razmatranja o silvanovom kultu u panoniji povodom nalaza žrtvenika u vinkovcima

8/2/2019 Razmatranja o Silvanovom kultu u Panoniji povodom nalaza rtvenika u Vinkovcima

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Razmatranja o Silvanovom kultu u Panoniji povodom nalaza rtvenika uVinkovcima

Observations on the Cult of Silvanus in Pannonia in the Light of the Find of an Altar in

Vinkovci

LJUBICA PERINI MURATOVIOdsjek za arheologijuHrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnostiA. Kovaia 5HR-10000 [email protected]

HRVOJE VULIGradski muzej VinkovciTrg bana J. okevia 16HR-32100 [email protected]

U radu se predstavlja zavjetni natpis posveen Silvanu Domestiku. Spomenik je pronaen u Vinkovcima pri zatitnim istraivanjima prove-

denima 2007. Nalaz se datira i stavlja u iri kontekst Silvanovog kulta provincije Panonije. Ovaj vid Silvana (Domesticus) bio je najpopularniji

u Panoniji za razliku od, primjerice, susjedne provincije Dalmacije.1

Kljune rijei: Panonija, Vinkovci, Cibalae, rimska religija, Silvan, Silvan Domestik

The subject o the paper is a votive inscription dedicated to Silvanus Domesticus. The monument was discovered in Vinkovci in salvage inves-

tigations carried out in 2007. The fnd is dated and placed within the wider context o the Silvanus cult in the province o Pannonia. This aspect

o Silvanus (Domesticus) enjoyed its widest popularity in Pannonia, unlike, or instance, in the neighbouring province o Dalmatia.1

Keywords: Pannonia, Vinkovci, Cibalae, Roman religion, Silvanus, Silvanus Domesticus.

1 Zahvaljujemo kolegi Ivanu Radmanu Livaji iz Arheolokog muzeja u

Zagrebu.

1 We would like to thank our colleague Ivan Radman Livaja from the Ar-

chaeological Museum in Zagreb.

Panonski krajevi, uglavnom poznati kao ravniarski, itorodni i vinorodni, zbog svojih su prostranih umskih povrina od antikih vremena sauvali neosporne dokaze te vane prirodne osobitosti i privredne aktivnosti svog stanovnitva. Od najranijih vremena uma je nesumnjivo izuzetnobogatstvo tih krajeva, iji je osnovni proizvod, drvna graa,imala vano mjesto u trgovini s drugim krajevima i narodima antikog svijeta. Takvo blago, odnosno izvor blagosta

nja i napretka, nije moglo ostati izvan tokova i strujanja uduhovnoj seri, a posebno u domeni kultova, koji su oduvjek predstavljali nadgradnju i bili vjeran odraz privrednogstanja, kretanja i razvitka jedne zemlje, racionalni zatitniciivotnog standarda i dosegnutih drutvenogospodartvenih tekovina i preobrazbi njezina stanovnitva.

I prema antikim izvorima, Panonija se izravno spominje kao umovito, planinsko i movarno podruje (Apijan,Ill. 4.22; Herodijan, 8.1.1.; Plinije Ml., NH, 3.25,147), a glavna

The Pannonian areas, generally recognized as lowland

as well as wheat and winebearing, on account o their or

ested expanses ever since antiquity preserved indisputable

proos o that important natural eature and o the econom

ic activities o its inhabitants. From the earliest times the or

est has been an exceptional wealth o those lands, whose

principal product, timber, played an important role in trade

with other lands and peoples o the ancient world. Such a

source o af uence and prosperity could not remain outside

the currents in the spiritual sphere, cults in particular, as the

latter have rom times immemorial been a superstructure

and a aithul reection o the economic situation, progress

and development o a country, rational protectors o the

standard o living and the socioeconomic attainments and

transormations o its population.

Ancient sources also directly reer to Pannonia as a or

ested, mountainous and marshy region (Appian, Ill. 4.22;

Izvorni znanstveni radAntika arheologija

Original scientific paper

Roman archaeology

UDK/UDC 904(497.5 Vinkovci):73652291.343(398)Primljeno/Received: 30. 3. 2009.Prihvaeno/Accepted: 25. 9. 2009.


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LJUBICA PERINI MURATOVI, HRVOJE VULI, RAZMATRANJA O SILVANOVOM KULTU U PANONIJI POVODOM NALAZA RTVENIKA U VINKOVCIMA, PRIL. INST. ARHEOL. ZAGREBU, 26/2009, STR. 165-180

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gospodarska grana su bile zemljoradnja (Apijan, Ill. 4.22.

napominje da je August u svojem pohodu tedio njihovapanonska polja i sela; Strabon, 1.5,10; Ambrozije, Epist. classis, 1.18,21) i trgovina (Strabon, Geogr., 4.6,10; 5.1,8.: navodida su uz Jantarsku cestu trgovali robovima, stokom i koom;7.5,2.; Plin, NH, III, 147; Vell. Pat., II, 109, 5), o emu izvori ne

govore eksplicitno, ali se iz konteksta moe zakljuiti.Panonija je na prijelazu 1. u 2. st., prema izvorima, bila

ogledni primjer provincije s raznovrsnim zemljitem (Higin,Const. limitum, 205.1214) to ne moe biti samo posljedicakrenja uma i isuivanja movara, ve i dobrih prirodnihpreduvjeta koje je imala (DomiKuni 2006, 62). Slijedomtoga, znakovito je da je u Panoniji najvei broj natpisa, nakon Jupitera, posveen upravo Silvanu i to kao Domestiku(43%) (Perini Muratovi 2008, 300).

Silvan je boanstvo ili duh/genij um, rimsko boanstvo pastira, vod i um, a osobito onih um koje se nalaze u graninim podrujima s jo neosvojenim zemljama.Prema tome on je djelomino divlji, a djelomino civiliziran.Kao takav odraava iskustva ranih naseljenika Italije, iji suga nasljednici odveli u najudaljenije krajeve Carstva. Glavnakarakteristika Silvana jasno je pokazana u rimskoj literaturi. Horacije (Ode, III, 23) o njemu pie kao o horridi dumetaSilvani gustii kosmatog/stranog Silvana (Horridus upav, kosmat, straan, zastraujui). Iz konteksta nije moguerazluiti koje je znaenje pisac imao na umu, ali ga nazivai tutor fnium uvarem granica (Epod. 1, 22). Za Vergilijaon je arvorum pecorisque deo bog njiv i stad, (Aen. VIII,600). Silvana opisuju kao boanstvo koje titi stoku i pridonosi njezinoj plodnosti te kao onoga koji tjera vukove. Najdetaljniji su Zemljomjernici (Scriptores gromatici veteres, I,

302) koji pak navode tri vida Silvana: domesticus onoga spoljem djelovanja u kuanstvu; agrestis onoga s djelokrugom u divljini i na panjacima, te orientalis onoga koji uva granice. Iz ovoga je jasno da su Italici, u zemlji ishodituSilvanovog kulta u njemu vidjeli vrlo korisno boanstvo, aSilvan je postao vrlo popularan u svim svojim vidovima. Zarazliku od Marsa, od kojeg se mogue odijelio u odreenomrazvojnom periodu (Katon, De re rustica, 141; Mars Silvanusi De agricult., 83), Silvan nikad nije uao u gradove, ve jeostao gotovo jedino rimsko boanstvo s ouvanim rustikim karakterom. Njegova dvojna priroda boanstva um ikultiviranog krajolika odraava se i u umjetnikim prikazima

u zemlji ishodita kulta, Italiji. U jednoj ruci on nosi mladostablo, a u drugoj vinogradarski no.U Italiji je Silvan obino odjeven u tuniku ili je gol, a nosi i

ogrta pun eera ili voa. Gledajui zemljopisno, kroz cijeloZapadno Rimsko Carstvo, gol i obuen Silvan pojavljuje se

jednako esto, osim u Panoniji i Daciji gdje su najei prikazi odjevenoga Silvana (Dorcey 1992, 17). Atribut koji bognajee nosi jest alx, koriten irom onodobnog Mediterana, ali i danas. Na prikazima uz alx jednako je vaan i bor bilo u obliku stabla, grane ili eera koji naglaava njegovkarakter odreen umom.

Kao Silvanu posveeno stablo/biljku pisani izvori navo

Herodian, 8.1.1.; Pliny the Younger, NH, 3.25,147), whose

principal branches o economy were arming (Appian, Ill.

4.22. mentions that Augustus spared their Pannonian elds

and villages during his campaign; Strabo, 1.5,10; Ambrosius,

Epist. classis, 1.18,21) and trade (Strabo, Geogr., 4.6,10; 5.1,8.:

mentions trade in slaves, livestock and urs along the Am

ber Road); 7.5,2.; Pliny, NH, III, 147; Vell. Pat., II, 109, 5), whichis not explicitly stated in the sources, but can nevertheless

be concluded rom the context.

At the turn o the 1st and the 2nd cent., according to the

sources, Pannonia was a role model o a province character

ized by a variety o terrain types (Hyginus, Const. limitum,

205.1214), which cannot be merely a consequence o orest

clearance and reclamation o marshes, but also the result

o good natural preconditions (DomiKuni, 2006, 62). In

keeping with this, it is signicant that the biggest number

o inscriptions in Pannonia, ater Jupiter, were dedicated

precisely to Silvanus, namely, in his aspect as Domesticus

(43%) (Perini Muratovi, 2008, 300).Silvanus is a divinity or spirit/genius o the woods, a Ro

man deity o shepherds, waters and orests, particularly

those orests that bordered on still unconquered territories.

Consequently, he is part wild and part civilized. As such, he

reects the experiences o the early settlers o Italy, whose

successors carried him to the arthest lands o the Empire.

The main trait o Silvanus is clearly presented in the Roman

literature. Horace (Odes, III, 23) writes about him as horridi

dumeta Silvani thickets o a hairy/horrible Silvanus (Hor-

ridus hairy, horrible, intimidating). It is not possible to as

certain rom the context the precise meaning the writer had

in mind, but he also calls him tutor fnium the keeper o

the rontiers (Epod. 1, 22). For Virgil he is arvorum pecoris-

que deo god o the ploughed elds and herds (Aen. VIII,

600). Silvanus is described as the guardian deity o livestock,

who contributes to their ertility, and as the one who keeps

wolves at bay. Surveyors (Scriptores gromatici veteres, I, 302)

were the most detailed, and mention three aspects o Silva

nus: domesticus whose activity ocuses on the household;agrestis the one whose domain is in the wilderness, andorientalis the one who guards the borders.

It is clear rom this that the people rom Italy, the land o

origin o the Silvanus cult, saw in him a highly useul deity,

and Silvanus became very popular in all his aspects. Unlike

Mars, rom whom he had possibly separated at a certainperiod o development (Cato, De re rustica, 141, Mars Silva-

nus and De agricult. 83), Silvanus never entered towns, but

remained almost the only Roman deity with a preserved

rustic character. His dual nature o a deity o orests and the

cultivated landscape is reected also in the artistic depic

tions in the land where his cult started, Italy. He carries a

young tree in one hand, and a vineyard knie in the other.

In Italy, Silvanus is usually dressed in a tunic or goes na

ked, and he also sometimes wears a cape lled with cones

or ruit. In terms o geography, throughout the entire West


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de bor (CIL VIII 27764), empres (Vergilije, Georg. 1. 20; Marcijan Kapela, 5.425 ), anis/komora (Marcijan Kapela, 5.425),

jasen (CIL XII 103) i ljiljan (Vergilije, Eclog. 10.24). Jo jedanstalni element koji se pojavljuje na njegovim prikazima jestpas koji simbolizira njegovu ulogu lovca ili pastira, ali unkcionira i kao apotropejski simbol njegovom vidu uvara gra

nica. Upravo ti najei atributi odraavaju njegovo ruralnoporijeklo i uvode nas u svijet zemljoradnje, um, lova i/iliseoskog ivota. Nadalje, mnogi ga antiki pisci zamiljajukao boanstvo um, odnosno onoga koji boravi u umamaili svetim gajevima. Katon (De agr. cult. 83) Silvana spominjein silva u umi; Livije (2.7.2) ex silva Arsia iz Arsijske ume;Ovidije (Met. 1.193) monticolae Silvani gortaci Silvani; Plinije (Nat. Hist. 12.2) Silvanos Faunosque et deorum generasilvis... Silvani i Fauni i razliite vrste umskih bogova; Servije (Georg. 1.20) Silvanus deus silvarum Silvan bog um;Servije (Eclog. 10. 24) Silvanus id est deus silvarum Silvankoji je bog um; Servije (Aen. 8.601)prudentiores tamen di-cunt (Silvanum) esse eum Hilikon theon hoc est deum hiles ...aoni mudriji kau da je Silvan umski bog, to jest bog ume;PseudoProb (Georg. 1. 20) Quem quia in silva primum agre-stes conspexerant, ut Deum venerati Silvanum appellaverunt

- Onog kojega su seljaci prvog ugledali u umi, kao bogasu tovali i prozvali Silvanom. Upravo je odsustvo Silvana izuma pridonosilo ozraju straha i uasa u Lukanovoj Farsaliji (3. 402): hunc non ruricolae Panes nemorumque potentes

/ Silvani Nymphaeque tenent, sed barbara ritu / sacra deum Ovdje ne ive seoski Panovi, ni gospodari gajeva Silvani, nitinime, ve u tom svetitu bogova vladaju barbarski obredi.

tovali su ga lovci zamkama na medjvede (ursarii), drvosjee (sectores) i lovci openito (venatores). Jedan takav nat

pis pronaen je i u Panoniji u Budimpeti (CIL III, 13368). Kaoboanstvo uma on objedinjuje drvee, granice i bunje(Vergilije, Georg. 1. 20: teneram ab radice erens, Silvane cu-

pressum - Silvane, koji nosi empres od njenog korijenja).U Galiji Narbonskoj jedan mu je tovatelj zavjetovao tisuustabala, vjerojatno jasena (CIL XII 103), a drugi mu je podigao rtvenik izmeu dva stabla (CIL XIII 1780). Prema Marci

jalu, Silvanu se rtvovala janjad i kozlad (10.92: Et semidoctavilici manu structas / tonantis aras horridique Silvani / quas

pinxit aqui saepe sanguis aut haedi I rtvenike grmueg ikosmatog/stranog Silvana, nainjene priuenom rukom vilika, koje je esto obojala krv janjeta ili jareta).

Jednako je tako vjerojatno da je Silvanova povezanost sdrveem bila odraz kultnog rituala. Mnogi njemu posveenigajevi oito su bili sredita religijskih rituala i hodoaa. Iznjegovog epiteta dendrophoros (drvonoa), likovnih prikazai njegovih druica Silvn moe se zakljuiti da su tovatelji kulta u religijskim ceremonijama nosili granice drvea,vrlo slino kao to su to radili poklonici Atisa i Velike Majke(Magna Mater). Vergilije je zamiljao Silvana kako nosi stabloempresa u cijelosti, od korijenja do kronje (Gerg. 1. 20: abradice erens... cupressum od korijena, empres nosi).

S obzirom na tih tisuu stabala to mu ih je posadio tovatelj u Galiji Narbonskoj, pri tovanju Silvana vjerojatno i

ern Roman Empire, Silvanus appears naked and dressed

with equal requency, except in Pannonia and Dacia, where

he is mostly depicted dressed (Dorcey, 1992, 17). His most

requent attribute is the alx, used throughout the Mediter

ranean at the time, as well as today. In addition to the alx,

equal importance is given to pine whether in the orm o

a tree, branch or a cone, which highlights his character dened by the orest.

Written sources mention pine as a tree/plant dedicat

ed to Silvanus (CIL VIII 27764), cypress (Virgil, Georg. 1. 20;

Martianus Capella, 5.425 ), anise/ennel (Martianus Capella,

5.425), ash (CIL XII 103) and the lily (Virgil, Eclog. 10.24). An

other permanent element appearing on his depictions is

the dog, symbolizing his role o a hunter or shepherd, but

also unctioning as an apotropaic symbol or his aspect o

the guardian o borders. Precisely these most common at

tributes reect his rural origin and introduce us to the world

o arming, orests, hunting and/or village lie. Moreover,

many ancient writers imagine him as a orest deity, that is, adeity residing in orests or sacred groves. Cato (De agr. cult.

83) mentions Silvanus in silva in the woods; Livy (2.7.2) ex

silva Arsia rom the Arsian Woods; Ovid (Met. 1.193) monti-

colae Silvani Silvanuses o the mountains; Pliny (Nat. Hist.

12.2) Silvanos Faunosque et deorum genera silvis ... Silva

nuses and Faunes and various types o orest gods; Servius

(Georg. 1.20) Silvanus deus silvarum Silvanus, the god o

orests; Servius (Eclog. 10.24) Silvanus id est deus silvarum

Silvanus, who is the god o orests; Servius (Aen. 8.601)pru-

dentiores tamen dicunt (Silvanum) esse eum Hilikon theon hoc

est deum hiles and those more prudent say that Silva

nus is a orest god, i.e. the god o the orest; PseudoProbus

(Georg. 1. 20) Quem quia in silva primum agrestes conspex-

erant, ut Deum venerati Silvanum appellaverunt. The one

whom the peasants saw rst in the woods, they worshiped

as god and called him Silvanus. It was precisely Silvanus ab

sence rom the woods that contributed to the atmosphere

o ear and awe in Lucans Pharsalia (3. 402): hunc non ruri-

colae Panes nemorumque potentes / Silvani Nymphaeque ten-

ent, sed barbara ritu / sacra deum. No village Pans live here,

nor Silvanuses, lords o groves, nor the nymphs, but the bar

barian rituals preside over this sanctuary o the gods.

He was venerated by bear trappers (ursarii), lumberjacks

(sectores) and hunters in general (venatores). An inscrip

tion o that type was ound in Pannonia in Budapest (CILIII, 13368). As a orest deity he unites trees, small branches

and underbrush (Virgil, Georg. 1. 20: teneram ab radice er-

ens, Silvane cupressum Silvanus, you who carry a cypress o

tender roots). A worshipper in Gallia Narbonensis dedicated

to him a thousand trees, probably ash (CIL XII 103), while

another one raised an altar to him between two trees (CIL

XIII 1780). According to Martial, lambs and kid goats were

sacriced to Silvanus (10.92: Et semidocta vilici manu structas

/ tonantis aras horridique Silvani / quas pinxit aqui saepe san-

guis aut haedi And the altars o the thundering and hairy/


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nije bilo toliko vano o kojem je stablu rije (iako se najeeprikazuje s borom), jer kao umsko boanstvo/boanstvoum pod svojim je nadzorom imao svo drvee u umi.

Meu kultovima antikog doba koji ujedno odraavajui ivotne prilike stanovnitva Panonije, vezanim prvenstveno uz umsku privredu, a zatim lov, uzgoj stoke i poljopri

vredu (itarice i vinova loza), jedan od najvanijih kultovasvakako je Silvan personiciran u pojedinim boanstvimabilo kao mukarac, bilo u enskim osobama (Silvanae), ilikad su u pitanju kolektivna numina (silvanae i dr.) (D. RendiMioevi 1989, 507). Sauvani spomenici rasporeeni sunajee u gradskim sredinama, uz termalna vrela (i uz njihnastala naselja), veinom su epigraskog karaktera, ali nisurijetki ni spomenici s likovnim prikazima boanstava s vrlozanimljivom ikonograjom. Takvi se spomenici ponekadnalaze u vie ili manje deniranim svetitima podignutimanjima u ast, ali se nerijetko javljaju i u monumentalnijim ikompleksnijim svetitima koja pripadaju drugim poznatimboanstvima, dajui naslutiti time odreene oblike kultnogsinkretizma, koji je jedna od odlika antikih religija i kultneprakse itavog naeg podruja (D. RendiMioevi 1989,508). Vinkovaki spomenik, o kojem emo detaljnije govoriti kasnije, sasvim se uklapa u gore navedenu ukupnu slikuSilvanovog kulta u Panoniji jer je rije o malenom epigraskom spomeniku koji je pronaen u kunom svetitu imanja uz same bedeme grada.

Silvanov kult je, prema podjeli na javnu i privatnu religiju spadao u potonju kategoriju (Fest, knj. XIV: Publica sacra,quae publico sumptu pro populo funt, quaeque pro montibus,

pagis, curis, sacellis; at privata, quae pro singulis hominibus,

amilis gentibus funt javne rtve su one koje se provode o

javnom odnosno dravnom troku za narod, planine, mjesta, i svetita, dok su privatne one koje se izvode za pojedinu osobu i obitelj). Rimljani su imali vrlo praktian pristupreligiji, kao uostalom i veini sloenih, pomno ustrojenih institucija. Njihovo mnogobotvo nije se gradilo oko jednogsredinjeg boanstva, ve se temeljilo na mnogim ritualima,tabuima, odnosno onome to bismo danas nazvali praznovjerjem, te na tradiciji koja se zapisivala stoljeima. Ako jeuope mogue usporeivati iskustvo rimske i dananjihmonoteistikih religija, tada prva nije bila toliko duhovnoiskustvo, koliko ugovorni odnos izmeu vjernika i odreenog boanstva. Mogue je da je upravo ovakav odnos i po

godovao razvoju dvaju vidova rimske religije: javnih i privatnih kultova. Privatni kultovi, u koje spada i Silvanov, pridonosili su napretku pojedinih obitelji (pojedinca ili odreenezajednice), dok su javni kultovi znatno utjecali na dravniboljitak openito. Upravo kao to je to sluaj u pojedinomdomainstvu gdje npr. ena odrava vatru za dobrobit kuanstva tujui kuna boanstva Lare, tako su na razini rimske drave to radile i Vestalke u Vestinom hramu, odavajuivjenu vatru za prosperitet rimske drave odnosno domarimskog naroda.

Rimska privatna religija je, u veini sluajeva, nezadovoljavajue obraena i rijetko je predmet znanstvenih raspra

horrible Silvanus, crated by a semiskilled hand o the vilici,

oten stained by the blood o a lamb or a kid goat).

It is equally probable that Silvanus association with

trees was the reection o a cult ritual. Many groves that

were dedicated to him were obviously centres o religious

rituals and pilgrimages. It can be concluded based on his

epithet dendrophoros (treecarrier), gural depictions andhis emale companions Silvanae that the worshippers o the

cult carried twigs o trees in the religious ceremonies, very

similar to the practice o the devotees o Attis and the Great

Mother (Magna Mater). Virgils vision o Silvanus pictured

him carrying an entire cypress tree, rom the root to the

crown (Gerg. 1. 20: ab radice erens... cupressum carrying a

cypress rom the root).

In view o those thousand trees planted or him by a wor

shipper in Narbonese Gaul, in the worship o Silvanus the

type o tree was probably o lesser importance (although

he is most commonly depicted with a pine tree), because as

a orest deity/deity o the woods he was in charge o all thetrees in the orest.

Among the ancient cults that at the same time reect

the circumstances o lie o the inhabitants o Pannonia,

connected primarily with the orest economy and then also

with hunting, livestock breeding and arming (cereals and

vine), one o the most important roles is certainly reserved

or Silvanus, personied in specic deities as a male, as well

as emale individuals (Silvanae), and even in the case o col

lective numina (silvanae and others) (D. RendiMioevi,

1989, 507). The preserved monuments by and large come

rom urban centres, next to thermal sources (and settle

ments that developed around them), and generally exhibit

epigraphic traits. However, there are also many monuments

with gural depictions o deities exhibiting a very interest

ing iconography. Such monuments are sometimes ound in

more or less dened sanctuaries erected in their honour, but

are also requently ound in more monumental and com

plex sanctuaries belonging to other known deities, hinting

at certain orms o cult syncretism, which is one o the traits

o ancient religions and cult practices in the entire territory

o Croatia (D. RendiMioevi, 1989, 508). The monument

rom Vinkovci, which will be discussed later, excellently ts

into the overall picture o the Silvanus cult in Pannonia, as it

is a small epigraphic monument, discovered in a household

sanctuary o an estate bordering on the town wall.Regarding the division o religion into a public and a

private sphere, the Silvanus cult belonged to the latter cat

egory (Fest, Book XIV: Publica sacra, quae publico sumptu

pro populo funt, quaeque pro montibus, pagis, curis, sacel-

lis; at privata, quae pro singulis hominibus, amilis gentibus

funt public oerings are those perormed or the people,

mountains, places and sanctuaries and whose expenses are

covered by the public or the state, whereas private ones are

those made or an individual and the amily). The attitudeo the Romans towards religion was quite practical, as it


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va. Klasina interpretacija rimske religije Theodora Mommsena, Georga Wissowe, Kurta Lattea i drugih naglaava kako

je malo toga vanoga postojalo izvan javnoga kulta. Novijadjela i dalje odjekuju istim prizvukom. Silvan, boanstvo okojem je ovdje rije, stajao je sasvim izvan kategorije javnog kulta. Nije imao dravnoga hrama, svetkovine ili sve

tog dana. Nikad nije bio usko povezan s javnim politikimi gradskim ivotom, ve je ostao pod paskom pojedinaca iobitelji. Drutvenoj eliti Silvan nije znaio osobito mnogo.Senatori i vitezovi nisu bili njegovi poklonici, a nije bio ukljuen ni u dravni kalendar. Veina njegovih tovatelja bili su

jednostavni ljudi niih klasa, ukljuujui robove i osloboenike. Ovakvo stanje iznjedrilo je jo jedno pitanje koje se ipojavljuje kod pojedinih autora (npr. MacMullen): koliko jerimska religija uistinu bila indierentna prema drutvenimklasama? U ranom Rimu i ostalim dravama antikog svijeta, politiki identitet bio je deniran porijeklom, a pristuppojedinim religijskim ritualima ujedno je oznaavao i kolika

je politika/graanska prava pojedinac imao (npr. robovi nisu smjeli prisustvovati mnogim ritualima).

Ipak Silvanov neslubeni, odnosno privatni status, svakako nije znak njegove manje vanosti ili ak nevanosti.Slubeno priznanje ili carski patronat nisu jedini pokazateljipopularnosti pojedinog boanstva. Stotine posveta Silvanuirom Rimskog Carstva svjedoe o njegovoj velikoj popularnosti, iako je rije o privatnom kultu. Ako privatni i kuni(unutarobiteljski) rituali nisu dovoljno dokumentirani, to zasigurno nije razlog da se njihova vanost umanji ili odbaci teda ih se promatra kao da je rije o jednostavnim preslikamaprema modelu javnog kulta. Konano, mnogi javni kultovi,kao oni Jana, Veste i Lara, potekli su iz privatne sere, a go

tovo sve posvetne natpise postavile su privatne osobe, izosobnih razloga. Javna i privatna religija su, svaka za sebe,imale mjesto u religijskom sustavu kao cjelini. Prouavanjeiskljuivo javnog aspekta rimske religije znai pogreno razumijevanje rimskog religijskog iskustva/sustava. Najboljedokumentirani primjer rimske religije, odnosno popularnog/narodskog boga, upravo je Silvan (Dorcey 1992, 57).

Prema broju sauvanih reljea i natpisa tovanje Silvanaoito je bilo vrlo raireno meu italskim pridolicama i domorodakim stanovnitvom Panonije. Pitanja i problemi uvezi s tim spomenicima bezbrojni su, a njihovo bi uspjenorjeavanje pridonijelo dubljem poznavanju odnosa izmeudomorodakog stanovnitva i rimske civilizacije. U Panoni

ji je naeno 257 natpisnih i 36 reljenih spomenika, dok jeprovincija Dalmacija dala dijametralno suprotnu sliku (76natpisnih i 81 reljeni spomenik). Na ovom mjestu ukratkoemo prikazati i stanje istraenosti Silvanovog kulta u Panoniji koje se moe obuhvatiti kroz dvije struje, stariju i mlau. Oni autori koji su se bavili Silvanovim kultom u Panonijinajee su svoj obol dali i u istraivanju njegova kulta susjedne provincije Dalmacije. S obzirom na to, ove su dvijeprovincije, odnosno struje, barem za sada gotovo neraskidivo povezane i u znanstvenoj literaturi to je i u ovom teksturazlog meusobnog usporeivanja podataka upravo iz tihdviju provincija.

also was towards most o the complex and careully organ

ized institutions. Their polytheism was not built around a

single central deity, but was based on a number o rituals,

taboos and what today we would term superstition, and on

a tradition recorded through centuries. I it is possible at all

to compare the experience o the Roman religion with the

presentday monotheistic religions, then the ormer wouldsooner represent a contract between a worshipper and a

specic deity than an actual spiritual experience. It is possi

ble that precisely such a relationship acilitated the develop

ment o two aspects o Roman religion: public and private

cults. The private cults, which include also that o Silvanus,

contributed to the progress o individual amilies (an indi

vidual or a community), whereas public cults had a consid

erable impact on the prosperity o the state in general. Just

as in an individual household the wie maintained the re

or the benet o the house by venerating the household

deities Lares, at the level o the Roman state this was done

by the Vestal virgins in the temple o Vesta, maintaining theeternal re or the prosperity o the Roman state, that is, the

home o the Roman people.

Roman private religion is in most cases inadequately re

searched and is rarely the subject o scholarly discussions.

Classical interpretations o Roman religion by Theodor Mom

msen, Georg Wissowa, Kurt Latte and others point out that

outside the public cult there was very little o importance.

Recent works continue to echo these same tones. Silvanus,

the deity discussed here, stood entirely separate rom the

public cult. He did not have a public temple, estival or holi

day dedicated to him. He was never closely connected with

the public political and urban lie, but remained in the care

o the individual and the amily. Silvanus was not particular

ly important or the social elite. Senators and equites were

not among his worshippers, and he was not included in the

calendar o the state either. The majority o his worshippers

were simple olk rom lower social classes, including slaves

and reedmen. This state o aairs gave rise to another

question that appears in certain authors (e.g. MacMullen):

what was the real degree o indierence o Roman religion

towards the social classes? In early Rome and other states o

the ancient world, political identity was dened by origin,

and access to specic religious rituals determined at the

same time the level o political/civil rights that an individual

had (e.g. slaves were not allowed to attend most rituals).Still, the uno cial, that is, private status o Silvanus is

certainly not indicative o his lesser importance, let alone

insignicance. O cial recognition or imperial patronage

were not the only indicators o the popularity o a deity.

Hundreds o dedications to Silvanus throughout the Roman

Empire bear testimony to his great popularity, in spite o the

act that it was a private cult. I the private and domestic

(intraamily) rituals have not been su ciently document

ed, this is certainly no reason to diminish or reute their

importance and to look upon them as i they were simple


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Ovdje navodimo samo neke autore i njihove lanke kojisu izriito posveeni navedenoj temi, dok su se ostali Silvanom bavili unutar neke druge teme. Stariji strani autori vonDomaszewski i Schneider, kao i hrvatski D. RendiMioevi (Ilirske predstave Silvana na kultnim slikama s podrujaDalmata, Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja, n.s. 10, Sarajevo 1955.,

540; ujedno i jedina rasprava monograskog tipa u hrvatskoj literaturi), i N. Cambi (2000, 110111), smatraju da je, kad

je u pitanju Dalmacija, rije o domorodakom ilirskom kultukoji se u rimsko vrijeme sinkretizirao s najslinijim italskimboanstvom. Noviji domai autori, D. Mari i A. RendiMioevi, svojim doprinosom osnaili su staru struju smatrajui i dalje da je Silvan domorodako boanstvo (Mari 1998,57; RendiMioevi 2003, 410411). S druge strane, novijiradovi stranih autora odbacuju u potpunosti domorodakukomponentu (Mscy, Dorcey, The Cult o Silvanus, A Studyin Roman Folk Religion, LeidenNew YorkKln, 1992., to

je ujedno i jedina monograja na temu Silvanovog kulta).Navedeni strani autori novije struje smatraju da je Silvan uDalmaciji italsko boanstvo i da se u njegovu kultu ne moguraspoznati autohtoni elementi, kao to je to sluaj i u Panoniji. Do zakljuka da je, to se tie rimske provincije Panonije,rije o sintezi ilirskog i italskog kulta doao je Mcsy, ali on jeu konanici ipak negirao bilo kakvo ilirsko, to jest panonskopodrijetlo Silvanovog kulta i naglaava njegov procvat tek uvrijeme Severa. injenica jest da se u vrijeme vladavine Severa poveava broj svih natpisa openito, meutim to nijeu posljedinoj vezi s popularnou Silvana upravo u navedeno doba (o emu e biti rijei kasnije u tekstu). U Panoniji

je prevladavao antropomorni prikaz Silvana, u kojemu, kaoi u natpisima posveenima tome bogu, autori vide jedino

odraz rimskog Silvana, a ne i njegovu eventualnu autohtonu komponentu, ujedno time negirajui i slojevitost kulta.

U Dalmaciji se Silvan najee pojavljuje zdruen s Dijanom i nimama, a prikazan je antropoteriomorno. U svimse varijantama pojavljuju samo italska imena (Silvanus, Dia-na, nymphae). U Panoniji nema niti jednog reljenog prikazana kojem se pojavljuje s Dijanom, a prikaza i natpisa gdje jezdruen s nimama pronaeno je manje nego u Dalmaciji. Sdruge strane, moda su Vidasus i Thana, imena koja su ostala sauvana na rtveniku iz Topuskog, jedina preivjela ilirska imena tih boanstava, kako je to zagovarala starija teza.Naalost, na tom rtveniku nema reljenog prikaza boan

stava, tako da se imena ne mogu sa sigurnou povezati saSilvanom ili Dijanom. To je ujedno i nedostatak starije tezekoju autori u novije vrijeme odbacuju bez dodatnog argumentiranja.

U Dalmaciji je prevladao Silvanov vid Silvestra, dok jeu Panoniji to bio Domestik. Dakle, jasno je da je dolo doodreenog raslojavanja Silvanova kulta. Supstrat, odnosno struktura stanovnitva koje kult prihvaa u Dalmacijii Panoniji, razliit je. Jednako se tako razlikuju najrairenijividovi Silvanovog kulta u dvjema provincijama. Izvjesno jeda u Dalmaciji vojnici nisu bili osobito vaan imbenik priirenju kulta, dok je Panonija pokazala suprotno. Panonski

replications o the model o the public cult. Ater all, many

public cults, such as those o Janus, Vesta and Lares derived

rom the private sphere, and almost all dedicatory inscrip

tions were placed by private individuals or their personal

reasons. The public and private religions had a place each

by itsel in the religious system as a whole. To study exclu

sively the public aspect o Roman religion leads to an inaccurate understanding o the Roman religious experience/

system. The best documented example o Roman religion,

that is, a popular/peoples god, is Silvanus himsel (Dorcey,

1992, 57).

I one looks at the number o preserved relies and in

scriptions, the veneration o Silvanus was obviously widely

spread among the Italic arrivals and the native inhabitants o

Pannonia. Questions and problems regarding these monu

ments are innumerable, and their successul decipherment

would contribute to a deeper understanding o the relation

ship o the native population and the Roman civilization.

A total o 257 inscriptions and 36 relie monuments havebeen ound in Pannonia, while the province o Dalmatia ex

hibited a diametrally opposite picture (76 inscriptions and

81 relie monuments). We shall briey present here also the

state o research on the cult o Silvanus in Pannonia, which

encompasses two lines o thought, an older and a more re

cent one. The authors who dealt with the Silvanus cult in

Pannonia by and large contributed also to the study o his

cult in the neighbouring province o Dalmatia. With regard

to this, these two provinces, that is, lines o thought, are at

least at this moment almost inseparably connected also in

the scholarly literature, which is also here the reason or a

comparison o data precisely rom these two provinces.

Here we mention only those authors and their papers

that are specically dedicated to the mentioned topic,

while others treated Silvanus within other topics. Older

oreign authors, von Domaszewski and Schneider, as well

as Croatian ones D. RendiMioevi (Illyrian depictions o

Silvanus on cult images rom the territory o the Delmatae,

Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja, n.s. 10, Sarajevo 1955, 540; at

the same time also the only discussion o a monographic

type in the Croatian literature) and Cambi (2000, 110111)

think that, where Dalmatia is concerned, this is an indig

enous Illyrian cult that became syncretized in the Roman

period with the most similar Italic deity. Recent domestic

authors, Mari and A. RendiMioevi strengthened theolder line o thought with their contributions, perpetuat

ing the belie that Silvanus was an indigenous deity (Mar

i 1998, 57; RendiMioevi 2003, 410411). On the other

hand, recent works by oreign authors entirely discard the

indigenous element (Mscy, Dorcey, The Cult o Silvanus, A

Study in Roman Folk Religion, LeidenNew YorkKln, 1992,

at the same time the only monograph on the topic o the

Silvanus cult). These oreign authors o the younger school

o thought believe that Silvanus in Dalmatia is an Italic deityand that no autochthonous elements can be identied in


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Silvan najee je odjeven u kratku tuniku, sa ili bez ogrtaau kojem ne nosi nuno plodove, a na nogama ima izme.U jednoj ruci dri alx, a u drugoj granu, upravo kao i italskiSilvan. Ponekad nosi i rigijsku kapu, to je inae est sluaju Daciji. Jedino to panonskog Silvana razlikuje od italskog

jest vrlo rijetka pojava Silvan. Sasvim je logino da je u Pa

noniji, kao i u Rimu, Silvan izgubio neke od svojih ruralnihkarakteristika budui da su generacije njegovih tovateljaivei u gradu ve zaboravile kakav je uistinu seoski ivot.Na taj nain razdvojen od svojeg prirodnog seoskog okruenja, Silvan se prilagodio kako bi mogao udovoljiti druki

jim potrebama svojih tovatelja u gradu. Postupak prijelaza,u kojem se jedna znaajka mijenja u skladu s promjenamadruge (seoski gradski ivot), Silvan je preivio tako to jepostao zatitnik doma, obitelji i osobnog vlasnitva (PeriniMuratovi 2008, 302).

Mcsy smatra da je pretpostavka o Silvanu kao domorodakom panonskom boanstvu bila ishitrena i uglavnomzasnovana upravo na injenici da je Silvan bio, nakon Jupitera, najtovanije/najpopularnije boanstvo, (Mcsy 1974,250) dok je u gradovima Karnuntumu i Akvinkumu brojemnatpisa nadmaio i samog Jupitera. Dorcey je istog miljenja kao i Mcsy te dri da je brojnost posveta Silvanu jedinirazlog zbog kojeg su mnogi znanstvenici, osobito Domaszewski (Domaszewski 1895, 21), smatrali da je Silvan indigeno panonsko boanstvo, dok on sam misli da je Silvan italsko boanstvo jer pokazuje vrlo malo, ako uope, lokalnihkarakteristika (Dorcey 1992, 71).

Velika veina panonskog materijala datira se u dobaSeptimija Severa u kojem neki autori vide velikog promotora Silvana, i to Silvana u ulozi slubenog simbola Panonije

provincije koja je prva priznala Septimija Severa kao cara(Fitz, u ARP, 163; Mocsy 1974, 251252). Za vrijeme Severa brojnatpisa je openito porastao, tako da se poveanje broja Silvanu posveenih natpisa ne smije gledati izvan takvog kontektsta. Broj Silvanu posveenih natpisa prije Severa manji

je vjerojatno zbog injenice da su za Markomanskih ratovaveliki gradovi kao Akvinkum, Brigecij i Karnuntum, koji sudali najvei broj natpisa uope, bili uniteni. MacMullen paksmatra da brojnost natpisa na razini itavoga Carstva nijeovisna o gospodarskom stanju. U 2. stoljeu uistinu dolazi do porasta broja javnih natpisa, ali ne i privatnih (MacMullen 1982, 236: javni dokumenti porezne priznanice,

liste cenzusa, registracija roenja ili kupoprodaje zemljita,molbe, uhidbeni nalozi, sudska presluavanja, izvjetaji javnih tijela itd.; privatni dokumenti pisma, ugovori o najmu,prodaja, ugovori, zajmovi, oporuke, molitve, horoskopi itd.).Takve prilike naizgled odraavaju ope blagostanje, da bisredinom 3. st. broj natpisa lagano opadao, poevi od vremena Septimija Aleksandra do Dioklecijana. Vrhunac, to sebrojnosti natpisa tie, dogaao se u vrijeme Septimija Severa (MacMullen 1982, 244).

Isto tako, Mcsy s pravom smatra da su zavjetni natpisiznak romanizacije, budui da je objavljivanje bilo kakvogzapisa na kamenu sastavni dio rimske tradicije, odnosno

his cult, just like in Pannonia. Mcsy reached the conclusion

that, when it comes to the Roman province o Pannonia,

this is a synthesis o an Illyrian and an Italic cult. However,

he eventually reused any Illyrian, that is, Pannonian ori

gin o the Silvanus cult, pointing out that it ourished only

as late as the Severan period. While it is a act that during

the rule o the Severan dynasty the number o inscriptionson the whole increased,this is not directly correlated with

the popularity o Silvanus at that specic period (this will

be discussed later in the text). In Pannonia, the dominant

style o representation o Silvanus were anthropomorphic

depictions, considered by the authors, just as in the case o

the inscriptions dedicated to this god, only a reection o

the Roman Silvanus, but never his possible autochthonous

element, by which they at the same time denied the multi

aceted character o the cult.

In Dalmatia, Silvanus mostly appears accompanied by

Diana and the nymphs, and he is depicted in an anthro

potheriomorphic ashion. All the variants include Italicnames only (Silvanus, Diana, nymphae). In Pannonia there is

not one relie depiction on which he appears with Diana,

while there are ewer depictions and inscriptions when

compared with Dalmatia on which he is coupled with the

nymphs. On the other hand, perhapsVidasus and Thana, the

names that have remained preserved on the altar rom To

pusko, are the only surviving Illyrian names o these deities,

as advocated by the older thesis. Unortunately, this altar

contains no relie depictions o deities, so that the names

cannot be securely connected with Silvanus or Diana. This is

at the same time the shortcoming o the older thesis, which

has been discarded by the authors in recent times without

additional arguments.

The dominant aspect o Silvanus in Dalmatia was Silvest

er, whereas in Pannonia this was Domesticus. It is thereore

obvious that a stratication o sorts occurred with the cult

o Silvanus, in connection with the dierent substrate or

population structure that adopted the cult in Dalmatia and

Pannonia. The most widely spread aspects o the Silvanus

cult in the two provinces show similar dierences. It is evi

dent that in Dalmatia the soldiers did not play a particularly

important role in the spread o the cult, whereas Pannonia

exhibited the opposite picture. The Pannonian Silvanus

most oten wears a short tunic, with or without a cape, in

which he not always carries ruits. He has boots on his legs.In one hand he holds a alx, and a branch in the other, just

like the Italic Silvanus. He sometimes also wears the Phry

gian cap, which is incidentally a common case in Dacia. The

only thing that distinguishes the Pannonian Silvanus rom

the Italic one is the act that he appears rarely. It is entirely

logical that in Pannonia, as well as in Rome, Silvanus should

lose some o his rural eatures, because generations o his

worshippers, having lived in urban milieus, actually orgot

what rural lie was really like. That way, separated rom hisnatural rural environment, Silvanus adapted in order to sat


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rimskog naina ivota (Mcsy 1974, 407 i 419). injenica jeda e gusto naseljeni bogati gradovi dati vie natpisa negoseoska sredina (reciprono). Ovi uvjeti (bogatstvo i naseljenost) isti su i na razini provincije. Pitanje ostaje je li brojnost natpisa povezana s bogatstvom kao takvim ili s preuzimanjem rimskih obrazaca ponaanja/naina ivota okolnog

stanovnitva? Izmeu pojave velikog broja natpisa u 2. st.i openitog gospodarskog procvata Carstva ipak ne morastajati znak jednakosti, odnosno gospodarski procvat nijenuno utjecao na vei broj natpisa, osobito ako se uzme uobzir vrijeme u kojem su ti natpisi nastali.

Dakle, ne moe se porei da je Silvan u vidu Domestikau Panoniji bio najpopularnije boanstvo, ali vrlo je upitno jeli on u Panoniji imao slubeni karakter kojeg mu neki autori pripisuju. Vrlo je rijetko prikazan s drugim boanstvima,veinom je sam ili u drutvu drugih, njemu slinih,boanstava prirode kao to su to Silvne, za koje je Mcsysmatrao da su nekad nazivane Quadriviae (Mcsy 1974, 252).Jako se rijetko pojavljuje zdruen sa slubenim boanstvimaklasinog panteona, a jo rjee s orijentalnim misterijskimkultovima, iako su za vrijeme Severa i oni bili u procvatu,to je jo jedan razlog zbog kojeg procvat Silvanovog kulta ne treba povezivati samo sa Severima. tovanje SilvanaAugusta u Panoniji dokazano je u ranom periodu rimskogosvajanja, te se namee zaljuak da je taj Silvan rimskoga, odnosno italskoga podrijetla (Mcsy 1974, 251). Dakle,prema Mcsyju Silvan nije interpretacija domorodakogboanstva, odnosno barem ne samo jednog, budui da nepostoji odgovarajue boanstvo s domorodakim imenom.Iako je Silvan nosio epitet Magla koji nije latinski (CIL III, 3963 Sisak; www.ubieratlupa.org br. 2764 Karnuntum), nje

govo pojavljivanje je rijetko, zbog ega teorija o postojanjusamo jednog vrhovnog ilirskog boanstva koje bi se identiciralo sa Silvanom nije odriva (Mcsy 1974, 251).

Sasvim drukije od Mcsyja razmilja Farkas. On smatrada je Silvanov kult u zapadnoj Panoniji u vrijeme Flavijevaca, Antonina, a zatim i Severa postao dijelom slubene religije, to potkrjepljuje porastom broja natpisa posveenihSilvanu tijekom 2. i 3. st (Farkas 1972, 97). Velika veina natpisa posveena je Silvanu ili Silvanu Domestiku, a vrlo malibroj Silvanu Augustu (samo 10+2 natpisnih spomenika i 5reljenih s natpisom u itavoj Panoniji). Svi su ovi spomenicibili postavljeni u privatnim svetitima ili izvan samog sre

dita rimskoga grada (dakle, ne na orumu), a postavili suih ljudi skromnijeg podrijetla (Perini Muratovi 2008, 295).Mcsy se ne slae s Farkasem te smatra da se razlog zbogkojega je Silvan postao tako popularan u Panoniji za vrijemeSevera krije u samoj prirodi Silvana. Jasno je da Silvan nikadnije bio boanstvo politike ideje. U najboljem sluaju Silvan

je postao personikacija provincije Panonije prvenstvenozbog utjecaja onovremene literature, ali sami Panonci nisubili zainteresirani za postavljanje Silvana kao simbola provincije (Mcsy 1974, 251). Njegovi prikazi i epitet Domesticuss kojim se najee pojavljuje u Panoniji sasvim su suprotnislubenom karakteru koji mu se pripisuje. Relje i/ili kipovi

isy the altered needs o his worshippers in the town. The

process o transormation, in which one trait changed cor

respondingly with the changes in the other (rural urban

lie), Silvanus survived by becoming a guardian o the home,

amily and personal property (Perini Muratovi 2008, 302).

In Mcsys opinion, the assumption about Silvanus as an

indigenous Pannonian deity was hasty and mostly basedon the act that Silvanus had been the most popular and

venerated deity ater Jupiter (Mcsy 1974, 250). In act, in

the cities o Carnuntum and Aquincum he even surpassed

Jupiter himsel in the number o inscriptions. Dorcey shares

Mcsys opinion, and believes that the number o dedica

tions to Silvanus was the only reason that led a number o

scholars, Domaszewski in particular (Domaszewski 1895, 21)

to conclude that Silvanus was an indigenous Pannonian de

ity, while he himsel considers Silvanus an Italic deity, as he

exhibits very ew, i any, local eatures (Dorcey 1992, 71).

The great majority o the Pannonian material is dated

to the time o Septimius Severus, whom some authors regard as a great promoter o Silvanus, in his role o the o

cial symbol o Pannonia the rst province to recognize

Septimius Severus as the emperor (Fitz, in ARP, 163; Mcsy

1974, 251252). During the rule o Severus the number o in

scriptions in general increased, so that one should not look

at the growth o inscriptions dedicated to Silvanus outside

that context. The number o inscriptions dedicated to Sil

vanus beore the Severan period is probably lower due to

the act that large cities like Aquincum, Brigetio and Car

nuntum, which yielded the greatest number o inscriptions

o all, were destroyed in the Marcomannic wars. MacMullen

on the other hand thinks that the number o inscriptions at

the level o the entire Empire is not dependant on the eco

nomic situation. There is indeed an increase in the number

o public inscriptions in the 2nd cent., but not the private

ones (MacMullen 1982, 236: Public documents customs

receipts, census lists, registration o birth or sale o land,

petitions, arrest warrants, judicial hearings, reports o pub

lic bodies etc.; private documents letters, lease contracts,

selling, contracts, loans, testaments, prayers, horoscopes

etc.). Such circumstances apparently reect the general

prosperity, but in the mid3rd cent. the number o inscrip

tions gradually declined, starting rom the rule o Septimius

Alexander to Diocletian. The heyday, as regards the number

o inscriptions, was reached at the time o Septimius Severus(MacMullen 1982, 244).

Also, Mcsy rightly believes that the votive inscriptions

are a mark o Romanization, considering that a public display

o an inscription o any kind in stone is inherent in Roman

tradition, that is, the Roman way o lie (Mcsy 1974, 407 and

419). It is a act that densely populated rich cities will yield

more inscriptions than a rural milieu (reciprocally). These

conditions (wealth and population density) are the same

at the provincial level. The question remains as to whether

the number o inscriptions is connected with wealth as such


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prikazuju jednostavno odjevenog starijeg ovjeka s noem(alx), voem, stablom i psom uvarom ili ovarom (Mcsy1974, 252). Mcsy je pokuao odijeliti raniju i stariju azu utovanju Silvana. Njegova je pretpostavka da su predsever

ski spomenici koncentrirani u gradovima du tzv. Jantarneceste, od Akvileje do Karnuntuma, te da su povezani sa Silvanom Augustom iji je kult razvijen u Ak vileji (Mcsy 1974,250). Meutim, Dorcey se ne slae s takvom pretpostavkom,smatrajui da raniji spomenici nisu ogranieni na Jantarnucestu niti je epitetAugustus kasnije rjei nego to je to bio uperiodu prije Severa (Dorcey 1992, 74). Na grakonima 1 i 2,razvidno je koji vid Silvana je zastupljen u kolikoj mjeri, prema ukupnom broju pronaenih natpisa (Kategorija Silvan*oznauje Silvana bez epiteta).

Budui da se Silvan na pojedinim rtvenicima pojavljujes Kapitolinskom trijadom ili s Jupiterom Optimom Maksimom, moe se rei da je na taj nain prisvojio odreeni slu

beni karakter (Perini Muratovi 2008, 292). Tako izraenislubeni karakter jo je jedan podatak (osim same brojnostinatpisa) na kojem neki znanstvenici temelje pretpostavkuo Silvanu kao slubenom simbolu provincije Panonije (Fitzu ARP, 163; Mcsy 1974, 251). Silvan se pojavljuje na ukupnoest spomenika s Jupiterom, od toga samo na jednom s Kapitolinskom trijadom. Od tih est spomenika slubenici supostavili njih etiri ( jedan gradski, tri vojna), jedan nije itljivu potpunosti, a samo jedan postavlja privatna osoba.

or with the adoption o Roman behavioural patterns/way

o lie o the surrounding population? It is nevertheless not

necessary to place an equals sign between the presence o

a large number o inscriptions in the 2nd cent. and the overall

economic prosperity o the Empire. Economic development

did not necessarily have an impact on the larger number o

inscriptions, all the more so i one takes into account theperiod in which the inscriptions were made.

There is thereore no denying that Silvanus in his aspect

o Domesticus was the most popular deity in Pannonia, but

it is highly doubtul that he would have had an o cial cha

racter, attributed to him by certain authors. He is only rarely

depicted with other deities, and mostly stands alone or in

the company o other, similar divinities o nature, such as the

Silvanae, whom Mcsy believed to have sometimes been

called Quadriviae (Mcsy 1974, 252). He very rarely appears

coupled with the o cial deities o the classical pantheon,

and even less so with Oriental mystery cults, even though

they also ourished during the Severan dynasty, which isanother reason why we should not associate the develop

ment o the Silvanus cult with the Severans only. Worship

o Silvanus Augustus in Pannonia has been proven or the

early period o the Roman conquest, which leads to the

conclusion that Silvanus was o Roman, that is, Italic origin

(Mcsy 1974, 251). Thereore, in Mcsys opinion, Silvanus is

not an interpretation o a native deity, or at least not o only

one deity, considering that there is no corresponding divin

ity with an indigenous name. Even though Silvanus carried

the epithet Magla, which is not Roman (CIL III, 3963 Sisak;

www.ubieratlupa.org, no. 2764 Carnuntum), it appears

only rarely, which renders the theory about the existence o

a single supreme Illyrian deity that would be identied with

Silvanus untenable (Mcsy, 1974, 251).

Farkas opinion is completely dierent rom Mcsys.

He thinks that the cult o Silvanus in western Pannonia dur

ing the Flavians, Antonines and later also Severs became a

part o the o cial religion, which he corroborates by the in

crease in the number o inscriptions dedicated to Silvanus

during the 2nd and 3rd cent. (Farkas 1972, 97). The large ma

jority o the inscriptions were dedicated to Silvanus or Silva

nus Domesticus, while only ew were dedicated to Silvanus

Augustus (only 10+2 inscribed monuments and 5 relies

with inscriptions in entire Pannonia). All these monuments

were placed in private sanctuaries or outside the inner coreo the Roman town (i.e. not at the orum), and were erected

by people o modest origin (Perini Muratovi 2008, 295).

Mcsy disagrees with Farkas, believing that the reason why

Silvanus became so popular in Pannonia during the Sever

ans is inherent in Silvanus nature. It is clear that Silvanus

had never been the deity o a political idea. In the best o

cases Silvanus became a personication o the province o

Pannonia primarily due to the inuence o the literature o

the time, but the inhabitants o Pannonia themselves were

not interested in adopting Silvanus as the symbol o the

Grakon 1 Uestalost pojedinih epiteta bez uea reljenih spomenika (Panonija)

Chart 1 Frequency o epithets without relie monuments (Pannonia)

Grakon 2 Uestalost pojedinih epitetas ueem reljenih spomenika (Panonija)

Chart 2 Frequency o epithets including relie monuments (Panno-

nia) - Silvanus, Augustus, Silvester, Domesticus, Silvanus in the

cult community


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Na temelju est natpisa doputeno je pretpostaviti odreenu slubenu stranu inae sasvim privatnog Silvanovogkulta. Meutim, uzorak od est natpisa u ukupnom brojuod 257, ipak je premali za konani zakljuak, dok injenicada su etiri natpisa postavili slubenici, od toga samo jedangradski, svakako ne ide u prilog takvom zakljuku, kao ni

podatak da su spomenici proizali iz osobnog zavjeta (vo-tum solvit libens merito) (Perini Muratovi 2008, 268). Premasvemu reenome smatramo da se povezivanjem Silvana sKapitolinskom trijadom ili Jupiterom Optimom Maksimomne odraava njegov slubeni karakter.

Spomenik o kojem je ovdje rije pronaen je u zatitnimistraivanjima 2007. u ulici I. Gundulia 37 na k. . 2669/3 uVinkovcima (sl. 1).

rtvenik posveen Silvanu Domestiku nalazio se kodvanjskog zida kue, odnosno u vrtu kue, upravo kako i prilii kunom Silvanovom svetitu. Nije bio uzidan u pronaenizid, ve licem dolje sruen na njega. Spomenik je izraen odvapnenca. Oteen je u donjem dijelu tako da su sauvanaprva tri reda natpisa, a nedostaje njegov zavretak. Dimenzije spomenika su 40x24,5x22 cm. Natpisno polje je veliine26x26 cm, a visina kapitale je 3,7 cm (sl. 2, 3). itava prednjanatpisna strana izgleda kao da je premazana bijelom bo

jom. U slovima je ostala sauvana crvena boja. Lijeva stranaspomenika sauvana je uz poneto oteenja, dok je desnastrana isto tako izvorna, ali uz neto vea oteenja. S gornje strane spomenik je sauvan u svojoj izvornoj visini, ali jeznatno otuen, a od vjerojatnih ukrasa nije ostalo sauvano nita. Donja dio spomenika, pak, potpuno nedostaje, a snjime i zavretak zavjetne ormule. Stranja strana nije bilaposebno ureena, stoga je spomenik vjerojatno stajao pri

slonjen uz neto. Svakako treba istaknuti da se sama kua ukojoj je zavjetni spomenik naen nalazi u neposrednoj blizini ortikacijskog sustava Cibala. Natpis se datira u 2./3. st.

Lekcija: Silvano / Domestico / Fl(avius) Ingenu(us) ili Ingenu/us

Dedikant je predstavljen u standardnoj dvoimenoj shemi, a izostavljen je prenomen koji je vjerojatno bio vrlouobiajen. Do kraja 1. st. pr. Kr. cognomen je zauzimao svevanije mjesto u odnosu na praenomen, ali jo uvijek nijedominantan element imena. Kroz itavo stoljee, odnosnodo kraja 1. st. nakon Kr.,praenomen se osilizira i sve je manjeu javnoj upotrebi. Budui da je prenomen standardiziran, a

sve je manje svjesno nadjenuto ime, njegova onomastikasvrha je reducirana toliko da se izgubio iz praktine upotrebe i govora, ali ne i iz slubenih dokumenata (rodni listovi).Rapidno propadanje upotrebe prenomena od sredine 2.st., rezultiralo je njegovim iznimno rijetkim pojavljivanjemu epigraji, pa ak i pri nomenklaturi senatorske aristokracije (Salway 1994, 130131). Prema nomenu Flavius jasno jeda je netko od Ingenijevih predaka stekao civitet za vrijemeFlavijevaca (Schulze 1933, 167). Meutim, to ne mora nuno biti slijed dogaaja. Flavius je vrlo est nomen u Panoniji (Mcsy 1983, 127: 168; Lrincz 1999, 145147: 228; Solin,Salomies 1994: 80, s.v. Flavius). Njegov kognomen Ingenuus

province (Mcsy 1974, 251). His depictions and the epithetDomesticus, with which he mostly appears in Pannonia, are

entirely contrary to the o cial character ascribed to him.

Relies and/or statues depict a simply dressed elderly man

with a knie (alx), ruit, a tree, and a watch dog or a herding

dog (Mcsy 1974, 252). Mcsy tried to distinguish between

an earlier and older phase in the veneration o Silvanus. Heassumed that the preSeveran monuments were concen

trated in the towns along the socalled Amber Road, rom

Aquileia to Carnuntum, and that they were connected with

Silvanus Augustus, whose cult was developed in Aquileia

(Mcsy 1974, 250). However, Dorcey disagrees with this as

sumption, insisting that earlier monuments were not lim

ited to the Amber Road, and that the epithetAugustus did

not become more rare at a later date when compared with

the preSeveran period (Dorcey 1992, 74). Charts 1 and 2

show the requency percentage o Silvanus in his various

aspects with regard to the total number o discovered in

scriptions (the category Silvanus* marks Silvanus withoutany epithets).

In view o the act that Silvanus appears on certain altars

together with the Capitoline Triad or with Jupiter Optimus

Maximus, it can be said that in this way he took on an o cial

character o sorts (Perini Muratovi 2008, 292). The o cial

character expressed in this way is another piece o inorma

tion (in addition to the sheer number o inscriptions) on

which certain scholars base their assumption about Silva

nus as the o cial symbol o the province o Pannonia (Fitz

in ARP, 163; Mcsy 1974, 251). Silvanus appears with Jupi

ter on a total o 6 monuments, only one o which depicts

the Capitoline Triad. Four out o these 6 monuments were

placed by unctionaries (1 urban, 3 military), one is not en

tirely legible, while only one was built by a private person.

Based on the 6 inscriptions one can assume a certain

o cial acet o the otherwise entirely private Silvanus cult.

However, a sample o 6 inscriptions within a total o 257 is

still too small or a nal conclusion, while the act that 4 in

scriptions were placed by unctionaries, only one o which

belonged to a town, certainly does not speak in avour o

that conclusion, same as the act that the monuments de

rived rom a private dedication (votum solvit libens merito)

(Perini Muratovi 2008, 268). In the light o all that, we

believe that the association o Silvanus with the Capitoline

Triad or Jupiter Optimus Maximus does not reect his ocial character.

The monument we are discussing here was discovered

in the 2007 salvage investigations in I. Gunduli Street 37,

cadastral plot 2669/3 in Vinkovci (Fig. 1).

The altar dedicated to Silvanus Domesticus was situated

near the exterior wall o the house, that is, in the garden o

the house, as becomes a household sanctuary o Silvanus.

It was not built into the discovered wall, but collapsed ace

down on the wall. The monument was made o limestone.Its lower part is damaged, so that the rst three rows o


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Sl. 1 Poloaj zavjetnog spomenikaFig. 1 Position o the votive monument (Situation at the archaeological site in I. Gunduli Street in Vinkovci; Scale 1:50)


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moda oznaava slobodno roenog graanina ili osobu koja je nedavno stekla civitet (Alldy 1969, 222). Prema tome,moda je Flavije Ingenije prva generacija od roditelja robova osloboenih iz neke obitelji koja je nosila Flavius kao nomen. Meutim, nije mogue razluiti od kojih Flavijevaca jesteen nomen. Ako je u pitanju Konstantin tada bi se natpismogao datirati i na sam poetak 4. st. Ingenuus u Panoniji iNoriku, jednako tako, nije rijetka pojava. To je ime osobitoomiljeno meu Keltima jer je jako nalik keltskim imenima,tzv. Deckname (Mocsy 1959, 176177; Mcsy 1983, 151, 50;Lrincz 1999, 194, 222223). Upitno je da li je Ingenuus biodomorodakog podrijetla, ali je pretpostavka koju ne treba

a prioriodbaciti.Za razliku od slike koju je s obzirom na epitet Domesticus

pruila Dalmacija, u Panoniji je ovaj vid bio osobito tovan/popularan. Pronaeno je ak 110 natpisa (od ukupno 257natpisa i 36 reljenih spomenika). Osim natpisa, pronaenasu i etiri reljena spomenika s natpisom posveena ovomvidu Silvana, po jedan iz Karnuntuma, Tskevra, Akvinkuma i Brigecija. Ujedno se u ovoj kategoriji pojavljuje najvieena dedikanata, njih 10, odnosno gotovo 10% (Perini Muratovi 2008, 244). Na grakonu 3 prikazan je udjel vojnih icivilnih2 natpisa prema imenskoj shemi, posveenih Silvanu

2 Civilni se odnosi na cijelo stanovnitvo za razliku od vojske i klera.

the inscription are preserved while the end is missing. The

monument measures 40x24,5x22 cm. The inscription eld

measures 26x26 cm, while the height o the capitals is 3,7

cm (Fig. 2, 3). The entire ront side with the inscription looks

as i it has been coated in white. Red paint has remained

preserved in the letters. The let side o the monument is

preserved with occasional damage, while the right side isalso original, with somewhat more substantial damage. The

monument is preserved in its original height in the upper

part, but it is considerably damaged, so that nothing has

remained o the presumed decorations. On the other hand,

the lower part o the monument is gone completely, togeth

er with the ending o the dedicatory ormula. The rear side

shows little trace o nishing, and it is thereore probable

that the monument stood with its back against something.

It should be pointed out that the house in which the votive

monument was discovered is situated in the immediate vi

cinity o the ortication system o Cibalae. The inscription

is dated to the 2nd

/3rd

cent.Reading: Silvano / Domestico / Fl(avius) Ingenu(us) or

Ingenu/us

The dedicant is presented in the standard binominal

system, with an omitted praenomen, which was in all likeli

hood very usual. Until the end o the 1st cent. B.C. the cog-

nomen occupied an increasingly more important place with

regard to the praenomen, but it was still not the dominant

element o the name. Throughout an entire century, that is,

until the end o the 1st cent. A.D., thepraenomenwas becom

ing ossilized and gradually disappeared rom public use.

As the praenomen became standardized and less and less

a deliberately given name, its onomastic unction became

reduced to such a degree that it disappeared rom practical

use and speech, but not rom the o cial documents (bir th

certicates). The rapid decline in the use o the praenomen

rom the mid2nd cent. resulted in its exceptionally rare ap

pearance in the epigraphic records, even in the case o the

nomenclature o the senatorial aristocracy (Salway 1994,

130131). It is clear by the nomen Flavius that somebody

among Ingenuus ancestors acquired citizenship during

the Flavian dynasty (Schulze 1933, 167). This, however, is

not necessarily the real sequence o events. Flavius is a very

common nomen in Pannonia (Mcsy 1983, 127, 168; Lrincz

1999, 145147, 228; Solin, Salomies 1994, 80, s.v. Flavius). Its

cognomen Ingenuus perhaps marks a reeborn citizen ora person that acquired citizenship not long beore (Alldy

1969, 222). Thereore, Flavius Ingenuus is perhaps the rst

generation rom slave parents reed rom a amily whose

nomen was Flavius. However, it is not possible to distinguish

the exact Flavii rom whom the nomen was acquired. I this

was Constantine, the inscription could be dated to the very

beginning o the 4th cent. In Pannonia and Noricum Ingenu-

us is also not uncommon. This name is particularly avoured

by the Celts, because it bears strong resemblance to Celtic

names, the socalled Deckname (Mocsy 1959, 176177; Mc

Sl. 2 (Sliku izradio Hrvoje Vuli)Fig. 2 (taken by Hrvoje Vuli)


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Domestiku. Najvei broj natpisa, gotovo polovica (52), potjee iz Karnuntuma gdje je dokazano postojanje Silvanovogsvetita. Dedikatni su gotovo podjednako predstavljeni tose tie imenskih shema, a dvostruko je vie civilnih natpisa.Vojnici koji su posvetili natpis Silvanu Domestiku u irokomsu rasponu vojnikih zaduenja, od obinih vojnika (npr. CILIII, 4440a iz Karnuntuma) preko onih koji su posebno zadueni za ivotinje (npr. CIL III, 4438,Seius, venatoriz Karnuntuma; CIL III, 4440, Ulpius Candidus, stratorconsularis isto takoiz Karnuntuma), do onih s viim vojnikim inovima (CIL III,3494 centurion i decurio ex singulariumCornelius Genetiousiz Akvinkuma; CIL III, 10456, benefciarius consularisTitus Fa-ustinus iz Akvinkuma). Dva rtvenika iz Akvinkuma postavilisu dekurioni:AcciusMaximus CIL III, 3492 (= CIL 03, 10383) iLucius Seranus Serotinus (ujedno i sevir aedilis) CIL III, 3497.Oba dekuriona postavili su natpis iz privatnih razloga uz uobiajenu ormulu v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito). U ovoj sekategoriji natpisa posveenih Silvanu Domestiku pojavljuje

jo jedan epitet Silvana, a to je Custori(sic!) to se nesumnjivo uklapa u njegov vid uvara doma.

sy 1983, 151, 50; Lrincz 1999, 194, 222223). It is question

able whether Ingenuus was o indigenous origin, but this

assumption should not be discarded a priori.

Unlike the picture presented by Dalmatia regarding the

epithet Domesticus, in Pannonia this orm enjoyed great

popularity. As much as 110 inscriptions have been discov

ered (out o a total o 257 inscriptions and 36 relie monuments). Besides the inscriptions, the nds included also 4

relie monuments with inscriptions dedicated to this aspect

o Silvanus, one each rom Carnuntum, Tskevr, Aquin

cum and Brigetio. At the same time this category lists most

emale dedicants, a total o 10, that is almost 10% (Perini

Muratovi, 2008, 244). Chart 3 shows the proportion o

military and civilian2 inscriptions by the nominal system,

dedicated to Silvanus Domesticus. The major part o the in

scriptions, nearly hal (52), come rom Carnuntum, where a

sanctuary dedicated to Silvanus has been ascertained. The

dedicants were almost equally presented as regards the

nominal systems, and the number o civilian inscriptionsis twice the number o the military ones. The soldiers that

dedicated an inscription to Silvanus Domesticus show a

wide span o military duties, rom regular soldiers (e.g. CIL

III, 4440a rom Carnuntum), through those specically in

charge o animals (e.g. CIL III, 4438, Seius, venatorrom Car

nuntum; CIL III, 4440, Ulpius Candidus, stratorconsularis also

rom Carnuntum), to senior military o cers (CIL III, 3494 a

centurion and decurio ex singularium Cornelius Genetious

rom Aquincum; CIL III, 10456, benefciarius consularis Titus

Faustinus rom Aquincum). Two altars rom Aquincum were

placed by decurions:AcciusMaximus CIL III, 3492 (= CIL 03,

10383) and Lucius Seranus Serotinus (at the same time a se-

vir aedilis) CIL III, 3497. Both decurions placed an inscription

or personal reasons, with the usual ormula v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) m(erito). Another epithet o Silvanus appears in this

category o inscriptions dedicated to Silvanus Domesticus,Custori (sic!), which undoubtedly ts into his aspect o the

guardian o the household.

The altars and relies dedicated to Silvanus, as a divinity

o a specically private character, are by and large small, like

the one rom Vinkovci, and oten do not even bear the name

o a dedicant, as they stood in domestic sanctuaries and or

use by the members o the household, which is again the

case with the monument presented here. The basis and the

necessary point o origin o the spread o a deity conceivedin this way, whose activity was particularly benecial or the

amily property, are precisely estates and households. The

ourishing o amily estates at the rontier took place dur

ing the rule o the Severans (Fitz 1993, 420421). Parallel with

the leap in the economic prosperity o the amily estate, the

popularity o the Silvanus cult soared incredibly high. Its re

ections were entirely Roman: domestic altars were built,

as well as small relies, while dedications were in Latin. They

were presumably erected mostly in the amily circle (Mcsy

2 Civilian refers to the entire population, as opposed to the military and the

clergy.

Sl. 3 Detalj natpisa s tragovima crvene boje u slovima (sliku izradio

Hrvoje Vuli)

Fig. 3 A detail o the inscription with traces o red paint in the letters

(taken by Hrvoje Vuli)

Grafkon 3 Udjel vojnih i civilnih natpisa prema imenskoj shemi,

posveenih Silvanu Domestiku

Chart 3 Proportion o military and civilian inscriptions by the nomi-

nal system, dedicated to Silvanus Domesticus (three-name sy-

stem, two-name system, single-name system, undetermined)


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Kao boanstvu izriito privatnog karaktera, Silvanu posveeni rtvenici ili relje uglavnom su maleni, kao i ovajvinkovaki, i esto ak niti ne nose ime dedikanta buduida su stajali u kuim svetitima i za upotrebu ukuana, to

je opet sluaj s ovdje doneenim spomenikom. Osnova inuno ishodite irenja ovako koncipiranog boanstva, i

je je djelovanje osobito pogodovalo obiteljskim vlasnitvu,jesu upravo imanja i kuanstva. Procvat obiteljskih imanja ugraninom podruju dogodio se za vrijeme vladanja Severa(Fitz 1993, 420421). Istovremeno sa skokom u ekonomskomrazvoju obiteljskih imanja i Silvanov je kult doivio nevjerojatan uzlet. On se u potpunosti oituje na rimski nain:podiu se kuni rtvenici, maleni relje, a posvete su na latinskom jeziku. Pretpostavlja se da su se podizali veinom uobiteljskom krugu (Mcsy 1974, 253). Iako je sam kult bliskopovezan uz zemljoradnju, najvei broj rtvenika pronaen

je u civilnim naseljima izraslima uz vojne logore uz Dunav.Mcsy smatra da konani dokaz kako Silvan nije ilirsko

boanstvo lei u injenici da je najvie njegovih spomenika pronaeno na sjevernoj granici. Upravo je podatak da

je Silvan, najpopularniji bog Panonaca, osobito populacijekoja je u neposrednom doticaju i pod izravnim utjecajemvojske, u svim svojim karakteristikama i oblicima pojavnostikulta sasvim rimski, ako ne isto italski (Mcsy 1974, 252).Stoga je sasvim sigurno da su irenju kulta pridonijeli Italicii to najvjerojatnije vojnici. U Panoniji su vojnici od ukupno257 natpisa i 36 reljenih spomenika postavili ak 23% natpisa posveenih Silvanu, civili 52%, dok je onih koji spadajuu kategoriju neodredivih 25% (Perini Muratovi 2008, 298).Tome u prilog ide i spomenuta injenica da je veina spomenika pronaena u graninom podruju. Gotovo polovica

svih panonskih natpisa potjee iz Akvinkuma i Karnuntuma,a ostala vea sredita kulta su Brigecij, Skarbancija, Savari

ja i Vindobona dakle, uglavnom je rije o vojnoj zoni. tose june Panonije tie, kao znaajnija sredita Silvanovogkulta izdvajaju se Sisak, Topusko i Daruvar, a natpis o kojem

je ovdje rije za sada je jedina potvrda Silvanovog kulta uVinkovcima. Ovakav raspored pronaenih natpisa znaiobi da Silvan uvar granica (tutor fnium), iako se kao takavne spominje na spomenicima u rimskom narodu, ne samoda nije zaboravljen, ve je taj njegov vid osobito uvaavani cijenjen. Slino se dogodilo i u Dalmaciji, ali na mikroregionalnoj razini. Odnosno, rimski su kolonisti na padinamaKozjaka, gdje je prestajala limitacija rimskih posjeda, podi

zali Silvanova svetita. Vjerojatno su imali potrebu dodatnozatiti svoja imanja za to je najbolji izbor bio Silvan kaozatitnik obradivih povrina, kao uvar doma i granica.

Postoji, ipak, jo jedan razlog zbog kojeg je dedikantmogao podii ovaj zavjetni natpis, ali do sada nije potvren na epigraskim ili spomenicima drugog tipa. Naime,prema Augustinu (De civitate Dei VI9), u porodu je enu inovoroene trebalo dodatno zatititi od Silvana. Tako suse zazivala tri boanstva koja su rodilji i novoroenetu trebala omoguiti porod siguran od Silvanovog nasilja. Ovdjestavljamo prijevod navedenog ulomka u potpunosti: Nakon roenja djeteta, zazivana su tri zatitnika boanstva

1974, 253). Even though the cult itsel was closely connect

ed with arming, most o the altars have been ound in the

civilian settlements that sprouted adjacent to the military

camps along the Danube.

Mcsy believes that the nal proo that Silvanus is not

an Illyrian divinity is ound in the act that most o his monu

ments were ound at the northern rontier. Also, preciselythe inormation that Silvanus, the most popular god o the

Pannonians, particularly the population in direct contact

with and under the inuence o the military, in all his ea

tures and appearances o the cult is entirely Roman, i not

purely Italic (Mcsy 1974, 252). It is thereore entirely cer

tain that in the spread o the cult some part was played by

the Italics, most likely soldiers. In Pannonia, out o a total

o 257 inscriptions and 36 relie monuments soldiers placed

as much as 23% inscriptions dedicated to Silvanus, civilians

52%, while those in the undetermined category amount to

25% (Perini Muratovi 2008, 298). This is corroborated by

the aorementioned act that most monuments were oundin the rontier area. Almost a hal o all the Pannonian in

scriptions come rom Aquincum and Carnuntum, while the

other bigger centres o the cult were Brigetio, Scarabantia,

Savaria and Vindobona i.e. this is mostly a military zone.

When it comes to southern Pannonia, the more important

centres o the Silvanus cult were Sisak, Topusko and Daru

var, and the inscription discussed here is so ar the only con

rmation o the Silvanus cult in Vinkovci. Such a distribution

o the discovered inscriptions would mean that Silvanus the

Guardian o the borders (tutor fnium), although he never

appears as such on the monuments o the Roman people,

was not only not orgotten, but that this aspect o his was

esteemed and regarded very highly. The development in

Dalmatia was similar, but on a microregional level. Roman

colonists on the slopes o Mount Kozjak, where the limita

tion o Roman estates ceased, erected sanctuaries to Sil

vanus. They probably elt the need to additionally protect

their estates, or which Silvanus was the best choice as the

protector o arable elds, and as the guardian o the home

and the rontiers.

There is nevertheless another reason that prompted the

dedicant to place this votive inscription, but it has never

been conrmed on epigraphic or similar monuments. Ac

cording to Augustine (De civitate DeiVI9), at childbirth the

woman and the newborn had to be additionally protectedrom Silvanus. For this purpose three deities were invoked to

saeguard the childbirth or the mother and the baby rom

Silvanus violence. Here we bring a complete translation

o the mentioned ragment: Ater the baby is born, three

guardian deities were invoked in order to prevent Silvanus

rom harassing the mother and the newborn. Three men

would surround the threshold at night and would rst beat

it with an axe and a mallet, and then sweep it with a broom.

These three objects ormed the basis rom which the names

o the deities were derived: Intercidona or the axe, Pilumnus


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or the mallet, and Deverra or sweeping. Newborns were

sae rom Silvanus violence provided they were protected

by these three deities. Burriss thinks that this was a magical

ritual, while the objects used during it were o a talismanic

character (Burriss 1931, Chapter V).

Thereore, rom all that has been said so ar about the

cult o Silvanus in Pannonia as the best documented culto the private religion, the monument rom Vinkovci de

scribed here dedicated by Flavius Ingenuus entirely ts

into the proposed pattern. The dedicant is in all likelihood

o very modest descent, perhaps even a native. The house

in which the inscription was ound was situated at the very

edge o the town, near the western part o the ortication

system, which in all probability served as a token o respect

or his aspect o the guardian o the rontier (tutor fnium),

and together with the epithet Domesticus it is clear that

the protection o the house proper was also within his do

main. The inscription was placed in the garden o the house,

which equally corresponds to the original nature o the culto Silvanus, that is, a orest divinity. Silvanus in Ingenuus

garden was supposed to protect his house or estate and

thus contribute to the prosperity o the household and the

wellbeing o the amily.

koja su trebala sprijeiti Silvana u maltretiranju majke i novoroeneta. Tri mukarca nou bi okruila kuni prag te gaprvo udarali sjekirom i batom, a zatim su ga meli metlom.Iz tih triju predmeta su izvedena i imena boanstava: Inter-cidona za sjekiru, Pilumnus za bat, a Deverra za metenje. Uzzatitu ovih triju boanstava novoroenad je bila sigurna

od Silvanovog nasilja. Burriss dri da je ovaj ritual magijski,a predmeti koriteni pri njegovoj izvedbi talismanski (Burriss, 1931, V. poglavlje).

Dakle, iz svega to je reeno do sada o Silvanovu kultuu Panoniji, kao najbolje dokumentiranom kultu privatne religije, ovdje opisani vinkovaki spomenik dedikanta FlavijaIngenija sasvim se uklapa u ponuenu matricu. Rije je odedikatnu najvjerojatnije skromnijeg podrijetla, mogueak i domorocu. Kua u kojoj je natpis pronaen nalazila sena samom rubu grada, kod zapadnog dijela ortikacijskogsustava, ime se najvjerojatnije potovao njegov vid uvaragranica (tutor fnium), a uz epitet Domesticus jasno je da jenjegov djelokrug titio i samu kuu. Natpis je bio postavljen u vrtu kue to, jednako tako, odgovara izvornoj prirodi Silvanovog kulta, odnosno umskog boanstva. Silvan iznjegova vrta trebao je tititi Ingenijevu kuu, odnosno posjed, te tako pridonijeti blagostanju kuanstva i dobrobitiobitelji.


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Apijan, The Roman History, http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Appian/home.html (posljednji pristup, rujan, 2008.)

Augustin, De civitate Dei, http://www.hsaugsburg.de/~Harsch/Chro

nologia/Lspost05/Augustinus/aug_cd06.html#09 (posljednji pristup, rujan, 2008.)

Herodijan, History o the Roman Empire since the Death o Marcus Aurelius, http://www.livius.org/hehg/herodian/hre000.html (posljednji pristup, rujan, 2008.)

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Katon, De agri cultura, http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/cato.html (posljednji pristup, sijeanj, 2009.)

Livije, Ab urbe condita libri, http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/liv.html(posljednji pristup, sijeanj, 2009.)

Lukan, Pharsalia, http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/lucan.html (posljednjipristup, sijeanj, 2009.)

Marcijal, Epigrammaton libri de Spectaculis, http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/martial.html (posljednji pristup, veljaa, 2009.)

Marcijan Kapela, De Nuptiis Philologiae Et Mercurii Libri IX, http://www.hsaugsburg.de/~Harsch/Chronologia/Lspost05/Martianus/mar_nu00.html (posljednji pristup, rujan, 2008.)

Ovidije, METAMORPHOSES, http://www.thelatinlibrar y.com/ovid.html(posljednji pristup, travanj, 2008.)

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(posljednji pristup, listopad, 2008.)PseudoProb, Georgica, http://www.archive.org/stream/bucolicageor

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Servije, Georg. 1.20: Servije, Eclog. 10. 24: Servije, Aen. 8.601 http://www.perseus.tuts.edu/cgibin/ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.02.0053 , (posljednji pristup, veljaa, 2008.)

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