asian 1381, 0.16%

Latino 63806, 7.56%

1970

1980

In terms of racial geography in the city of Dallas, the 1980 was a watershed year. The 1970s marked the first decade in which the city of Dallas lost white residents, more than 70,000 of them. 1980 was also the first census year where in some census tracts no single race made up the majority of the population. The expansion of majority-black neighborhoods in southern Dallas expanded both to the east and west along the southern edge of the city. Hispanics for the first time made up more than 10% of the citys population, a number of more than 100,000. The citys Asian population quadrupled. 1980 was also the first decade where substantial white majorities were essentially limited to North Dallas and East Dallas, a condition that continues today. 1980 was also the final census where a Hispanic majority was present in the Little Mexico neighborhood, one of the citys oldest Hispanic neighborhoods, and the first census where majority-Hispanic neighborhoods appeared in Old East Dallas and Oak Cliff. The park system grew largely with the extension of existing parkland including the Grover Keeton golf course north of the Roosevelt and Devon Parks, and park additions along White Rock and Five Mile creeks.

Footnote:The 1980 Census had the most options up to that point for Race. Negro or Black became Black or Negro and new options for Asian Indian, Guamanian, Samoan and Vietnamese were added. Aleut and Eskimo returned as categories. The question of ethnicity was further formalized in 1980, although the specific categories were more limited, the census asked Is this person of Spanish/Hispanic origin or descent?

For the rst time there is a purality of race and ethnicity in 5 census tracts within the city of Dallas

Census tract boundary changes reveal the majority black Hamilton Park community in north Dallas


White 514401, 56.9%

Black 265594, 29.38%

Asian 7678, 0.85%

Latino 111083, 12.29%

1980In terms of racial geography in the city of Dallas, the 1980 was a watershed year. The 1970s marked the first decade in which the city of Dallas lost white residents, more than 70,000 of them. 1980 was also the first census year where in some census tracts no single race made up the majority of the population. The expansion of majority-black neighborhoods in southern Dallas expanded both to the east and west along the southern edge of the city. Hispanics for the first time made up more than 10% of the citys population, a number of more than 100,000. The citys Asian population quadrupled. 1980 was also the first decade where substantial white majorities were essentially limited to North Dallas and East Dallas, a condition that continues today. 1980 was also the final census where a Hispanic majority was present in the Little Mexico neighborhood, one of the citys oldest Hispanic neighborhoods, and the first census where majority-Hispanic neighborhoods appeared in Old East Dallas and Oak Cliff. The park system grew largely with the extension of existing parkland including the Grover Keeton golf course north of the Roosevelt and Devon Parks, and park additions along White Rock and Five Mile creeks.

Notes:The 1980 Census had the most options up to that point for Race. New options for Asian Indian, Guamanian, Samoan and Vietnamese were added. Aleut and Eskimo returned as categories. The question of ethnicity was further formalized in 1980, although the specific categories were more limited, the census asked Is this person of Spanish/Hispanic origin or descent?

En terminos de la geografa en la ciudad de dallas, 1980 fue un ao clave. Los aos de 1970 marcaron la primera dcada en la cual la ciudad perdi mas de 70,000 residentes blancos. 1980 tambin fue el primer ao del censo donde en algunas zonas no se encontr una raza que formaba la mayoria. La expansin de vecindarios mayormente afroamericanos en el sur de dallas creci al este y al oeste junto a la orilla al sur de la ciudad. Hispanos, por primera vez, componian mas de 10% de la poblacin casi 100,000 habitantes. La poblacin asitica se cuadriplic. 1980 tambin fue la primera dcada cuando amplias mayoras de blancos fueron limitados al norte y este de dallas, una condicin que continua hoy dia. 1980 fue el ao final del censo donde una mayoria hispana se present en el vecindario Little Mexico, uno de los vecindarios mas antiguos de la ciudad, y el primer censo donde vecindarios mayormente hispanos apaecieron en el este de Dallas y en Oak Cliff. El sistema de parques creci grandemente con la extension de terreno que incluia el curso de golf Grover Keeton al norte de los parques Roosevelt y Devon, y adiciones a parques junto a los arroyos White Rock y Five Mile.

Nota:El censo de 1980 tenia mas opciones. Negro o Black cambio a Black o Negro, y nuevas opciones para indios asiticos, guameos, samoanos, y vietnamitas fueron agregados. Aleut y esquimales regresaron como sus propias categoras. La pregunta de etnicidad fue formalizada en 1980, aunque las categoras especificas fueron mas limitadas, el censo preguntaba esta persona es de origen espaol o hispano?

1990

By 1990, more than one million people resided in Dallas. More than 50% of them were Black or Hispanic. The number of census tracts with a 90% white majority was cut in half between 1980 to 1990 and became restricted to a narrow section of north Dallas and Lakewood and its surrounding neighborhoods. The number of census tracts with a 90% black majority fell by nearly 20%. There was still no census tract with a 90% Hispanic majority but large swaths of north and west oak cliff became Hispanic neighborhoods. The number of census tracts without a single race majority quintupled, located in every part of the city. For the first time since census tracts were recorded in 1940 Freedmanstown was no longer majority black. In fact, the neighborhood, once the densest in the city, had gone from a peak population of 12,027 in 1950 to only 433 in 1990. Although no census tracts in the city had a majority of Asian residents, in one neighborhood in northwest Dallas more than 40% of residents were Asian. There were a number of new parks added in the 1980s, primarily small neighborhood parks and pocket parks downtown. More significant parkland established in southeast Dallas along the Trinity River. Most notably, was the opening of the Dallas Arboretum and Botanical Garden, a special park on the southeastern banks of White Rock Lake.

Footnote:Consideration of race and ethnicity in the 1990 census was essentially identical to in 1980, but for the first time Asian or Pacific Islander was used as a grouping, although the individual options (Chinese, Japanese, Filipino, etc.) remained.

Major changes occur in the tract level demographics of the entire southeast area of the city

Major changes occur in the tract level demographics of the entire southwest area of the city

Major changes occur in the tract level demographics of the entire northwest area of the city

By 1990, more than one million people resided in Dallas. More than 50% of them were Black or Hispanic. The number of census tracts with a 90% white majority was cut in half between 1980 to 1990 and became restricted to a narrow section of north Dallas and Lakewood and its surrounding neighborhoods. The number of census tracts with a 90% black majority fell by nearly 20%. There was still no census tract with a 90% Hispanic majority but large swaths of north and west oak cliff became Hispanic neighborhoods. The number of census tracts without a single race majority quintupled, located in every part of the city. For the first time since census tracts were recorded in 1940 Freedmanstown was no longer majority black. In fact, the neighborhood, once the densest in the city, had gone from a peak population of 12,027 in 1950 to only 433 in 1990. Although no census tracts in the city had a majority of Asian residents, in one neighborhood in northwest Dallas more than 40% of residents were Asian. There were a number of new parks added in the 1980s, primarily small neighborhood parks and pocket parks downtown. More significant parkland established in southeast Dallas along the Trinity River. Most notably, was the opening of the Dallas Arboretum and Botanical Garden, a special park on the southeastern banks of White Rock Lake.

Notes:Consideration of race and ethnicity in the 1990 census was essentially identical to in 1980, but for the first time Asian or Pacific Islander was used as a grouping, although the individual options (Chinese, Japanese, Filipino, etc.) remained.

Para el ao 1990, dallas se componia de mas de un millon de residentes. Mas de 50% de ellos eran afroamericanos o hispanos. El numero de zonas de censo con mas de 90% blancos fue cortada a la mitad entre 1980 y 1990, y fue restringido a una seccin al norte de dallas, Lakewood y los vecindarios a su alrededor. El numero de zonas de censo con una mayoria de afroamerica-nos al 90% call por casi 20%. Todavia no existia una zona de censo con el 90% hispanos pero grandes reas al norte y al oeste de Oak Cliff se hicieron vecindarios hispanos. El nmero de zonas de censo sin mayoria de una sola raza se quintuplic. Por primera vez desde que las zonas de censo fueron registradas en 1940, Freedmanstown ya no era mayormente afroamericano. Es mas, el vecindario que alguna vez fue el mas denso de la ciudad, habia cambiado desde una poblacin de 12,027 habitan-tes en 1950 a solo 433 habitantes en 1990. Aunque no existian zonas de censo en la ciudad con la mayoria de sus residentes asiticos, en un vecindario en el noroeste de dallas mas de 40% de los residentes eran asiticos. Un numero de parques nuevos fueron agregados en los aos 1980, primordialmente parques en vecindarios chicos y junto al centro de la ciudad. Terreno mas significante fue establecido en el sureste de dallas, junto al rio Trinity. Mas notablemente fue la inauguracin del jardin botanico de dallas, un parque especial junto a las orillas del lago White Rock.

Nota:Consideracin de raza y etnicidad en el censo de 1990 fue casi idntica al de 1980, pero por primera vez asitico o isleo del pacifico fue usado como grupo, aunque las opciones individuales (chino, japons, filipino, etc.) permanecieron.


White 479980, 47.67%

Black 296994, 29.5%

Asian 21952, 2.18%

Latino 210240, 20.88%

1990

2000

In 2000 the city was at its most racially balanced. Hispanics accounted for 36% of the population, whites for 35% and blacks for 26%. This balance was best represented all along the eastern edge of the city, from Pleasant Grove to the border of Richardson were all racially diverse neighborhoods. The large influx of Hispanic residents shifted more than forty census tracts to majority Hispanic during the 1990s, with seven census tracts composed of 90% or greater Hispanic residents. This growth continued as before in North and West Oak Cliff and in Pleasant Grove, Old East Dallas, Bachman and Northwest Dallas. Only about 3% of Dallasites were Asian in 2000, and but in a handful of census tracts in northeast and northwest Dallas more than one in five residents was Asian. The neighborhoods in South and East Oak Cliff that had been majority black since the 1960s continued to have a strong black presence while the black community in several neighborhoods along the border of Mesquite grew significantly. Beyond the Katy Trail, the most recognizable addition to the park system during the 1990s, the majority of new parks in Dallas were neighborhood and community parks. Many of these new neighborhood parks were along greenbelts at Coombs, Five Mile and White Rock creeks.

Footnote:The 2000 census asked respondents whether or not they were Spanish/Hispanic/Latino before asking about race. The Black or Negro category expanded to Black, African Am., or Negro. American Indian became American Indian or Alaska Native. Respondents were also permitted to check as many races as they believe applied to them, resulting in the first instance of data being tabulated for Two or More Races.

2000In 2000 the city was at its most racially balanced. Hispanics accounted for 36% of the population, whites for 35% and blacks for 26%. This balance was best represented all along the eastern edge of the city, from Pleasant Grove to the border of Richardson were all racially diverse neighborhoods. The large influx of Hispanic residents shifted more than forty census tracts to majority Hispanic during the 1990s, with seven census tracts composed of 90% or greater Hispanic residents. This growth continued as before in North and West Oak Cliff and in Pleasant Grove, Old East Dallas, Bachman and Northwest Dallas. Only about 3% of Dallasites were Asian in 2000, and but in a handful of census tracts in northeast and northwest Dallas more than one in five residents was Asian. The neighborhoods in South and East Oak Cliff that had been majority black since the 1960s continued to have a strong black presence while the black community in several neighborhoods along the border of Mesquite grew significantly. Beyond the Katy Trail, the most recognizable addition to the park system during the 1990s, the majority of new parks in Dallas were neighborhood and community parks. Many of these new neighborhood parks were along greenbelts at Coombs, Five Mile and White Rock creeks.

Notes:The 2000 census asked respondents whether or not they were Spanish/Hispanic/Latino before asking about race. The Black or Negro category expanded to Black, African Am., or Negro. American Indian became American Indian or Alaska Native. Respondents were also permitted to check as many races as they believe applied to them, resulting in the first instance of data being tabulated for Two or More Races.

En el ao 2000 la ciudad estaba equilibrada racialmente. Hispanos contaban con 36% de la poblacin, blancos contaban con 35%, y afroamericanos con el 26%. Este balance fue representado mejor por las orillas al este de la ciudad, desde Pleasant Grove hasta la frontera de Richardson todos estos vecindarios eran diversos en raza. La gran afluencia de residentes hispanos cambi mas de cuarenta zonas de censo a mayormente hispanos durante los aos 1990, con siete zonas compuestas de residentes hispanos al 90% o ms. Este crecimiento continu como antes al norte y oeste de Oak Cliff y en Pleasant Grove, Old East Dallas, Bachment y el noroeste de dallas. Solo 3% de residentes de dallas eran asiticos en el ao 2000, pero en algunas zonas de censo en el noreste y noroeste de dallas, mas de uno en cinco residentes era asitico. Los vecindarios al sur y al este de Oak Cliff, que alguna vez fueron la mayoria afroamericanos desde los aos 1960, continuaron a tener una presencia fuerte, mientras la comunidad afroamericana en varios vecindarios junto a la frontera de mesquite crecieron. Mas all de Katy Trail, la adicin mas reconocida del sistema de parques durante los aos 1990, la mayoria de parques nuevos en dallas eran parques de vecindarios y comunidades. Muchos de estos se encontraban junto al cinturn verde de arroyos Coombs, Five Mile y White Rock.

Nota:El censo del ao 2000 pregunt si eran espaoles/hispanos/latinos antes de preguntar sobre raza. La categora Black or Negro fue cambiada a Black, African American or Negro. Indio americano cambi a indio americano o nativo de alaska. Una persona fue permitida escoger cuantas razas aplicaban a ellos, resultando en la primera instancia que datos fueron colectados para dos o mas razas.


White 410777, 34.56%

Black 307957, 25.91%

Asian 36665, 3.08%

Latino 422587, 35.55%

Two or more races 210240, 2.72%

Plurality

Map Features

Legend

Water Body

Trinity River

Creek


Park


City Limit 2014



Major Roads

Hispanic 71 - 80 %

Hispanic 61 - 70 %

Hispanic 50 - 60 %

Hispanic 81 - 90 %

Hispanic 91 - 100 %

Black 71 - 80 %

Black 61 - 70 %

Black 50 - 60 %

Black 81 - 90 %

Black 91 - 100 %

White 71 - 80 %

White 61 - 70 %

White 50 - 60 %

White 81 - 90 %

White 91 - 100 %

2010

Looking at the city by block, as opposed to census tract, affords the opportunity for much closer look at the racial composition of the city; where there are truly mixed areas and where stark segregation remains. This is particularly apparent among white majority. For the most part, areas with 90% of more white residents are heavily insulated from more diverse parts of the city. This is particularly apparent around White Rock Lake and throughout north Dallas. The most significantly diverse parts of the city appear to be towards Mountain Creek, parts of Pleasant Grove, Kleberg and the area along I-30 east of White Rock Creek. Despite some growth in the Hispanic population, many historically black neighborhoods remained majority black in 2010, not just in South and southeast Dallas but also at Hamilton Park and at Roseland Homes, the last remnant of the black Freedmanstown community. The demographics in Elm Thicket and Arlington Park appear to be changing more rapidly. Major linear parks were added to the Dallas system in the 2000s including extensions of the greenbelt along the Elm Fork of the Trinity River, the old Trinity River channel, the Preston Ridge Trail. Large additions to the Great Trinity Forest came under the purview of the Parks Department, as well.

Footnote:There was virtually no change in race and Hispanic origin data collection from the 2000 census to 2010 census.

2010Looking at the city by block, as opposed to census tract, affords the opportunity for much closer look at the racial composition of the city; where there are truly mixed areas and where stark segregation remains. This is particularly apparent among white majority. For the most part, areas with 90% of more white residents are heavily insulated from more diverse parts of the city. This is particularly apparent around White Rock Lake and throughout north Dallas. The most significantly diverse parts of the city appear to be towards Mountain Creek, parts of Pleasant Grove, Kleberg and the area along I-30 east of White Rock Creek. Despite some growth in the Hispanic population, many historically black neighborhoods remained majority black in 2010, not just in South and southeast Dallas but also at Hamilton Park and at Roseland Homes, the last remnant of the black Freedmanstown community. The demographics in Elm Thicket and Arlington Park appear to be changing more rapidly. Major linear parks were added to the Dallas system in the 2000s including extensions of the greenbelt along the Elm Fork of the Trinity River, the old Trinity River channel, the Preston Ridge Trail. Large additions to the Great Trinity Forest came under the purview of the Parks Department, as well.

Notes:There was virtually no change in race and Hispanic origin data collection from the 2000 census to 2010 census.

Viendo a la ciudad por cuadra en vez de por zona de censo ayuda a ver la composicin racial de la ciudad, donde existen areas mixtas y donde segregacin continua. Esto es particularmente obvio entre la mayoria blanca. Areas con el 90% o mas de la poblacin blanca estan fuertemente aislados de las partes mas diversas de la ciudad. Esto se aparenta mas alrededor del lago White Rock y por el norte de dallas. Las areas mas diversas de la ciudad estan junto a Mountain Creek, partes de Pleasant Grove, Kleberg y el area junto a la carretera 30, al este del arroyo White Rock. Aunque la poblacin hispana ha crecido, muchos vecindarios que historicamente han sido afroamericanos se mantuvieron as en el 2010, no solo al sur y sureste de dallas, pero tambien en el parque Hamilton y junto a las viviendas Roseland, los ultimos vestigios de la comunidad afroamericana Freedmanstown. La demogrfica en Elm Thicket y Arlington Park aparentan cambiar mas rapidamente. Parques mayores fueron agregados al sistema en los aos 2000 incluyendo extensiones junto a Elm Fork y el rio Trinity, el canal Old Trinity, y el recorrido Preston Ridge. Adiciones grandes al bosque Great Trinity fueron puestos en el mbito de influencia del departamento de parques.

Nota:No hubo ningn cambio en la coleccin de datos de raza u origen hispano en el censo del ao 2000 hasta el censo del ao 2010.

Hispanic 71 - 80 %

Hispanic 61 - 70 %

Hispanic 50 - 60 %

Hispanic 81 - 90 %

Hispanic 91 - 100 %

Black 71 - 80 %

Black 61 - 70 %

Black 50 - 60 %

Black 81 - 90 %

Black 91 - 100 %

White 71 - 80 %

White 61 - 70 %

White 50 - 60 %

White 81 - 90 %

White 91 - 100 %

Asian 71 - 80 %

Asian 61 - 70 %

Asian 50 - 60 %

Asian 81 - 90 %

Asian 91 - 100 %

Plurality

Map Features

Legend

Water Body

Trinity River

Creek


Park

City Limit 2014

Major Roads

Percentage of Race by Block 2010


White 345205, 28.82%

Black 294159, 24.56%

Asian 33609, 2.81%

Latino 507309, 42.35%

Two or more races 31733, 2.65%

Dallas Parks System - 2013

This map illustrated the 378 parks in the Dallas Park System and represents them by typology, showing the distribution of the eight classifications of parks in Dallas today; mini, neighborhood, community, linear, metropolitan, regional, special, and conservation parks. The location and distribution of these parks reflects the growth of the city, changes in park planning trends, and the needs of Dallas citizens for parks and recreation opportunities, both perceived and real.

Briar Gate

Shaw

Pueblo

Community Park

Neighborhood Park

Conservation Park

Linear Park

Metropolitain Park

Regional Park

Special Use Areas

Mini Park

Downtown Parks

Park Typology

Park Acreage by Typology

This map illustrated the 378 parks in the Dallas Park System and represents them by typology, showing the distribution of the eight classifications of parks in Dallas today; mini, neighborhood, community, linear, metropolitan, regional, special use area, and conservation parks. The location and distribution of these parks reflects the growth of the city, changes in park planning trends, and the needs of Dallas citizens for parks and recreation opportunities, both perceived and real.

Este mapa ilustra los 378 parques en el sistema de parques de la ciudad de dallas, y los representa por tipologa, enseando la distribucin de ocho clasificaciones de parques en dallas hoy da: mini, vecindario, comunidad, linear, metropolitano, regional, especial, y parques conservados. La ubicacin y distribucin de estos parques refleja el crecimiento de la ciudad, cambios en tendencias de planificacin, y la necesidad de los ciudadanos de tener oportunidades para parques y recreacin percibida y real.

Dallas Park SystemSistema de parques de dallas

2

357

47

203

270

65

152

45

30

311

49108

362

212

151137

235

220

80

63

149 44

43

40

61

361

360

78

148

176

18

6

150292

52

35

132

56

241

314

363

51

341

359

90

46

13

67

265

295

64

304

124

327

246

86

343

1

293

120

349

231

322

62

198

366

159

175

109

370

155

34

157

117

144

347

309

31

282

170

228

294

5

96

375

163

269

118

92

332

222

85

195

26

130

310

105

99

50

37

71

348

121

372

143

59

111

367

102

264

89

42

346

133

188

221

125

153

200

97

373

11

72

17

208

280

288

181

55

171

183

324

210

19

355

351

116

199

187

98

135

110

238

142

126

248

33

291

174

21

84

164

8

29

107

260

191

82

145

138

128

194

271

330

93

83

106

76

339

263

103

245

335

165

14

225

100

104

354

186

119

28

329

114

112

205

345

358

95

113318

87

41

127

189

27

344

101

158

336

333

136

39

77

12

242

214

342

161

209

296

278

69

166

180

88

224

196

193

232

160

91

353

216

337

178

192

146

301

378

297

140

218

356

162

286

281

81

223

219

79

252

73

20

122

4

377

48

156

251

253

60

38

115

70

243

167

229

254

66

185

58

74

334

139

32

215

300

268

308

217

325

352

306

36

340

182

350

331

299

371

285

267

168

57

275

129

68

258

316

141

374

10

213

134

25

287

169

320

368 234

22

313283

147

184

54

94

364

131

204

338

274

230

272

227

266

9

240

197

23

154

2453

305

211

321

276

16

249

190179 365

284123

247

259

3

326

255

7 289

250

236

277

177

207

319261

237

233

273

15

202239

307

290

312

206

376

369

75

257

323

2506

4982

1031

2982

785

2787

153680

244

315

328 298

256

303

279

302

172

317

226173

201

5 Robert E. Lee13 Reverchon17 Exall18 Lake Cliff20 Eloise Lundy26 Randall27 Exline29 Cole31 Grauwyler33 Tietze34 J.J. Craft40 Norbuck46 Lake Highlands50 Martin Weiss51 Bachman Creek Greenbelt56 Samuell-Garland61 Samuell-Grand62 Moore64 Glendale72 Nash/Davis8 Pike85 Parkdale86 Kidd Springs89 Weichsel90 Lawnview91 Hattie R Moore92 Beckley Saner96 Crown97 Umphress98 Walnut Hill102 Pleasant Oaks104 Brownwood105 Tenison Park Picnic Area107 Ridgewood109 R.P. Brooks111 Harry Stone114 St. Augustine116 Northaven Park & Greenbelt117 Valley View118 Hamilton120 Pemberton Hill121 Pecan Grove124 California Crossing125 Jaycee-Zaragoza128 McCree

130 Arcadia133 Danieldale135 Churchill142 Miller Family143 Tommie M. Allen144 Lake Highlands North148 College153 Marcus155 Westhaven157 Fretz159 Fireside161 Cummings163 Thurgood Marshall164 J.J. Lemmon170 Devon-Anderson174 Mountain Valley192 Martin Luther King Jr.197 K.B. Polk198 John C. Phelps199 Opportunity200 St. Francis208 Sargent210 Singing Hills218 Stemmons221 Roosevelt222 Campbell Green246 Anderson Bonner264 Wheatland265 Bert Fields269 B.B. Owen271 Keller Springs288 Park in the Woods293 Rosemeade294 Timberglen295 Katie Jackson304 Kleberg329 Willie Mae Butler335 Arlington337 Audelia341 Emerald Lake346 Doris Berry347 Hulcy349 Scyene Trail373 Watercrest377 White Rock Hills

65 Samuell-East (Farm)78 William Blair Jr.150 Mountain Creek Lake262 Elgin B. Robertson

4 Central Square

Neighborhood ParksCommunity Parks

Parks numbered by year createdConservation Areas

Linear Parks

Regional ParksMetropolitain Parks

Mini Parks

Special Use Areas

14 Garrett19 Buckner (Samuell)21 Griggs28 Craddock32 Greiner36 Ruthmeade38 Cochran39 Mildred L. Dunn41 Herndon42 Lakewood48 Moss55 Tokalon57 Maria Luna59 Oak Cliff Founders66 Cherrywood68 Midway Manor69 Urbandale70 Field-Frazier71 Glencoe73 Blu ff View75 Thomas Hill79 Beverly Hills82 Preston Hollow83 Casa Linda84 Lindsley87 Deerpath88 Preston Green93 Casa View94 Wynnewood99 Wahoo100 Bisbee Parkway101 Glover103 Westmoreland106 Ferguson110 Lochwood112 Apache113 Beckley Heights115 Glen Meadow119 Webb Chapel122 Lizzie Oliver126 Cheynne127 Veterans129 Owenwood131 Renner

132 Arden Terrace134 Arcadia Heights136 Northwood138 Hillview139 South Central141 Urban145 Royal146 White Rock Valley147 T.G. Terry156 Bushman158 Cotillion160 Fruitdale162 Seaton165 Indian Ridge168 Bel-Aire169 Kimble175 Woodland Springs178 Arapaho180 Cox Lane181 Everglade182 Forest187 Tipton188 Briar Gate191 Peter Pan194 Meadowstone195 Alta Mesa204 Betty Jane Lane205 Kiowa209 Twin Falls214 Wonderview216 Cottonwood217 Pagewood223 Salado224 Friendship225 Lakeland Hills228 Bitter Creek229 Sun Valley230 McCree East232 Netherland238 Sugarberry242 Orbiter245 Jamestown248 Bishop Flores251 Miller252 Twin Lakes

253 Westmount254 Bickers258 Frances Rizo260 Holcomb263 Emma Carter266 Eladio R. Martinez268 Ricketts Branch272 Pointer275 Tama278 Benito Juarez281 Willoughby285 Old East Dallas Work Yard286 Bonnie View287 West Trinity Heights296 Bentwood297 Old Renner299 Kensington300 Rose Haggar301 Frankford306 Sand Springs308 Bent Tree Meadow316 Crockett318 Teagarden Place325 J.W. Ray330 J.P. Hawn331 Peary333 Cedar Run339 Forest Cliff340 Blue Bird342 Foxhaven344 Wagging Tail352 Overlake353 Barry H. Barker354 Hillcrest356 Moss Glen374 Timberleaf

12 Turtle Creek Parkway37 Kessler Parkway43 Olive Shapiro67 Five Mile Creek Greenbelt74 Renner Greenbelt76 Elmwood Parkway77 Gannon95 White Rock Greenbelt North166 Wynnewood Parkway171 Dixon Branch Greenbelt189 Kiowa Parkway196 Forest Meadows211 Peacock Branch213 McCree Annex231 Ricketts Branch Greenbelt280 Boren- Hilseweck322 Fox Hollow324 Bernal Greenbelt327 Ash Creek Greenbelt332 Katy Trail334 Katy Trail348 Coombs Creek Greenbelt350 Five Mile Creek Greenbelt351 Valley View West358 Preston Ridge Trail359 Trinity Strand Trail364 Goat Hill Katy Trail Easement365 Cottonwood Trail370 Chalk Hill Trail372 Santa Fe Trail375 Santa Fe Trestle Trail376 Preston Ridge Trail

16 Munger23 Parkview25 Wheatley53 Walford60 Samuell-Beaumont123 Sleepy Hollow172 Shaw177 Jones179 Willow Square190 Crestline206 Stone207 Lawrence Playlot227 Liberty233 Anita Harris Phelps236 Grove Oaks237 Maryland240 Derek Geter247 Arbor250 Rain Forest255 Pueblo259 Stafford261 Helen C. Emory276 Ledbetter-Eagle Ford305 David R. & Mayme Graham307 Heights Garden326 Monarch338 Cadillac Heights

44 Flag Pole Hill45 White Rock Lake49 Kiest52 Bachman Lake63 Samuell-New Hope108 Crawford Memorial137 Fair Oaks176 Boulder212 Harry S. Moss220 Simonds Lake241 Gateway311 Joppa Preserve

1 City Park2 Fair Park3 Stone Place Mall6 Dallas Zoo7 Turtle Creek Blvd. Median9 Stemmons Plaza10 Turner Plaza11 William B. Dean15 Dorothy & Wallace Savage22 Ferris Plaza24 Swiss Avenue Medians30 Tenison Park Golf Course35 Stevens Golf Course54 Dealey Plaza58 Main Street Garden80 Cedar Crest Golf Course81 Ewing Service Center140 Pioneer Cemetery151 Elm Fork Gun Club152 Luna Vista Golf Course154 Martyr's167 Freedman's Memorial Cemetery173 Elm at Pearl183 Butler-Nelson Cemetery184 Beeman Cemetery185 City (Paupers) Cemetery186 Pegasus193 Opportunity Cemetery201 Pacific Plaza202 Eighth & Davis Triangle215 Pleasant Mound Cemetery219 Bulova/Homecoming Cemetery226 Four-Way Place Mall234 John Carpenter Plaza235 Grover C. Keeton - Golf239 Merrifield Cemetery243 Julius Schepps244 Julius Schepps249 Confederate Cemetery257 Marilla, Akard,Young Triangle256 Majestic Theatre267 South Dallas Cultural Center270 Cedar Ridge Preserve273 San Jacinito Plaza274 Reunion

277 Harrell279 Federal Plaza283 La Reunion Cemetery284 Celebration of Life289 Abrams Road Triangles290 Akard291 I.C. Harris Service Center298 James W. Aston302 Energy Plaza303 Browder St. Mall312 J.J. Craft House313 Exposition Plaza314 Dallas Arboretum315 Lubben Plaza317 Martin Luther King Median319 Fitzhugh Medians320 Cullum Boulevard Medians321 Betty Marcus323 Founders Square328 Pegasus Plaza357 Great Trinity Forest361 Elm Fork Athletic Complex363 Joey Georgusis366 Grady Niblo367 NorthBark369 Katy Trail368 Belo Garden371 Pacific Plaza378 Klyde Warren

47 White Rock Greenbelt South149 L.B. Houston Nature Area203 Trinity River Greenbelt282 Genaro292 McCommas Bluff309 Keeneland Escarpment Greenbelt310 Prairie Creek Greenbelt336 Chestnut343 Runyon Creek345 Ledbetter Escarpment Greenbelt355 Hines360 Elm Fork Greenbelt - Fishing Hole Lake362 Elm Fork Greenbelt

PLAYGROUNDServes children less than 14 years old in congested areas

LARGE PARKSServes residents of all ages. Includes parks and playgrounds. Often inconveniently located for most of the population.

PARKWAYSConnectors, boulevards, parks, and playgrounds.

PLAYGROUNDServes children, also found at schools as well as in the community.

SMALLER PARKSCan host active sports. Enticing for developers as a means to increase neighborhood attraction.

MAJOR PARKSLarger than 25 acres. Has the widest range of ages and classes. Linked by boulevards.

CONNECTING BOULEVARDSConnects major parks along highways and water courses. Encircles the city.

PARKING CREEKSParkways, attractive drainage features.

PLAYLOTFor pre-school age children. Provides a place for active recreation in high-density areas. Privately managed.

PLAYGROUNDServe 1/2 mile radius or 1 square mile area around the park. Serves elementary age chidlren. All-around neighborhood facility near center of neighborhood and school.

PLAYFIELDServe 1 mile radius or a 4-5 square mile area around the park. Provided for all ages. Contains active and passive areas, as well as rustic landscape. Often placed at the intersection of major thoroughfares, enabling the service of several neighborhoods.

LARGE PARKSize of over 100 acres. Places within 3 miles of areas with 50-100,000 people. Because of its large size, placement also depends on available open land. Contains active and passive areas, as well as rustic landscape.

RESERVATION & PRESERVEPlaced in a large area on the periphery of an urban area, located with respect to natural features. Land is not intensively developed. Features a greenbelt or buffer from outside development.

REGIONAL RECREATION AREALocated a 1-3 hour drive from high-density development, accessibility by automobile is essential. The park area must be acquired well ahead of urban development. Provides an outdoor area for all ages.

Located with respect to population density. Provides scenic drives and open spots in urban areas. Creates a desirable buer between dierent types of land use. The primary benet is felt by adjacent property owners.

SPECIAL PARK AREASZoological and botanic gardens, museums, golf courses, plazas, special athletic centers. Can be in incorporated into large large park areas.

PLAYLOTA single lot, serves school age children

June 16th, 1963Dallas Morning News article proclaims that City Parks Integrated in Dallas

1987Dallas Parks and Recreation Department wins the Innovations in American Government Award for its, Vision Through Diversity program.

1945The NAACP Report on the condition of parks and recreation for the black population of Dallas.

1915The first officially segregated parks in Dallas are created at the Hall Street Negro Park and the Oak Cliff Negro Park.

1914Summitt Play Park houses the citys first recreation building.

1923Dallas park system totals 32 parks at 3,773 acres.

1951Dallas park system totals 79 parks at 5,785 acres.

197727 Recreation centers are open for city residents.

2002A Renaissance Plan for the parks department is implemented to re-establish Dallas as one of the premier park systems in the nation.

1928Dallas has the most park acres per capita and recreation facilities.

1876City Park is purchases as Dallas first park.

NEIGHBORHOOD PARK2-10 acres in size, serves a 1 square mile area. Has active and passive areas to serve a variety of uses and needs.

COMMUNITY PARK10-30 acres in size, serves a 3-5 squre mile area. Located on major streets. Serves a variety of recreational needs through active and passive areas.

LARGE COMMUNITY PARK/ATHLETIC COMPLEXOver 30 acres in size, serves many recreational needs through active, passive and natural areas. Located on major thoroughfares.

REGIONAL PARKOver 250 acres in size, serves an area within 1 hour driving distance. Is the park type with the widest variety of recreational needs served. May also contain other types of parks

GREENBELTConnects parks and public spaces. Provides a buer between residential developments and/or commercial areas.

SPECIAL PARKSOne of a kind places and experiences.

PLAZASOrnametnal parks that provide places for landscape, art and historical markers.

CEMETARIESNo more burials premitted and the city maintains the grounds.

PARKWAY & ORNAMENTAL AREAS

NEIGHBORHOOD PARKGreater than 3 acres, with 1 acre per 1000 residents. It is essentially an extension of the residential yard.

COMMUNITY PARK15-30 acres, with 1.5 acres per 1000 residents.

REGIONAL PARKOver 50 acres, with 1.5 acres per 1000 residents. Serves several communities of similar population characteristics

LINKAGEConnector between 2 or more geographic points - parks or open spaces, public or private, drainage or utility corridors.

SPECIAL PARKSServes 1 function or 1 population group.

OPEN SPACENatural or undeveloped with rural and urban typologies.

MINI PARK2500 square feet to 1 acre in size. Serves a concentrated population with a specific need.

NEIGHBORHOOD PARK1-15 acres in size, serves all age groups within 1/4-1/2 mile radius. Serves a limited area or single neighborhood.

COMMUNITY PARK16-99 acres in size, serves the community within a 1-2 mile radius. For use by several neighborhoods, meets many recreational needs.

METROPOLITAN PARK100-499 acreas, serves the entire city, including all communities. Meets many recreational needs and can contain natural areas.

REGIONAL PARKOver 500 acreas in size, serves an area within 1 hour driving distance. Has a wide selection of facilities for all ages. Can include nature preserves.

LINEAR PARK / LINKAGEBuilt connections or natural corridors, can link parks together, protect a resource & be used on its own as an open space.

SPECIAL USE AREAOne of a kind place with a specialized purpose or activity.

CONSERVANCYManagement of a natural or cultural environment, should protect a resource as well as be useful.

SQUAREProvides ornamental value.

PLAYGROUNDServes children, found at schools as well as in the community

PLAYFIELDSServes older children and adults.

NEIGHBORHOOD PARKSPrimarily creates landscape beauty.

BOULEVARDSConnects the principal units of the park system

1911A City Plan for DallasGeorge Kessler

In 1909, the Dallas City Plan and Improvement League hired city planner George E. Kessler to draw up Dallass first long term plan. Included in the plan was a comprehensive system of parks, parkways and connecting boulevards. This system actually comprised two different types of systems - an inner one and an outer one. The inner system addressed the existing needs of the city - parks for neighborhoods. The outer system was proposed with city expansion in mind, a way to both anticipate and guide the future growth of Dallas.

Kessler specified that parks and playgrounds should be distributed such that, as much as possible, they were within walking distance from where people lived.

Kessler also made recommendations for controlling the flooding of the Trinity River through straightening it and for addressing the daily dangers posed to pedestrians as they tried to cross the congested Dallas streets.

The following chart details the changes in typologies (classification based on common characteristics) used to describe Dallas parks since the Kessler Plan in 1911. While this does not capture every change in definition, it does capture major changes in classification and type that reflect contemporary thinking about spaces for urban recreation and the needs of the city. This diagram is helpful as we think about how, why, and where parks were designed and built as Dallas grew. What is meaningful about a park being purchased and designed as a parkway in the 1950s or 60s, but the same space being considered a linear park or linkage today?

How do shifting definitions indicate the intended roles for places and how does our understanding of these intended roles impact the city and our experience of it?

El siguiente organigrama ensea en detalle los cambios en tipologa (clasificacin basada en caractersticas comunes) usadas para describir parques en dallas desde el plan Kessler en 1911. Mientras esto no captura todos los cambios en definicin, si captura los cambios mayores en clasificacin y tipo que reflejan pensamientos contemporneos de espacios para recreacin urbana y las necesidades de la ciudad. Este diagrama es util e importante al pensar como, porque, y cuando parques fueron diseados y construidos al crecer la ciudad de dallas. Que es lo significante de comprar un parque y disearlo como via en los aos 1950 y 1960, pero el mismo espacio hoy es considerado un parque linear o articulado?

Como indican las definiciones cambiantes sus funciones indicadas para sus lugares, y como afecta nuestro entendimiento de estas funciones el impacto de la ciudad y nuestra experiencia de ello?

The Ulrickson Plan was a review and update of the progress made on the Kessler Plan. It outlined 81 projects including public buildings and service improvements and in contrast to other plans, was accompanied by a series of bond proposals that would fund the proposed work. An ambitious plan, it was hampered by political conflict, and only a small portion of the bonds needed to finance the projects were ever issued. Of those that were issued, very little of the money went to parks projects. 30 years later, only 5 projects from the Ulrickson Plan had been completed, and 25% had never been started. The plan called for a strategic expansion of the citys park system, with an emphasis on increasing available recreational options.

At the prompting of Mayor J. Woodall Rodgers, the city council hired St. Louis city planner Harland Bartholomew to draft a new master plan for Dallas. The plan was initiated in December 1945 after voters approved $40 million worth of improvement bonds. The city expanded Love Field, began work on the expansion of the Garza-Little Elm Reservoir (renamed Lake Dallas and later, Lake Lewisville) and built Central Expressway, Memorial Auditorium and the Dallas Public Library. As well as quality of life matters, the Bartholomew Plan attempted to streamline government and augment the economic development capacity of Dallas. Bartholomews comprehensive plan for the City treated Dallas government as a system of systems needing structure and coordination. Though a long way from equality, the plan marked the first time the City of Dallas sought to improve African American neighborhoods and housing.

This report was prepared for the Dallas Area Master Plan Committee by the Departments of City Planning and Parks & Recreation as a guide to the future development of parks and open space areas in Dallas. It is meant to guide future park creation, capital improvement expenditure and administrative policy on public and private open spaces in the City of Dallas. The plan includes reports on importance of parks in urban areas, benefits of long range planning, an inventory of current parks and open spaces, projections of future population growth and needs, an explanation of park typologies, and recommended park plans for the future. It proposes detailed park plans for 41 communities in Dallas.

A thorough inventory of all the existing parks and recreation facilities owned and/or operated by the City of Dallas Parks and Recreation Department. It details the types and uses of parks in the city.

A thorough inventory of all the existing parks and recreation facilities owned and/or operated by the City of Dallas Parks and Recreation Department. It details the types and uses of parks in the city.

Dallas Parks are categorized into eight Park Classifications based upon the National Recreation and Park Association (NRPA) guidelines. Each classification serves a specific need in the community.

1927Forward, Dallas!Report of the Ulrickson Committee

1942Your Dallas of TomorrowHarland Bartholomew with Hare and Hare Landscape Architects

1959Parks and Open Space: Dallas Metropolitan AreaDepartments of City Planning and Parks & Recreation

1980Facilities InventoryCity of Dallas Parks and Recreation

1984Site & Facilities InventoryCity of Dallas Parks and Recreation

2014City of Dallas Parks and RecreationNational Recreation and Park Association (NRPA) guidelines

Comparison of Park Typologies 1911 - 2014Comparacin de tipologas de parques desde 1911 al 2014

Comparison of Park Typologies from 1911 - 2014

The following chart details the changes in typologies (classification based on common characteristics) used to describe Dallas parks since the Kessler Plan in 1911. While this does not capture every change in definition, it does capture major changes in classification and type that reflect contemporary thinking about spaces for urban recreation and the needs of the city. This diagram is helpful as we think about how, why, and where parks were designed and built as Dallas grew. What is meaningful about a park being purchased and designed as a parkway in the 1950s or 60s, but the same space being considered a linear park or linkage today? How do shifting definitions indicate the intended roles for places and how does our understanding of these intended roles impact the city and our experience of it?

PLAYGROUNDServes children less than 14 years old in congested areas

LARGE PARKSServes residents of all ages. Includes parks and playgrounds. Often inconveniently located for most of the population.

PARKWAYSConnectors, boulevards, parks, and playgrounds.

PLAYGROUNDServes children, also found at schools as well as in the community.

SMALLER P

race and the control of public parks

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