RACISM AANDCULTURAL DDIVERSITYIN TTHE MMASS MMEDIA

An overview of research and examples of good practice

in the EU Member States, 1995-2000

on behalf of the

European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, Vienna

(EUMC)

byEuropean Research Centre

on Migration and Ethnic Relations(ERCOMER)

Edited by Jessika ter Wal

Vienna, February 2002

DISCLAIMER

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

This Report has been carried out by the European Research Centre on Migrationand Ethnic Relations (ERCOMER) on behalf of the European Monitoring Centre onRacism and Xenophobia (EUMC). The opinions expressed by the authors do notnecessarily reflect the position of the EUMC.

Reproduction is authorized, except for commercial purposes, provided the sourceis acknowledged and the attached text accompanies any reproduction: "Thisstudy has been carried out on behalf of the European Monitoring Centre onRacism and Xenophobia (EUMC). The opinions expressed by the authors do notnecessarily reflect the position of the EUMC."

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PREFACE

The research interest in analysing the way mass media report on ethnic issues hasincreased in the Member States over the last decades. And for this reason the EUMCdecided to bring together the major research reports and their findings over the lastfive years in this report "RACISM AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN THE MASS MEDIA - anoverview of research and examples of good practice in the EU Member States, 1995-2000".

The project has been carried out by Dr Jessika ter Wal, at Ercomer, Utrecht University,the Netherlands. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to her for her excellentwork. The report underlines the importance of media research in the area of racismand diversity.

The mass media, and especially the news media, have an unequivocal position in soci-ety when it comes to establishing and disseminating common cultural references.The mass media have an influence on people's attitudes as well as our commonknowledge, but not always in the expected and desired ways.

The active democratic role of the mass media in society can be influenced by a num-ber of factors. The way the mass media represent, focus and give voice to differentactors and incidents in society could have the unintentional result of strengthening aracist discourse instead of fighting against it. Mass media reporting is especially sen-sitive when it comes to ethnic, cultural and religious relations in our society.

The mass media organisations in the Member States take different initiatives to pro-mote cultural, ethnic and religious diversity, such as developing codes of conduct,recruiting broadcasters from the migrant and minority communities and training thepersonnel from multiethnic societies.

The report has already attracted a lot of interest from researchers, from journalists aswell as from media organisations. I hope that the report will be of practical use to allthose interested in the fight against racism and especially those working in the media.

Beate Winkler

Director of the EUMC

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TABLE OOF CCONTENTS

1 INTRODUCTION .................................................................. 11by Jessika ter Wal

1.1 Aims of the study ................................................................ 111.2 How the study was conducted ............................................ 121.3 Existing international initiatives to promote good practice . 191.4 Problems related to the comparability of data .................... 101.5 Overview ............................................................................ 23

Table 1. Dimensions, specific media practices, factors and related types of data ........................................................... 26

2 CONCLUSIONS .................................................................... 31by Jessika ter Wal

2.1 AN INVENTORY OF THE EXISTING RESEARCH ...................... 322.1.1 Disparities in available research ........................................... 322.1.2 Type of research and approach ............................................ 332.1.3 Ideological differences ........................................................ 342.1.4 Coding Methods in Quantitative Research - problems of

reliability ............................................................................. 352.1.5 Limits of quantitative analyses and coding .......................... 352.2 NEGATIVE NEWS MAKING-RELATED MECHANISMS .............. 362.2.1 Media panics and fixed repertoires ...................................... 362.2.2 Media and politics ............................................................... 372.2.3 Different newspaper types .................................................. 392.2.4 News genres selection ........................................................ 402.2.5 Problem of reliable information ........................................... 402.2.6 Quotation/Source use ......................................................... 402.3 COMMON TRENDS IN PORTRAYAL ....................................... 422.3.1 Crime themes ..................................................................... 432.3.2 Description of problems related to ethnic relations ............. 452.3.3 Description of problems related to immigration and asylum 462.3.4 Portrayal and perspective ................................................... 472.3.5 Focus on special groups and boundary markers .................. 482.3.6 Labelling ............................................................................. 502.4 DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN MORE POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE

INSTANCES .......................................................................... 522.4.1 Variation depending on media type and genre .................... 522.4.2 Subtle and blatant racism .................................................... 532.4.3 Different groups .................................................................. 54

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2.4.4 Headlines ............................................................................ 542.5 POSITIONS TOWARDS RACISM AND ANTI-RACISM ............... 552.5.1 Right-wing extremism and populism .................................. 572.5.2 Racist crimes (violence and harassment) ............................. 582.5.3 Anti-racism ......................................................................... 592.6 TRACING DEVELOPMENTS ................................................... 612.6.1 Subtle/new racism .............................................................. 622.6.2 Negative developments ...................................................... 632.6.3 Positive developments in thematic change or media

sensitivity ........................................................................... 632.6.4 Parallel developments over longer periods of time ............. 662.6.5 Development in reporting on specific cases or groups ......... 672.7 MEDIA EFFECTS ................................................................... 682.8 POSITIVE ACTIONS TO COMBAT RACISM AND PROMOTE

CULTURAL DIVERSITY .......................................................... 712.8.1 Codex of conduct ................................................................ 71

3 RECOMMENDATIONS by the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia ........................................................................ 75

3.1 GENERAL REMARKS.............................................................. 753.2 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR RESEARCH AND MONITORING .... 783.3 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR MEDIA PROFESSIONALS .............. 793.3.1 Source use .......................................................................... 793.3.2 Sources and participation .................................................... 803.3.3 Formats and genres ............................................................ 813.3.4 Groups - Portrayal ............................................................... 833.4 POLICIES FOR PROMOTING DIVERSITY ................................ 843.5 VIGILANCE OF ELECTRONIC MEDIA ...................................... 863.6 REFERENCES ........................................................................ 87

4 MEMBER STATE REPORTS .................................................... 89

4.1 BELGIUM (BE) ..................................................................... 90by Frieda Saeys and Tomas Coppens

4.1.1 Introduction ........................................................................ 904.1.2 Representation of Ethnic Minorities in the media ................ 914.1.3 Media discourse analysis - 'Debating Diversity ' .................... 974.1.4 Actions to combat racism and discrimination in the media . 994.1.5 Conclusions ......................................................................... 1014.1.6 References .......................................................................... 1024.1.7 Contact addresses ............................................................... 104

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4.2 DENMARK (DA) .................................................................. 107by Mustafa Hussain

4.2.1 Introduction ........................................................................ 1074.2.2 Portrayal in the mass media ................................................ 1074.2.3 Recognition of the problem and good practice ................... 1174.2.4 Concluding remarks ............................................................ 1214.2.5 References .......................................................................... 122

4.3 GERMANY (DE) ................................................................... 125by Joachim Trebbe and Tobias Köhler

4.3.1 Introduction ........................................................................ 1254.3.2 General media practices ...................................................... 1274.3.3 The reproduction of ethic and racist prejudice .................... 1364.3.4 Initiatives to promote cultural diversity and combat racism 1384.3.5 Concluding remarks ............................................................ 1434.3.6 References .......................................................................... 1444.3.7 Internet addresses ............................................................... 148

4.4 GREECE (EL) ........................................................................ 149by Anna Triandafyllidou

4.4.1 A brief introduction to Greece and its minorities ................ 1504.4.2 Media practices in reporting on ethnic issues ...................... 1524.4.3 The reproduction of ethnic and racial stereotypes ............... 1594.4.4 Media initiatives to combat racism ...................................... 1644.4.5 Conclusions ......................................................................... 1654.4.6 References .......................................................................... 1664.4.7 Contact addresses ............................................................... 170

4.5 SPAIN (ES) ........................................................................... 173by Antonio Miguel Bañon Hernandez

4.5.1 Researchers and research groups ........................................ 1744.5.2 Research by associations and NGO'S .................................... 1834.5.3 Initiatives of the media ........................................................ 1914.5.4 Government and trade unions ............................................. 1944.5.5 Conclusions ......................................................................... 1984.5.6 References .......................................................................... 199

4.6 FRANCE (FR) ....................................................................... 203by Alec G. Hargreaves

4.6.1 Introduction ........................................................................ 2034.6.2 Media representations ........................................................ 2034.6.3 Media effects ...................................................................... 209

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4.6.4 Actions to promote cultural diversity and combat racism ... 2114.6.5 Conclusions ......................................................................... 2144.6.6 References .......................................................................... 2154.6.7 Contact addresses ............................................................... 218

4.7 IRELAND (IR) ....................................................................... 221by Gary Quinn and Ciarán Ó Mailán

4.7.1 A diverse Ireland ................................................................. 2214.7.2 Legislative framework for racism and the media ................. 2244.7.3 Defining ethnic minorities in the news ................................ 2264.7.4 Common trends .................................................................. 2294.7.5 Credible sources .................................................................. 2324.7.6 Journalism constraints and giudelines ................................. 2334.7.7 Monitoring .......................................................................... 2354.7.8 Conclusions ......................................................................... 2374.7.9 References .......................................................................... 2374.7.10 Contact addresses ............................................................... 238

4.8 ITALY (IT) ............................................................................. 239by Jessika ter Wal

4.8.1 General media practices ...................................................... 2404.8.2 Main themes and portrayal ................................................. 2414.8.3 Initiatives to combat racism and promote cultural diversity 2594.8.4 Concluding remarks ............................................................ 2624.8.5 References .......................................................................... 2644.8.6 Contact addresses ............................................................... 270

4.9 LUXEMBOURG (LU) .............................................................. 273by Nénad Dubajic

4.9.1 Introduction ........................................................................ 2734.9.2 General information on media ............................................. 2744.9.3 Media representations ........................................................ 2764.9.4 Initiatives to combat racism and promote cultural diversity 2784.9.5 Concluding remarks ............................................................ 2824.9.6 References .......................................................................... 2844.9.7 Contact addresses ............................................................... 286

4.10 THE NETHERLANDS (NE) ..................................................... 287by Ineke van der Valk

4.10.1 Introduction ........................................................................ 2874.10.2 Research overview until 1997 .............................................. 2884.10.3 Portrayal of ethic minorities ................................................ 290

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4.10.4 Studies on media effects ..................................................... 2964.10.5 Initiatives to promote diversity and balanced reporting ...... 2984.10.6 Concluding remarks ............................................................ 3024.10.7 References .......................................................................... 3044.10.8 Contact addresses ............................................................... 308

4.11 AUSTRIA (OE) ...................................................................... 311by Alexander Joskowicz

4.11.1 Introduction ........................................................................ 3114.11.2 The media market and its regulations on reporting ............. 3124.11.3 Ethnic and racial stereotypes in the media .......................... 3144.11.4 Initiatives to promote cultural diversity and combat racism 3224.11.5 References .......................................................................... 324

4.12 PORTUGAL (PO) .................................................................. 327by Anabela Franqueira

4.12.1 Introduction ........................................................................ 3274.12.2 The reprensentation of immigrants and ethnic minorities ... 3354.12.3 Positive actions to promote cultural diversity and combat

racism ................................................................................. 3404.12.4 Concluding remarks ............................................................ 3474.12.5 References .......................................................................... 348

4.13 FINLAND (SU) ...................................................................... 351by Karina Horsti

4.13.1 Introduction: Cultural diversity in Finland ............................ 3514.13.2 Establishing the field of ethnic studies ................................ 3524.13.3 The reproduction of ethnic stereotypes in the media .......... 3544.13.4 The role of journalistic practises and routines ..................... 3644.13.5 Media use by immigrants .................................................... 3664.13.6 Initiatives for more balanced reporting ............................... 3674.13.7 References .......................................................................... 369

4.14 SWEDEN (SV) ..................................................................... 373by Ylva Brune

4.14.1 General findings on news coverage ..................................... 3734.14.2 News media depictions of racism and Xenophobia .............. 3814.14.3 Initiatives to promote cultural diversity in the media and to

improve news reporting ...................................................... 3874.14.4 Education and vocational training ....................................... 3904.14.5 Conclusions ......................................................................... 3904.14.6 References .......................................................................... 391

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4.15 UNITED KINGDOM (UK) ...................................................... 395by Paul Statham

4.15.1 Introduction - research context in Britain ............................ 3954.15.2 Coverage, topics and sources .............................................. 3994.15.3 Themes, framing and labelling ............................................ 4064.15.4 Media initiatives to promote cultural diversity .................... 4114.15.5 The need for politically relevant research ............................ 4164.15.6 References .......................................................................... 418

5 APPENDIX ............................................................................ 4215.1 CONCEPTUAL AND METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK ......... 421

by Jessika ter Wal5.1.1 The concept of racism ......................................................... 3345.2 Media and racism ................................................................ 4235.2.1 Studying media treatment of racism ................................... 4235.2.2 Racism, denial and anti-racism ............................................ 4245.2.3 Prejudiced attitudes and social representations .................. 4255.3 MAIN THEORETICAL APPROACHES ...................................... 4265.3.1 Minorities and the media’ approach..................................... 4275.3.2 News-making approach ....................................................... 4295.3.3 Social constructionist approach ........................................... 4325.3.4 Discourse analytical approach.............................................. 4345.3.5 News and public attitudes approach .................................... 4365.3.6 Other approaches ................................................................ 4405.3.7 Summary............................................................................. 4415.4 METHODS FOR ANALYSIS .................................................... 4415.4.1 Extensive analysis and case studies ...................................... 4425.4.2 Content analysis .................................................................. 4445.4.3 News-making related questions........................................... 4475.4.4 Social construction .............................................................. 4475.4.5 Discourse analysis................................................................ 4485.4.6 Public attitudes.................................................................... 4535.5 REFERENCES ........................................................................ 4545.6 LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS – AUTHORS' ADDRESSES ............... 458

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2 CONCLUSIONS by JJessika tter WWal

In this chapter, the main findings from the various Member Statesare compared, in order to trace common trends and patterns, aswell as positive developments and changes over time in the media'streatment of racism and cultural diversity. This comparison is basedon a cross-section of the main analytical categories on which eachMember State report research is based, as outlined in theIntroduction. Concrete examples of good practice in promotion ofcultural diversity in the media can be found in the chapters dedica-ted to the Member States individually in section IV. In this chapter,positive practices will only be summarised for as far as commentson the varying utility of codes of practice are concerned. Furtherreference to good practices that deserve emphasis and (further)support is found in the recommendations at the end of this chapter.It should be repeated here that summaries based on existing fin-dings for Member States only give a partial picture. Results are oftena collection of data from single case studies or studies with a limitedtime frame and limited number of indicators, which do not allow forfar-reaching conclusions. The comparison of these results in thischapter will inevitably be more general than the full detail that thesingle Member State reports can provide. It is therefore recom-mended to read these for more precise and qualified findings.

The research results on media practices across different countriesare meant to provide insight into the characteristics of and factorsfor negative and positive media reporting. Comparisons are notmade here in order to conclude by bench-marking or 'giving grades',but rather - 'beyond good or evil' and across Member States - touncover typical patterns of news reporting and mechanisms thatincrease space for the promotion of cultural diversity (both media-internal and media-external factors). In addition, by signalling themain gaps, inconsistencies and merits of existing research and posi-tive action initiatives, the report can provide input for further cross-national research on racism and cultural diversity in the media, andidentify crucial indicators for the monitoring of media (for the gath-ering of reliable, comparable and accurate data).

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2.1 AN IINVENTORY OOF TTHE EEXISTINGRESEARCH

2.1.1 DISPARITIES IIN AAVAILABLE RRESEARCH3

One characteristic of the overall findings is the disparity in theamount and type of available data from one Member State toanother. Some countries show a general lack of research. This ismainly due to the recent character of immigration to the country,the composition and position of the migrants or ethnic minorities,and the difficult access to the little research that is available.

In some cases, the available data are, rather than proper research,observations made in seminars, reports, and documents of NGOs(Portugal, Luxembourg, and - to some extent - Ireland and Greece).NGOs and migrant associations in general are at the forefront of thestruggle against racism and it is therefore not surprising that theyplay such a prominent role in signalling the issues involved (forexample also the work of the Union Romaní in Spain). In MemberStates with a longer history of immigration and ethnic relations,these issues have often received more attention so that forms ofenquiry have been stimulated more, via both official channels andacademia. However, their efforts should in the future be more inte-grated with or supported by thorough scientific research in thesecountries.

In other countries there is a considerable amount of research, butparticular research areas are underdeveloped (for example theGerman chapter shows particular research on audience effects ofreporting and (anti) racist campaigns, but such research is less com-mon in most other countries). Another way in which research issometimes underdeveloped is in the quality of serious, independ-ent, empirical research.

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3 See also the final paragraphs of the Introduction of this report about problems of com-parability.

The fact that the amount of research and data available in theMember States varies considerably makes it impossible to drawoverall conclusions of a comparable nature. Only common trendsand major differences can be identified in coverage on particularissues (e.g. on arrival of refugees, and other issues which affect allMember States), in particular media types, during particular peri-ods, with respect to specific news-making practices and represen-tations of migrant or ethnic minority groups.

Conceptual differences also occur. It is inevitable that a change offocus appears in some of the chapters. For example, in Germany'xenophobia' and 'racism' have different referents (and are moststrictly related to right-wing extremism) than in the UK and othercountries. Similarly, the extent to which media stimulate or supportcritical thinking about multiculturalism (or other forms of integra-tion) inevitably varies between and within countries, depending onpolitical orientations and the amount of institutional support.

Moreover, empirical differences make media content vary because(together with politics) they set the agenda for the discussion ofcurrent events and issues, which inevitably vary from one countryto the next. For example, in the chapter on Germany studies on therepresentation of racist violence, right-wing extremism, and theasylum issue have received a major emphasis. Studies in other coun-tries emphasise the role of the media in communicating forms of'subtle' racism.

Finally, theoretical differences are found especially in countries withan extended literature and established research traditions in thefield. Here, due to the longer history in dealing with cultural diver-sity and racism, different approaches to the subject exist dependingon different theoretical and ideological backgrounds that havebeen developed. An emphasis on quantitative or qualitativeresearch may also depend on theoretical orientations.

2.1.2 TYPE OOF RRESEARCH AAND AAPPROACH

Most country reports show a variety of different approaches in thestudy of media and racism, and in general they have all included

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studies on the representation of immigrants and ethnic minoritiesin the media. In the time frame, 1995-2000, qualitative discourseanalyses of media reports were common in many countries, in par-ticular the Scandinavian countries, Spain, Italy and Austria. Besidesqualitative case studies, quantitative results are also available forthese countries. In other Member States, such as Belgium and theUK, quantitative studies prevail which try to cover longer periods. Inthe Netherlands, several perspectives exist, including studies thatare rare in other Member States, such as studies on journalists' atti-tudes, recruitment policies, ethnic minorities' opinion on their por-trayal in the media, and studies showing the relatively positive con-tribution of TV talk shows addressing multicultural issues. Mediaeffects research is also found both in the Netherlands and Germany,the latter related to agenda setting and mobilisation effects of pro-or anti-immigrant campaigns.

These different approaches have of course emphasised a differenttype of results, which may lead to the formulation of different'remedies' against racism. For example, research which shows thatmedia draws on collective imagery and social representations withmany historical layers suggests that anti-racist reporting needs togo hand in hand with educational programmes. Studies (in particu-lar in critical discourse analysis) that emphasise the role of (politi-cal) elites in the formulation of (anti) racist news frames are likely toproduce recommendations to a greater awareness among mediaowners and professionals and official actors and organisations. Thedifferent approaches are complementary and may all provide onepiece of the complex mosaic that composes the relations betweenmedia and racism.

2.1.3 IDEOLOGICAL DDIFFERENCES

Even findings of strictly empirical studies can be tailored by differ-ent ideological interpretations of the data. Considerations aboutthe role of the media in the reproduction of racism and xenophobiaare influenced by ideological and theoretical positions. Althoughnumerous examples show that value-free research does not exist,we nevertheless do have for most countries a general description ofmedia contents.

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2.1.4 CODING MMETHODS IIN QQUANTITATIVE RRESEARCH -PROBLEMS OOF RRELIABILITY

Some country reports signal problems with coding the mention orappearance of people with a different ethnicity. For example, inFrance this approach has been almost absent and when it wasapplied it was criticised. A recent study by the French Audio-visualGoverning Council used the category of 'visible minorities' (distin-guishing 'Blacks', Maghrebis/Arabs and Asians). This category ishighly uncommon in France, where there is a tradition of not usingethnicity criteria in research and monitoring (following the FrenchRepublican model it is not acceptable to categorise people on thebasis of skin colour or ethnic minority membership). Also projectsin other Member States showed the difficulty of monitoring visibil-ity. Indeed, the question is on the basis of which criteria news actorscan be identified as being of different origin when the reports donot refer to this explicitly, and whether this is not problematic. ABelgian study, which aimed to score the frequency with which dif-ferent groups were shown on television, used for this coding theappearance or 'visible' differences (and when available the subtit-ling, i.e. language). Also in Finland a study counted on the basis ofappearance.

2.1.5 LIMITS OOF QQUANTITATIVE AANALYSES AAND CCODING

For the coding of reports as either positive or negative, as was donein a Spanish study, conclusions must be drawn carefully and thecoding of this feature must be combined with information on theactors involved in the news. Positive articles may turn out to haveautochthonous people as main actors and not immigrants. Then itis not enough to say that reports on the immigration issue havebecome more positive, because the image of immigrants them-selves need not be more positive because of that. In other words,databases on media reports, such as the CIPIE database in Spain,cannot only score positive or negative for articles, and have to bevery detailed in their indicators for establishing this distinction. Ingeneral, quantitative results cannot grasp the detail of subtle eva-luations expressed in the news. Therefore, they can reveal the recur-rence of main themes and actors, or even the type of claims made

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by actors, but they cannot be very precise in the quality of theseclaims or the role played by the actors: for this additional qualitativeresearch is needed.

2.2 NEGATIVE NNEWS MMAKING-RRELATED MECHANISMS

2.2.1 MEDIA PPANICS AAND FFIXED RREPERTOIRES

Several reports registered the negative effects of an internal logic ofself-reproducing and self-fulfilling functions of media discourses,especially when this concerned negative event coverage in the printmedia, leading to so called 'panics'. The latter were typically builtaround local events and protests, by making selective use ofsources that defined the situation in a particularly negative way.

The reports confirm that once a negative discourse on migrants orethnic minorities was established it tended to remain prevalent. Itbecame a fixed 'repertoire', where event coverage (in printedmedia) followed a repetitive chain of statements, actions and con-clusions (for example in the coverage on protests against immi-grant settlements in Italian metropolitan areas, resolved with pub-lic order interventions and segregation). This logic was so strongthat print media could construct a reading of the events that dif-fered from the way in which the single elements of informationwere presented to them. It is remarked in several studies that inhab-itants of neighbourhoods that become the object of special issuereporting (because of conflicts, protests, or decay) did not recog-nise themselves or their positions in the way their problems or liveswere shown in the media.

Both the Italian and Greek reports found reporting that fuelled hys-teria or alarm about (the settlement of) immigrants, an alarm whichwas then appeased by police operations. An anti-immigrant con-sensus was constructed in the Italian press coverage on such cases,by combining several forms of stereotypical and negative portrayalsupported by representations of 'public opinion', or directly

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through the mobilisation by political authorities. The Spanish chap-ter shows that reports on clashes in areas of immigrant settlementcreated a distorted image of the events. They focused on the illegalposition of immigrants (who were not quoted), used generalisingassociations between the immigrant community and conflict, andsuggested the existence of a unified mobilisation by the Spanish'neighbours' against them.

The German report speaks of the construction of 'threat scenarios',in which (e.g. through the use of metaphors) migration processeswere represented as a danger, and the social changes produced byit as disastrous and unmanageable. Also the Danish case showsexamples where a few episodes of migrant youth deviance wererepeated and magnified by the media so as to create moral panic,leading to a spiral of increasingly harsh official statements. Thismechanism was not merely a result of media routines; it alsorequired the active engagement against or for minorities in politics,and strategies of for example newspaper editors (for example, inthe coverage of arranged marriages in Denmark). It was thus diffi-cult to challenge the beliefs on which that discourse was based. Thismay be further aggravated in a media system dominated by a limit-ed number of market players (e.g. Austria, with dominance of onetabloid newspaper).

2.2.2 MEDIA AAND PPOLITICS

Confirming agenda setting theories, an important result was thatnews contents (themes) are influenced by policy agendas, forexample in the coverage on asylum issues in Germany and Belgium.A Danish study notes that the perspective of authorities was domi-nant in many news stories on ethnic minorities. It is felt that mediareporting in this and other countries has occasionally helped tomaintain the mono-cultural outlook propagated in official dis-course (Denmark, Greece). In Sweden, instanced were found wheremedia failed to counter the predominant views and interpretationsof authorities, and trivialised and denied racism, with the aim ofrestoring the myth of a tolerant enlightened Sweden.The importance of political sources in news making was alsoreflected in the frequency of law enforcement themes, in many of

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the member states (e.g. in Finland). Also the Spanish, Portugueseand Italian reports register the dependence on official sources innews reporting. In Portugal, official anti-immigrant statements,which associated immigration with crime and a threat to socialorder, were reported after riots by a group of 'black' youngsters in1993.

Apart from the generalised predominance of reports related to pol-itics and political decision making, in some countries media dis-course is reported to have negative effects, in the sense of legit-imising restrictive policy proposals and xenophobia (Austria, Italy,Denmark, Spain). For example, with the arrival of Rumanianrefugees in the early 1990s an Austrian tabloid used (official) eco-nomic arguments and represented the asylum seekers as a threat tothe Austrians and Austrian security and economy, and blamed theRomanians for causing problems because they were unwilling tointegrate. A similar discourse based on allegations and negativestereotypes was used in the early 1990s in Italy against immigrantsfrom Albania. In the climate created by this type of reporting,restrictive policy decisions could be more easily justified.

In Spain, the prominence of official news actors suggested thatissues acquired news value rather because of political importancethan because of the concern with the position of cultural minoritiesor social organisations assisting immigrants. The findings suggestthat this dependence is prevalent, and influential to the images ofmigrants, in particular in the countries of more recent immigration.On the other hand, the UK and France, with a long history in livingwith ethnic, cultural, religious diversity in the time frame 1995-2000 showed a more positive official influence. For example, moreopenness towards the acceptance of multiculturalism (in the UK)gave more space to the various actors involved, and an officialagenda aimed at contrasting discrimination (in France) has broughtthis theme on the media agenda.

However, results from interviews with editors and journalists didindicate that in Britain routine news reporting based on institution-al and official sources did contribute to hindering a more positiverepresentation of minorities. Moreover, the British case shows that

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programmes watched or heard by political elites generally have ahigher proportion of ethnic issue coverage. Although anti-immi-grant stances are found in British (in particular tabloid) press, thesewere not politicised in the coverage preceding the 1997 elections.Despite a relative autonomy, the British media agenda in the longterm very much followed the political agenda in its evaluation ofethnic, cultural, religious diversity and immigration.

Several reports mention the need to be vigilant not just to extremeright politicians but also to statements across the political spec-trum. The dilemma for both political forces and media oftenremains that of how to position themselves vis-à-vis the extremeRight and populism. The Dutch report states that the public debateon ethnic, cultural, religious minorities, as transpiring in particularfrom the print media in the Netherlands, was dominated by thewidely felt need to 'break the taboo on negative expressions on eth-nic minorities'. The report also observes that Dutch (print) mediadid not always criticise the hardening of the political discourse onethnic relations and migration. On the other hand, in the genre ofTV talk shows, analysed in one study for the period 1991-94, morepositive or varied images were found than in other news back-ground reporting, also due to a greater participation of ordinarypeople (rather than only politicians and other elite groups). .

2.2.3 DIFFERENT NNEWSPAPER TTYPES

The assumption that only right wing and tabloid journalism areresponsible for prejudiced and hostile reporting of ethnicity cannotbe maintained. Even quality newspapers can treat migrants andminorities abusively, only in a more subtle way (Belgian and Italianchapter). Conversely, in the UK, some research findings suggestthat even a tabloid newspaper has undergone a relative improve-ment (in a study analysing the coverage in 1995) with respect toprevious decades, in that crime issues were not significantly moreprominent in this tabloid than in other newspapers.

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2.2.4 NEWS GGENRES SSELECTION

Almost all country reports noted that news media dedicated hardlyany background reporting to ethnic, cultural, religious issues. Forexample, background information about the conditions of asylumseekers living in Germany or about causes of their flight was foundto be almost completely absent. A similar finding is reported forDenmark, implying that causes for deviant behaviour of minorityyouth often went unexamined. Also Spanish media are reported tofail to explaing the causes behind social problems such as povertyand racism. This is further aggravated by a fragmentation of newsin bits of daily consumable information, without establishing linksbetween events. Moreover, when covering immigration and ethnicissues, media mainly follow the topics (and 'emergency situations')of the moment (Germany, Italy). In general, ethnic, cultural, reli-gious minorities and migrants were underrepresented in generalnews coverage (cf. Belgian study), and over-represented in negativenews genres such as crime reports.

2.2.5 PROBLEM OOF RRELIABLE IINFORMATION

Another problem related to news making which is signalled in sev-eral reports, is that information was not always thoroughlychecked. For example, in Spain negative acts (such as crimes) weresometimes attributed to immigrants without evidence and suchclaims were then later proven false. The same has happened in Italyand Ireland, where credibility to such claims was increased whenreporters refer to statements from the police. False reports may becorrected but not supported by a change in practice behind it(Italian and Swedish examples). Spanish quality newspapers alsoused statistics that exaggerated the actual number of immigrantsresiding in Spain. A similar case was mentioned for Danish mediareporting on arranged marriages in immigrant communities.

2.2.6 QUOTATION/SOURCE UUSE

A general feature of news found in almost all countriess thosemigrants or ethnic, cultural, religious minorities were not quotedvery frequently and were not treated as regular news sources. In

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Spanish media, a general under-representation of immigrants'opinion was found. Moroccans were more frequently quoted (butthey did not appear more often in news as compared to Roma, whoinstead were not used as a source of information, but did appearmore frequently as news actors). Qualitative research furthermoreshows that Spanish quality newspapers gave asymmetricalaccounts of demands posed by immigrants, and minimised thenumber of demands made. When opinions of these groups wererepresented, they could sometimes be used to confirm the non-existence of racism in Spain, and to present these groups as if theywere themselves responsible for the discrimination that affectedthem.

In the Netherlands, on television ethnic, cultural, religious minori-ties were hardly interviewed but more often shown in images toillustrate the discussion about (but not with) them. When they wereinterviewed, it was not about their problems, but about how theirsituation affected 'us' (for example possible language and commu-nication problems or crime/disturbance). The interviewed ethnic,cultural, religious minority members were mainly ordinary people,not professionals or experts. Similarly, in Finland, immigrants,when interviewed, were asked about their opinions on Finland andhow they survived there. In this way, that readers did not learnmore about immigrants, but media used the 'Other' to present anidentity affirmation of the Finns. Also, authorities spoke on behalfof immigrants and the latter were rarely used as sources in newsthat regarded them. This is particularly harmful when authoritiesplace groups (e.g. asylum seekers) in a negative light, which is thennot counter-balanced by alternative representations.

In Sweden, migrants did not appear as individuals informed onother than their own problems and status. Similarly, the Irish reportdenounces that immigrants (refugees and migrant organisations)were not quoted in the news, while vague sources were used toreport 'facts' and police sources were not challenged. A Danishstudy found that in the news the same few names of minority rep-resentatives appeared again and again in opinion columns, butthere was no wider dialogue. In Danish media, migrants were main-ly quoted in defensive positions (refuting allegations made against

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them or the group). Minority sources were silenced on issues thatconcerned them (e.g. headscarf affair), quoted rarely or only as anafterthought. Minorities were also not considered a potential audi-ence; that is why they were not only quoted less, but they were notaddressed as an audience either, but only treated as an object ofreporting. In Germany, asylum seekers and their representativeswere hardly ever quoted or invited to interviews, whereas officialsources dominated news on asylum issues. In France, the voices ofminority ethnic actors were generally underrepresented comparedto those of majority ethnic actors, particularly those in positions ofauthority. Imbalances of this kind were very evident during cover-age of the so-called Islamic headscarf affairs.

The quotation of minority sources does not depend only on thejournalists, but also on the organisation of minorities. If they orga-nise as better accessible sources, there may still be a power differen-tial and a difference in the credibility attributed to them, but then itis easier to identify these and other factors (such as professionalroutines or discrimination) as responsible (cf. Finnish report).

An interesting finding for the British case was that minorities weregiven equally significant news space both in quality centre-leftnewspapers and in popular (tabloid) newspapers. Thus, the Britishreport claims that tabloid newspapers did not exclude minorities'opinions from the public domain by definition. However, the ques-tion is if minority positions were evaluated in the same way in thesedifferent media types, and detailed qualitative analyses would havebeen necessary to know this.

2.3 COMMON TTRENDS IIN PPORTRAYALGenerally, a focus in the news about ethnic, cultural, religiousminorities and migrants on negativity, problems, crime, and con-flict was registered in all Member States. A very generalised trend isthe over-emphasis on ethnic and immigrant crime. Also asylum is apredominant theme in the coverage of many Member State media(discussed below). Most Member State reports register a differenttreatment of refugee and immigrant issues, on the one hand, andthe issues concerning longer established ethnic minority communi-

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ties, on the other. But - as discussed below -these categories werealso lumped together in the labels used in media discourse (e.g. inFrance, Denmark, Belgium and Finland).

2.3.1 CRIME TTHEMES

A link is often established especially in headlines between the eth-nicity or the origin of groups, on the one hand, and their deviant orcriminal behaviour (and even character), on the other. This is thebasis for generalisations that associate migrants with crime (inAustria, Finland, Italy and Portugal, also on the basis of appearanceand skin colour, in Belgium on the basis of migrants' origin, and inmore indirect ways, in Danish media). In Spain similar forms of asso-ciating migrant origin with crime have been forbidden anddenounced by the press council on the basis of the existing presscode. In Luxembourg, NGOs started discussions on the possibility ofbanning the mention of the nationality of perpetrators - however,journalists did not support this proposal. In the Portuguese pressreports, journalists criticised the irrational fear ordinary peoplehave of Africans because of criminality.

Several Member States found a difference between reports on for-eigners' or migrant crime and reports about domestic crime. Forexample, crime reports related to asylum seekers are more drama-tic and sensational than general crime reports (Austria, Denmark).Similarly, German findings show that foreign suspects and criminalswere represented more negatively; their crimes were representedin a more brutal and violent way, and associated particularly withincreasing organised crime (gangs, drugs traffic) and abuse of thesocial system. At the same time, motivations behind criminal actsof foreigners were not mentioned and references usually includedfor German culprits (such as full confession in trial) were absentwhen foreigners were involved.

Crime is also typically associated with particular migrant groups,which naturally vary from one Member State to the other (the onlygroup that is negatively portrayed with this stereotype in almost allcountries, is that of the Roma and Sinti). For example, in Finland,hardly anything else was covered for the largest groups of Russians

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and Estonians than crime; 'crime is more often related to visitingRussians and Estonians than to the family living next door' (Finnishreport). Generalisations based on Italian crime news have associat-ed migrants and minorities with a specific petty crime specialisa-tion. The Italian report signals the creation of 'ethnic hierarchies'through the connection of specific negative behaviours and occu-pations to determined ethnic or migrant groups. In the second halfof the 1990s, in both Italy and Greece, Albanian immigrants weremost frequently associated with crime. A common trend is the biastowards reports about immigrants as perpetrators, aggressors ordefendants and an under-emphasis on news when they are victimsor plaintiffs (Austria, Denmark, and France).

The Danish report pointed out that negativity was not a news valuewhen it concerned the negative episodes or events (the difficulties)minority communities experienced in their daily lives. Moreover,causes behind crime or violence among minority youth were notexamined. Elite discourse in the media was found to associate crimewith ethnicity. When actors involved in crime were Danes, only onestory was published. When minority members were implicatedmany follow-up articles were published until the court ruling. Thus,news value did not depend on crime as such but on the social cul-tural or ethnic identity of the criminal actors. The problematicimage of (deviant) minority youth constructed in the Danish mediabecame the prototype for generalising statements about theminorities to which they belonged or even about 'immigrant cul-ture' in general.

In the Finnish media, asylum seekers are negatively representedand framed as trying to do fraud the social security system; this isthe same for refugees in the Netherlands. In the Luxembourgmedia, especially refugees from the former Yugoslavia were fre-quently associated with crime, and this portrayal was found to havehad effects on popular perception as measured in a recent attitudesurvey.

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2.3.2 DESCRIPTION OOF PPROBLEMS RRELATED TTO EETHNIC,CULTURAL, RRELIGIOUS RRELATIONS

In the Netherlands, the model according to which 'we' are the vic-tims and 'they' are the problem was found to be appearing clearly incoverage of multicultural neighbourhoods and other issues regar-ding ethnic, cultural, religious minorities. In the majority of TV pro-grammes this model was used and produced an image of multicul-tural society as polarised between ethnic, cultural, religious minori-ties and the Dutch. The dominant approach in various Dutch TVprogrammes dedicated to ethnic, cultural, religious minorities wasto break taboos on negative reporting, meaning that frequentlyethnic and cultural difference (or socio-economic position) wasmentioned as the cause for problems with migrant integration andlife in multicultural neighbourhoods/schools. However, anotherapproach found in these shows, was to de-emphasise differences,and emphasise similarities and positive news.

In coverage on housing problems and on removals of Roma andother communities in Spain and Italy, news visibility was acquiredwhen dramatic and emotional forms of representation could beused, and political conflicts were involved. The exclusion ofmigrants from communities was expressed linguistically in mediadescriptions of 'inhabitants and others' (i.e. the others are not con-sidered inhabitants like the Spanish/Italians). In Italy and Spain,besides the well-known negative theme of crime, negative atti-tudes were also fuelled by arguments about the number of immi-grants (too many) and the impossibility for them to integrate.These were used to justify attitudes and practices of rejection ofmigrants.

Content analyses of Danish media also revealed a preponderance ofthemes which represented ethnic, cultural, religious minorities as aproblem to Danish society and culture, as opposed to themes whichregard the everyday problems faced by ethnic minorities andmigrants in Denmark, that were hardly covered.

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2.3.3 DESCRIPTION OOF PPROBLEMS RRELATED TTO IMMIGRATION AAND AASYLUM

A common feature for all countries facing new immigration is thestereotypical language used, in particular the metaphors compar-ing arrivals of asylum seekers to a natural disaster and military inva-sions in headlines, to represent immigration as a major threat. Thiswas a common trend registered in Austria, Italy, Ireland, Finland,Sweden and Spain. In the German discourse these scare-headlineswere found mainly in reports about refugees, who were objects ofnegative stigmatisation. In other countries (esp. southern Europe)this was also related to the phenomenon of 'illegal' immigration,where the negative aspects were aggravated by reference to policeactions and supposed criminality. In the portrayal of immigrants,Spanish TV was found to emphasise the following aspects: groupslacking organisation, and social and political influence, residing inghettos. Instead, themes related to their participation in culture,economy and politics were ignored or underestimated. In Sweden,news about the arrival of asylum seekers was associated exclusivelywith technical concerns and worries expressed by the police, theimmigration authorities and the government. Reports on thedeportation of (illegal) immigrants led to interviews with youngwomen deportees represented in a commiserating and pitiful way,but asylum seekers were not interviewed or pitied with when theyresided in Sweden.

In Ireland, negative assumptions about poverty and inequality, andtrivialisation prevailed in reporting about recent immigration.Similar to reports on other Member States, the UK report foundexamples of a negative portrayal of immigrants and asylum seekersin the tabloid press, where these groups were represented as dis-honest and ungrateful 'bogus' refugees and welfare 'scroungers'.Very little attention was paid to the conditions forcing refugees tocome to Britain. 'Blaming the victim' often resulted from thisreporting. Thus, the general anti-racist tones of British press report-ing on ethnic minorities were not extended to recent migration.

Another common feature in reporting on cultural and ethnic diver-sity in the countries of more recent immigration was the portrayal

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emphasising the exotic character or the cultural backwardness ofthe groups concerned.

2.3.4 PORTRAYAL AAND PPERSPECTIVE

A general problem with the representation of migrants in the mediaregistered for various countries is that negative images (which canto some extent be expected considering dominant news values)were not compensated by positive images. The latter was missingcompletely and any perspective on aspects of daily life and the indi-vidual was often absent (in Austria, Italy, Spain, Denmark). Forexample, in Spain the press hardly spoke about immigrants' cultur-al contribution at all. Although in Luxembourg a limited coverageon cultural festivals did appear, this coverage was rather helping tomaintain a segregationist logic, reinforced by the fact that mostinformation is not presented in French, which is the language of themajority of ethnic, cultural, religious communities. Furthermore, inLuxembourg media, an absence of immigrants was observed, somuch so, that they seemed invisible and their presence was treatedas a taboo subject. Most of the time, the Luxembourg chapterstates, journalists and editors simply lack awareness about thenecessity of correct and impartial coverage on these issues.However, NGOs did take initiatives to increase awareness towardsthese issues and visibility of migrants and minorities. Governmentbodies also monitor the media in Luxembourg; they interveneagainst violations of the general press code, and support initiativesto increase cultural (also intended as linguistic) diversity in themedia. A similar picture is drawn for Portuguese media.

In Finland, the accent in reporting was on human 'soft' issues whenethnic, cultural, religious minorities were concerned and on hard(e.g. policy decision) issues when majority actors were portrayed.Finnish media were often found to pay no attention to immigrantsand silence ethnic, cultural, religious issues. News on negativeactions by Finns (e.g. of violence against migrants) was not pre-sented as individual stories or specific faces, just in abstract terms.Instead negative actions of minorities/migrants did lead to individ-ual presentation. The media in Finland were focused on reportingevents from the perspective of how they affected (and possibly

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harm) the majority. This happened also in the Netherlands (e.g.with emphasis in interviews with minorities on language/commu-nication problems and crime risks). This approach reinforced preju-dice. In Belgian reporting on situations of conflict, migrants werenot represented as individuals (as opposed to Belgians). They werenot interviewed or quoted and the portrayal was negative.

Danish media portrayed violence by ethnic youth as a generic phe-nomenon; unless implicated in crime, migrants were presented inpassive roles. In crime stories individual identities and personal pro-files were identified only for majority members, whereas minoritymembers were only described in terms of group identity.

2.3.5 FOCUS OON SSPECIAL GGROUPS AAND BBOUNDARYMARKERS

The results in the different Member State reports show some com-monality in the way in which media tend to focus on specific ethnic,cultural, religious groups or group characteristics when depictingethnic and cultural diversity. Stereotypes for Roma and Muslimswere found throughout most chapters as the most pernicious andthe most negative. However, the Greek and Finnish reports men-tion an incidental and recently more positive portrayal of Romapeople. A study on UK media in 1997 found three times as manyreports valuing Islam as those that were anti-Islam; but moreresearch would be necessary as coverage on multiculturalism andIslam was limited in the sample concerned. In many other coun-tries, a frequently stereotypical media portrayal of Muslims wasfound in the research literature. For example, in the Dutch press,Muslims were viewed as a fifth column in international conflicts andtheir problems were explained in terms of a homogeneous Islamicculture. Anti-Islamic tendencies in the Dutch press were particular-ly strong in the first half of the 1990s: for example, distinctionsbetween religion and nationality were blurred, Muslims were repre-sented as a depersonalised collectivity, images of Islam andMuslims were distorted, and Islamic societies were represented asviolent and backward. Similar stereotypes were found in two stud-ies on Italian television and press representations, and in a study onSwedish news coverage (in the latter violence, war, terrorism result-

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ed as the largely predominant theme). In Germany, anti-Islamstereotypes (i.e. the exclusive association with repressive, anti-modern and anti-feminine positions and terrorism) are evenapplied in a generalised way to other migrant groups or to foreign-ers in general.

On the other hand, the German report found that the quality pressof the Federal Republic did not report any anti-Semitic statements,and over time it learned to adopt a sensitive language and a moredecisive treatment of the theme. Counter-opinions have been mar-ginalised so much, that explicit anti-Semitic positions could only befound in the German radical right-wing press. Former guest workersfrom Greece, Spain and Italy were represented less negatively inGerman press than migrants from more distant areas or cultures. InAustria, news discourse on Romanians, with predominant connota-tions of economic threat and fraud (but later also criminality, also inthe case of Bosnian refugees), differed from the image of Africans inthe tabloid press, which was predominantly connecting skin colourwith (a predisposition to) criminal behaviour. Anti-Semitic attitudeswere present in Austrian tabloid press.

The Swedish report shows examples of double discriminationenacted by the media: a combination of gender, age, religion, andculture, cross cutting with ethnicity, increased negativity.Portrayals of immigrant (in particular Muslim) women and menexpressed prejudice about different cultural traditions, religiousclosure, violence against and mistreatment of women, and so on.Interesting observations were also made about specific forms ofstereotypical portrayal concerning immigrant youth in Swedishmedia. This is an important aspect to understand how reports (andtheir effects) can develop in the future if the image of immigrantyouth is particularly problematic. Overall, immigrant youth wereportrayed as victims of religion, tradition, culture clashes or socialexclusion and as potential or actual criminals. Complementary tothe stereotype of the immigrant women as the victim was theimage of a strong active woman who had managed to break freefrom her background. The same emphasis on problems with immi-grant youth was registered in Denmark and in the Netherlands. TheGerman case shows a process similar to double discrimination or

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'multiple stigmatisation', meaning that migrants were typically cat-egorised on the basis of origin, as victims or perpetrators, and asobjects of state measures.Specific minority groups can also be over-represented in news gen-res other than that of crime reporting. For example, the Frenchreport indicates that an over-representation of post-colonialminorities has been found in 'problem' news genres. It was alsofound that Maghrebis did not appear in drama and light (entertain-ment) programmes and TV commercials, while 'Blacks' were over-represented there. This is unusual, given that Maghrebis are farmore numerous than 'Blacks' among the general population ofFrance.

2.3.6 LABELLING

In France, labelling of migrants has shown a gradual improvement,in the sense that these labels have become partly more positiveover time. Previously, media discourse focused only on the ban-lieues (a byword for social disadvantage, lawlessness, ethnic alteri-ty and criminality). Another label or category - that of 'immigration'was usually emphasised in French media and official discourse sincethe 1980s. This referred in reality to second and third generationmembers of minorities, who hold French citizenship, and more inparticular to post-colonial minorities4. Recently, next to these neg-ative labels also more positive ones are found in French media: thatof sans papiers, which in many contexts has replaced the formerlyused 'clandestins', indicating a partial softening of public opiniontowards illegal immigrations. In addition, discrimination is a recent-ly more frequently covered theme (see also below, tracing develop-ments).

In contrast, the most frequently used labels in Italian mediareferred to illegality (clandestini) or apparently neutral denomina-tions with implicit negative connotations. Discriminatory labellingwas also registered in the Finnish press, where certain migrants andminorities come to be associated with one theme. The word'Somali' in Finnish media represents much more than nationality, it

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4 A similar situation applies to Dutch media using the nationality of former generationsto label groups (e.g. Turks, Surinamese, and so on) who have actually in most casesDutch citizenship.

is used as a symbol for undesirable refugee. Therefore using thislabel in a headline about a criminal offence may spur racial hostility.The label 'gypsy' is no longer used in Finnish media to denote Romapeople, except in a positive context. In Spanish media, offensiveterms such as 'moros' are no longer used, but the terms that havereplaced this are also generalising (e.g. 'coloured people','Africans'). This shows a slightly positive development, which seemsto count also for other countries of more recent immigration suchas Italy. In the Portuguese press, 'Africans' used to be one of the pre-dominant labels, often a synonym of Cape Verdian.

The Swedish report shows the negative and positive functions ofmost common labels (with connotations of problem and differ-ence). In Danish media, minority and migrant actors were oftenlumped together in homogeneous categories of 'foreigners' and'immigrants'. Also in Finnish media, immigrants and ethnic minori-ties were frequently represented as one group. In Belgian media thesame happens, but here the preferred label used to be that of'migrants'. Similarly, the Irish report talks about confused labelling,meaning that the terms of immigrant, refugee and asylum seekerwere used interchangeably in headlines and news text and by thewider society as reported in the media. The Portuguese reportpoints out the necessity to distinguish between ethnic minorities(Roma and citizens from former Portuguese colonies) and immi-grants (e.g. from Eastern Europe).

In the British media, minorities were most often referred to by racialreferences ('black' and 'white'). 'Asian' is usually of more commonusage than religious references, and there is very little usage ofhomeland national identities. The British report states that thesefindings simply underline that the officially sponsored categories inBritish Race Relations politics of 'black' and 'Asian' were the pre-dominant forms of identification for minorities that were used bythe media.

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2.4 DISTINCTIONS BBETWEEN MMORE PPOSITIVEAND NNEGATIVE IINSTANCES

2.4.1 VARIATION DDEPENDING OON MMEDIA TTYPE AANDGENRE

Although - as mentioned above - in most countries crime and poli-tical action against migrants overall belonged to the main themesin coverage, in some studies distinctions are made. One studyfound that the Swedish language press (mostly national) in Finlandwas more positive than the Finnish language press (incl. local). Theformer covered more stories on anti-racist projects and tolerance aswell as stories on everyday life of ethnic minorities, fortress talk wasmore problematised, there was a more positive source use, andproblems received less attention. In Belgian mainstream media,explicitly negative statements about ethnic minorities were rare.Public broadcasting in Belgium has until now implemented moreactively positive policies than commercial channels. In theNetherlands, TV talkshows gave a more positive and flexible view ofmulticulturalism (from a lay perspective) than print media (whichtended to favour official views).. The German quality press wasfound to draw on threat imageries to depict asylum seekers, in par-ticular in its headlines and formatting of the news. Also, in the 'MoreColour in the Media' project in Germany some public service broad-casters were more reluctant to accept special trainees from ethnicminorities. The differences between more positive and negativeinstances have to be judged from case to case and cannot be ge-neralised for the country as a whole.

A Danish study showed that, although there was little differencebetween the negative images found in tabloid and quality newspa-pers, two newspapers (a labour union-owned newspaper and aquality newspaper) were less biased and were even more balancedthan public service broadcasting in the portrayal of ethnic minori-ties.

Spanish local and regional media have been more sensitive towardssolidarity and diversity than the national media, which however

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have also started to introduce more programmes that reflect cul-tural diversity. In Italy, this is reportedly the opposite: local newspa-pers and local sections of national newspapers were found to beless sensitive and to focus more on crime news and mobilisation ofintolerance.

In the UK, centre-right broadsheet newspapers and the tabloidpress were more likely to treat immigration and asylum issues, andcentre-left broadsheets reported more on civil society issues ofcombating racist acts in the public domain, and campaigning byminorities themselves towards such aims. Furthermore, publicbroadcasting was found to give more coverage to ethnic relationsand immigration issues than independent broadcasting. Moreover,specialised news programmes, which are more likely to be watchedor heard by political elites, were also likely to have a higher propor-tion of coverage on these issues than the other more populist for-mats of broadcasting. Broadsheet newspapers in the UK carriedmore coverage on ethnic issues than tabloids and local newspapers.

2.4.2 SUBTLE AAND BBLATANT RRACISM

In Italy a difference was found between a mainstream press reveal-ing subtle racism (though with racialisation of difference), and aright-wing/conservative press, which was at times overtly or bla-tantly racist. In Belgium, implicit racism was found in mainstreammedia and explicit racism was found in extreme right media. TheFinnish report noted a division between news and current affairssections in daily newspapers and television, which did not publishovertly racist attitudes, and letters to the editor and opinion sec-tions, tabloid and on-line newspapers, which revealed more blatantand explicit expressions of racism. The Danish report also regis-tered subtle racism in the portrayal of minorities as a threat andfound more blatant expressions in common forms of hate speechagainst Muslims. In Germany, examples of negative media report-ing surrounding the asylum debate (and its possible impact on therise in racist violence) were counterbalanced by examples of posi-tive awareness-raising campaigns. In both cases the impact ofmedia on voting and attitudes seemed to be fairly limited.

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2.4.3 DIFFERENT GGROUPS

The positive stance in British tabloid newspapers was reserved onlyfor ethnic minorities and not for immigrants and asylum seekers.Thus, whereas anti-racist formats and ethnic minority claims tend-ed to predominate in UK news media, the tabloid press did take ananti-immigrant stance, sometimes expressed in stigmatisingimages of migrants and refugees. Also, a British ethnic minorityjournalist in an interview stated that - despite overall improvement- one could still find negative images of pathology and backward-ness related to the 'black' and Asian communities too. Similarly,links between ethnic background and crime could still be found (intabloid press).

In Greek media, on the one hand positive examples were foundwhere longer established minorities (e.g. Roma) were concerned,but on the other hand media helped building conspiracy theoriesaround the discourse on migrants/minorities from neighbouringcountries. Similarly, in Denmark ethnicity was routinely empha-sised, except in cases where individuals were shown to representDenmark in a positive way (sports, music, etc.). The generally neg-ative representation of asylum seekers in Finnish media was notgiven to Kosovo Albanians, who were instead welcomed. In thePortuguese press in the 1980s expressions of complicity towardsthe African community were found which showed the parallels withthe destiny and the mood of the Portuguese. In the 1990s, Africanswere also represented as a complement of the Portuguese self inthe press. This is a remarkable form of positive representation (interms of cultural proximity), which is rarely found in other MemberStates. Unfortunately no research exists which compares the recentrepresentations of Africans and Eastern European immigrants in thePortuguese press.

2.4.4 HEADLINES

Several reports noted the problem with misleading headlines andcontents, which seemed either positive or negative, but actuallywere not. A general problem with headlines is that they tend to sim-plify, factualise, generalise, and distort (Finnish report). The Belgian

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case gives an example, which shows that even when articles appar-ently express concern with migrants' position (e.g. in headline) theymay at the same time reproduce prejudice and stereotypes. Theopposite also happens: headlines are negative but the story itself isa different one (e.g. the Finnish case shows how a headline canchange agency and blame in reports on racial harassment, silencingin-group responsibility and blaming the victim).

2.5 POSITIONS TTOWARDS RRACISM AAND ANTI-RRACISM

In the Netherlands, media focused on racism when it concernsright-wing extremism and racist violence. In Swedish media, racismwas only taken serious (and covered regularly and in-depth) when itwas related to political activities of the extreme Right; overall,racism and anti-racism were covered rarely and mostly when politi-cal or other controversy and conflict was involved. The same atten-tion was not given to more generalised practices of discriminationand xenophobia. In this context, the definition of racism was onlybased on that of biological superiority: the news did not challengethis definition or the official definition of racist attacks in terms of amutual conflict. In Italian media discourse, racism was often dis-missed and (erroneously) redefined as a 'war between the poor' orunderstandable 'tolerance thresholds'. Forms of new racism werenot recognised as such in the Italian press. In the Italian qualitypress, editorials could thus even declare that anti-racism was themotive for recommending harsh measures and police controlsagainst (illegal) immigrants.

An absence of clear definitions of racism in media discourse wasregistered for the Greek and Belgian case. In Belgian media and offi-cial discourse, racism was seen as very negative, but xenophobiawas seen as 'rather normal'. Even racism would be seen as accept-able when the number of foreigners was perceived to be too high(i.e., when this high number and the 'other' were depicted as'abnormal' as opposed to the 'normal' Belgian population). OnSpanish television, discrimination was represented only as an isolat-ed phenomenon attributed to extremist groups, and not as a struc-

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tural social problem. Responsibility for 'conflicts' was more easilyattributed to the out-group and causes of racist acts were obfuscat-ed, or the time sequence of events related to discrimination waschanged so that it seemed that the in-group had promptly inter-vened to act against discrimination. In general, everyday racism orIslamophobia were rarely recognised by the media as such.

Did journalists take distance from or criticise xenophobic state-ments? Not everywhere, for example in Denmark and Sweden notalways. A Danish study found that ethnic, cultural, religious minor-ity members who had complained about racial harassment or dis-crimination were sometimes confronted with critical questions bythe media, so that their statements were presented as less credible.On the other hand, the Danish report argues, media did not alwaystake distance from xenophobic statements by official actors. Henceminority and official majority sources were not treated in the sameway, and allegations of racism were not always taken serious. InPortugal, the press in the 1980s was found to report on racism byreporting statements from Africans that showed diverging opin-ions: some said no racism existed, others talked about the existenceof subtle racism. It is in itself remarkable that Africans in thePortuguese press were given space to air their opinion on this mat-ter. Italian studies notice an indifference of the media towards xeno-phobia (in particular in the press). But on other occasions (esp. ontelevision) media were also found to create alarm around cases ofracial discrimination; however, they did not dedicate in-depth con-tinuous attention to this theme. In Austria, differences betweennewspapers were registered: some newspapers openly supported,others (the quality press) openly challenged the anti-foreignercampaigns of the populist right-wing FPÖ.

Another reaction to xenophobic statements is the use of irony(reported for Austria and Italy), but this did not provide facts orcounter-arguments to challenge prejudice. In Greece this did hap-pen to some extent. A Dutch experimental study showed that sub-jects confronted with an ironic presentation of extreme right-wingstatements were corrected less than those who read the samestatements accompanied with educational remarks that refutedthese statements.

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2.5.1 RIGHT-WWING EEXTREMISM AAND PPOPULISM

German media are reported to have reacted to right-wing extrem-ism with a discourse between taboo and mitigation, on the onehand, and dramatisation and over-reaction, on the other. There wasalso a change over time found in German media. Whereas in 1992racist violence was commented on ambivalently (condemning actsbut understanding motives) only in 1993 was it decisively con-demned and rejected and more background information provided.This suggests that public opinion may have also influenced mediacontents and orientations (and not just the other way around, andnot just official sources). Spanish editorials showed a similar devel-opment in the treatment of racist violence and aggressions, whichon a shorter time scale of three days moved from a justification toovert condemnation.

The existing research shows that unintended and counterproduc-tive effects of reporting on the extreme Right depended on thetype and quality of reporting. First, a public outcry can be counter-productive, when interpretations are incidental and not based on acontinuous thematisation and problematisation. Also the represen-tation of extreme forms of racism as an individual pathology maysupport forms of denial of racism, as signalled in a German study.Another study on coverage of racist violence in German mediaargued that a rejection of form (violence) went hand in hand withthe acceptance of substance (harsh policies, e.g. against asylumseekers). The same finding is reported for official reactions to racistviolence that were reported and supported in the Italian media inthe early 1990s.

The attention given to the Republikaner in the German media dur-ing the 1989 election campaign depended on the newspaper.Whereas the left-wing alternative press started a debate about thisparty from the very beginning, other newspapers only did so afterthe appearance of a provocative electoral spot of the party.Electoral spots represented the only (inevitable) direct visibilitygiven to this party; otherwise the extreme Right was shunned (notquoted, hardly interviewed) in the media.

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In line with general news making features, the attention given tothe extreme Right on German television was found to be lacking ananalytical perspective, i.e. political and social causes behind theemergence of the extreme Right were rarely investigated. Rather, asentimental personalising perspective prevailed.

In the Netherlands, a study was done interviewing journalists onreporting of right wing and populist extremism. It showed thatjournalists did not always actively seek to restrain the effects ofreporting on racist violence (since their first aim was factual report-ing), but did feel media should discuss racism. The majority of inter-viewed journalists did not see it as their task to put the struggleagainst racism on the political agenda. Reporting on the extremeRight in the Netherlands was particularly negative during electioncampaigns.

2.5.2 RACIST CCRIMES ((VIOLENCE AAND HHARASSMENT)

Coverage of racist violence as part of the so-called Nazi skinheadsculture received ample coverage in Italian media in the early 1990sand led to a debate in mainstream press on racism and how to con-trast it. Contrasting positions were found: concern about right-wingextremism and anti-Semitism was counter-balanced by a concernwith immigration, indirectly identified as the cause of the racistexcesses. A similar mechanism was observed in the German media,which dedicated as much attention to asylum issues as to the vio-lence against those seeking asylum. Other cases show that racistcrimes were not always taken seriously. In some cases, the victimswere blamed: this happened in reports in an Austrian tabloid, in theItalian press especially after 1995, and in single cases in the Swedishmainstream press, and in the Dutch press. In Italy and theNetherlands, official sources (such as the police) were found to playa crucial role in the interpretation of (racist) violence. Denial of theracist nature of violent attacks against immigrants (or denial of in-group responsibility) was found to occur quite commonly. Theattacks were then for example presented as 'accidents'. TheSwedish case also shows deficiencies in coverage on racism andracist violence: an accidental coverage of racist harassment and vio-lence, and a denial of racist motives and blaming the victim strate-

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gies were enacted in coverage on harassment of an ethnic minorityfamily. Hereby the victims were typically portrayed as 'normal' andperpetrators were very 'abnormal', authorities' positions wereblindly trusted and dominant views were not challenged, while theunderstanding of racism was actually quite limited.

In the British press, racial attacks, violence, and incidents of racialabuse achieved a prominent place on the news agenda, but noresults were found on the quality of this reporting, apart from themore generalised orientation to expose racism and give voice toethnic minorities.

2.5.3 ANTI-RRACISM

Anti-racist or humanitarian positions of organisations defendingrefugees and migrants were not always taken seriously in theMember States' media. For example, in the conservative/tabloidpress in Italy and Austria anti-racist discourses was occasionally theobject of defamation or marginalisation. In one case, editorialists ofan Austrian tabloid newspaper used a strategy by which anti-racistorganisations were accused of fuelling xenophobia. At the sametime, Austrian quality newspapers tended to express their criticismof xenophobic reactions to the settlement of Eastern Europeanrefugees primarily with a rhetoric of irony rather than with concretecounter-arguments.

Sometimes media messages were only partially effective in chal-lenging prejudice and racism, when the importance of anti-racistmobilisation is represented in a partial way. For example, in Belgianpress reports on protests in Germany following waves of racist vio-lence, the emphasis was on Turkish (violent) protesters rather thanon the German anti-racists involved. Similarly, messages for toler-ance, transmitted on Spanish TV, were found to be conforming to,rather than challenging, existing stereotypes. In the Italian reportexamples are given of 'cautious anti-racism', meaning that opposi-tion to racism was avoided when it seemed that widely acceptednegative stereotypes (about crime or social exclusion) were at play.On other occasions, anti-racism in particular on Italian television(analysed for the early 1990s) has been addressed with a focus on

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political controversy, favouring attitudes of compassion, paternal-ism and alarm, which have maintained and increased perceptions ofdifference and have not tackled racial discrimination in any consis-tent way.

Official statements in Belgian media contained explicit positivestatements about migrants in Belgium, who were said to bring eco-nomic benefits and to enrich the majority culture. These positivelyintended portrayals may have again reinforced rather than brokendown boundaries between 'us' and 'them'. Anti-racist projects havebeen a continuous subject in the Finnish public sphere. However,news stories on actions for tolerance usually presented the Finns asprimary actors, and ethnic minorities were usually absent assources or actors in these stories.

Anti-racism in the media is thus not so unambiguous. Coverage onanti-racism turned out to be highly context dependent in Finnishlocal media. In one case, it led to the representation of racism as aproblem that regarded the entire society and readership. In theother case, the local media denied everyday racism and attributedresponsibility to solve the problem to ethnic minorities themselves.On the other hand, more fully positive examples are found as well.Anti-racism in Portuguese media was visible and commented uponby specialists in particular when a special thematisation occurred,as on occasion of the European Year Against Racism. In Germany,anti-racist demonstrations and political action against racist vio-lence occurring in the early 1990s had a positive effect (anti-racismwas not ridiculed or marginalised in this context). Dutch mediahave also focussed on anti-racism when there were mass mobilisa-tions, protest meetings and demonstrations to report. The Britishcase shows a more truly positive example, as here in recent yearsanti-racism and initiatives of ethnic minority sources were not mar-ginalised but instead given ample space in the media (the reportspeaks of three-quarters of media coverage carrying broadly anti-racist themes). In the British press, activism by anti-racist move-ments was hardly the main topic of any news and ethnic minorityactivism was less likely to be a main news topic than extreme rightactivism. Nevertheless, ethnic minorities did receive space to artic-ulate their demands, and the extreme Right was not given more

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voice than ethnic minorities (ethnic minorities were the sources ofpolitical claims between four and ten times more often than theextreme Right). As opposed to ethnic minorities, anti-racist organ-isations were rarely used as sources - probably because theseorganisations were not the only bodies to represent anti-racism,and mainstream and state-sponsored forms of anti-racism werevery strong. Indeed, findings suggest that the standard norm forBritish media reporting was in general to perpetuate anti-raciststances that were in fact in line with the official policy stance of thestate on race relations.

In France, specific media responsibility for anti-racism (framed as ahuman rights issue) has for a long time been an option, as theFrench state has traditionally not accepted to acknowledge the roleof ethnicity and the use of ethnic criteria in data collection as aresult of its history and constitution. Recently, greater priority hasbeen given in public policy to anti-discrimination initiatives, andthis has also been reflected in special attention and (highly debat-ed) measures directed at the media.

2.6 TRACING DDEVELOPMENTSSeveral types of developments in coverage on ethnic issues havebeen registered. The German report notes a thematic change influ-enced by policy agendas: from the Turkish "guest worker" issue(early 1980s) to the asylum and refugee issue (mid 1990s). InFrance, media framing shifted from an emphasis on 'immigration'(connoted as related to problems) in the 1980s, to a debate on 'inte-gration' and the banlieues (see above, labelling) in the 1990s. A sim-ilar positive development is the new emphasis in French politics andmedia on (anti-) discrimination themes (since 1997), which mayhave helped to attenuate some of the negative connotations givento the themes of immigration and banlieues. Negative construc-tions of post-colonial minorities were also countered by the positiveportrayal of minority ethnic footballers, for example on the occa-sion of the 1998 World Cup.

A study on Spanish media coverage indicated a development from'invisibility' of migrants and minorities in the media (early 1990s) to

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a perception of migrants as a threat to the social order (end 1990s).In the latter period, i.e. since 1999, the number of reports on immi-gration and racism in Spain is found to have increased. The percent-age of reports with a negative evaluation of immigration, thoughpredominant towards the end of the 1990s, slightly declined since1999, though again slightly increasing in 2000. Countries whereimmigrants were still relatively invisible in media coverage arePortugal, Luxembourg and - to a lesser degree - Finland. Cases suchas the Portuguese and Luxembourgian, which are the most recentand less, researched, show (for as much as is known) an awarenessof cultural diversity and proximity. In the Portuguese case, this isattributed to the partially more positive attitudes towards post-colonial minorities. However, portrayal of these groups in thePortuguese press in the 1980s was found to be a mixture of atti-tudes of fascination and repulsion, of sympathy and racism, and todate there is no research indicating in which direction this furtherdeveloped.

2.6.1 SUBTLE/NEW RRACISM

Several country reports, especially ones reporting results from dis-course analytical studies, noted a development since the 1990sfrom forms of blatant racism, which used to be registered in thepast, to more subtle forms of racism. In countries of recent immi-gration, subtle racism stands for the avoidance of overt expressionsof racism, and an awareness of basic anti-racist norms. But thesenorms and their incidence vary from one country to the next. Incountries with a longer history of immigration and ethnic, cultural,religious relations, 'new racism' was generally associated with a cul-tural differentiation of ethnic, cultural, religious minority groups asopposed to a differentiation on the basis of skin colour or a biologi-cal inferiorisation. But also other forms of differentiation werefound in recent discourses that did not lead to a direct rejection ofout-groups, but 'rationalised' these. For example, in studies onAustrian press portrayal after 1989, a 'new' discourse was signalledin the justification of the rejection of (Romanian) refugees on thebasis of economic arguments. This type of argumentation wasfound especially in official discourse.

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2.6.2 NEGATIVE DDEVELOPMENTS

Swedish research mentions a negative development in that news in1995-2000 was more concentrated on problems and conflicts thanbefore, and stereotyping of immigrants and criminals occurredmore frequently. A similar development is mentioned in the Italiancase, when comparing the early 1990s with the late 1990s. On theother hand, the Swedish case did observe efforts in media organi-sations to adapt to multiculturalism. Nevertheless in the 1990s,Swedish media practices have worsened also in the sense that theymentioned more frequently migrant origin in relation to crime andgive explanatory value to it (which did not exist before). This prac-tice was also found in recent Finnish and Italian press accounts. Alsoin the Netherlands despite the general knowledge of the rule thatethnic, cultural, religious background should only be mentionedwhen functional and relevant, it was found that journalists nowseem more inclined to mention it.

The Italian case also showed deterioration, in the increasing crimi-nalisation of illegal immigrants and the racialisation of immigrantcrime (mainly focused on specific ethnic, cultural, religious groups,based on identification of origin), especially in the second half ofthe 1990s. Although with respect to the end of the 1980s andbeginning of the 1990s, during the last decade labels for immi-grants have apparently improved, in that overtly pejorative and dis-criminatory labels were no longer used, apparently neutral termshave acquired an increasingly negative connotation in Italianmedia.

2.6.3 POSITIVE DDEVELOPMENTS IIN TTHEMATIC CCHANGEOR MMEDIA SSENSITIVITY

The results reported from the UK show that the recent literature hasundergone a transition from a linguistic/cultural studies approach,which was highly critical of the media, to a sociological approachthat is emphasising (or showing) the positive developments and therelevant space dedicated to anti-racist initiatives. The overall evalu-ation of the British situation in the second half of the 1990s is morepositive when compared with the 1980s and early 1990s: it showed

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an improvement in standards of journalism regarding the represen-tation of ethnic minorities relative to previous decades (in particu-lar television). In the most recent period, minorities received signif-icant news space as sources and claim-makers. However, despitethese positive developments minorities employed in the mediawere still under-represented, and programming by ethnic minori-ties was limited. The conclusion is that change in reporting has sim-ply kept pace with (or lagged behind) general changes and percep-tions that have occurred within British society.

In France labels used to discuss 'foreigners' issues in the media shift-ed away from the 'banlieue' (metropolitan periphery) theme to theissue of discrimination. Similarly, the discourse on illegal immi-grants transformed the previously used term of 'clandestin' into themore positive wording of 'sans papiers' (without papers/undocu-mented). There was also an improvement in the representation(esp. on TV) of immigrant youth. Before they used to be associatedmainly with deviance in the metropolitan areas, now also positiveroles are attached to them (e.g. in commercials, rap music, etc.).

The Italian report speaks of modest signs of pro-immigrant posi-tions gaining ground in the media. But this happened mostly inrelation to political or official (church or economic and labourorganisations) initiatives, in the context of the introduction of anew law for immigration and integration introduced in 1998 by thecentre-left wing government. This also triggered political opposi-tion and debate, using reports on the problem of illegal immigra-tion and crime to contrast the more positive voices.

The Danish report states that in recent months (2000), news mak-ing of the Danish Broadcasting Company and in some newspapersbecame more sober and less sensational. Although the Swedishreport speaks mostly of a negative development, it does identify anew trend in coverage on neo-Nazism (following a surge in racistattacks in late 1999) with an increase in continuous and in-depthinvestigative journalism on this issue, and an increase in initiativesto combat blatant racism.

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The Greek media also show signs of improvement. In the period1995-2000, there was an increased sensitivity and an increasingacceptance of diversity: fewer stereotypes and more portrayals thatrecognised the cultural specificity of migrants. Part of the Greekmedia showed a critical awareness of state action, in the sense thatthis should improve the living and working conditions of migrants,rather than implementing public order policies. There was also atendency to give voice to minorities and NGOs, to present criticalaccounts of poor social and economic conditions, and of state poli-cy. However, it is also mentioned that the media did not cover ordefend the political rights of minorities.

Examples of positive or correct labelling of Roma people werefound in Greek and Finnish media. Also the Irish media is reportedto have become more sensitive to the status of the Irish Travellercommunity as a minority, but correct designations were mostly notused, and anti-Travellers prejudice has all but disappeared from Irishmedia.

Modest improvement or simply single positive examples were reg-istered in most countries in the area of initiatives to combat racismand promote cultural diversity in the media, in terms of specialbroadcasting programmes, and monitoring and lobbying agencies.A partial exception is represented by the French case where untilrecently only few measures for pro-active equal opportunities andFrench media institutions enacted training policies. However,recently initiatives have been formulated to combat racial discrimi-nation and promote fair representation of ethnic minority groups.The report, which issued these recommendations, was howevermet with so much public criticism that 'corrections' had to be madeand it had to be guaranteed that no ethnic monitoring or ethnicquotas would be introduced.Moreover, the Finnish report comments on initiatives that focus onseparate media or programmes directed at ethnic minorities. Thereport expresses scepticism, as the empowerment of sociallyexcluded groups may unconsciously reinforce marginal positions,for example, by separating the viewpoints of minorities from thoseof the authorities, and by failing to encourage a dialogue betweenthe two parties. This can have the consequence of segregating the

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space where minorities have a 'right' to air their views from the dis-cussion of the more important issues by the official actors. Moreattention should thus be paid to a fair and equal portrayal of ethnicminorities' views within mainstream debates.

2.6.4 PARALLEL DDEVELOPMENTS OOVER LLONGER PPERIODSOF TTIME

An observation found in several country reports was that pastdevelopments for countries with a longer history of immigrationand living in ethnic, cultural, religious diversity (such as the UK andFrance) is repeated now in other countries of more recent immigra-tion. The British case and literature are used here in particular as areference point. The mechanism of moral panic construction, whichwas first analysed for the British press in the seminal work of Hall etal (1978) for the 1970s and early 1980s, has been registered formore recent samples in other countries. Indeed, the French reportnotes how the situation of the UK in the 1970s was later experi-enced (though with different connotations) in France in the cover-age on the banlieues. A similar phenomenon of 'moral panic' con-struction by the media was observed in the 1990s in SouthernEuropean countries. An example is the coverage on protests againstand removal of immigrant settlements in larger metropolitan areasin Italy (esp. early 1990s) and Spain (esp. late 1990s). Similarly,Portuguese media images of immigrants living in the peripheries ofmetropolitan areas characterised by marginality and an often-ille-gal position are said to have an impact on public opinion.

In the UK, with time, awareness of this process and the organisationof migrant and minority groups as well as positive state supporthave increased, and resulted in a more positive press treatment forthe ethnic minority community (but not for new immigration).Perhaps the same will happen in the future for the countries thathave faced these processes more recently, although the differentbackground and current situation will probably bring not entirelythe same result. Although some processes are universal and mayshow similar results beyond the national level, considering alsodevelopments of globalisation, we should not loose sight of the

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specificity of the single Member State media and ethnic, cultural,religious minority group positions.

2.6.5 DEVELOPMENT IIN RREPORTING OON SSPECIFIC CCASESOR GGROUPS

Particular case studies have traced developments in the discourseconcerning specific issues or groups. For example, in the attitudestowards Romanians in the Austrian press, towards Albanians in theItalian newspapers, and in the Irish press towards refugees and asy-lum seekers in general. This discursive change ranged from atti-tudes of compassion to open hostility.

In general, we see a pattern in the coverage on recent immigration(found for Italy, Spain, Austria, and Ireland and in a different way forSweden and Finland). Initially, positive attitudes based on abstractprinciples of humanitarianism and solidarity is found. However, assoon as refugees or migrants seem to stay, xenophobic and racistattitudes rise. The Irish case for example shows that coverage onrefugee arrivals (from Bosnia) in the early 1990s was not hostile,and the existence of racism was recognised. But with the risingnumbers of refugees and asylum seekers media coverage grew, andnegative terminology in headlines became more explicit. The Greekcase shows a similar development, but also indicates that after apeak in negative coverage on arrivals from Albania in 1996-97, inthe two following years less negative elements were also found inthe media and attitudes of compassion returned.

Changeable reporting from one day or one phase to the other istypical of highly stereotypical and superficial representations, bywhich media reproduce common sense rather than produce orincrease new knowledge and information (found in Italy, Portugal,and Spain). Images may change from the positive and exotic to thecommiserating and the image of people causing nuisance.Similarly, a Spanish research - on the riots against immigrants in theAndalusian village of El Ejido in 2000 describes the fluctuationbetween attitudes of compassion and fear, with a final preponder-ance of the latter over the former. Also, in Spain and Greece,although humanitarian perspectives were used as a way to dissim-

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ulate prejudice, it is observed that these did not lower the percep-tion of difference between 'us' and 'them' (and maintained an atti-tude of fear and compassion towards other countries).

In Britain, whereas ethnic minorities were given ample space, theportrayal of immigrants and asylum seekers was negative, and to acertain extent at the end of the 1990s these groups received thesame type of coverage which 'Black' and Asian minorities receivedin the 1980s. The report therefore states that the criteria for news-papers to include groups within their vision of the British communi-ty has changed over time and is now applied on the basis of citizen-ship. Therefore British minorities are no longer an 'out-group' but toa certain extent are included in the 'we' who are defined in opposi-tion to 'them' the foreigners.

2.7 MEDIA EEFFECTSOne of the relative 'gaps' in existing research is that concerning thestudy of media effects. Some interesting results are reported in theDutch, French, Finnish, Swedish and Danish chapters mostly byrelating knowledge about media contents to survey data. But in theGerman chapter in particular more detailed studies on mediaeffects are presented (some findings were already mentionedunder right-wing extremism). Overall, the findings about mediaeffects are contradictory and seem to suggest that such effects arefairly limited. The existing results also show a wide variety inmethodological approaches to the study of media effects.

One important finding on effects from the German case is the indi-cation that the absence of reports on political positions about for-eigner's issues (in tabloids) may be the most dangerous form ofindirectly providing popular support for extreme right-wing pop-ulism. Indeed, the increase in anti-foreigner attitudes (as channeledby the Republikaner) was not related to crime reporting, theamount of coverage or to a negative approach. Rather, it was theabsence of a political issue that seems to have directed voterstowards the positions of the Republikaner. This finding challengesthe analytical framework according to which relations between pol-

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itics and media are the most detrimental to the communication ofracism. However, the study did not analyse the possible concomi-tant effects of TV on readers' attitudes.

Whereas in Germany the absence of a general coverage on immi-gration issues thus seems to have contributed to the success of theRepublikaner, in France it was precisely the opposite. Generalisedcoverage and problematisation of 'immigration' issues (such as theheadscarf affair or 'immigration problems' picked up by main-stream parties) spurred the success of the Front National. By con-trast, specific coverage (information, and denouncing its violenceand aggressive language, in particular when anti-Semitism wasconcerned) allowed awareness to be raised against racist violenceand the Front National. Also, imbalance in media representations ofethnic minorities as 'threats' to social order have sustained deep-seated feelings of insecurity and anti-immigrant attitudes, whichare also one of the main reasons for supporting the FN. Overall,however, direct media effects on the (declining) success of FN couldnot be found.

The German studies also suggest that the political and mediadebate on asylum alone did not increase racist violence (it did affectthe nature of violence, in that this was in a limited period morespecifically directed at asylum seekers, whereas before other indi-viduals were targeted). The reports on racist violence are claimed tohave had effects only with consonant media tenor. Copycat effectswere not found in the sense that there was no causal link between asingle report on a racist attack and subsequent attacks (also not interms of the place where these events took place). On the otherhand, the coverage on racism in Germany also increased the publicmobilisation and the political debate on how to oppose racism, andactually led to a great number of anti-racist media campaigns. Another interesting finding is that event reporting contributedmore to an increase in racist violence than background reporting. Inother words, where journalists engaged in background reporting, amore positive contribution of the media was registered (this hap-pened also in Italian coverage on racist violence). On the otherhand, special issue reporting for the sake of 'foreigners' crime' isreported to have had the opposite effect.

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Another finding was that media reporting influenced the public per-ception and evaluation of xenophobia, right-wing extremism, for-eigners and asylum issues in Germany. Importantly, the racistattacks in Rostock in 1992 triggered more attention to asylumissues than to the issue of xenophobia and right-wing extremism.Furthermore, the German findings suggest that positive effects ofanti-racist campaigns are limited, when messages are framed in away, which produces defensive or disinterested reactions in thepublic.

At the same time, electoral spots of the extreme RightRepublikaner, triggering a debate that had an enormous mediaimpact, had important effects on the visibility of this party in pub-lic opinion. Findings from the German report about attitudechanges and anti-racist campaigns are useful for recommenda-tions: positive outcomes may be expected when information focus-es on backgrounds, when campaigns highlight concrete examplesto challenge prejudice, and raise awareness for particular instancesof (institutional) discrimination. This approach should yield betterresults than the general appeals to moral principles and theabstract positive portrayals of foreigners' used in anti-racist cam-paigns in Germany in the 1990s.

Studies in the Netherlands have dealt with media effects of fictionprogrammes on children, and with the effects of a different focus innews reports on evaluations about the extreme Right (showing theimportance of informative articles on the extreme Right asopposed to neutral or ironic ones). Exposure to fiction and enter-tainment programmes was found to produce negative attitudestowards ethnic minorities in children. Watching one of the com-mercial stations known for its large proportion of programmesmade in the US also resulted in 'subjective experienced threat' fromethnic minorities. Another study measuring attitude effects foundthat time of TV exposure had no influence on audience attitudes,and that effects overall were minimal.

The Finnish chapter reports that hierarchies for migrants andminorities in public opinion and media were more or less the same.The Swedish report speaks of a correlation between the coverage

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on asylum and the willingness to receive refugees, in the sense thatwhen there was no coverage the preparedness was higher, possiblybecause abstract commitments are made more easily than whenone is faced with concrete problems. Also, opinions on Islam andMuslims and media coverage on these subjects seemed to corre-late.

The Danish chapter reports the finding that Danish public opinion(in 1995) was a reflection of the shifting emphasis on various topicsof political debate reported by the media. Another interview study(from 1999) revealed that the media were a major source for preju-diced attitudes and expressions of covert and subtle forms of 'newracism'. A third study over a longer period (1970-98) showed thatmedia exert considerable influence on public perception and defini-tions of minority issues in terms of 'us' versus 'them'.

2.8 POSITIVE AACTIONS TTO CCOMBAT RRACISMAND PPROMOTE CCULTURAL DDIVERSITY

Many forms of positive action exist in the various Member States, asreported in the final sub-sections of each single Member Statechapter contained in section IV. To avoid listing the examples,which are also contained in the chapter, here only the discussion oncodes of practice is presented in a comparative way.

2.8.1 CODES OOF CCONDUCT

Professional codes or regulations for the coverage of ethnic affairsexist in many Member States (Belgium, the Netherlands, Ireland,Italy, Spain, Sweden, Finland, France and the UK). Also general presscodes or other legal provisions mostly contain a general article onthe need to avoid discrimination on grounds of racial or ethnic ori-gin, which could be invoked too in cases where such articles arebreached by the media. However, the problem is that the codes andregulations only have the value of recommendations and do notlead to effective legal action. It has no serious consequences whenone violates these rules (e.g. Austria, Italy). However, in some coun-

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tries, for example Belgium, regulations were effective. A recentchange in the constitution has contributed to a crackdown on racistmessages, and also earlier actions have seen convictions of theVlaams Blok. The Belgian chapter also reports examples of guide-lines for reporting, both about racial issues and about the extremeRight. In the latter case, guidelines recommended among otherthings to emphasise these parties are not normal, democratic par-ties like the other political parties.

Accordingly, the British report points out that codes and relatedlegal provisions do not extend toward influencing how minoritiesare represented in the press beyond the most extreme cases, suchas overtly racist propaganda. In non-extreme cases, more impor-tant than guidelines, journalists and editors value the professional'common sense' and knowledge acquired through investigativejournalism. Another type of deterrent to the use of guidelines isthat the existence of racism in journalism sometimes is still deniedor it is simply avoided to reflect upon this issue (Denmark andLuxembourg). Moreover, even if journalists accept guidelines forfair reporting, effective change requires influencing owners andeditors as well.

Not only the application, also the recommendations themselves areconsidered limited by some. For example, the Greek report statesthat codes of practice are often too general and that they alone can-not provide for a change in journalistic practices and working con-ditions and routines, which make for example that certain eventsare not reported. At the same time, precisely in a profession that isalready hindered by so many other (news production) constraints,the guidelines are perceived as over-constraining (Ireland).However, the Irish report argues that even unintentional conse-quences, produced by the routine construction of a newspaper arti-cle, can be circumvented when made explicit. The immigrant andTraveller groups in Ireland believe that these codes, although limit-ed in over-all effects, have nevertheless increased awareness andfavoured a more accurate use of minority sources. The Swedishreport highlights that codes of practice have been applied to criti-cise and denounce individual cases where people were harmed bymedia coverage, but that it is more difficult to prosecute media for

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biased coverage when this concerns large groups of people (forexample asylum seekers or Roma).

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